SHADES OF BLACK: OBSIDIAN DISTRIBUTION AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AT THE TEUCHITLN TRADITION SITE OF NA VAJAS DURING THE LATE FORMATIVE By Lucas M. Hoedl B.A. University of Colorado, 2003 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in Partial fulfillment Of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Anthropology 2013
ii This thesis for the Masters of Arts degree by Lucas M. Hoedl has been approved for the Anthropology Program by Christopher Beekman, Chair Julien Riel-Salvatore Tammy Stone June 4, 2013
iii Hoedl, Lucas M. (MA, Anthropology) Shades of Black: Obsidian Distribution and Social O rganization at the Teuchitln Tradition Site of Navajas during the Late Formative Thesis directed by Associate Professor Christopher Beekman ABSTRACT The Teuchitln tradition of West Mexico has often b een overlooked within the greater context of Mesoamerica. Nevertheless, western Mexic o contains a rich and vibrant cultural history that is ripe for expanded analysis This paper broadens an understanding of the Teuchitln tradition by examining the role o f obsidian distribution in the development of group social identity at the Late Fo rmative Period site of Navajas, located in the Tequila Valley. Were specific familial group s using visually distinct obsidian to develop and distinguish their function within an ex change network, thus defining their position within the community? Visual analysis of o bsidian raw material distribution at Circle 1 and Circle 5 at Navajas provided the means to assess social organization within the Teuchitln tradition. The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication. Approved: Christopher Beekman
iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS It has been a long and arduous process completing t his paper, with many challenges and seemingly endless delays. It has onl y been with the aid and support of a great number of people that I was able to finally get to this point in my research. First and foremost, I want to thank m y wife, Lisa, for putting up with the many hours spent working on this paper. Yo ur patient understanding has been immeasurable in the development of this paper. I would especially like to thank Dr. Christopher Be ekman for his extremely generous support in the development of th is research. Dr. BeekmanÂ’s guidance has helped direct scattered thoughts into what is hopefully a comprehensible study. Furthermore, Dr. Tammy Stone and Dr. Julien RielSalvatore have been invaluable for providing great insight into how to fine-tune this paper into something meaningful, rather than j ust words on a page. In addition, the entire Anthropology Department at the University of Colorado Denver has been willing to take their time and ener gy and provide substantial guidance in every aspect of this research.
v TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION ................................... ................................................... .............1 Introduction ...................................... ................................................... .....................1Chapter-by-Chapter Overview ....................... ................................................... .......9 II. THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES ...................... .................................................14 A Cultural Ecology Approach ....................... ................................................... .....14 Economic Models of Complexity ..................... ................................................... ..17 Obsidian Exchange and the Formation of Political No des ....................................26 III. ECOLOGICAL & CULTURAL BACKGROUND ............. ..................................36 Environment ....................................... ................................................... .................36 Cultural History .................................. ................................................... ................41 Structural and Material Evidence of Stratification ................................................49 The Tiered Teuchitln Tradition .................................................. ..........................56 Llano Grande ...................................... ................................................... ................65 Navajas & The Tequila Valley Regional Archaeologica l Project .........................69 IV. METHODS ....................................... ................................................... ..................76 Data Set .......................................... ................................................... .....................77 Validity of Visual Analysis ....................... ................................................... ..........84 Visual Analysis ................................... ................................................... ................87 Neutron Activation Analysis........................ ................................................... .....113 Sample Selection .................................. ................................................... .............114
vi V. DATA ANALYSIS .................................. ................................................... ..........124 Site Level Preference ............................. ................................................... ...........124 Statistical Analysis of Typological Groups ........ .................................................13 1 Distribution Frequencies .......................... ................................................131 Results ........................................... ................................................... ........133 SpearmanÂ’s Rank Correlation Coefficient ...............................................153 Results ........................................... ................................................... ........155 VI. DISCUSSION & CONCLUSION ....................... ................................................160 Discussion ........................................ ................................................... .................160 Challenges and Limitations......................... ................................................... ......167 Conclusion ........................................ ................................................... ................169 The Future ........................................ ................................................... .................171 REFERENCES ........................................ ................................................... .....................173 APPENDIX A. Sequence of all AMS dates from Navajas ......... ................................................... .......191
vii LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Chronology of the Teuchitln Region 2: Ranking of core Teuchitln sites 3: Obsidian samples submitted to MURR for NAA testi ng from Llano Grande 4: Lot numbers with brief description examined for Circle 1 5: Lot numbers with brief description examined for Circle 5 6: Complete list of individual visual types with co rresponding descriptions. 7: Categorical grouping of visual types based on ov erarching visual similarities. 8: Obsidian samples from Navajas submitted to ININ for NAA testingnn 9: Ranking of Typological Groups by weight n 10: Typological Groups Present at Navajas by Struct ure n 11: Weight and Pieces attribute to each Typological Group for Navajas.n 12: Weight and Pieces attribute to each Typological Group for Circle 1.n 13: Weight and Pieces attribute to each Typological Group for Circle 5n
viii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1 Map of West Mexico ............................ ................................................... ............... 4 1.2 Map of core Teuchitln Tradition sites with est imated habitation densities .......... 5 3.1 Map of the Tequila Valley with Teuchitln tradi tion sites noted ......................... 40 3.2 Drawing of tomb #4: Citala area, Teocuitatln d istrict, Jalisco ............................ 46 3.3 Idealized Cross-Section of a Five-Element Guach imontn Architectural Complex, West Mexico ....................................... ................................................... ............... 53 3.4 Architectural Geometry of the Teuchitln Tradit ion, West Mexico .................... 53 3.5 Settlement interaction centralized primarily ar ound Guachimontn .................... 60 3.6 Settlement interaction in which local zones are relatively autonomous and politically self-administering .................... ................................................... ......... 61 3.7 Map of obsidian sources in the Tequila Valley w ith the site of Llano Grande indicated ......................................... ................................................... .................... 67 3.8 Satellite image of Circle 1 and Circle 5 taken in 2005 ......................................... 7 1 3.9 Site Map of Navajas .......................... ................................................... ................ 72 4.1 Map of the site layout for the central group at Navajas. The areas excavated during the 2003 excavations are circled .......... ................................................... .. 78 4.2 Map of Circle 1 Prior to excavation in 2003.... ................................................... .. 80 4.3 Map of Circle 5 after Excavation .............. ................................................... ......... 83 4.4 Typological Group 1 (Visual Types 1, 2, 3, 6, 9 and 15) .................................... 99 4.5 Typological Group 2 (Visual Types 11, 18, 19, a nd 20) .................................... 100 4.6 Typological Group 3 (Visual Type 4) ........................................... ...................... 101 4.7 Typological Group 4 (Visual Types 16 and 22) .. ............................................... 102 4.8 Typological Group 5 (Types 17, 21 and 28) ..... .................................................. 103
ix 4.9 Typological Group 6 (Type 10) ................. ................................................... ...... 104 4.10 Typological Group 7 (Type 23) ................ ................................................... ....... 105 4.11 Typological Group 9 (Type 26) ................ ................................................... ....... 107 4.12 Typological Group 10 (Types 27)............... ................................................... ..... 108 4.13 Typological Group 11 (Type 29) ............... ................................................... ...... 109 4.14 Documented Navajas obsidian source ........... ................................................... .. 111 4.15 Previously undocumented source located near th e site of Navajas that appears to be a source of Typological Group 4 ................ ................................................... 112 4.16 Excavation Plan of Circle 5, including unit lo cations of obsidian samples submitted for NAA Testing ......................... ................................................... .... 121 4.17 Excavation Plan of Structure 1-7, including un it locations of obsidian samples submitted for NAA Testing. ........................ ................................................... .... 122 4.18 Excavation Plan of Structure 1-6, including un it locations of obsidian samples submitted for NAA Testing ......................... ................................................... .... 123 5.1 Total obsidian distribution at Navajas: Circle 1 by percentage of weight (g). ... 126 5.2 Total obsidian distribution at Navajas: Circle 5 by percentage of weight (g). ... 127 5.3 Frequency distribution of Typological Groups at Navajas by weight (g). Each Typological group is separated by circle. ......... .................................................. 135 5.4 Frequency distribution of Typological Groups at Navajas Circle 1 by weight (g). Each Typological group is separated by structure .. ............................................ 137 5.5 Frequency distribution of Typological Groups at Navajas Circle 1, by weight (g). .............................................. ................................................... ...................... 138 5.6 Frequency distribution of Typological Groups at Navajas Circle 1: Structure 1 6, by weight (g) .................................. ................................................... .............. 139 5.7 Frequency distribution of Typological Groups at Navajas Circle 1: Structure 1 7, by weight (g). ................................. ................................................... .............. 140 5.8 Frequency distribution of Typological Groups at Navajas Circle 1: Patio, by weight (g) ........................................ ................................................... ................. 141
x 5.9 Frequency distribution of Typological Groups at Navajas Circle 5 by weight (g). Each Typological group is separated by structure. ............................................ 143 5.10 Frequency distribution of Typological Groups a t Navajas Circle 5, by weight (g). .............................................. ................................................... ...................... 144 5.11 Frequency distribution of Typological Groups a t Navajas Circle 5: Structure 5 Â– 2, by weight (g) .................................. ................................................... .............. 145 5.12 Frequency distribution of Typological Groups a t Navajas Circle 5: Structure 5 Â– 3, by weight (g) .................................. ................................................... .............. 146 5.13 Frequency distribution of Typological Groups a t Navajas Circle 5: Structure 5 Â– 4, by weight (g) .................................. ................................................... .............. 147 5.14 Frequency distribution of Typological Groups a t Navajas Circle 5: Structure 5 Â– 5, by weight (g). ................................. ................................................... .............. 148 5.15 Frequency distribution of Typological Groups a t Navajas Circle 5: Structure 5 Â– 7, by weight (g) .................................. ................................................... .............. 149 5.16 Frequency distribution of Typological Groups a t Navajas Circle 5: Structure 5 Â– 9, by weight (g) .................................. ................................................... .............. 150 5.17 Frequency distribution of Typological Groups a t Navajas Circle 5: Patio, by weight (g) ........................................ ................................................... ................. 151 5.18 Results of the SpearmanÂ’s rho comparing the tw o guachimontones at Navajas 155 5.19 Results of the SpearmanÂ’s rho comparing the tw o platform structures and patio area for Circle 1 at Navajas ...................... ................................................... ........ 156 5.20 Results of the SpearmanÂ’s rho comparing the fi ve platform structures, central altar and patio area for Circle 5 at Navajas ............ ................................................... .. 157
1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Introduction West Mexico has experienced a long and vibrant cult ural history; however, many Mesoamerican archaeologists frequently overlook the regionÂ’s archaeological significance. The Teuchitln tradition has develope d a distinct identity within a greater Mesoamerican sphere because of unique monumental ar chitectural design and burial practices. It is because of this distinct cultural identity that an understanding of the structural framework of the family unit within the Teuchitln tradition remains largely unresolved. Nevertheless, overarching cultural simi larities permeate the underlying social identity of the Teuchitln tradition intrinsically linked them to the Mesoamerican world. It is these cultural linkages that can provide the basis for formulating an understanding of Teuchitln site level social processes. This research intends to address social processes a t the site level through a thorough examination obsidian distribution at the c ore Late Formative Teuchitln tradition site of Navajas. The prevalence of obsidi an at the circular ceremonial compounds, called guachimontones and the proximity of Navajas to key obsidian sources point toward the integral role that obsidia n played in the day to day life of the local population. Therefore, this study specificall y concentrates on how and why distinct types of obsidian were distributed at two of the guachimontones Circle 1 and Circle 5, at Navajas in order to evaluate the role of social org anization in structuring trade relations within the Teuchitln tradition.
2 The Teuchitln tradition, 300 B.C. Â– A.D. 500, is n ot defined by perceptible geographic boundaries but is rather linked by a set of characteristic architectural elements. The distinctive circular architecture and sub-surface shaft tombs that embody the Teuchitln tradition are found across western M exico including the states of Colima, Nayarit, Sinaloa, Zacatecas, Guanajuato, Michoacn, and Jalisco. However, the architectural style appears to be concentrated in t he central region of Jalisco around the Volcn de Tequila. This core region of the Teuchitl n tradition is comprised of over 50 identified sites that contain one or more architect urally diagnostic characteristics of the Teuchitln tradition (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996: 104). As a cultural unit, the Teuchitln tradition has be en treated as a cultural backwoods to the greater Mesoamerican sphere, Â“whos e most complex form of organization was a peyote-induced shamanism, and wh ose members were obsessed with a Â“cult of the deadÂ”Â” (Beekman 1996:136). However, there has been a gradual trend by scholars to embrace the greater depth of West Mexic an cultural complexity as part of the larger Mesoamerican world (Beekman 1996, 2003a; Bee kman and Weigand 2008; Weigand 2007). West Mexico retains sufficient cultu ral, social, and political traits found throughout the Mesoamerican sphere that make it dif ficult to justify a sweeping distinction between the two entities. Therefore, it is possible to explore trade roles and whether they vary between lineage groups using simi lar methodological approaches successfully developed within the larger context of Mesoamerica. Attempts to measure the fundamental social ordering of the Teuchitln tradition have taken on many forms; however, predominant meth odological approaches have a propensity to address architectural patterns and mo rtuary practices as guides to social
3 organization (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996; Lpez Me stas Cameros and Ramos de la Vega 1998; Pickering and Cabrero 1998; Weigand 2007 ; among many others). The information gathered from these studies has provide d valuable foundational steps for understanding social organization in the Teuchitln tradition; nevertheless, they have been unable to provide an all-encompassing evaluati on of the social system. In order to accomplish this task it is necessary to go beyond w hat the structures and surface survey alone can provide, and examine the artifacts within and around architecture elements for social meaning. Does differential group preference for visually distinct obsidian artifacts, recovered from prehistoric occupational contexts, p rovide a means to assess familial social and economic connections within a community? Although, this research does not claim to have the ability to provide grand social a nswers, it does intend to provide additional footing in the difficult and often exhau sting climb towards understanding social processes within a single Teuchitln traditi on site, Navajas. This research expands on successful methodological approaches used in Mesoamerican contexts in order to examine possible trade connections through the lens of obsidian artifacts recovered at a single Teuchit ln tradition site. Obsidian is a prevalent feature of many archaeological sites throughout Mes oamerican, and as such, has been the focus of numerous archaeological studies. Each of w hich has provided an implicit basis for understanding larger social processes that tran spired throughout the region. My objective is to incorporate the Teuchitln traditio n into the broad scope of lithic raw material analysis in Mesoamerica by providing insig ht into familial responsibilities within socio-economic trade interactions at the lev el of a single site in the Tequila Valley.
Figure 1.1 Map of West Mexico. Copyright 2004, The Metropolita n Museum of Art. All rights reserved. Map of West Mexico. Copyright 2004, The Metropolita n Museum of Art. All 4 Map of West Mexico. Copyright 2004, The Metropolita n Museum of Art. All
5Figure 1.2 Map of core Teuchitln Tradition sites with estimat ed habitation densities. The site of Navajas is indicated as 47. (Ohnersorgen an d Varien 1996; 105). Copyright 1996, Ancient Mesoamerica. All rights reserved.
6 There are 27 compositionally distinct obsidian sour ces identified in the west Mexican states of Jalisco, Nayarit, and Zacatecas w ith the vast majority of these valuable outcrops located within the Tequila Valley (Glascoc k et al. 2010:208). The prehistoric population of west Mexico produced numerous ancient quarries, which then supplied abundant quantities of superior quality raw materia l in a wide spectrum of colors (Weigand 2007: 103). Because of the materials preva lence in the archaeological record throughout the region, obsidian is a valuable resou rce for developing an understanding of regional distribution patterns of material goods wi thin local political spheres. It may be possible to assess two fundamental components of so cial processes by evaluating obsidian associated with lineage based structures a t the site level; first, recognize if groups were independently selecting obsidian based on material preference and then second, determine the function of the family unit i n obsidian exchange markets. The Teuchitln site of Navajas is located within 10 km of three key sources of obsidian, with one located no greater than 3km away from the central core of the site. Proximity of sources would have directly impacted a n economic distribution systemÂ’s ability to maintain a supply of quality raw materia l for specific production needs (Hirth and Flenniken 2002:126). However, the proximity of Navajas to multiple sources of obsidian of varying degrees of color and quality ma ke it difficult to ascertain exchange roles based on production differentiation alone. Th erefore, by assessing the distribution of visually distinguished obsidian within and betwe en the fundamental architectural components of the Teuchitln system, guachimontones it is possible to assert participation in obsidian exchange practices based on preferential access to raw material types.
7 The specific research questions that are addressed in this paper are as follows. 1. Did people at guachimontn component structures or entire guachimontones at the site of Navajas have differential preference for specific visually categorized types of obsidian raw material? 2. If present, does differentiated preference for visu ally unique types of raw material indicate that individual families maintain ed their own economic connections within an exchange network through acce ss to unique sources? The research hypothesis for this analysis contends that although there may be variations in the overall architectural design of t he platform structures encircling the guachimontones at Navajas, each structural unit retained the same level of access to obsidian raw material based on the siteÂ’s proximity to multiple high quality obsidian sources, which would be represented by a homogeneou s distribution of obsidian Typological Groups across the site. If each structu ral unit had the same access to local raw material, then there would not have been a need to establish independent exchange networks for the procurement of obsidian for subsis tence level production needs. However, if materials attributed to sources from th roughout the Tequila Valley and possibly beyond are observed at a specific platform unit, the group associated with the structure maintained at least a minimal participati on in a system of exchange at the community level. This research draws upon the methodological approac h of lithic visual analysis in order to extrapolate how the distribution of visual ly distinct obsidian artifacts at the site of Navajas reflects familial material preference an d possible participation within exchange networks. Through this methodological stra tegy, it is possible to conceptualize key components of the social roles at Navajas. As a practice, visual analysis has been conducted successfully in the southern regions of M esoamerica when used in conjunction
8 with chemical sourcing analysis. This research is a n attempt at demonstrating the validity of visual analysis as means to assess lithic materi al in a region with substantial observable diversity. In addition, this research he lps provide a visual baseline that can be used to conduct future analysis of obsidian artifac ts at other sites in the core zone of the Teuchitln tradition when clearly conveyed. Comprehensive visual analysis provides an easily ac cessible means to quantifiably address these two research questions. Through visual analysis of all obsidian artifacts associated with site occupation, it is vi able to recognize the occurrence of visually distinct obsidian at individual platforms. Visual analysis also distinguishes group preference for and access to sources based on visua l characteristics alone. Given the availability of locally sourced obsidian available to the population for consumption, visual analysis can provide the ability to determin e whether visually distinct obsidian types were sources of emblematic style used in ritu al spaces for socio-political strategic behaviors. Therefore, visual analysis can provide t he baseline for determining if the behavioral importance of visual differentiation of obsidian was a factor in differential levels of exchange involvement by prehistoric group s present at Navajas. Visual analysis can be a powerful method for addressing issues of e xchange because of the large sample sizes that can be easily evaluated; however, the pr actice of visual analysis should not stand alone when making sweeping social assessments Elemental sourcing analysis provides the means to m easure social distinctions within the larger social order of the Teuchitln tr adition through a validation of the visual analysis. Elemental composition analysis supplement s the integrity of the overall research conclusions by systematically supporting or not sup porting the legitimacy of visual
9 analysis of obsidian recovered at Navajas. The use of elemental sourcing also provides the opportunity to evaluate larger issues of exchan ge throughout the community. Using an existing database of obsidian chemical source si gnatures it is possible to determine if visually unique material is also non-local, importe d material to the Navajas. This would suggest that the non-local obsidian would have reta ined an inherent value for the family unit that possessed the object and would have been procured intentionally through exchange practices. Although obsidian samples have been submitted for elemental analysis and the laboratory analysis process has be gun, the results are currently unavailable. Addressing obsidian distribution at th e site of Navajas through a combined methodological approach provides the unique opportu nity not only to substantiate a methodological practice, but also gain necessary in sight into social processes that have remained inconclusive to date. Chapter-by-Chapter Overview In Chapter Two, I examine existing theoretical appr oaches that describe the role of trade and exchange in the development of social stratification and differentiation not only at the system wide level, but also at the site level. World Systems theory has dominated the conceptualization of a Mesoamerican s ystem; however, this is not the only theoretical approach that has sustained considerabl e influence for understanding the complexities of social organization. From cultural ecology approaches to economic models of complexity, theoretical models have defin ed the role of individual agency in the formation of political nodes. By approaching so cial systems through a multi-lens theoretical approach it is possible to formulate a solid framework for exploring the social
10 organization of the Teuchitln tradition in the Teq uila Valley during the Late Formative Period. In order to provide inroads into understanding the immense complexities of system wide organization, this research approaches the social framework from the ground up. What were social roles at the site level? It is only possible to extrapolate meaning onto the larger system through an understanding of local, small-scale social dynamics. The site of Navajas provided the means to conduct a nalysis at a fine-grained resolution through analysis of obsidian artifacts, which appea r in relatively substantial quantities. Employing theoretical frameworks devised for both a system wide approach and the individual agent allows for an understanding of the social complexities that affected the family unit rather than the entire cultural traditi on. In Chapter Three, I consider the ecological and cul tural history of the Teuchitln tradition. This chapter provides a brief overview o f the fundamentally defining characteristics of West Mexico and the Teuchitln t radition. What were the environmental factors that allowed for the developm ent of complex social organization? How were social roles reflected in the material cul tural and architectural construction defining the identity of the Teuchitln tradition? The Teuchitln tradition is defined by the use of c ircular public architecture and sub-surface shaft tombs in their mortuary practices The symmetrical nature of the circular plazas instills an image of a society buil t on social affinity, and yet fundamental differences in platform construction convey individ ual identity (Beekman et al. 2007; Weigand 2007; Beekman 2008). Shaft tombs instill an image of distinct social roles within the Teuchitln tradition based on the varyin g quality of tombs and quantity of
11 prestige goods interned with individuals or lineal groups (Lopez and Ramos 1998). The architectural dichotomy of the Teuchitln tradition implies a delineation of social roles and status within the community. It is possible to further validate an assessment of a groupÂ’s role in exchange activities based on indivi dual structures by demonstrating that social distinctions were present on the surface of the Teuchitln tradition as well as below. In Chapter Four, I describe the methodological appr oaches utilized to address how obsidian can be used to decipher the role of the fa mily unit in exchange activities under the premise that each platform structure and associ ated artifacts at a guachimontn are associated with a single social group (Weigand 2007 ; Beekman 2008). For the purpose of this study, I attempted analysis through two method ological approaches. The first was a comprehensive visual analysis of all lithic debitag e and flaked tools recovered from the excavated layers associated with prehistoric occupa tion at each platform structures from Circle 1 and Circle 5 at Navajas. Using visual anal ysis it was possible to create a baseline for differential preference for raw material types at particular platform structures around the guachimontones By being able to recognize differential preferenc e to obsidian types by platform structures, it is possible to ascertain if there were larger distinctions in social roles within the community as a whole. The second methodological approach described in thi s study consisted of the elemental characterization of obsidian artifacts fr om the visually analyzed material that is currently being undertaken. Neutron Activation Anal ysis (NAA) is the laboratory method for elemental characterization of obsidian raw mate rial. The use of NAA testing is intended to facilitate a twofold assessment of obsi dian at Navajas. First, elemental
12 characterization of the obsidian sample can validat e the visual categories devised during the visual analysis process. Finally, NAA testing w ill provide quantifiable sourcing data about the raw material types used during the prehis toric occupation at Navajas once the results are available. Chapter Five includes the statistical analysis of t he visual data used to provide a substantive understanding of assemblage differentia tion. The visual data underwent two statistical approaches: frequency distribution and a SpearmanÂ’s rank correlation coefficient. A histogram was produced for each plat form structure and circle to assess the frequency distribution of the visual types recovere d from the associated structure. This allowed for a visual representation of which visual types were the most prevalent within each structure. Next, a SpearmanÂ’s rank correlation coefficient was used to measure the statistical dependence between Typological Groups a nd Structures. This measure thus provided insight into statistical differentiation i n access to Typological Groups by specific structures within a circle and between cir cles. Statistical analysis provides the ability to determine quantifiable variation in the obsidian distribution among structural components. Therefore, statistical analysis produc ed the ability to assess the levels of participation specific groups played within socio-e conomic obsidian exchange practices. Chapter Six is the culmination of the previous chap ters. What does the visual analysis of material recovered from platform struct ures around Circle 1 and Circle 5 at Navajas imply about a groupÂ’s participation in exch ange practices? The multi-tiered approach to analyzing obsidian assemblages at Navaj as provides the framework for understanding social roles on a site level scale. T his approach was indispensable for
13 creating a foundation for understanding larger regi onal socio-political processes that were taking place during the Late Formative. Chapter Six concludes with as assessment of the nat ure of obsidian distribution at Navajas and details what the implications were for individual group roles in exchange practices at the site level. What does the makeup o f obsidian assemblages at individual platform structures indicate about differential pre ference for obsidian types? Did established familial groups have unrestricted acces s to socially valuable obsidian sources through economic exchange? Was the entire community granted access to widely available local material without the need for socia l divisions based on the use of unique or non-local material? Finally, chapter six provide s a brief glimpse into the future of obsidian analysis at Navajas. Through this analysis of obsidian at the site of Na vajas, it was possible to obtain a greater understanding of the role obsidian distribu tion patterns played in relation to the social organization of the Teuchitln cultural grou p. What does the distribution of obsidian within the circular ceremonial architectur e at Navajas indicate about familial access to obsidian raw material types? Does access to raw material then equate to active participation in exchange networks?
14 CHAPTER II THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES When attempting to define the social organization o f a prehistoric population, it is often possible to assess only a greater regional co ntext from the remaining material culture. The fine-grained details of social relatio nships are blurred by an inability to decipher limited artifactual clues (Bauer and AgbeDavies 2010:34). However, it is only through the fine-grained detail that it is possible to appraise the processes that define the social framework. Is it possible to use an understa nding of larger economic distribution models to apply detail on to social interaction at the site level? This chapter examines theoretical perspectives that define social processes in the Mesoamerican world through the lens of cultural eco logy and political economy. I first begin with an exploration of the underlying theoret ical approaches used to explore social processes on a regional scale. I then narrow the fo cus from grand theoretical methodology to approaches that have direct implicat ions for social relationships at the site level. Through a broad assessment of theoretic al perspectives, the intent is to provide implicit meaning onto the processes that formed the baseline for social development within the Teuchitln tradition at the site level. A Cultural Ecology Approach The development of social complexity is an intricat e and multifaceted issue, with multiple pathways for assessing the formation of so cial disparity. Each of the archaeological paradigms maintains a different appr oach for framing the development of social roles within a community. However, each para digm fundamentally asserts that either internal or external forces compelled prehis toric populations towards a trajectory of
15 social divisions. These diverse mechanisms should i mpart a distinct signature on the archaeological record; therefore, allowing research ers to assess the categorical evidence rooted in each explanatory framework. Out of the Processual School of the 1960Â’s (Binford 1962) rose theoretical perspectives that derived understanding of cultural processes through observable material resources. These ideas built upon concepts that spe cific social, economic, or environmental mechanisms must have been leveled aga inst a population in order to achieve social complexity. The cultural ecology par adigm developed from these underlying theoretical perspectives to assert that social complexity was a product of a communityÂ’s adaptation to disruptions in the social equilibrium by extra-somatic forces. Darwinian evolution was contingent on environmental changes and demographic pressure (Clark 2000:94). These factors may have le d to the emergence of resource imbalances, forcing an adaptive response from prehi storic populations in order to retain social stability (Arnold 1992:62; Bauer and Agbe Da vies 2010:31). A population would have reacted to external forces through one or more adaptive responses, which include a reduction in population, resource exchange, labor i ntensification, technological development, or the production of surplus resources (Arnold 1992:62). It was during periods of heightened stress on a pop ulation that aggrandizing individuals would have seized the opportunity to ga in elevated social positioning through the organization and manipulation of labor. Access to disproportionate amounts of resources would have allowed either individuals or groups to assert social dominance through resource control (Johnson 1982:409). Member s of the community in elevated social roles would then have the ability to maintai n control over labor production and
16 acquired the ability to accumulate a surplus in res ources necessary to preserve the needs of the community; however, these practices resulted in the formation of social divisions within a society. Cultural evolution towards complexity is a product of human adaptive responses to stresses on the existing social order. Cultural ecology underscores a populationÂ’s ability to adapt to their environment through cultu ral based systems, which in turn produces the ability to develop exchange networks w ithin the system. Exchange practices were not the driving force behind complexity, but r ather developed as reactionary force to the natural, evolutionary course towards complexity Through the cultural ecology theoretical lens, cult ure is an adaptive response to a populationÂ’s environment as a way to maximize the p rocurement of resources. People are a part of the world in which they live, they are bo th affected by it and act upon it (Evans 2008:51). The concept of a greater Mesoamerica is c ulturally bound by the ecological criteria that allowed for agriculture growth. As su bsistence production of resources became more specialized and integral to community l ivelihood, it became possible for an aggrandizing elite to maneuver into power roles uph eld by a capacity to manage and distribute of resources on an economic level throug h trade rather than exclusively as an adaptive response for a communityÂ’s preservation ne eds (Arnold and Munns 1994:477). It was through trade that an intricate network of e xchange in the redistribution of both utilitarian and prestige goods extended throughout Mesoamerica. Environmental conditions propelled the development of exchange sy stems, but it was systems of exchange that strengthened political authority and the social infrastructure necessary for complexity.
17 Economic Models of Complexity Within the Maya region of Mesoamerica, political co ntrol was wielded through hegemonic authority that originated from resource a vailability, but was driven by the economic manipulation of exchange networks. Mayan p olities could remain selfsufficient in subsistence resources; however, syste ms of exchange in prestige goods would have been vital for the maintenance of state authority (Demarest 1992:142-143). The formation of economic networks would provide th e means for goods, and ideas to be transmitted across vast distances. Through emulatio n of core political centers, nodal sites could demonstrate their own social prowess via acce ss to explicit resources. Environmental changes provided the foundation for c omplex social and political formation, yet it was the social byproduct of envir onmental adaptation, economic exchange that reinforced roles within a community. Out of Marxist theory evolved a theoretical perspec tive, political economy, which derived an understanding of cultural processes thro ugh material resources associated with economic exploitation in the archaeological record. Marxist thought was originally concerned with the rise of 19th century capitalism, but the fundamental questions raised concerning how a political elite could Â“extract eco nomic Â“surplusÂ” from rank-and-file workersÂ” (Dalton 1975:74) had far reaching implicat ions for understanding complex political organization. The political economy schoo l of theoretical thought viewed material culture as the physical manifestation of s ystematic processes that shaped social relationships within a community. For the Political Economist, cultural organization developed as the fundamental result of an economic system of supply and demand actively manipulated by political elite. Systems of inequality were a product of internal
18 struggles within the community to perpetuate a syst em of economic gain through surplus exploitation, which in turn created social disparit y between individual members of the community (Santley 1984:44; Dalton 1975). Because of an ability to quantify social process th rough an abundance of material culture in the region, a number of the earliest the oretical models to gain favor in understanding a path towards hierarchical social or ganization in Mesoamerica were based on an idea of differentiated access and control ove r capital resources. Dominance over capital resources would have allowed individual age nts to accumulate substantial, material wealth although other members of the commu nity experienced unequal material access. Once there was the ability to generate surp lus wealth, new institutions specializing in the preservation of socio-economic inequality emerge within the community. As socio-economic distinctions become mo re pronounced, community members distinguished with economic advantage attem pted to assert social power through political positioning (Santley 1984: 44). M esoamerican groups were intrinsically linked through extensive social networks, including political and economic ties (Blanton and Feinman 1984). It would not have been a shared ideology or a need for resource sustainability that tied populations together, but rather an underlying economic exchange system that drove processes of cultural formation, the development of political systems and a social hierarchy (R. Joyce 2004:8). Within the Political Economy paradigm, hierarchical social systems were the product of internal struggles within a community to perpetuate a system of economic gain, which in turn created a social disparity betw een an elite and subordinate class. The distribution of wealth within the community support s the distribution of power, and the
19 power within the community distributes the wealth ( Hirth 1996:215-218). However, social processes driven by economic pressures were not nearly as straight forward as one group amassing more than others in the community. T he development of a social framework is the product of an intricate relationsh ip between human agency, cultural worldview, economy, power, and the resulting social choices and practices that individual actors initiate within the community. As cultural a gents manipulated social values through ritual processes they were formulating a so cial construct that Wells (2006) describes as a Â“ritual economyÂ” (Wells 2006: 266). The social order was generated by economic choices and activities, formalized in ritu alized practices that fundamentally constitute an economically driven community organiz ation, but even within the overarching paradigm of political economy there are multiple modes of social development compelled by economic social forces. Several underlying models were developed to explain the role of the political economy paradigm in social and political developmen t throughout Mesoamerica; however, four key models dominate socio-economic th eory. These four models include managerial models, finance models, debt models, and world systems models. Each of the four categories of political economy models takes a n integrated economic approach for assessing complex social development. Nevertheless, they each broach economic forces from separate angles in order to support the proces ses of social development. Managerial models account for the emergence of an e lite class as an opportunistic commercial response to a communityÂ’s need for defic ient resources. If the social elite manipulated access to a surplus of local labor and resources, resourceful individuals could situate these economic commodities into posit ions that allowed for the economic
20 exchange of scarce resources, such as non-local min erals (Rathje 1971: 277). The elite community members exploited their access and redist ributive power of resources in order to manipulate and protect social positioning within the community (Wells 2006: 269270). However, this model assumes the idea that a c ommunity was lacking resources vital for the preservation of the community as a whole. B ut what if a community were situated in a region where nearly all-requisite resources we re readily available to the population? Managerial models assert that an object's value was based on scarcity. If resource scarcity were not present within the community, the n objects would retain little divisible value for members of the community. However, if obj ects are regionally scarce, then it is possible for social inequity to emerge between comm unities rather than within the single controlling community. It is then the community tha t becomes the managerial entity controlling local commodities and specialized produ cts assuming that the entire population is in an equal position to benefit from that resource (Renfrew 2001:133-134). Financial models were based on the premise that the redistribution of locally specialized products was an essential component of the necessary economic support required for the operations of a politically centra lized social organization. Within the financial models framework, surplus goods acquired from subsistence producers covered financial costs of governmental and elite activitie s (Wells 2006:270). Highly vested political elite would oversee the distribution of t hese goods in order to retain social power. Through control over regional markets, there would have been unique opportunities for the political elite to extract tr ibute and taxes from lesser contributors in the market economy (Brumfiel 1980: 466). The financ ial gain obtained through tribute, tax, and rent then supported the development of pol itical institutions and activities
21 necessary to perpetuate a political eliteÂ’s prowess within the community (Earle 1997). Thereby, the system was created through the actions of elite factions directly responsible for the perpetuation of social and political change Financial models rely on the premise that for socia l ranking to be present in a community there would have to be controlled access of both basic and critical resources by an elite class able to supersede the resource pr oduction of dependent labor class for their own economic gain (McGuire 1986: 252-253). Ho wever, in this model producers have the ability to resist elite control as the sit uation warrants. Therefore, it is vital for the success of a tiered community relationship to be ba sed on mutually beneficial economic goals for both the non-elites and the elite alike ( Wells 2006: 271). Without social compliance by non-elite producers, there are no res ources to be controlled and manipulated by an elite class and the hierarchical system deteriorates. Debt models depend on a slightly different approach to the complex relationships between a patron and their clients than the financi al models. Debt models postulate that one faction within a community opportunistically se izes upon an opportunity to promote self-interest through aggrandizing behaviors rather than through control over financial market distribution (Wells 2006: 272). In order to formalize political power, the aggrandizing elite use a system of supplying feasts and continual gift-giving to generate a debt relationship with other members of the communi ty formalizing a patron-client relationship that results in the development of fac tions within the community (Clark and Blake 1994: 20-21). Through a debt-based relationsh ip, aggrandizing elite symbolically asserted an elevated social position within the com munity by demonstrating that they had the resource wealth required to be able to lend to others, as well as the social generosity
22 to provide for others in the community. The patrons are able to formalize a differentiated status within the community by creating a symbolic legacy of social power within the community through indebtedness (Wells 2006: 273). Patrons retain their status within the community by maintaining reciprocal obligations controlled through the production and d istribution of prestige goods. As long as debts remain unpaid, there is an inherent unequa l balance in the social relationship between the patron and the client. If a debt cannot be paid, there is the opportunity for patrons to exchange the debt for direct political a cquiescence and further formalizing a hierarchal role within the community (Wells 2006: 2 77). Once a client pays off their debts to a patron, there is no longer differentiate d social positioning between the two parties and there is social leveling within the com munity. In order for aggrandizing elite to strengthen higher positions within the social fr amework, there is a continual need for the escalation of the debt building relationship an d at the same time appear to conform to the self-interests of their supporters (Clark and B lake 1994:21). Although debt models have provided substantial cont ributions to assessing how autonomous agents establish hierarchical roles with in the socio-political structure of a community, they fail to account for the possibility of communal resistance to socially unacceptable relationships built on debt based obli gations (Wells 2006: 273). Individual agents supply the foundation for integrated relatio nships, but for social development to occur it is necessary for factions to compete for s ocial dominance. Consequently, individual access and control of resources was tran sfigured into a regional system of political dominance exemplified through a core-peri phery relationship.
23 The World-Systems model has become a prominent econ omic model for conveying pathways of economic, social, and politic al interaction and development throughout the greater Mesoamerica world through it s ability to assess regional systems. Immanuel Wallerstein developed the world-systems mo del (1974, 1978, 1980, 1989, 2004) to addresses issues of complex cultural devel opment through the conceptualization of a strong, interdependent relationship between co re political centers and peripheral nodes (McGuire 1986:244; Wells 2006:274; Bauer and Agbe-Davies 2010). The world systems model provided developmental insight into h ow unequal relationships emerge between units in a larger system. Social units were no longer conceived as discrete entities vying for economic proliferation, but rath er intricately bound social components within a grand political system. As a theoretical model, Wallerstein (1974, 1978, 19 80, 1989, 2004) approached the rise of capitalism from the basis of historical theory rather than cultural evolutionism. Using a historical approach, Wallerstein emphasized the ability for a core entity to subjugate peripheral units in the system through an unequal system of resource distribution, typically of prestige goods (Hall, Ka rdulias and Chase-Dunn 2011: 236). World empires contain a stratum of non-producers wh o preempt the surplus of others through a tribute network controlled by a ce ntralized political system. The nonproducing capitalist bourgeoisie secures surplus from the workers via market exchanges (McGuire 1986:244-245). The world economic system was driven by core units, which supplied the periphery with Â“low-bulk, finished products in retu rn for high-bulk, staple resources, thereby creating a hierarchal system of development and integration based on dependencyÂ” (Wells 2006: 274). This relationship co nsistently favored core units as they begin to monopolize critical resources necessary fo r proliferation of the entire social
24 network while peripheral units became weakened in a n unequal debt relationship. Although monopolized control over resources allowed cultural hierarchies to emerge, it was only through a mutual economic interdependency on the flow of resources that the uneven relationships endured (Wells 2006:275). The fundamental principles of the world systems mod el provide foundational insight into regional process; nevertheless, the ab ility to determine core and peripheral units in prehistoric systems has underlying operati onal problems (Hall, Kardulias and Chase-Dunn 2011). How can observers of prehistoric systems differentiate between core and peripheral nodes in the system? On a grand scal e, it is possible to measure which units acquired substantial social and economic powe r, but the ability to interpret social positioning often becomes blurred when the observab le scale is reduced to a single site. However, the same theoretical approaches can still prove viable when applied to a single site when the archeological features provide an opp ortunity for observable social differentiation. An integrated approach to the political economy par adigm requires the capacity to delineate certain aspects from each of the aforemen tioned models in order to develop a comprehensive understanding of the social order. Th ere was not a singular path towards the formation of a complex social order. Therefore, each of these models provides insight into the economic forces that advanced social devel opment. In order to measure the significant aspects of each economic pathway toward s complexity and hierarchal systems, it is necessary to delve into the forces o f change and resources that provided a vehicle for development.
25 In a system where material exchange is a dominant f orce for social change, it is essential to understand how and when these forces w ere propelled. Religious pilgrimages provided a conduit for outside individuals to parti cipate in material exchanges at sacred locations. Through a centralization of market excha nges at sacred locations, ritual communities imbued with social, political, and econ omic currency that would have otherwise remained regionally dispersed (Wells 2000 :1). Aggrandizing individuals in a ritually charged marketplace may have been able to gain managerial authority over market exchanges, especially of prestige goods, by propagating religious authority through ritualistic events. At the same time that t hese individuals were able to maneuver ritual authority into social capital, ceremonial ce nters were able to expand unequal distributive power over other communities in the la rger system, thus forming the core political centers. The communities on the periphery were relegated to supplying surplus labor for the material demands of the core socio-re ligious elite. However, as the core gains socio-political power over the regional commu nity, peripheral communities were supplied with ritual and ideological sustenance nec essary for their own proliferation (Wells 2000). The Gateway Community Model asserts that during the Early Formative period of Mesoamerica status goods began to be exchanged thro ugh a ritual network, thus strengthening social status within a ranked society (Hirth 1978). Within these types of relationships, as the number of highly ranked indiv iduals increased so did the demand for exotics, such as non-local, high quality, or symbol ically imbued visually distinct obsidian. Therefore, by institutionalizing a region al distribution network, the distribution of exotics became much more effective. This pattern of institutionalization led to the
26 development of new forms of socio-economic organiza tions that were responsible for maintaining the systems of exchange (Hirth 1978: 35 -36). Economic and socio-political systems were inherentl y connected to and generated from the bottom up. Individual social progression a nd differentiation was a direct product of the ability to maneuver into favorable social ro les. As individuals maneuvered into positions of social dominance, the community around these individuals would have also grown in social and political prowess. Social roles would then be reflected by an unparalleled quantity of wealth goods observable in the archaeological record at these sites. The same methodological approaches that exam ine evidence that can define social differentiation at the site level can then be broug ht back down to the individual level when architectural structures allow for detailed ex amination. In order to validate the use of economic models for assessing social progression towards hierarchical stratification it is crucial t o view economic relationships through tangible resources. In Mesoamerica, obsidian suppli ed a valuable resource for not only daily sustainability but was also integrated into t he echelons of socio-religious prestige items. Therefore, through examining how economic mo dels have been incorporated into models of exchange it is possible to ascertain how an unassuming rock could have significant implications for social relationships. Obsidian Exchange and the Formation of Political No des Naturally occurring volcanic glass has been a valua ble raw material for flaked tool production since the Paleolithic. The earliest iteration of the name, obsidian, first appeared in the works of Pliny, when he described a glassy material originating from Ethiopia (Rupp 2009:85). Obsidian is an igneous roc k that forms as the product of the
27 rapid cooling of magmatic lava flows. When the high ly viscous and polymerized lava cools rapidly there is little time for crystalline growth, creating a hard and brittle minerallike glass (Glascock 1994:113). The chemical makeup of obsidian allows the material to be easily fractured and produced extremely sharp ed ges (Rupp 2009:85). The natural physical properties of the material have made obsid ian highly desirable for prehistoric tool production. Obsidian, as a material resource, may not have been the most important component in daily exchange practices of Mesoameric an factions, but it does appear as a ubiquitous feature throughout the archaeological re cord in the region and is easily associated to source areas through the use of eleme ntal analysis. The prevalent nature of obsidian then offers obvious advantages for address ing issues of how exchange practices impacted social relationships. The ability to outli ne regional pattern of exchange becomes feasible through the process of delineating obsidia n sources as such, tackling obsidian distribution patterns has been a central focus of M esoamerican archaeology for decades. However, within the context of western Mexico and t he Teuchitln tradition there has been a distinct void in significant quantitative an alysis of obsidian for understanding cultural and social processes that occurred during the Late Formative. Nevertheless, models developed to assess the development of obsid ian distribution patterns in relation to social formation in other regions of Mesoamerica have provided the basis for developing a comprehensive framework for quantifyin g differentiated access to material types, and how that access implicitly impacted grou p positioning within a social system. In order to measure the inherent importance of an e conomic system based on access to obsidian production and distribution and the role of the individual within this
28 system, it is necessary to explore the pathways of movement and how the final destinations culturally evolved as a product of the goods transmitted. The transmission of goods equates to a transition of ideas, which impli es the ability of individuals to make social choices that have direct implications for so cial ordering and socio-political and socio-religious formation. The exchange of goods is intrinsically a social act, vital to maintaining social relationships between both indiv iduals and groups (Bauer and AgbeDavies 2010: 41). The basic nature of an economic t ransaction allows groups to interact and develop social relationships that can create so cial hierarchy between individual groups. However, exchange relationships are fundame ntally linked to the distance of material transference but are diffused the greater the distance from the production source as the exchanged material gains social value. The Distance-Decay Model proposed by Colin Renfrew (1977) contends that there is a predictable decline in the flow of obsid ian products the greater the distance the material travelled from the source (Renfrew 1975, 1 977; See also John R. Clark 1979). It has also been observed that bulk trade obsidian com modities appeared in differently produced forms the greater the distance from the so urce (De Len et al. 2009). Therefore, there should be a predictable relationship between the economic and prestige value of obsidian the greater the distance from the source. By participating in greater distribution networks, aggrandizing individuals could establish an economic base for social activities at the community level, including the construction of infrastructure necessary for socioritual activities. It would have been access to and control over obsidian sources within exchange network that provided the economic catalys t for organizational growth.
29 In order for economic exchange to be a viable facto r for defining social organization there needed to be an inherent socio-e conomic value present for exchanged objects. Certain varieties of obsidian were a valua ble prestige object in the Maya region of Mesoamerican because of the necessity to import the obsidian considerable distances, making the material relatively rare (Spence 1996). In central and western Mexico, there are numerous obsidian sources that historically pro duced significant quantities of quality raw material (Glascock 2010) for use in the product ion of both utilitarian and nonutilitarian wares. If scarcity defines value, then abundance should diminish the prestige and economic value of obsidian in these regions of Mesoamerica and minimize the economic value of obsidian to that of a strictly ut ilitarian object. However, obsidian flows in this region produced a wide variety of material types of various quality and colors. In greater Mesoamerica, the polysemic qualities of obsidian, including color, shimmer and iridescence inextricably linked the min eral to both the symbolic and economic components of the social order (Saunders 2 001:222). Based on the assumption made by Spence (1996), the prevalence of obsidian i n the Tequila Valley would then have deprived the mineral of socio-economic value, except for basic consumption needs. However, visually distinct obsidian could provide a n emblematic source of social distinction when used publicly in ritual space. Do non-utilitarian factors, such as color, then come into play in the exchange of obsidian, an d if so, does this allow for control over the distribution of obsidian types rather than entire sources? Under the assumption that non-utilitarian factors d o have important implications for social behaviors, it is necessary to determine the distinctions between the two distinct
30 obsidian markets as defined by Polanyi (1975)1 that may have occurred at Teuchitln sites: first, a market based on the fundamental exc hange of utilitarian products that have a strictly functional value at the household level (H irth 1998:454) and second, a market based on the socially and economically defining tra nsfer of prestige obsidian over greater distances. A household market exchange of obsidian would be represented by proportional amounts of material required for norma l household activities regardless of social status within the community. Household marke ts also produce homogeneity within the types of material used by a population because all community members would have had equal access to the same material and the same sources (Hirth 1998:461). However, if variations in material types are present in dome stic assemblages then individuals or groups within the community maintained distinctive exchange relations in a trade network that allowed for the discrete purchasing po wer of atypical material (Hirth 1998:463). To maintain a prestige market system, it would have been necessary to regulate access to sources in order to control for the economic exchange of unique and, therefore, socially and politically valuable obsidi an. However, if open obsidian markets were present then there should have been open acces s to all sources by all members of the community. If obsidian or a particular type of obsidian held a socio-economic value based on uniqueness, then even in source areas with vast qua ntities of Â“normalÂ” material, the limited, unique material would have developed an in nate value based on scarcity. Trade in high value or low value objects would impart dif ferent levels of influence for groups within exchange networks and, therefore, retain dif ferent spheres of exchange. High1 A market is defined as Â“... an institution embodyi ng a supply-demand-price mechanismÂ” (Polanyi 1975:133).
31 value goods are symbolically significant and traded over much greater distances, further enhancing their value (Dalton 1975; Drennan 1984a). Low-value goods tend to be utilitarian in nature, and as a result, they were l imited in their range of trade. They do not impart significant ideological information to the r ecipient, as they are most likely of the same cultural sphere (Gumerman 1978). Individuals o r groups that recognized that control over unique sources could be parleyed into social and economic power then had the ability to define their own position within the social order. Andrew DarlingÂ’s dissertation (1998) explored sever al key aspects of obsidian sourcing and distribution in the north-central fron tier of Mexico. The resulting analysis provided quantifiable detail on a system based on p restige exchange. The movement of wealth commodities linked with ritual or social sta tus defines prestige exchange (Darling 1998:7). It was during these forms of exchange that social messages of authority were relayed to members of the community. It becomes pos sible to assess the impact of exchange practices on community relationships and o rganization by understanding source location, source utilization, distribution organiza tion of local obsidian material, and the importation and distribution of non-local material at the community level (Darling 1998). A site that has a socio-political structure framed in economic exchange would have evidence of evolution in exchange relationships in the archaeological record. The Olmec civilization at San Lorenzo Tenochtitlan emerged as a power political entity in the Formative Period. Obsidian was a prev alent feature throughout their five hundred year history, but distinct cultural process es become evident in relation to patterns of obsidian trade. Increases in trade and source ex ploitation occur in conjunction with cultural growth (Cobean et al. 1971). The Olmec mai ntained a continual process of
32 developing economic relationships throughout Mesoam erica probably through exchange activities taking place within a religious context in order to develop societal prowess and economic growth. As the Olmec influence spread thro ugh far-flung economic relationships, so did the power of a centralized po litical node at San Lorenzo (Cobean et al 1971:174-175; Santley and Pool 1993). This asymm etrical pattern of societal growth took place in conjunction with increased trade and ritual activities, a pattern repeated throughout Mesoamerica. Teotihuacan was established as the first principal, pre-Columbian urban centers in Mesoamerica directly linked with the development of vast economic obsidian networks (Spence 1984,1986; Santley 1983, 1984). Located in the Basin of Mexico, the site extended over 20 km2 at the pinnacle of its power (Sugiyama 2004:97). T he highly specialized city planning of Teotihuacan was indica tive of a populace that had the foundation to develop specialized economic growth, as well as the ability to formalize a bureaucratic system. Their capability to formulate a specialized economy allowed the state to construct a city center that could hold an expansive population and exploit their available economic resources including obsidian. Within proximity to Teotihuacan, were several promi nent obsidian outcrops, which provided a large proportion of the obsidian s upply observed throughout Mesoamerica. The most influential source for explai ning the economic growth of Teotihuacan is the Cerro de las Navajas (Pachuca) s ource. The Pachuca source, located 50km northeast of the city, supplied a high quality green obsidian for use in both utilitarian and non-utilitarian contexts (Spence 19 81:777; Spence 1984; Charlton 1978). Teotihuacan maintained a degree of control over nat ural outcroppings of economically
33 and symbolically valuable obsidian (Spence 1986). I f color were an important social aspect of obsidian then source control would have b een necessary to maintain a requisite level socio-political gamesmanship. It is still in debate whether a centralized political authority maintained workshops to produce obsidian products for an outside exchange market at a level beyond the needs of the local pop ulation (John E. Clark 1986; Spence 1986). However, the sheer quantity of material extr icated from the Pachuca source and observed throughout Mesoamerica is a clear indicato r of an intricate network of obsidian exchange that would have developed and maintained b y members of the Teotihuacan community. Teotihuacan was able to expand their power base bas ed on aggressive economic policies, resulting in a complex mercantile empire composed of numerous, distinct cultural groups. The long distance trade network ex panded ideas and goods outwards, while at the same time brought economic prosperity and growth back to the city. However, Teotihuacan also created a system of unequ al exchange composed of a division of labor that crossed societal boundaries. It was t he peripheral social entities that supplied the core production labor whereas the core at Teoti huacan accumulated the surplus wealth (Bauer and Agbe-Davies 2010:38). For San Lorenzo and Teotihuacan obsidian source con trol enabled cultural and political evolution, but can the fundamental idea t hat evidentiary proof of source control and exchange practices indicate societal roles in a system of material exchange? Understanding the larger patterns of obsidian trade networks throughout Mesoamerica provides only a small indication of the intricate r ole that an individual group performs within the system. In order to understand social r elationships and roles within a
34 community, it is pertinent to evaluate exchange net works at the individual group level (Doonan and Bauer 2010:188-189). The relatively few analyses of obsidian distributio n systems in western Mexico provide a framework to study the role of obsidian a t the site level, as well as, the level of the family unit. By continuing the analysis through a narrow scope of site distribution pattern and then fine-tuning the analysis down to t he level of the individual family unit, it may be possible to extrapolate the relationship bet ween distribution patterns of obsidian and social organization within the Teuchitln socio -political system. Regional models tend to ignore the site level mechanisms that drove regional socio-political expansion through obsidian exchange. With vast quantities of a supposedly valuable trade resource literally at the doorstep of community members, is it possible to fo rmulate an individual or groupÂ’s roles within exchange networks through assessing access t o obsidian? Who were the decision makers in the obsidian trade? How and why did obsid ian appear at certain structures at Teuchitln tradition sites? If possible trade good s were readily available and without controlled access does that imply resources were an unlikely source of power? These fundamental questions only hint at the comple x nature of social relationships that emerge within exchange networks. Exchange networks not only were responsible for the transference of goods but also the conveyance of cultural ideas to the individual agent within the community (Doonan and B auer 2010:201). The agent is constantly influenced by the structure of the syste m, at the same time as the agent is imposing his or her own influence upon it (Giddens 1979). Therefore, to understand
35 social relationships within a community it is neces sary to obtain information about the roles individual groups played in exchange networks
36 CHAPTER III ENVIRONMENTAL & CULTURAL BACKGROUND In the following section, the physical and cultural landscapes of the Teuchitln tradition are explored. This chapter first provides an introduct ion to the physical features of the regional landscape that enabled the developm ent of the Teuchitln tradition. The chapter then details the cultural elements that hav e come to define the Teuchitln tradition, and how these material aspects have stee red the current perception of the sociopolitical framework. Finally, the chapter narrows t he focus from regional and ethnohistoric background to a detailed site assessm ent of the 2002-2003 Tequila Valley Regional Archaeological Project (TVRAP) excavations at Navajas. Environment The Highland Lakes Region of Jalisco, Mexico is an environment abounding in abundant natural resources and nutrient rich soil r ipe for agricultural production. It was the amalgamation of these unique natural features t hat provided an idyllic location for the creation of complex cultural traditions. The Teuchi tln cultural group advantageously consumed the bountiful natural resources to cultiva te a regionally powerful tradition that was able to thrive throughout Late Formative and Cl assic period West Mexico and at the peak of the tradition dominated a core area of 26,6 30 k2 occupied by upwards of 60,000 individuals (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996:104). Historically, the region was home to numerous lakes and marshlands that provided an ample freshwater source for prehistoric populations. The Laguna de San Marcos, Laguna de Palo Verde, Laguna de Etzatlan (M agdalena), Laguna Colorado, and Laguna de Teuchitln were not only critical resourc es for extensive agricultural
37 production, but also provided pathways for regional exchange and intercommunity communication networks (Spence et al. 2002:61). The se bodies of water were vital for providing the foundation for meaningful social deve lopment. Without a consistent source of water, the prehistoric population would have bee n unable to develop economically viable agricultural practices. Weigand (1985) characterized the area as a unique c onglomeration of natural features made the Highlands Lake District of Jalisc o ideally suited for significant agricultural production (Weigand 1985). The active volcanic nature of the region had created a nutrient rich volcanic ash soil that when combined with the alluvial lake soils produced an extremely fertile agricultural landscap e (Weigand 2000:45, 2007:101). In addition to the numerous natural lakes and marshlan ds that supported agricultural production, the valley floor was relatively flat. F lat land produced easily accessible, arable farmland, especially when used in conjunctio n with a chinampa (artificially raised farmland) system of farming (Weigand and Beekman 1 998:36). These factors according to Weigand (2000) enabled the inhabitants to produc e substantial quantities of agricultural resources necessary for supporting a g rowing population and cultural ideology. However, the actual prevalence of a chinampa system use in the region is unknown and most likely would never have made up a large portion of the agricultural land. Western Mexico currently maintains a semitropical climate with two distinct seasons; the dry season that last from November thr ough May, and the rainy season which lasts from June through October. The rainy se ason had a profound impact on the ability to support successful agriculture (Beekman 2010:3). On average, the region
38 receives between 900 mm and 1600 mm of precipitatio n annually, which provide adequate rainfall for substantial agricultural prod uction (Weigand 2000:43, 2007). Weigand (2004) argued that these conditions afforde d the prehistoric local population the same ability to rotate two crops within a given yea r if a system of irrigation were in use during the dry season, similar to systems that were present throughout Mesoamerica (Weigand 2000:43). However, presently there is a di stinct absence of archaeological evidence for irrigation beyond the landscape modifi cation practice of raised, terraced fields (Beekman, personal communication, 2012). Thi s suggests that irrigation was a limited contributing factor, if even present, in th e economic production of crops throughout the region. Weigand (1985) emphasized that the natural environm ent of the region provided not only aspects necessary for abundant agricultura l production but also contained rich sources of prehistorically and historically valuabl e minerals. The region has several sources of native silver, galena, salt, hematite, q uartz, opal, pyrite, and nugget gold (Weigand 1985; See also Neal and Weigand 1990; Ohne rsorgen and Varien 1996:103). In addition to these valuable natural deposits in t he region, there is also an invaluable copper deposit that runs along a north-south axis t hrough the region (Wiegand 1985:56). Malachite, azurite, crysacola, and native copper ex isted from the northern stretches of western Zacatecas through the Highland Lake Distric t of Jalisco and into southwestern Michoacn. However, as valuable as these resources were in the development of regional interaction, it was the obsidian flows that dominat ed the available resources in the region. Therefore, obsidian may have held the greatest impl ications for exchange practices, craft specialization, and socio-political development in the region (Weigand 2007).
39 Just as a natural north-south copper flow is presen t in the region, there is also a naturally occurring east-west flow of high quality obsidian yielding more than 20 readily accessible surface flows throughout the Tequila Val ley (Glascock et al. 2010; Weigand 1985: 56). The obsidian obtained from these flows a ppears in a wide range of colors and quality. Although the major obsidian types are visu ally described as black or grey in color, the material also appears in shades of red, orange, yellow, mottled blue-grey, and mottled blue-green (Spence et al. 1981; Weigand and Spence 1982; Spence et al. 2002; Weigand et al. 2004; Glascock et al. 2010). It is t hese unique color varieties that may have held the source of emblematic style used by in dividual groups to define societal roles in the community. Additional field surveys in the region have brought the total number of observed obsidian outcrops to more than 52, with nearly half demonstrating evidence of prehistoric mining (Weigand 2007:103). The largest of these reg ional sources is the La Joya source with nearly 1,000 mines or quarries. The La Joya so urce is quickly followed by the San Juan de los Arcos, Navajas, and La Mora/Pedernal so urces in their sheer size with each source having several hundred known quarries or min es (Esparza 2005; Weigand 2007:103). The sheer number of prehistoric mines in the region would have produced considerable quantities of obsidian in a wide range of colors and quality. Spence et al. (2002) states, Â“... there would have been a deposit within reach of most of the inhabitants, one that they could exploit either directly or thro ugh relatively close and secure trade relationshipsÂ” (Spence et al. 2002:63) because of t he frequency of obsidian sources in the region.
40 Rugged mountains, densely covered with pine and oak dominate the landscape of the middle and lower Lerma Valley and Highlands Lak es Region (Weigand 2007:103). However, Weigand (2000) declared that there are no natural barriers between mountains, which allowed for social, ideological, and economic interaction between settlements in the region. Based on WeigandÂ’s assessment of the re gional landscape, groups would have been provided with uninterrupted access to the paci fic coastal regions in the west, Central Mexican region in the south and east, and Zacatecas and the northern frontier (Weigand and Beekman 1998). The Teuchitln tradition would h ave been ideally situated at a cultural crossroads offering ample opportunity to d evelop an ideological identity based on resource wealth and existing dominant ideologies from other regions throughout Mesoamerica. Figure 3.1 Map of the Tequila Valley with Teuchitln tradition sites noted. (Adapted from Beekman et al. 2007:6). Copyright 2007. All rights reserved.
41 Cultural History The region of west Mexico has produced a long and s ignificant cultural history dating to the Paleo-Indian Period (prior to 5000 B. C.). Although direct evidence of PaleoIndian occupation in the region is limited, the ava ilable archaeological data suggest that small groups of humans have lived in the region sin ce at least the end of the Pleistocene. Isolated finds throughout the Sierra Madre Occident al have produced Clovis and Folsom points that date as early as 11,500 B.C. (Beekman 2 010:52). Archaeological evidence suggests that the earliest inhabitants in the regio n were a nomadic population centered on a hunter-gather subsistence strategy; although, the re is a distinct void in the archaeological record associated with gathering act ivities. The fluted projectile points and associated stone implements recovered in the region tend to be associated strongly with the practice of hunting Pleistocene large game mamm als such as mammoths and bison (Pollard 1997:356). By the Late Archaic Period (5000 Â– 2000 B.C), archa eological evidence throughout Mesoamerica suggests that a regional pop ulation already began the process of shifting from a hunter-gatherer subsistence strateg y to a more sedentary lifeway. The earliest evidence for maize domestication in Mexico comes from the Xihuatoxtla shelter in the Iguala Valley of Guerrero. Maize phytoliths and starch grains from this site date from as early as 8700 BP (Piperno et al. 2009:5023; Piperno 2011). Though it is difficult to establish the spread of agricultural domesticati on northward into the southern Jalisco, studies have observed maize pollen in central Micho acn by 1500 B.C., southern Nayarit by 1900 Â– 1300 B.C., and southern Bajo by 1300 B.C (Beekman 2010:55). Through experimentation with the domestication of wild plan ts and animals, the population of
42 West Mexico was able to gradually maximize subsiste nce production through domestication. However, there currently is no evide nce of agricultural settlements dating from the Archaic Period (Beekman 2010:55). Evidence of seasonal camps and the oldest known int entional burial (c. 2500-2200 B.C.) from La Alberca in the western highlands of M ichoacn indicate that specific geographic locations were beginning to possess soci al importance for a population (Beekman 2010:55). By 2500 B.C., there is evidence of limited deforestation that may have occurred for expanded agricultural practices; however, coring samples in the region are devoid of maize pollen to substantiate this hyp othesis (Beekman 2010:55). The Late Archaic Period witnessed the people of West Mexico on the verge of emerging as geographically bound groups. However, the populatio n of West Mexico would not achieve year round sedentism until the Early and Mi ddle Formative Periods. Beekman and Weigand (2008) reevaluated regional chr onology using ceramic sequences to create a calibrated dating methodology for the Â“cultural trajectory of the Teuchitlan TraditionÂ” (Beekman and Weigand 2008:6). Beekman and Weigand were able to produce an absolute sequence by identifying cera mic complexes, arranging them in relative chronological order, and ultimately attrib uting specific ceramic complexes to radiocarbon samples. Beekman and Weigand presented a chronological sequence for the area of the Tequila Valley that is used in this dis cussion. However, they are quick to note that separate sites had individual cultural traject ories; therefore, it is pertinent to define the temporal sequence of each site for it would be misleading to apply a single sequence to the entire region (Beekman and Weigand 2008:2). Based on the updated chronological
43 sequence all further cultural discussions use the c alibrated dates produced by Beekman and Weigand (2008).
44Table 1: Chronology of the Teuchitln Region, (Adapted from Weigand 2000; Beekman and Weigand 2008; Beekman 2010). Chronology of the Teuchitln Region Date Major Period Guachimontn Sequence Navajas Sequence Regional Phase A.D. 1250 Spanish Contact Late Postclassic Etzatln A.D. 1200 Early Postclassic Santa Cruz de Barcenas A.D. 1100 A.D. 1000 A.D. 900 A.D. 800 Epi-Classic Teuchitln ll A.D. 700 A.D. 600 A.D. 500 Middle Classic Teuchitln l A.D. 400 Tequila IV A.D. 300 Early Classic Ahualulco A.D. 200 A.D. 100 Late Formative El Arenal Navajas Tequila III 0 100 B.C. 200 B.C. Tequila II 300 B.C. 400 B.C. Middle Formative San Felipe Tequila I 500 B.C. 600 B.C. 700 B.C. 800 B.C. 900 B.C. 1000 B.C. 1100 B.C. Early Formative El Opeo 1200 B.C. 1300 B.C. 1400 B.C. 1500 B.C.
45 During the Early and Middle Formative Periods (20 00 300 B.C.) there was a dramatic shift in the lifeways of the indigenous po pulation of western Mexico. The earliest known evidence for a population assumed to be sedentary in both the coastal and highland regions of West Mexico appeared during thi s period (Pollard 1997:356; Beekman 2010:56). These early sedentary societies were the first to introduce ceramics into the regional archaeological record. Based on d iscrete variations in the ceramic styles, these were small, localized groups with distinct cu ltural identities and social interactions (Pollard 1997:358). The change in mobility strategi es occurred during a period of wetter conditions, a distinct climatic shift in the region (Beekman 2010: 56). The climatic trend towards wetter conditions in the region would have provided the local population a successful ability to produce the agricultural reso urces necessary for a sedentary lifestyle, as well as, population growth and social developmen t. The Tequila I phase (800 Â– 300 B.C.) is mainly dist inguished by the development and dispersal of distinct mortuary practices that e merged as a central aspect of the Teuchitln tradition. (Beekman and Weigand 2008:6; Beekman 2010:59). The earliest elaborate tombs within a dedicated cemetery were fr om eleven stairway tombs excavated at the site of El Opeo in the Jacona-Zamora Valley of Michoacn, dating from 1500 to 800 B.C. (Pollard 1997:359; See also Weigand and Be ekman 1998; Darras 2012). Although El Opeo provided the best example of thes e early mortuary practices, there are additional examples that appear as far west as the Magdalena Lake Basin. Radiocarbon dates from material recovered from these tombs have placed construction between 1400 Â– 1000 B.C (Beekman 2010:57). These tombs are defined by a single stairway carved out of the consolidated volcanic ash that leads down to a subterranean chamber (Weigand
2000:45). They were constructed of varying sizes, b ut often contain two wide benches on either side of the tomb on which the dead were placed. The placement o f succeeding generations of family members indicated that these tombs were used for repeated inter nments and held an intrinsic emotional and ritualis tic significance for the groups that used them (Beekman 2010:57). Figure 3.2 Drawing of tomb #4: Citala area, Teocuitatln distr ict, Jalisco; El Opeo phase tomb (Weigand and Beekman 1998:36). Copyright 1998, The Art Insti tute of Chicago. All Rights Reserved. 2000:45). They were constructed of varying sizes, b ut often contain two wide benches on tomb on which the dead were placed. The placement o f succeeding generations of family members indicated that these tombs were used for repeated nments and held an intrinsic emotional and ritualis tic significance for the groups that used them (Beekman 2010:57). Drawing of tomb #4: Citala area, Teocuitatln distr ict, Jalisco; El Opeo phase and Beekman 1998:36). Copyright 1998, The Art Insti tute of Chicago. All Rights 46 2000:45). They were constructed of varying sizes, b ut often contain two wide benches on tomb on which the dead were placed. The placement o f succeeding generations of family members indicated that these tombs were used for repeated nments and held an intrinsic emotional and ritualis tic significance for the groups that Drawing of tomb #4: Citala area, Teocuitatln distr ict, Jalisco; El Opeo phase and Beekman 1998:36). Copyright 1998, The Art Insti tute of Chicago. All Rights
47 The dead were placed in the tombs with a wealth of accompanying artifacts including the earliest known forms of pottery in th e area, hallow ceramic figurines representing both human and animals, perforators po ssibly associated with ritualistic bloodletting, and a disproportionally large number of obsidian spear points. There have also been a number of imported goods recovered with in tomb contexts including: green obsidian from the Pachuca source in central Mexico, iron pyrite mirrors similar to examples made in Oaxaca, marine shell from both the Pacific and Atlantic coasts, turquoise from northern Mexico or possibly as far a s New Mexico, and jade originating from the Motagua Valley of Guatemala (Beekman 2010: 58). The population that were using and depositing grave goods in the El Opeo st yle tombs were not isolated, but rather were part of a larger social and economic ne twork that extended over much of Mesoamerica and possibly into the greater American Southwest. The Late Formative and Early Classic were periods o f rapid population growth, and regional expansion throughout western Mexico (B eekman 2010:61). Demographic expansion provided the catalyst for intensive socio -political and ritualistic cultural development. It was during this episode that socia l inequalities began to emerge within the archaeological record throughout the Tequila Va lley. The formation of a centralized political entity in certain parts of the region was then directly reflected in the construction of monumental public architecture, which was absent up until this period, and changes in ceramic styles (Beekman 2010:62; Pollard 1997). Tequila II phase (300 Â– 100 B.C) settlements were not constructed with a defensive intent indicating that populations were n ot concerned with aggressive neighbors. Settlements were founded in resource ric h areas, in the highlands this meant
48 near obsidian sources, which led to economic prospe rity and population growth (Pollard 1997:360-361). This was a period of larger regional contact and the spread of ideology and artistic trends. Stylistic decorations on elite wares, such as obsidian anthropomorphic figures from western Mexico draw certain similariti es to the fine examples recovered from burials at the Temple of the Feathered Serpent at Teotihuacan (Beekman 2006:263264). Though there may not have been direct interac tion between western Mexico and the Maya Region and Teotihuacan, there was enough regio nal contact to spread ideas through the cultural transmission of exchanged good s. The quantity of material in the archaeological reco rd dating from the period between 100 B.C. Â– A.D. 200 (Tequila III Phase) has aided the understanding of community interaction. The two distinctive elements circular public architecture ( guachimontn ) and shaft tombs became the defining characteristi cs of the Teuchitln tradition during the Tequila III phase. A guachimontn is characterized by a circular pyramid encircled by a raised circular patio, which in turn was encircled by terraced platforms, essentially creating three concentric ci rcles (Weigand 1996: 94). Atop the outer platforms were typically eight symmetrically arranged platforms or small pyramids, which served as the foundations for rectangular sup erstructures consisting of multiple rooms constructed of wattle and daub (Weigand 1996: 94; Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996). In addition, the largest of the Teuchitln traditio n sites incorporated ballcourt(s) into community planning, to further elaborate share d ideology and symbolic power through monumental construction practices (Weigand 2000:55). However, the vast majority of Teuchitln tradition sites during this period remains limited in monumental
49 architecture and contains only small residential zo nes suggesting a regional settlement hierarchy centered on the site of Guachimontn (Bee kman 2010:63). Although some exceptions persist, these cultural el ements provided the framework for the earliest analysis of social organ ization and the emergence of social complexity that occurred in conjunction with the de velopmental intensification of the Classic Period (Beekman 2010). During the Tequila I II Phase, indicators of prestige goods disappear from rural cemeteries but persist i n the larger ceremonial centers, such as Guachimontn and Navajas (Beekman and Weigand 2008: 7). This phase marked the centralization of hegemonic authority over material indicators of status; thus, providing an economic basis for increased long-distance excha nge activities (Beekman 2010:6364). At the cusp of the Tequila III and Tequila IV phase (A.D. 200 -500), there was a dramatic shift in the size of monumental constructi on. Circular plazas at Llano Grande, Huitzilapa, and Circle 5 at Navajas were constructe d using the same general architectural arrangement, but in considerably smaller size than earlier Circles. In addition, shaft tombs began to have fewer individuals interred in s maller burial chambers with fewer grave offerings (Beekman and Weigand 2008:7: Beekma n 2010). The height of a centralized Teuchitln political authority had begu n to wane, and there was a shift in the social stability that had previously allowed for so cial and economic growth for the sociopolitical elite (Beekman and Weigand 2008). Structural and Material Evidence of Stratification in the Teuchitln Tradition Social stratification within the Teuchitln Traditi on cannot be ascertained through any one particular product of a single social group If hierarchal organizational were
50 present in the social framework of the Teuchitln T radition, then it would be evident through multiple lines of evidence. Social stratifi cation appears through two fundamental and defining aspects of the Teuchitln tradition so cial identity, shaft tombs and the monumental, circular public architecture. The clearest known indicator of social stratificati on in western Mexico comes from the archaeological evidence associated with sh aft tombs (Weigand 2000). Shaft tombs first appeared in the region during the Middl e Formative between 1400 and 1000 B.C. (Beekman 2010:57), but grew more abundant with the population increases that occurred during the Late Formative Period in wester n Mexico. Generally, shaft tombs are characterized by one or more chambers accessed thro ugh a shaft and often demonstrate repeated use. However, shaft tombs appear in a wide variety of forms depending on their location. They range from the boot-shaped variety p resent across much of the region, to the bottle-shaped tombs in Nayarit and central Jali sco (Beekman and Galvan 2006:260). The meaning behind regional variation in tomb form remains unclear. Shaft tomb burials occur in both rural and urban se ttings. Within both contexts, shaft tombs have been directly associated with indi vidual social groups. These group associations are based on a distinct disparity in f unerary objects associated with individual tombs and their varying proximity to pub lic architecture at the ceremonial centers. (Beekman 2008, 2010). The deepest, most o rnate, and richly stocked tombs were located directly under the satellite temples of the circular ceremonial compounds, but less wealthy tombs appear to be clustered in cemetery di stricts removed from the city center (Beekman 2008: 419).
51 Shaft tombs have yielded a wealth of both utilitari an and prestige objects, including fine ceramic wares, hallow figurines, and obsidian artifacts. Obsidian artifacts often are found in the form of elaborate cruciforms lunates, thin circles, long pendants, double-pointed knives, mirror backs, beads, earl sp ools (Weigand 2007: 49), finely flaked obsidian tools, obsidian jewelry, and anthropomorph ic obsidian figures (Beekman and Galvan 2006:263). These offerings were a reflection of the social identity of the individual entombed. Galvan (1991) describes the we alth disparity across tombs as a product of a society of Â“HavesÂ” and Â“Have-NotsÂ” (Be ekman and Galvan 2006:265; Galvan 1991). There were members of the community t hat were afforded the luxury of being buried with substantial obsidian tools and de corated with fine obsidian jewelry, whereas others could only be provided with limited funerary offerings (Beekman and Galvan 2006:265). Originally, Shaft tombs appeared to have reached th e height of their complexity during the transition from Late Formative to Early Classic. It now appears that the construction of mortuary architecture and public, m onumental architecture occurred concurrently (Beekman and Weigand 2008), symbolical ly expressing socio-political organization. The disparity in quality of shaft tom bs is indicative of form of social competition between lineages (Beekman 2000: 393). C ompetition is inherent to the formation of uneven power relationships within the community and regionally and, therefore, the development of a stratified socio-po litical system. Shaft tomb quality began to decline by the end of t he Early Classic period; however, shaft tombs were still being furnished wit h luxury goods, though in diminished quantities (Beekman and Galvan 2006: 265), and at t imes adorned with painted murals
52 (Weigand 2000: 50). Nevertheless, around A.D. 500, there was a complete abandonment of shaft tombs construction in the Tequila Valley ( Weigand 1996: 94). The evidence suggests that the regional population held an unusual view towards the veneration of ancestors and ancestral lineages relative to other areas of Mesoamerica from the earliest inception of entombment burial pr actices at El Opeo (Weigand and Beekman 1998:42). Social power was linked to ancest ral power, and by physically constructing a tomb into the landscape, a social fa ction firmly imbedded a claim for their rights to power and land onto the communal psyche ( Butterwick 2004:13). Shaft tombs served as symbols of social authority through the p hysical demonstration of wealth and status. By the Late Formative Period, Teuchitln style circ ular public architecture becomes the prevalent form of monumental building c onstruction in the region (Weigand 1996: 91). Based on the updated chronology for the Teuchitln region, circular monumental architecture first begins to appear by 1 00 B.C. (Beekman 2010:63). Though most often consisting of eight rectangular structur es, this number is variable, and a guachimontn can consist of any number between four and sixteen structures (Weigand 1996: 94; Beekman 2008). Each circular compound was built during a single construction episode (Weigand 1996: 94). Within a core Teuchitl n site, multiple guachimontones were often constructed, with the largest sites cont aining upwards of ten circular plazas (Beekman 2008).
53Figure 3.3 Idealized Cross-Section of a Five-Element Guachimon tn Architectural Complex, West Mexico (Weigand 1996:96). Copyright 1 996. Ancient Mesoamerica. All Rights Reserved. Figure 3.4 Architectural Geometry of the Teuchitln Tradition, West Mexico (Weigand 1996:96). Copyright 1996. Ancient Mesoamerica. All Rights Reserved
54 Each rectangular temple surrounding the circular pu blic architecture has been associated with a family or lineage based councils within the community based on distinct architectural characteristics (Weigand and Garca de Weigand 2000:30). Initial surface surveys observed highly symmetrical archite ctural organization constructed around the central circular plaza. However, excavat ions at Guachimontn, Llano Grande and Navajas indicate that each platform unit was fa r from uniform. Evidence indicates that each structure was constructed using materials procured at different locations through distinct construction techniques to produce individualistic structures (Weigand 2007:105; Beekman 2008: 421). Distinct labor groups were working on their individ ual structures even as they were cooperating to create the wider circular templ e. Some of the variation may result from routine approaches to construction. But other evidence points to ongoing competition and active signaling of group m embership (Beekman 2008:423) Also, within direct proximity to guachimontones are large rectangular compounds of platforms and patios associated with elite resid ences, workshops and other specialized activity areas (Weigand 1996: 96). Architectural an d burial evidence provide clear indicators that members of the Teuchitln community were participating in diverse social activities, which lead to different social and econ omic roles within the community. Spence et al. (2002) believed that there were clear connections between obsidian concentrations in the ceremonial centers, residenti al compounds, and workshop areas at the site of Guachimontn. The pattern Spence et al. presented for the site of Guachimontn indicated a distinct relationship betw een members of the elite class and the distribution of obsidian (Spence et al. 2002: 6 8). Spence et al. postulated that during the Late Formative Period, there was the formation of low-level craft specialization in
55 obsidian artifact production, which provided the ba sis for later intensive lithic production. By the Classic Period, there was intensive workshop obsidian production by specialists attached to elite families. Intensification in obsi dian production would have then occurred concurrently with a proliferation in construction o f guachimontones (Spence et al. 2002:76). Weigand (2007) concurred that a form of o bsidian craft specialization developed at Guachimontn; however, there were far too many obsidian sources for direct source control by an elite class. They would have been limited to overseeing manufacture and distribution of obsidian products, which would have still provided economic and social gains (Weigand 2007: 113). On the onset, this model provides a clear pattern f or the development of craft specialization overseen by an elite class; however, the data used by Spence et al. (2002) to determine social relationships at Guachimontn w as based mainly on surface collections of Post Classic Period lithic artifacts with the exception of a single excavated workshop without associated chronological data cond ucted by Soto de Arechavaleta (Spence et al. 2002:61; Soto de Arechavaleta 1990). Given the prevalence of obsidian in the region, it would be difficult to discern chrono logical association of obsidian artifacts with temporal periods. Therefore, it would be prude nt to question the validity of data derived from surface collections in the region. In addition, their model for change is based on the now abandoned chronology for the regio n (Beekman 2010). On the outset, the structural organization of the s iteÂ’s monumental architecture would indicate a collective organizational style, i ndicative of multiple elite lineages, rather than a single totalitarian ruler. However, a t other core Teuchitln sites, there are disparities in the sizes of the multiple guachimontones present. The larger circular
56 compounds at these sites would seemingly indicate e conomic differentiation and social stratification of familial units within the communi ty (Beekman 2008:426). Under the assumptions of Spence et al. (2002), social roles w ould have been based on economic control over lithic production. However, in a regio n where obsidian is commonplace, how and why would any one group control any aspect of it? It is implausible that there was centralized control over lithic production base d on my own observations of the simplistic nature of lithic technology indicating n o special or easily controlled lithic production techniques at Navajas. Rather, political authority, as Beekman (2008) argues, appears to have been based on the collective govern ance of privileged lineages able to construct and maintain ritual spaces rooted in ideo logy (Beekman 2008:430). The Tiered Teuchitln Tradition At the peak of social power, the Teuchitln traditi on was the predominant sociopolitical entity in western Mexico. The defining cu ltural features of the tradition were direct products of forces that drove the formation of complex social organization. The consolidation of abundant resources and ritually dr iven social ideology under a centralized political node provided the catalyst fo r the regional expansion of hegemonic ideology (Weigand and Beekman 1998). It was the wid ely dispersed transmission of socio-political ideas throughout the region that sh aped the core-periphery system of the Teuchitln tradition, reflected in the disproportio nate levels of monumental construction at certain sites within the greater Teuchitln sphe re of influence (Weigand 1985; Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996; Beekman 1996; Weigand and Beekman 1998). Weigand (1985) proposed that there is a direct asso ciation between the size of monumental architecture and the social power held b y individuals or groups within that
57 same community (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996). The m ore robust the architecture is at any one site, the greater the necessary access to w ealth, both in resources and labor, required to facilitate construction. Given the disp roportionate size of public construction not only within a single site, but also regionally, there appears to have been distinct roles within the social organization of the Teuchitln tr aditionÂ’s community structure (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996: 106). Weigand (1985) laid the groundwork for defining soc ial differentiation within the larger Teuchitln core zone; however, many sites fe ll into the in-between tiered categories making difficult to assert clear social differentiation to all sites within the larger context of the core Teuchitln zone. In orde r to remedy the convoluted nature of the tiered system, Ohnersorgen and Varien attempted to refine the model of political organization based solely on the volume of formal a rchitecture as a comparative measure. Using this methodology they were able to define fou r types of sites, ranked A-D. Site Types A and B are the only types that demonstr ate a considerable volume of formal architecture that is distinct from other sites. Wit hin the Teuchitln tradition, three mapped sites are above and beyond the others in overall si te volume: Guachimontn, Ahualulco, and Santa Quitera. Guachimontn is nearly twice the size of Ahualulco and Santa Quitera and more than four times as large as any other site within the tradition. The sheer size of Guachimontn (77,887 m3) indicates its social and political importance ear ning its ranking as the only Type A site. Ahualulco and Sant a Quitera then comprise the only Type B site in the revised ranking system (Ohnersor gen and Varien 1996:108). Site Types C and D contain formal architecture, and the largest number of sites within the Teuchitln system would fall into the lowest order of site types, Type D (Ohnersorgen
58 and Varien 1996:119). In Ohnersorgen and VarienÂ’s r evisited ranking system, the mapped Type C site are delineated by the presence o f formal architecture and ranged in size between 15,342 m3 to 7,268 m3. Based on these criteria five sites fit into ranki ng Type C: Mesa (Loma) Alta, El Saucillo, La Providenc ia, Arroyo de los Lobos, and Rio Salado (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996:110). The remai ning 22 mapped sites with formal architecture were placed into the Type D category. These sites varied considerably in volume; however, none of them were greater than 4,7 00 m3 (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996:110). There were several other sites that were unable to be mapped for a variety of reasons. In order to place these sites within their revised ranking system, Ohnersorgen and Varien used Â“crude estimates of the volume of t he formal architectureÂ” based on estimated structure counts and the revised tier ran king system (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996:110). San Juan de los Arcos is the largest of the unmapped sites with three circles and an estimated volume of 40,000 m3, which placed the site in the Type B rank. The next five smallest sites were placed in the Type C category based on original ranking as Tier I-II or II, and that they contained three or m ore circle. The unmapped Type C sites included Huitzilapa-A, Cuisillos, Las Navajas, Los Ceborucos, and Mesa Alta. The final 17 unmapped sites were ranked as Type D, based on a mean volume of 2,684 m3, and they contained less than three circles (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996:110). Once Ohnersorgen and Varien were able to redefine s ite ranking based volume of formal architecture, they were then able to analyze settlement organization. Using the gravity model of interaction, they were able to inc orporate potential components within the Teuchitln system that may have been integral a spects of the regional settlement
59 organization. Under this underlying premise, two ge neral models surfaced as explanatory for regional interaction within the system wide org anization. One that is tightly integrated and centralized prim arily around Guachimontn (however, with other Tier I sites perhaps serving a s local zonal administrators), and one in which local zones are relatively autonom ous and politically selfadministering (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996:119).
Figure 3.5 Settlement interaction centralized primarily around Guachimontn (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996:114). Copyright 1996, Ancient Mesoa merica. All Rights Reserved. Settlement interaction centralized primarily around Guachimontn (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996:114). Copyright 1996, Ancient Mesoa merica. All Rights Reserved. 60 Settlement interaction centralized primarily around Guachimontn (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996:114). Copyright 1996, Ancient Mesoa merica. All Rights Reserved.
Figure 3.6 Settlement interaction in which local zones are rel atively autonomous and politically selfadministering (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996:117). Co pyright 1996, Ancient Mesoamerica. All Rights Reserved. Settlement interaction in which local zones are rel atively autonomous and administering (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996:117). Co pyright 1996, Ancient Mesoamerica. All Rights Reserved. 61 Settlement interaction in which local zones are rel atively autonomous and administering (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996:117). Co pyright 1996, Ancient
62 Some sites within the greater Teuchitln regional z one were strategically placed to maximize controlled access to and from the regio nÂ’s core or, as some peripheral sites appear to be intended, for regional defense (Weigan d 2007:106). Sites such as Cerro de Pipiole, Cerro de Tepopote, Llano Grande, and El Mo lino were strategically placed in natural corridors into the Tequila Valley (Beekman 1996:140; Weigand 2007:106; Weigand and Beekman 1998:44). These were strategica lly placed for a singular purpose and not intended to be regional political nodes. Th erefore, these sites tend to have limited monumental construction placing them into the lowes t ranking categories (Beekman 1996:140). Because of the extensive resource wealth in the region they may have been placed to monitor and defend accessibility into the region. Thereby, solidify social and political control of the central, upper-tiered core sites (Beekman 1996; 2000). The Weigand (1985) and the Ohnersorgen and Varien ( 1996) models provide a quantifiable way of ranking the regional organizati onal systems as a whole by assessing the prevalence of formal architecture. The regional focus on the tradition over the years has not been designed to address divisions within a n individual site. However, it is social distinctions at the site level that equate to disti nguished roles within the community. Inside individual sites, there are discrete variati ons in the size of guachimontones and building techniques and quality used within a singl e construction (Weigand 2007:105; Beekman 2008). Therefore, t he Teuchitln tradition provides a unique opportuni ty to bring the level of social analysis to that of an in dividual social group and to determine the role of individual agency in socio-economic roles.
63Table 2: Ranking of core Teuchitln sites. (Adapted from Wei gand 1985 and Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996) 1 Site numbers assigned by Weigand (1985) 2 Site-Scale rankings of the Teuchitln core sites in Ohnersorgen and Varien (1996) Site Number1 and Name Scale2 1. Guachimonton A 2. Mesa (Loma) Alta C 3. Arroyo de los Lobos C 4. Mesa (Loma Baja) D 5. Estanzuela D 6. Capilla D 7. Campanilla D 8. Caldera de los Lobos D 9. Mesa Alta-A (El Refugio) D 10. Mesa Alta-B (El Refugio) D 11. Rio Salado C 12. Entroque D 13. Escheveria D 14. La Noria D 15. Chivas Palacio D 16. Portero de las Chivas D 17. Arroyo de las Chivas D 18. Zacametate D 19. Nogalera D 20. Animas D 21. Cuisillo C 22. Mezquite D 23. Ahuisculco D 24. San Juan de los Arcos B 25. Bosque D 26. La Mora D 27. El Carmen D 28. Ahualulco B 29. Ahualulco Este D
64Table 2 ( Cont.) Site Number1 and Name Scale2 30. Ahualulco Residencial D 31. Cortacena D 32. Laguna Colorado D 33. La Providencia C 34. Ahualulco Norte D 35. Cerro de los Monos D 36. Chapulimita D 37. La Pena D 38. El Suacillo C 39. Los Ceborucos C 40. Las Rosas D 41. Las Pilas D 42. Mes de las Pilas D 43. Huitzilapa A C 44. Huitzilapa B D 45. Huitzilapa C D 46. Huitzilapa D D 47. Las Navajas B 48. Amititan D 49. Amititan Oeste D 50. Santa Quiteria B 51. Mesa Alta C 52. Los Bailadores C
65 Llano Grande The Tequila IV phase site of Llano Grande provided the initial basis for attempting to locate indicators of differential pre ference and possible differentiated social roles for the public use of obsidian at a guachimontn in the Teuchitln tradition. Excavated in 2000 by the Tequila Valley Regional Ar chaeological Project (TVRAP), Llano Grande is located on the far western edge of the Tequila Valley (Beekman 2008:420). The site consists of a single circular p laza, multiple well-preserved residential structures, and successive defensive walls that wou ld have protected the site from the west. The site fell outside the scope of Ohnersorge n and VarienÂ’s Teuchitln site scale analysis (1996); however, given the relatively smal l volumetric scope of Llano Grande it would have fallen in the Â“DÂ” size category (Beekman 2008:420). Given the architectural evidence presented at the site, it has been classif ied as a Â“modest, specialized boundary fortification tied to an overarching political auth orityÂ” (Beekman 2008:420). The 2000 excavations at Llano Grande targeted activ ity areas centered on the single circular plaza at the site. This produced a clear site picture of individualized structures (various sizes, construction methods, el aboration) surrounding the central circular plaza (Beekman 2008: 421). The excavated e vidence also suggested that each structure might have been the location of distinct activities by individual groups (Beekman 2008:421). To further test the possibility of socially distinct groups participating in the larger cooperative order of th e site, a preliminary sourcing analysis of nine obsidian samples was conducted at the Universi ty of Missouri Archaeometry Laboratory (MURR).
66 The site is located adjacent to one of the most val uable sources of obsidian in the Tequila Valley that produces a variety of obsidian in several colors. However, one of the nine pieces submitted for analysis was sourced to t he Ixtlan del Rio source located in the neighboring state of Nayarit (Beekman, Personal Com munication, 2012). Based on the observed expedient technology of the Llano Grande a ssemblage, it appears that the population was not explicitly selecting for high qu ality obsidian for specific levels of production. Additionally, the piece that was source d to the Ixtlan del Rio source did not have any notable visual characteristics that would have made it Â“specialÂ” (Beekman, Personal Communication, 2012); however, it may have been different enough for an individual to select that material for use at the c ircular plaza rather than the locally available obsidian. The simple presence of a non-lo cal material at Llano Grande indicates that mechanisms of regional obsidian distribution w ere in place even if limited in scope. The preliminary analysis conducted at Llano Grande was merely that, a preliminary analysis. It provided an intriguing bas is for quantifying greater regional participation by Teuchitln groups in the economic distribution of obsidian. However, the sample size submitted from Llano Grande for NAA tes ting was a relatively small percentage of the overall obsidian recovered from t he site associated with prehistoric occupation (0.3%). The sample size made it impossib le to produce a sweeping analysis of social functions held by individual groups solely b ased on the obsidian. In addition, the single sourced piece of Ixtlan del Rio obsidian was a point fragment found in the central plaza, thereby, making it impossible to associate w ith a single structure or group. Therefore, in order to delve into concepts of group material preference and obsidian distribution roles, the scale of analysis needed to be increased to provide convincing
67 results. This study is intended to build upon the i nitial analysis conducted at Llano Grande through a detailed assessment of obsidian re covered from the Teuchitln tradition site of Navajas. Figure 3.7 Map of obsidian sources in the Tequila Valley with the site of Llano Grande indicated.
68Table 3: Obsidian samples submitted to MURR for NAA testing from Llano Grande. (Beekman, Personal Communication, 2012) Unit Lot Structure number Notes Wt. in grams prior to NAA Source LG1/N-2 E-38 2 14-2 Flake probably from manufacture of jewelry 7 Llano Grande LG1/N-4 E-34 2 14-2 Finishing flake 3 Llano Grande LG1/N16 E-14 7 14-5 Macroflake 239 Llano Grande LG1/N16 E-16 7 14-5 Macroflake 140 Llano Grande LG1/N4 E-8 3 14-6 Point 10 Llano Grande LG1/N6 E-10 15 14-6 Drill shaped shatter 6 Llano Grande LG1/N4 E-18 4 14-9 Point fragment 33 Llano Grande LG1/N4 E-22 3 14-9 Point fragment 8 Ixtlan del Rio LG1/N4 E-26 4 14-9 Point fragment 7 Llano Grande
69 Navajas & The Tequila Valley Regional Archaeologica l Project The Late Formative Period site of Navajas (50 cal B .C. Â– cal A.D. 200) is located in the southeast corner of the Tequila Valley in Ja lisco, Mexico. The site contains at least ten circular compounds, a 85m long ballcourt, multi ple residential compounds, terraces, cemeteries and satellite centers with their own cir cular architecture (Beekman 2008: 424). However, there is no evidence for the presence of s haft tombs at the core of Navajas. At this juncture, excavations have not been conducted outside of the core zone at Navajas. It is highly probable that shaft tombs were present in cemeteries located in the hinterlands, and have yet to be discovered or have been destroye d through intensive agricultural practices in the region. There is also no direct ev idence for palatial residences at Navajas, but there are clear distinctions in residential arc hitecture (Beekman 2008: 417). However, platform group 7 appears to have many attributes th at could be associated with residential architecture (Beekman, personal communication, 2012 ). Nevertheless, the presence of circular public architecture indicates that the sit e retained the same cultural ideology and structural system as other core sites within the Te uchitln tradition. Navajas is positioned atop a mesa slightly more tha n a kilometer south of the modern town of Santa Maria de las Navajas (Beekman 2007:8). Navajas was positioned within close proximity of three other sites contain ing their own public architecture: El Jaguey (3.4 km to the west-southwest), La Florida ( 2.5 km due south), and a recently identified site 4.4 km to the north-northeast (Beek man 2007:9). The centralized positioning of Navajas between these sites would ha ve made it an important regional center. As a regional center of authority, Navajas would have controlled the passage from the Tequila Valley southeast to Lake Chapala. Conse quently, Navajas would have
70 retained socio-political authority over abundance o f natural resources in the surrounding region, including several notable obsidian outcropp ings. The site of Navajas is located within proximity to several known valuable, histori cally mined sources, including the San Juan de los Arcos and Ahuisculco sources. However, what may have made the site a dominant force in the region is that it also sits d irectly on top of one of the most prolific and valuable sources in the region, the Navajas obs idian source. In 2003, the Tequila Valley Regional Archaeological Project transitioned their excavations at the site of Llano Grande to concentr ate on the site of Navajas. The TVRAP excavations focused on two of the ten circula r plazas surveyed at the site, included Circle 1 and the much smaller Circle 5. I nitial excavations centered on the smallest circle observed at the site of Navajas, Ci rcle 5. Even though Circle 5 was the smallest circle at the site, it was still located w ithin the heart of the ceremonial district, and as such would have maintained social distinctio n within the community. The excavations at Circle 5 included the entirety of si x of the eight platform structures, 5-2, 53, 5-4, 5-5, 5-6, 5-7, the central patio, and the l ow flat central altar (5-9) (Beekman 2008:424). Platform structures 5-1 and 5-8 were un able to be excavated by the TVRAP field crew because of the devastating extent of loo ting at these two structures. Upon completing exploration of Circle 5, the field crew shifted their attention to the dominant circular plaza at the site. As the lar gest circle at the site, Circle 1 consisted of a total of eight platform structures and a centr ally located raised pyramid altar. Due to time constraints of the 2003 field season, TVRAP cr ewmembers were only able to excavate a limited portion of Circle 1. Of the eigh t platform structures, only the entirety of raised platform 1-7, a small area of platform 16, and a section of the central patio
71 were excavated. Even with limited excavations at Ci rcle 1, there were considerable quantities of obsidian recovered, which could be us ed for comparative analysis between the two guachimontones at the site of Navajas. Figure 3.8 Satellite image of Circle 1 and Circle 5 taken in 2 005. Image produced from Google EarthÂ™.
72 Figure 3.9 Site map of Navajas (Produced by the TVRAP in 2002) Copyright 2007, Tequila Valley Regional Archaeological Project. All Rights Reserved.
73 The groups responsible for the building of each str ucture retained different levels of access of both construction materials and engine ering knowledge. As a general practice, the structures were constructed of stone with evidence of unfired packed earth around the stones (slump) and an exterior coating o f fired daub (Beekman 2007: 98-99). However, these general practices are where many of the similarities in construction techniques cease to exist. Structures 5-2, 5-6, and 5-7 made opportunistic use of extremely large boulders within their walls, while Structures 5-3, 5-4, and 5-5 were built strictly with transported stones. The structure that differed mos t from the template is Structure 5-6, which is much smaller and has the least extens ive terrace. It also had by far the fewest artifacts associated with it, and an alm ost total lack of slump and daub. The structure would have been appeared quite differ ent from the others around the circle, with a superstructure composed only of peri shable materials like bamboo and grasses. Structure 5-7 has a larger foundation, but also lacked slump and had only small quantities of daub Â– it would also have presented an exterior of bare stone, bamboo, and a thatch roof. Structure 5-2 was associated with considerable daub collapse in its final layers, but there is lit tle slump present. This structure would therefore have had significant use of bajareq ue walls, but perhaps over a bare stone foundation rather than one that had been coated with clay (Beekman 2007:98-99). Structures were not only constructed using various technique, but were also constructed with different functions in mind resulting in diffe rent architectural layouts to suit their intended purpose. Although the fundamental size of the structures was not overtly different, there were distinctions in the use of internal space and the size of exterior terrace additions that impacted total usable space. An internal wall, whic h reduced usable interior space, divided some of the structures. Only Structure 5-3 had a single interior room, whereas t he interior of Structures 5-2, 5-4, 5-5, 5-6 and possi bly 5-7 had divided interior space. Additionally, other structures did greatly differ i n the size of terraced additions, which would have added to the overall usable space of the building. Structures 5-3 and 5-4 had
74 the largest terraces at Circle 5 producing the most overall usable space, whereas Structure 5-6 had the smallest terraced space (Beekman 2007:9 8-99). These overall difference in structure size would no t only indicate a differentiated ability or preference to construct the buildings, b ut also that the buildings retained different functionality (Beekman et al 2007: 98-99) Although the gradual abandonment of Navajas makes it difficult to demonstrate the tr ue functionality of the prehistoric architecture, differences in artifact distribution supports the notion of distinct functions for each structure: Structure 5-3 had a particularly notable concentrat ion of solid figurines and even a hollow figure fragment. Structure 5-4 had the only quartz crystal noted during excavation. Structure 5-6 showed little evidence of artifacts at all, and Structure 57 displayed a striking quantity of finished obsidia n tools (Beekman et al. 2007:9899). The structures at Navajas maintained a general arch itectural framework, but that is where the similarities ended. Individual families were re sponsible for their own building choices, based on a wide variety of factors: abilit y to obtain material, construction knowledge, functionality of space, and most likely individual stylistic preferences (Beekman et al. 2007). On the onset, monumental construction at Navajas an d other Teuchitln tradition sites appear highly symmetrical and uniform. Howeve r, when examined in greater detail, the size and layout of outer platform structures de monstrate distinctive construction methods and planning went into the building of each of these facilities creating a unique space. Individual Â“housesÂ” incorporated their own u nique style into the construction of structures, yet needed to be part of the larger soc ial alliance to form a complete circle. Although this pattern suggests a formalized allianc e of politically elite groups controlling
75 regional nodes, many sites contain multiple circles of varying sizes and complexity. The distinct structural variations within multiple vari ants of guachimontones at a single site have only raised additional questions about the lar ge-scale social power structure (Beekman 2010:63). It is only through the material artifacts recovered from individual structures that it may possible to ascertain, first social differentiation between structures within a single guachimontn and second, between guachimontones at a single site. It is only when individual agency and social processes ar e exposed at the site level that it is possible to begin to assess regional interaction be tween nodes.
76 CHAPTER IV METHODS Did individual platform units or circular plazas at the site of Navajas have differential preference for specific visually categ orized types of obsidian raw material? If evidence for differential preference for visually u nique types of raw material is present at Navajas, was that preference indicative of individu al families economic connections within an exchange network manifested through acces s to specific sources? Given the proximity of Navajas to considerable obsidian sourc es, it is likely that the vast majority of lithic material recovered from the site would ha ve originated from local sources. However, if there are trace amounts of obsidian pre sent from other sources it is possible to demonstrate distinct differences between groups. Visual analysis was used to characterize every piece from the obsidian sample p opulation, in order to assess the whole sample and reduce the risk of losing data ava ilable only through a minimal amount of lithic material recovered at the site. The visual analysis method for material analysis is readily accessible in the field and can be conducted with limited financial resourc es. Although the use of visual analysis has remained controversial in Mesoamerican lithic analysis, there have been multiple studies that have championed the practice. However, even the studies that embrace the use of visual analysis underscore that in order for the results to retain scientific validity it needs to be collaborated thr ough elemental analysis (Aoyama 1994; Braswell et al. 1994; Braswell et al. 2000; Braswel l et al. 2011; Clark and Lee 1984; Knight and Glascock 2009; Heller and Stark 1998; Re bnegger 2010; Spence et al. 2002). Therefore, in order to produce a usable lithic data set based on the entire Navajas sample,
77 test samples from each visually determined lithic t ype were submitted for Neutron Activation Analysis. The second level of analysis will be performed thro ugh elemental analysis of the visual groups identified not only to corroborate th e visual analysis, but also assess regional patterns of exchange interaction. It is in valuable to be able to use the entire collection of visually identified types to delineat e aspects of access to raw material and trade that may be rendered indecipherable through t he limited number of samples sourced through NAA. Because of cost prohibitive nature of NAA sourcing, it is often only possible to have a small number of samples tested, reducing the clarity and specificity of the resulting data. NAA sourcing assumes that the s amples provide a representation of the total population, but a vast amount of information including visual types that occur infrequently will be lost in the process due to the sample size. The forthcoming results from the NAA testing are in tended to validate or invalidate the visual groups in the identification of compositional sources through the use of visual methods. If the visual types are confirme d, the entire visual database of obsidian will be available for analysis. If the visual types are rejected, or there is no association with the elemental composition, there will still be a sufficient sample of obsidian to analyze patterns of exchange and other pattern of h uman behavior at the site of Navajas during the Late Formative Period in greater detail. Data Set The Tequila Valley Regional Archaeological Project (TVRAP), under the direction of Christopher Beekman, has conducted arc haeological investigations at multiple locations within the Tequila Valley of wes tern Mexico. The data gathered from
these excavations have provided Teuchitl n tradition. In 2003, TVRAP shifted their focus fro m the site of Llano Gran the n orthwest corner of the periphery (Beekman 2003, detailed site layout and 2919 occupation period obsidian artifacts were recovered during excavations at two guachimont for this analysis. Figure 4.1 Map of the site layout for the central group at Nav ajas. The areas excavated during the 2003 excavations Tequila Valley Regional Archaeological Project. All Rights Reserved. The T VRAP excavations on two guachimontones Circle 1 and Circle 5. excavations that occurred at Circle 1. provided considerable insight into an understanding of the n tradition. In 2003, TVRAP shifted their focus fro m the site of Llano Gran orthwest corner of the region to the site of Navajas located in the s outheastern (Beekman 2003, 2007, 2008). The eight month long field season and 2919 occupation period obsidian artifacts were recovered during guachimont ones It is these obsidian artifacts that provide Map of the site layout for the central group at Nav ajas. The areas excavated during the 2003 excavations are circled (Produced by the TVRAP 2007). Copyright 200 7, Tequila Valley Regional Archaeological Project. All Rights Reserved. VRAP excavations at the Navajas site during the 2003 field season focused Circle 1 and Circle 5. Operation N2 included all of the that occurred at Circle 1. Circle 1 was the largest of the circular plazas at the 78 understanding of the n tradition. In 2003, TVRAP shifted their focus fro m the site of Llano Gran de in outheastern field season produced a and 2919 occupation period obsidian artifacts were recovered during that provide the material Map of the site layout for the central group at Nav ajas. The areas excavated circled (Produced by the TVRAP 2007). Copyright 200 7, field season focused N2 included all of the Circle 1 was the largest of the circular plazas at the
79 site with an outer diameter of 95-104 m. Calibrated radiocarbon dates place the initial construction of Circle 1 in 50 B.C. with continuous occupation until A.D. 50. Circle 1 consists of eight raised platforms surrounding a ce ntral pyramid altar that may have reached 3.5-4.0 m in height and 28 m in diameter (B eekman 2008:426). The structures that encircle Circle 1 alternate in height between tall platforms (Approx. 2 m) and shorter platforms (Approx. 1 m). Originally, thought to rep resent an early construction episode of four platforms with a secondary construction phase of four more platforms, excavations revealed that the methods used in the construction of the platforms indicate that there was a single construction episode (Beekman 2008). Altho ugh it became apparent that the construction of Circle 1 occurred during a single b uilding event, variations in height may have held direct implications for the social standi ng of the social group associated with a specific platform (Beekman 2008). During fieldwork, only one of the eight outer platf orm structures at Circle 1 was entirely excavated, Structure 1-7. Structure 1-7 wa s a true rectangular shaped platform structure (17.3 m by 12.5 m), with a total surface area of 216 m (Beekman 2007:122; Beekman 2008). A second structure, Structure 1-6, w as only partially excavated during the field season. Structure 1-6 was also a platform structure; however, the exact dimensions remain unclear because only the back wal l of the structure was excavated. Both Structures 1-7 and 1-6 appeared to employ the same construction techniques, but built to different heights from the initial stages of construction (Beekman 2008:426). Structure 1-6 was the larger of the two platforms a nd did not undergo additional building episodes after initial phases of construction. Stru cture 1-7 underwent modest periods of lateral expansion, as well as, a single upward addi tion of 30 cm (Beekman 2008:426).
Figure 4.2 Map of Circle 1 Prior to excavation in 2003 (Produc ed by the TVRAP 2007). Copyright 2007, Tequila Valley Regional Archaeologi cal Project. All Rights Reserved. Whereas Circle 1 was the largest at the site of Nav ajas Circle 5 was the smallest. Circle 5 was constructed around the same period tha t Circle 1 fell into disuse, A.D. 50, and was in regular use until A.D. 200. surrounded a flat central altar rather than a raise d central pyramid. The patio diameter averages 22.9 m, which provided a functional activi ty space of 368 m (Beekman 2008:424). The eight outer structures ranged in siz e from 33.7 m (Structure 5 m (Structure 53). These structures not only varied considerably i n size, but also in the fundamental architectural layouts that made up the physical structure. All of the structures were soundly built of multiple rows of s tone with a prepared eart (daub) applied to make the sidewall, except Structure 5 that it appeared to have only a limited labor inves tment, reflected in the poor construction Map of Circle 1 Prior to excavation in 2003 (Produc ed by the TVRAP 2007). Copyright 2007, Tequila Valley Regional Archaeologi cal Project. All Rights Reserved. Whereas Circle 1 was the largest at the site of Nav ajas Circle 5 was the smallest. Circle 5 was constructed around the same period tha t Circle 1 fell into disuse, A.D. 50, in regular use until A.D. 200. Circle 5 also consisted of eight structures surrounded a flat central altar rather than a raise d central pyramid. The patio diameter averages 22.9 m, which provided a functional activi ty space of 368 m (Beekman 2008:424). The eight outer structures ranged in siz e from 33.7 m (Structure 5 3). These structures not only varied considerably i n size, but also in the fundamental architectural layouts that made up the physical structure. All of the structures were soundly built of multiple rows of s tone with a prepared eart applied to make the sidewall, except Structure 5 -6. Structure 56 was unique in that it appeared to have only a limited labor inves tment, reflected in the poor construction 80 Map of Circle 1 Prior to excavation in 2003 (Produc ed by the TVRAP 2007). Copyright 2007, Tequila Valley Regional Archaeologi cal Project. All Rights Reserved. Whereas Circle 1 was the largest at the site of Nav ajas Circle 5 was the smallest. Circle 5 was constructed around the same period tha t Circle 1 fell into disuse, A.D. 50, Circle 5 also consisted of eight structures that surrounded a flat central altar rather than a raise d central pyramid. The patio diameter averages 22.9 m, which provided a functional activi ty space of 368 m (Beekman 2008:424). The eight outer structures ranged in siz e from 33.7 m (Structure 5 -6) to 58.1 3). These structures not only varied considerably i n size, but also in the fundamental architectural layouts that made up the physical structure. All of the structures were soundly built of multiple rows of s tone with a prepared eart hen mixture 6 was unique in that it appeared to have only a limited labor inves tment, reflected in the poor construction
81 quality and distinct absence of artifacts (Beekman 2008:424). The sum of excavations that occurred at Circle 5 was deemed part of Operat ion N1. Excavations of Circle 5 included, Structure 5-2, 5-3, 5-4, 5-5, 5-5, and 57. Given the poor condition of Structure 5-1 and 5-8 due to looting they were not included i n the TVRAP excavations. Structure 5-2 is the most northeastern structure at Circle 5. The basic layout of the building is rectangular in shape with a 51.0 m foo tprint. The foundation walls construction consisted of multiple rows of stone he ld together with a prepared clay mixture forming the outline of the structure. The b uilding was divided into a front and rear section, with the front section measuring 1.2 by 4.9 and a larger rear section at 2.3 by 4.6 m for a total of 10.6 m of interior space (Bee kman 2007:27). Positioning on the site placed the front of the structure level with the pa tio surface, whereas the rear of the structure dropped down slightly. It was only during a later renovation that the rear of 5-2 was raised to the same level as the front room (Bee kman 2008:424). Structure 5-3 was a nearly square structure (7.8 m by 7.5 m) at the eastern most part of Circle 5. The structure appears to have bee n planned with an inner and outer structure. The outer structure consists of a short apron surrounding the structure without a superstructure set atop it, akin to a porch. The so utheastern structure, 5-4, was 7.2 by 7.8 m wide, with a total area of 56.2 m. Structure 5-4 appears to have the same inner and outer architectural design observed at Structure 53. Structure 5-4 joined the southernmost structure, 5-5, by a single wall simil ar to the architectural elements present at more formal guachimontn construction (Beekman 2008:424). Structure 5-5 was 7.0 m by 6.9 m for a total area of 48.3 m. This structure appears to have interior walls that delineated an Â“innerÂ” space with an area of 19.1 m (Beekman 2007:50). The close
82 proximity and the use of an adjoining wall between Structures 5-4 and 5-5 broke the symmetrical arrangement of Circle 5 suggesting that there was the social leeway to construct structures with individualistic intent The close proximity between Structure 5-4 and 5-5 also suggest that a unique relationship or affinity existed between the two social groups that were not present with other members of the Circle (Beekman et al 2007: 9899). The southwestern Structure 5-6 appears to have had a limited investment in building quality. Sidewalls were defined by 30 cm h igh erratic, single rows of stone, which probably did not have daub coating the exterior of the stonewalls. An interior wall divides the space into two small irregularly shaped rooms measuring 3.5 m and 6.0 m. Structure 5-7 was the western most structure at Cir cle 5 with a footprint of 7.7 m by 7.3 m for a total area of 56.2 m (Beekman 2007:68). As seen in Structure 5-2, Structure 5-7 also incorporated existing boulders into wall const ruction, whereas, Structures 5-3, 5-4, and 5-5, had carefully chosen stones of uniform siz e for wall construction. Similar to structures 5-2, 5-4, 5-5, and probably 5-6, Structu re 5-7 had interior walls that divided the front and rear space (Beekman 2008:424). The different techniques used to construct each str ucture are overt indicators of different groups producing buildings for their own individual purposes. However, there are also subtle differences to the construction pre ferences that further suggest the idea that each structure was built by separate families rather than a singular construction episode by a larger politic entity. The builders of Structure 5-2 began their construct ion by first building a subfloor in at least the front room, and possibly the rear r oom, and then constructing their walls on top. This was the case with Structures 5-5 and 5-6 as well, and may be due to the necessities of constructing on uneven su rfaces that required leveling.
83 This is the opposite of the approach used in Struct ure 5-4 or the Altar, where the encircling structure walls sit directly on the grou nd surface rather than the interior subfloor (Beekman et al. 2007: 98-99). The structures at Navajas evolved over time as the needs of the occupants changed, which was reflected in building modifications. Ther efore, it is important to recognize the necessity to examine all excavated layers that can be attributed to site occupations, including structural additions. Figure 4.3 Map of Circle 5 after Excavation (Produced by the T VRAP in 2002). Copyright 2002, Tequila Valley Regional Archaeological Projec t. All Rights Reserved.
84 Validity of Visual Analysis As a methodological approach to performing lithic a nalysis, visual identification has faced a sustained criticism for the methods ina bility to produce valid and unbiased results for sourcing (Moholy-Nagy et al. 1984; Moho ly-Nagy and Nelson 1990; MoholyNagy 1999, 2003; Moholy-Nagy et al. 2013). It has b een strongly argued that the practice is inherently flawed, and analyst biases or inter-o bserver variation make it difficult to replicate measurable results. However, there have a lso been a number of Mesoamerican lithic studies have championed this methodology as a means for developing a baseline for a quantifiable analysis of local versus non-local o bsidian raw material, especially when used in conjunction with elemental source analysis (Aoyama 1994; Braswell et al. 1994; Braswell et al. 2000; Braswell et al. 2011; Clark a nd Lee 1984; Knight and Glascock 2009; Heller and Stark 1998; Rebnegger 2010; Spence et al. 2002). As a general rule, the elemental difference between sources is greater than the elemental variation of material within a single flo w; thereby, individual sources are treated compositionally as a single homogeneous uni t (Darling and Hayashida 1995:245). It is possible to substantiate visual sourcing thro ugh elemental testing because sources can be delineated by their unique elemental composi tion. It is impossible visually to detect the elemental composition of obsidian, but i t is possible to visually differentiate material based on defined set of observable charact eristics. Color alone is unsuitable for distinguishing obsidian because it has been observe d that color is not only a result of the chemical make-up, but can also be a product of loca l environmental factors at the time of formational processes, such as iron oxidation durin g formation (Darling and Hayashida 1995:251). This may account for the unreliable resu lts that plague visual studies that
85 focus their analysis too narrowly on obsidian color ation (Moholy-Nagy et al. 1984; Moholy-Nagy and Nelson 1990; Moholy-Nagy 1999, 2003 ). By examining the raw material for multiple visually defining characteris tics it is possible to alleviate the criticism that certain sources are highly variable, consequently, are unable to be visually sourced. Braswell et al. (2002) used seven optical criteria to define observed obsidian artifacts in their study in order to maximize effic iency in visual analysis, including: Â“(1) The refracted color; (2) the reflected color; (3) the degree of translucence and opacity; (4) the degree to which refracted light is diffused; (5) the presence, size, color, frequency, and nature of inclusions; (6) the texture and luster of flaked surfaces; and (7) the color, texture, and thickness of cortexÂ” (Braswell et al. 2000: 270-271). Addressing multiple observable characteristics prov ides the ability to relate obsidian with greater accuracy to a single source through multipl e defining characteristics that developed during the geologic formation processes. Therefore, it is necessary to use a broad spectrum of visual characteristics in conjunc tion with the use of compositional analysis to justify relatable sourcing information that can be used to make statistically valid interpretations about the obsidian. Braswell et al. (1994) describes addition failures to visual sourcing as a product of five key factors: 1. Â“Researchers have tended to be familiar with only s ome of the obsidian types found in their collectionsÂ” (Braswell et al. 1994:178) 2. Â“Few workers have been familiar with the full range of visual criteria that categorizes a particular sourceÂ” (Braswell et al. 1 994:178) 3. Â“Most Researchers have worked without an adequate r eference collection of either worked or natural obsidianÂ” (Braswell et al. 1994:178) 4. Â“Some sources of obsidian are more difficult to ide ntify visually than othersÂ” (Braswell et al. 1994:179) 5. Â“Adequate and diverse lighting conditions are neces saryÂ” (Braswell et al. 1994:179)
86 In order for visual analysis to be a viable method it is necessary to be aware of these shortcomings in the process and make concerted effo rt to address these very real issues. Accuracy and consistency through visual analysis is a product of experience with the material being observed. Therefore, when conducting visual analysis it is pertinent to conduct an exhaustive comparative analysis of both the artifacts in the collection and source samples (Braswell 1994:187; Braswell et al. 2000). Analysts should also conduct analysis in the most m ethodical and replicable ways possible. The overall intent is to remove extraneou s observer biases from the data obtained by conducting best practice procedures whe n performing visual analysis. Where visual analysis tends to fail, is when analysts are inexperienced in both the material they are observing and the method of observation (Braswe ll et al. 2000:276; Braswell et al. 1994). However, Braswell et al. (2000) have observe d that visual analysis has produced consistent, reproducible, and highly accurate resul ts in analyzing obsidian throughout the Mesoamerican world when the method is performed in conjunction with adequate lighting and ample geological reference samples (Br aswell et al 2000: 279). The pitfalls of visual analysis were carefully weig hed prior to performing this methodological approach. However, based on earlier successes with visual analysis and confidence in the validity of the method (Braswell et al. 1994; Braswell et al. 2000), I used the visual data to develop both an analysis of obsidian preference, as well as material access in an attempt to establish familial trade connections at the site of Navajas. I understood the only way that the data would produ ce sustainable results was to address possible issues with the methodology as best as pos sible. This entailed performing visual analysis with adequate lighting, collecting geologi c reference samples from known
87 sources near the site, and familiarizing myself wit h the collection through comprehensive and repeated visual observations. The final step ta ken to validate the process of visual analysis was to submit a sample from the visually o bserved obsidian for elemental analysis. By using visual data in conjunction with information obtained through laboratory analysis, a practice that is even suppor ted by the methodologyÂ’s strictest critics (Moholy-Nagy and Nelson 1990:78), it is possible to obtain scientifically valid data for archaeological site analysis. Visual analysis is no t a Â“shortcutÂ” to gathering information about obsidian (Moholy-Nagy 2003:308), but rather a valuable first step in providing a complete analysis of the artifacts represented at a site. By incorporating visual analysis of the entire sample with limited sampling for NAA, th e chosen methodology Â“minimizes cost and artifact destruction yet maximizes accurac y and the sample size of sourced artifactsÂ” (Braswell et al. 2000:277). However, even elemental Â“sourcingÂ” of NAA is a bit of a misnomer. NAA testing only provides the percentages of elements within a sample that can be compared to known source data, not the specific source (Shackle y 1998:261). By being able to consistently pinpoint a single visually observed Â“t ypeÂ” of obsidian, it is then possible to associate that specific obsidian group to a single source, or to an area within a specific source. Therefore, through multiple forms of obsidi an assessment it is possible to provide a comprehensive sourcing analysis of a widely varia ble mineral in a region with numerous geologic sources. Visual Analysis Obsidian appears in large quantities in numerous ar chaeological contexts throughout Mesoamerica, and as such can provide a r eliable medium for delving into
88 issues of exchange (Glascock 1994:113-114). Obsidia n is primarily comprised of SiO2, (66 Â– 75%), but also contains of a number of other elements, including 10-15% Al2O3, 35% Na2O, 2-5% K2O, and 1-5% Fe2O3 + FeO (Glascock 2002:611) However, each outcropping of obsidian is comprised of a unique el emental composition. In general, obsidian is extremely dark, gray or almost black in appearance; however, obsidian can also appear in a wide spectrum of colors and textur es depending on composition and the processes of formation (Glascock 2002:611). The dis tinct visually observable features of the obsidian can then be used to provide a direct c onnection between the raw material types and a source location (Braswell et al. 1994). The unique elemental signature of the obsidian raw material can be used to distinguish be tween known source locations of the material in question. Therefore, under this assumpt ion a visual examination of obsidian provided the initial sourcing tool for the material recovered at Navajas. The process of visual analysis began by separating each of the obsidian artifacts by the associated structures within Circles 1 and 5 at Navajas. These groupings were then further reduced by dividing artifacts by associated occupational layers, delineated by lot number determined during the excavation process. Sp ecific lots were carefully selected for visual analysis in order to only assess materia l associated with prehistoric occupation at the site of Navajas. Only lots associated with c onstruction episodes, periods of occupation and activity, and wall decomposition or slump, were selected for observation. Lots including wall decomposition and slump were in cluded in the analysis because it has been observed in regions of Mesoamerica that lithic artifacts have been stored within the thatching of a structures roof in both prehistoric and modern times (Lumholtz 2011: 29;
89 Sheets 2000); therefore, the artifacts recovered fr om these lots should also be associated with periods of occupation.
90Table 4: Lot numbers with brief description examined for Cir cle 1. Structure Circle 1 1 Â– 6 1 7 Central Patio Lots Examined (Arranged Stratigraphically) 108 (Cache 1 fill within rear of structure) 64 (Possible artifact layer on western side of structure) 73 (Artifact layer) 109 (Slump outside of structure) 65 (Slump outside of structure) 74 (Artifact layer) 66 (Slump outside of structure) 78 (Construction material on the east side of the structure) 80 (Burned fill south of the structure) 81 (Daub filled feature south of the structure) 90 (Fill in the southeast corner annex of the structure) 95 (Artifact layer of 0-30 cm below interior floor) 96 (Artifact layer of 30-60 cm below interior floor) 97 (Artifact layer of 60-90 cm below interior floor) 98 (Artifact layer of 90-120 cm below interior floor) 100 (Interior artifact and activity surface)
91 The analysis of Circle 1 consisted of an analysis o f both of the excavated outer structures 1-6 and 1-7, and the central patio. Stru cture 1-6 was only partially excavated due to time limitations of the field season; theref ore, it provided a much more limited sample size than the fully excavated structure 1-7. At Circle 1, occupation layers were deemed to consist of lots 106 and 108 at Structure 1-6, lots 64, 65, 66, 78, 80, 8, 90, 95, 96, 97, 98, 100 at Structure 1-7, and lots 73, 74 a t Circle 1 Central Patio. These lots represent both prehistoric activity and artifact la yers in Structures 1-7, and Circle 1 Central Patio and material associated with structur al collapse at Structures 1-6 and 1-7. Using the same criteria that was employed for the m aterial in Circle 5, 12150.6 g or 1253 individual pieces of obsidian raw material was exam ined for seven defining visual characteristics.
92Table 5: Lot numbers with brief description examined for Ci rcle 5 C Structure Circle 5 5 Â– 2 5 3 5 4 5 5 5 7 5 9 Patio Lots Examined (Arranged Stratigraphically) 10 (Final occupation surface in front of rear structure) 42 (Structural collapse) 16 (Construction collapse) 11 (Upper slump) 49 (Artifact layer atop occupation surface and structural collapse) 4 (Slump) 7 (Artifact and activity layer) 57 (Rubble and Collapse) 45 (Structural Collapse) 29 (Artifact layer) 31 (Slump) 44 (Internal fill) 61 (Subfloor) 46 (Artifact layer) 36 (Slump) 53 (Burned pre-construction surface beneath the altar) 62 (Rubble and collapse) 40 (Upper Slump) 43 (Artifact layer atop final floor) 50 (Subfloor addition) 55 (Layer atop ground surface)
93 For the purpose of this study, prehistoric occupati on is deemed as all associated prehistoric community activity, which includes all prehistoric involvement in the community construction process. This would also ent ail that in order to encompass periods of occupation it is necessary to not only e xamine prepared subfloors and activity layers, but also layers of construction collapse. C ollapse would encompass all of the construction material that comprised above ground o ccupation of the prehistoric population. Using this assumption, occupation at Na vajas, Circle 5 was represented by obsidian material recovered from multiple use-type layers at the site. At Circle 5, occupation layers were then deemed to consist of lo ts 10, 57, 61 and 62 at Structure 5-2, lots 42, 45, and 46 at Structure 5-3, lots 16 and 2 9 at Structure 5-4, lots 11, 31, 36, 40, 43, 50, 55 at Structure 5-5, lot 49 at Structure 5-7, l ots 4, 44, and 53 at Structure 5-9, and finally lot 7 in the Circle 1 Patio (Table 5) These lots represent the preparation of a subfloor in Structures 5-2 and 5-5 to apparent acti vity areas in Structures 5-3, 5-4, 5-5, 57, and Circle 5 Patio to finally construction colla pse in Structures 5-2, 5-3, 5-4, 5-5, and 5-7 at Circle 5. Occupation at Structure 5-7 was co mbined into a single layer associated with an artifact layer and structural collapse. Str ucture 5-6 not only remained unique because of the limited labor investment in construc tion, but also because it was devoid of obsidian artifacts in any occupational layers. Structure 5-6 did not contain any obsidian objects associated with site occupation; therefore, none of the obsidian artifacts recovered from this location was included in the visual analy sis. Using the aforementioned criteria as the basis for analysis, a total of 1666 pieces o r 14191.6 g of obsidian was examined for unique visually defining characteristics.
94 In total, 2919 individual pieces of obsidian from b oth Circle 1 and Circle 5, weighing 26342.2 g, was suitable for visual analysi s. During the visual analysis, I did not distinguish pieces of obsidian based on specific st ages of artifact production. Therefore, all artifacts associated with occupation were exami ned including both worked tools and debitage to differentiate between raw material type s rather than defined levels of production. Each piece was then individually examin ed and categorized based on a defined set of visual criteria. Using the same underlying procedures for visual ana lysis successfully implemented by Braswell et al. (1994, 2000), all no table features of the obsidian samples were recorded to create a visual features data set. Every piece of obsidian was examined for seven visual characteristics, including opacity surface texture, color, reflectivity of light, inclusions, color texture, and the presence of cortex. Visual analysis of each sample was conducted using both the naked eye and a 10x ha nd lens, under both natural light and a bright white LED light source. The bright white l ight source was used to determine the opacity of the raw material, possible color variati on within the translucent aspects of the material, and interior striations or other inclusio ns in the material that may have been invisible when viewed with natural light. Color classification of the obsidian sample was per formed using a Munsell Soil Color Chart as a color reference guide. However, coloration ob servable only through the translucent aspects of the material proved difficul t to pinpoint with any accuracy to a single color in the Munsell Soil Color Chart Therefore, these colors were described as general hue rather than specific color (Gerharz et al. 1988).
95 Based on the aforementioned visual traits, a typolo gical chart was developed. The chart was then used to assign each piece of obsidia n to one of 22 highly specific visual categories. These visual categories were extremely detailed in order to account for variation of material types that may have been pres ent at Navajas. However, by creating 22 Visual Types I did not initially account for the possibility that some samples may fit within multiple categories. In general, many Visual Types were closely related by all visual characteristics, except for minute variation s; therefore, these categories provided only the initial stages for typological classificat ion during analysis.
96Table 6: Complete list of individual visual types with corre sponding descriptions. Visual Type Description 1 Translucent to highly translucent, smoky gray. Appe ars to vary between a slight bluish to bluish green hues around the edges for the thinner pieces to a reddish purple color shift in the larger pieces. Co lor or hue variation is dependent on the thickness of the material and the lighting used to observe the material. Smooth to the touch with a vitreous l uster. May include minimal pinpoint size inclusions. Spherulites may a ppear in limited number. Types 1, 2, 6, 12 and 13 appear to be highly relate d and are similar in many characteristics. 2 Opaque black. Vitreous to matte luster. Interior li near striations appear in the thinnest edges of the material. May also include ma terial with web-like striations along the edge. May be the same as type 6 and 12. 3 Opaque creamy Bluish Black 5PB 2.5/1 with reflectiv e brown/tan specks. The thinnest edges of the material are translucent and have a cloudy/milky smoky gray with slight bluish hue coloration. Earthy lust er and a smooth, but a slightly grainy texture. 4 Totally opaque Bluish Black 5PB 2.5/1 (even under p owerful light source). Vitreous luster and has a soapstone like texture. M ay include Spherulites. 6 Translucent smoky gray with bluish green hue (thinn er pieces have a bluish hue) and interior striations 9 Opaque black with white concretion bubbles (Spherul ites). Vitreous Â– matte luster. Is translucent around the very thinnest edg e of the material and appears to have a bluish hue. 10 Opaque Dusky Red 10R 3/4 mottled with black bands a nd pinpoint size flecks throughout. The material has soapstone like texture and has a vitreous luster. 11 Opaque black with light gray bands (light gray band s tend to be translucent). Translucent with a smoky bluish gray hue along the thinnest part of the edge, often with interior linear striations. The material has a smooth texture and with a vitreous luster. May be the same as type 20 15 Translucent cloudy smoky gray with light gray curvi linear/linear bands. Vitreous luster with matte, light gray bands that a t times can be opaque (especially noticeable at the thinnest edges of the material, but also appear in material that is mostly translucent and reminiscent of type 1 except for the opaque light gray linear banding) 16 Opaque Dark Bluish Gray 5PB 3/1 with black bands an d/or mottled black patches. Soapstone-like texture and a vitreous lust er. 17 Opaque Black 5PB 2.5/1 with a yellowish green hue a round the edges. Smooth texture and a vitreous luster (Similar to ty pe 1, except the hues under direct light vary) 18 Totally opaque Black 10B 2.5/1 with subtle brown/gr ay linear bands. Soapstone-like texture and a vitreous luster.
97Table 6 ( Cont.) Visual Type Description 19 Opaque to opaque with minimal translucent edges. Bl uish black 10PB 2.5/1 with thin (less than 1mm) to thick (greater than 3m m) gray linear bands. Soapstone-like texture and a vitreous luster. 20 Opaque black interwoven with a brown hue, contains light gray bands. Bands are translucent smoky gray with a bluish hue and ap pear throughout the material. The material has a soapstone-like feel. M ay be the same as type 11. 21 Opaque Black 2.5Y 2.5/1 with white concretion bubbl es on the surface. Has a translucent edge with a striking yellowish green co loration. Surface is smooth, but flawed and has a vitreous luster. May be relate d to type 17. 22 Very Dark Bluish gray 5PB 3/1 with fine bluish blac k bands. Slightly rough (grainy) matte texture and a resinous luster. Obser vable fractures appear similar to the flaking of sandstone. 23 Black N 2.5/1 with dark reddish brown 5YR 3/4 linea r bands and mottling. Slightly translucent at the thinnest edges, which s how parallel striations on an otherwise clear background. There are also small in distinct patches in the black that appear translucent beyond the edges. Soa pstone-like texture and a vitreous luster. 25 Totally Opaque Black 2.5Y 2.5/1 mottled with Olive Brown 2.5Y 4/3 patches and very fine bluish black linear bands (interior a ppears only to be bluish black). Soapstone-like texture and a vitreous luste r at recent breaks 26 Totally opaque Bluish Black 5PB 2.5/1 with Brown 10 YR 5/3 linear bands up to 3mm in width. Soapstone-like texture and a vitre ous luster. 27 Semi-translucent, mottled pinpoint size colorations of black and brown/tan giving the appearance of worn or cracked leather. S oapstone-like texture and a vitreous luster. 28 Translucent smoky gray with a yellowish green hue a nd very fine (less than 1mm light gray bands and observable interior striat ions. Smooth texture and a vitreous luster. 29 Totally opaque Bluish Black 5PB 2.5/1 with light gr ay linear banding and dark red veining throughout the material. Soapstone -like texture and a vitreous luster.
98 Once the analysis of all 2919 pieces was conducted, the visual categories were reexamined to assess the validity of 22 distinct vi sual types. It was observed that during the initial assessment, artifacts were divided into separate types based on minute variations in the material, whether it is slight di fferences in opacity or differentiated levels of inclusion. During the reexamination of th e material, there seemed to be some predominant similarities observed across many of th e original 22 visual types observed. In addition, there were also key pieces of obsidian that contained visual features that had previously been associated with two or more visual types. The pieces with crosstypological features were then used to link the vis ual types together into a larger, single visual category. Using this practice to reassess a ll of the visual types, the 22 initial visual types were reduced to eleven Typological Groups bas ed on the overarching similarities and visual connections of the observed obsidian mat erial. Table 7: Categorical grouping of visual types based on overa rching visual similarities. Typological Group Categorical Groupings 1 Type 1, 2, 3, 6, 9, and 15 2 Type 11, 18, 19, and 20 3 Type 4 4 Type 16 and 22 5 Type 17, 21, and 28 6 Type 10 7 Type 23 8 Type 25 9 Type 26 10 Type 27 11 Type 29
99 Figure 4.4 Typological Group 1 (Visual Types 1, 2, 3, 6, 9, an d 15), (Photograph by Kathy Beekman)
100Figure 4.5 Typological Group 2 (Visual Types 11, 18, 19, and 2 0), (Photograph by Kathy Beekman)
101 Figure 4.6 Typological Group 3 (Visual Type 4), (Photograph by Kathy Beekman)
102Figure 4.7 Typological Group 4 (Visual Types 16 and 22), (Phot ograph by Kathy Beekman)
103Figure 4.8 Typological Group 5 (Types 17, 21 and 28), (Photogr aph by Kathy Beekman)
104 Figure 4.9 Typological Group 6 (Type 10), (Photograph by Kathy Beekman)
105Figure 4.10 Typological Group 7 (Type 23), (Photograph by Kathy Beekman)
106 Typological Group 8 (Type 25) was unable to be phot ographed.
107 Figure 4.11 Typological Group 9 (Type 26), (Photograph by Kathy Beekman)
108Figure 4.12 Typological Group 10 (Types 27), (Photograph by Kat hy Beekman)
109Figure 4.13 Typological Group 11 (Type 29), (Photograph by Kath y Beekman)
110 In order to address possible source locations for t he obsidian raw material, the analysis was supplemented by field reconnaissance o f known sources in close proximity to the site of Navajas. The Navajas source is locat ed less than three kilometers from the center of the site, which would have provided a rel atively easily accessible source for the prehistoric population. Several samples were obtain ed to create a geologic reference collection for the local source and perform a visua l comparative analysis of material found at the source and the material recovered from Circle1 and Circle 5. This process was conducted in order to further substantiate visu al analysis as a valid sourcing tool (Braswell et al. 2000:271). Based on the visual sur vey of the raw material located at the site, and a comparative analysis at the visual cate gories it was possible preliminarily to determine that some of the Typological Groups were similar to the local raw material. In addition, when conducting the field reconnaissance, a previously undocumented source was observed that based on visual observation alone looked strikingly similar to Typological Group 4.
Figure 4.14 Documented Navajas obsidian source. (Phot Documented Navajas obsidian source. (Phot os by author) 111
Figure 4.15 Previously undocumented source located near the sit e of Navajas be a source of Typological Group 4 Previously undocumented source located near the sit e of Navajas source of Typological Group 4 (Photo by Author) 112 Previously undocumented source located near the sit e of Navajas that appears to
113 Neutron Activation Analysis The second tier of analysis will consist of the ele mental sourcing of obsidian artifacts recovered during the 2003 excavation at N avajas through the process of Neutron Activation Analysis (NAA). NAA testing allows for t he detection of the radioactive signatures of elements produced when a sample is bo mbarded with neutrons in a nuclear reactor (Tenorio 2002:2). This process has been use d successfully and reliably for determining source location for a variety of materi als, especially within archaeological contexts. Laboratory analysis is currently being performed at the Instituto Nacional de Investigaciones Nucleares (ININ) in Mexico City, un der the direction of Rodrigo Esparza and Dolores Tenorio. The NAA testing procedure requ ired two grams of raw material, which would be used effectively to measure trace el ements that comprised the structure of the obsidian sample. The resulting elemental dat a would be compared to existing obsidian source information to justify probable sou rce locations of the samples (Glascock et al. 2010: 202). Each obsidian sample is undergoi ng the standard NAA procedures at ININ to determine the elemental makeup of the raw m aterial. NAA testing at ININ examines 28 compositional eleme nts of the obsidian raw material through two categorical procedures: the sh ort-irradiation NAA procedure and the long-irradiation NAA procedure. The short-irradiati on NAA procedure measures the elemental content of aluminum, chlorine, dysprosium manganese, potassium, and sodium in the obsidian samples. The long-irradiatio n NAA procedure measures the elemental content of antimony, barium, cerium, cesi um, cobalt, europium, hafnium, iron, lanthanum, lutetium, neodymium, rubidium, samarium, scandium, strontium, tantalum,
114 terbium, thorium, uranium, ytterbium, zinc, and zir conium in the obsidian samples (Glascock 2002:613). The short NAA procedure entail s an irradiation process followed by a 25-minute period of decay and 12-minute elemen tal measurement period. The method can produce elemental composition results at rapid rate, and at a greatly reduced cost than the long NAA procedure. However, this met hod does not always satisfy the necessary criteria for determining source assignmen ts. The long NAA process is a much more involved process that entails irradiation of t he sample for 72 hours, followed by periods of decay of eight days and four weeks. The samples are then measured at two intervals of 30 minutes for the eight-day decay and twice for four hours for the four-week decay. This provides a much more comprehensive elem ental picture of the obsidian sample for determining a source assignment (Glascoc k et al. 1993: 31; Tenorio 2002:6; Glascock 2002; Glascock and Neff 2002; Glascock et al. 2010). Currently, sourcing data for western Mexico is base d on a growing database of more than 1000 source samples and 500 artifacts sam ples from the current Mexican states of Jalisco, Nayarit, and Zacatecas that has been co llected by the Archaeometry Laboratory at the University of Missouri Research R eactor (MURR). The chemical signatures from these 1500 samples were used to for mulate a database of 27 known obsidian compositional groups (Glascock et al. 2010 : 202). ININ has been able to maintain a mutual relationship with MURR in order t o create a comprehensive database that can be used be both institutions (Rodrigo Espa rza, Personal Communication, 2012). Sample Selection It was not feasible to submit the entire visually a nalyzed sample of 2919 obsidian artifacts for elemental analysis; therefore, it was imperative to submit a representative
115 subset of the total sample. In total, ninety-nine p ieces of obsidian of various sizes and weights were submitted for NAA analysis. These samp les were intended to represent the entire spectrum of Typological Groups associated wi th obsidian recovered from both Circle 1 and Circle 5 at Navajas, though still fall ing within the logistical confines of NAA testing. In order to provide ININ with an unbiased sample in which to perform NAA testing, I submitted a stratified random selection of pieces using the four largest visual categories as the strata. In order to accomplish th e task of creating a truly random selection of samples, each piece was given an ID nu mber. I then used a random number generator to create a list of fifteen numbers for e ach of the four visual categories. I then selected the sample based on the corresponding ID n umber. This method provided 60 of the overall 99 samples. The remaining seven visual categories only contained a total of 39 pieces. These were the most distinct visual type s and, therefore, the most likely to be of non-local origin. Based on this premise, it was beneficial to have each of these pieces submitted for NAA testing. While the 99 obsidian sa mples have been submitted to ININ for NAA testing, the results are currently not avai lable.
116 Table 8: Obsidian samples from Navajas submitted to ININ for NAA testing. Sample Number Operation Structure Unit Lot Weight (g) Type Typological Group N-126 N2 1 6 Y-9 X4 109 7.5 Debitage 4 N-15 N2 1 7 Y5 X2 64 12.3 Debitage 5 N-6 N2 1 7Y3 X5 80 7.7 Debitage 9 N-7 N2 1 7Y3 X6 80 11.8 Debitage 9 N-10 N2 1 7Y5 X8 90 1.6 Debitage 6 N-88 N2 1 7Y5 X5 90 13.9 Debitage 2 N-59 N2 1 7Y7 X9 97 5.7 Debitage 1 N-8 N2 1 7Y6 X9 98 40.0 Debitage 9 N-9 N2 1 7Y6 X9 98 0.5 Debitage 6 N-139 N2 1 7Y7 X9 98 6.1 Debitage 4 N-1 N2 1 7 (Patio) Y13 X3 65 50.9 Debitage 11 N-2 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y10 X2 65 5.1 Debitage 1 N-11 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y3 X7 65 3.1 Debitage 6 N-18 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y7 X2 65 19.2 Debitage 5 N-19 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y8 X3 65 4.6 Debitage 5 N-20 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y13 X6 65 4.1 Debitage 5 N-21 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y12 X3 65 7.7 Debitage 5 N-22 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y13 X4 65 4.1 Debitage 5 N-49 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y4 X6 65 0.7 Debitage 1 N-51 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y3 X5 65 5.1 Debitage 1 N-84 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y3 X6 65 3.4 Debitage 2 N-85 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y3 X6 65 1.8 Debitage 2
117 Table 8 (Cont.) Sample Number Operation Structure Unit Lot Weight (g) Type Typological Group N-86 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y11 X2 65 4.7 Debitage 2 N-105 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y7 X3 65 3.8 Debitage 3 N-106 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y6 X3 65 6.6 Debitage 3 N-108 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y3 X9 65 15.8 Debitage 3 N-122 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y3 X4 65 66.5 Debitage 4 N-131 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y5 X3 65 15.0 Debitage 4 N-132 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y4 X5 65 0.9 Debitage 4 N-133 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y14 X5 65 145.0 Debitage 4 N-135 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y3 X3 65 13.1 Debitage 4 N-136 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y10 X3 65 237.0 Debitage 4 N-137 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y11 X3 65 3.9 Debitage 4 N-138 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y13 X4 65 4.3 Debitage 4 N-3 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y15 X11 66 0.7 Debitage 10 N-4 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y7 X6 66 36.9 Utilized Flake Fragment 7 N-5 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y11 X10 66 41.4 Debitage 9 N-12 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y14 X8 66 6.8 Debitage 6 N-16 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y3 X10 66 7.8 Debitage 5 N-17 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y3 X10 66 1.9 Debitage 5 N-54 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y6 X11 66 1.7 Debitage 1 N-56 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y14 X9 66 2.4 Debitage 1 N-78 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y14 X10 66 12.9 Debitage 2
118 Table 8 (Cont.) Sample Number Operation Structure Unit Lot Weight (g) Type Typological Group N-109 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y4 X10 66 34.5 Debitage 3 N-111 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y5 X11 (W1/2) 66 39.7 Utilized Blade Fragment 3 N-124 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y6 X11 66 0.3 Debitage 4 N-140 N2 1 7 (Patio)Y10 X10 66 13.6 Debitage 4 N-112 N2 Circle 1 (Patio) Y6 X3 73 6.3 Debitage 3 N-47 N1 5 2 Y15 X5 57 36.80 Debitage 1 N-48 N1 5 2Y15 X5 57 0.80 Debitage 1 N-103 N1 5 2Y15 X5 57 17.2 Debitage 3 N-26 N1 5 2Y15 X5 61 10.30 Debitage 5 N-23 N1 5 2Y14 X6 62 2.70 Debitage 5 N-24 N1 5 2Y14 X6 62 0.80 Debitage 5 N-29 N1 5 3 Y10 X9 42 5.20 Debitage 5 N-30 N1 5 3Y10 X9 42 1.70 Debitage 5 N-81 N1 5 3Y10 X9 42 9.0 Debitage 2 N-82 N1 5 3Y9 X9 42 6.3 Debitage 2 N-95 N1 5 3Y11 X9 42 1.9 Debitage 3 N-96 N1 5 3Y11 X9 42 1.7 Debitage 3 N-28 N1 5 3Y9 X8 45 2.40 Debitage 5 N-64 N1 5 3Y10 X8 45 6.30 Debitage 1 N-74 N1 5 3Y10 X8 45 3.3 Debitage 2
119 Table 8 ( Cont.) Sample Number Operation Structure Unit Lot Weight (g) Type Typological Group N-100 N1 5 3Y10 X9 45 18.3 Debitage 3 N-14 N1 5 3Y11 X9 46 0.70 Debitage 6 N-27 N1 5 3Y9 X9 46 3.30 Debitage 5 N-60 N1 5 3Y10 X8 46 3.10 Debitage 1 N-66 N1 5 3Y10 X8 46 4.5 Debitage 2 N-31 N1 5 4 Y6 X7 (Above Wall) 16 1.60 Debitage 5 N-32 N1 5 4Y6 X7 16 2.30 Debitage 5 N-33 N1 5 4Y4 X7 16 3.80 Debitage 5 N-42 N1 5 4Y3 X4 16 16.60 Debitage 1 N-62 N1 5 4Y4 X6 16 13.00 Utilized Blade Fragment 1 N-118 N1 5 4Y6 X7 16 9.4 Debitage 4 N-39 N1 5 5 Y-1 X-1 11 12.20 Debitage 5 N-35 N1 5 5Y3 X-2 31 15.30 Debitage 8 N-36 N1 5 5Y-1 X3 31 0.50 Debitage 6 N-37 N1 5 5Y3 X-2 31 7.30 Debitage 5 N-63 N1 5 5Y3 X-3 36 5.50 Debitage 1 N-89 N1 5 5Y3 X-1 36 4.1 Debitage 2 N-93 N1 5 5Y1 X1 36 5.5 Debitage 3 N-43 N1 5 5Y3 X2 43 2.40 Debitage 1
120 Table 8 ( Cont.) Sample Number Operation Structure Unit Lot Weight (g) Type Typological Group N-73 N1 5 5Y2 X2 43 67.4 Debitage 2 N-97 N1 5 5Y1 X2 43 1.5 Debitage 3 N-13 N1 5 5Y3 X2 50 0.2 Debitage 6 N-45 N1 5 5Y1 X2 50 29.50 Debitage 1 N-46 N1 5 5Y1 X2 50 1.20 Debitage 1 N-75 N1 5 5Y2 X2 50 20.5 Debitage 2 N-83 N1 5 5Y1 X2 50 16.5 Debitage 2 N-90 N1 5 9 Y10 X-1 4 4.2 Debitage 3 N-91 N1 5 9Y10 X-1 4 1.2 Debitage 3 N-116 N1 5 9Y9 X1 4 2.1 Debitage 4 N-25 N1 5 9Y8 X-1 53 0.90 Debitage 9 N-77 N1 5 9Y9 X1 53 62.0 Debitage 2 N-34 N1 Patio (Circle 5) Y6 X5 7 1.40 Debitage 9 N-38 N1 Patio (Circle 5) Y9 X-3 7 1.50 Debitage 5 N-72 N1 Patio (Circle 5) Y12 X-1 7 13.3 Debitage 2 N-115 N1 Patio (Circle 5) Y6 X-4 7 12.7 Debitage 3 N-127 N1 Patio (Circle 5) Y9 X-4 7 4.7 Debitage 4
121 Figure 4.16 Excavation Plan of Circle 5, including unit locatio ns of obsidian samples submitted for NAA Testing. The number of obsidian s amples from each unit is indicated. (Adapted from TVRAP 2007). Copyright 2007, Tequila Valley Regional Archaeological Project. All Rights Reserved.
122 Figure 4.17 Excavation Plan of Structure 1-7, including unit lo cations of obsidian samples submitted for NAA Testing. The number of obsidian s amples from each unit is indicated. (Adapted from TVRAP 2007). Copyright 2007, Tequila Valley Regional Archaeological Project. All Rights Reserved.
123 Figure 4.18 Excavation Plan of Structure 1-6, including unit lo cations of obsidian samples submitted for NAA Testing. The number of obsidian s amples from each unit is indicated. (Adapted from TVRAP 2007). Copyright 2007, Tequila Valley Regional Archaeological Project. All Rights Reserved.
124 CHAPTER V Data Analysis and Results How do you measure differential preference for uniq ue visual categories of obsidian raw material between guachimontn component structures or entire guachimontones ? If differential preference between structures or circles existed, what do these relationships tell us about the nature of sou rce access and economic connections for groups that occupied the site of Navajas during the Late Formative Period? In order to answer these fundamental questions concerning the o bsidian raw material recovered at Navajas, the amassed visual data underwent two stat istical processes: the development of histograms to assess material preference through di stribution frequencies of Typological Groups across circles and platform structures; and the use of a SpearmanÂ’s rank correlation coefficient to address issues of differ ential access to types of raw material. Site Level Preference The first level of material analysis was to assess the distribution of the total obsidian sample associated with prehistoric occupat ion at Navajas. In order to delve into differing social connections represented by differe ntial preference for and access to raw material types, it was first pertinent to assess th e total distribution of obsidian at Navajas. Who were the groups that utilized obsidian at the guachimontones? If individual structures around the circular plazas demonstrated differentiated sources of obsidian, it was then possible to assume that different families were obtaining obsidian from different trade partners or through different exchange mechan isms within a single communal ritual space.
125 Because occupations at Circle 1 and Circle 5 were n ot temporally congruent, obsidian distribution at each of the circles was an alyzed separately. By performing the site distribution analysis of obsidian in this mann er, the intent was to maintain continuity with actual site occupation by the prehistoric Nava jas population and provided a clear distribution of obsidian present. Given the incomplete nature of the TVRAP excavation s at Circle 1, it is difficult to provide a comprehensive assessment of the obsidi an distribution. Nearly 94% of the entire Circle 1 obsidian sample was recovered from a single component structure, 1-7; therefore, this percentage is highly misleading identifying differing exchange networks represented at the circle. With only one othe r structure at Circle 1 partially excavated, Structure 1-6, it is impossible to make comprehensi ve assertions about differential proclivity towards the general use of obsidian betw een structures.
Figure 5.1 Total obsidian d Whereas the obsidian distribution at Circle 1 individual group activities at Circle 5 produced intriguing results. recovered from each structure, there was a higher p ropensity for obsidian to be located at structures on the southeast half of Circle 5. obsidian with 30.29% of the total Circle 5 obsidian, followed 29.30%, Structure 53 with 17.61%, and Structure 5 that Structures 5-1 and 5 therefore, they were unable to help produce a total obsidian Total obsidian d istribution at Navajas: Circle 1 by percentage of the obsidian distribution at Circle 1 proved inconclusive activities based on total obsidian percentages the obsidian distribution intriguing results. Based on the percentages of total obsidian recovered from each structure, there was a higher p ropensity for obsidian to be located at structures on the southeast half of Circle 5. Structure 52 had the greatest density of 30.29% of the total Circle 5 obsidian, followed by Structure 5 3 with 17.61%, and Structure 5 4 with 6.15%. It is important to note, 8 were unable to be excavated due to extensive loot ing; therefore, they were unable to help produce a total obsidian distribution picture. 126 istribution at Navajas: Circle 1 by percentage of weight (g). inconclusive for assessing the obsidian distribution total obsidian recovered from each structure, there was a higher p ropensity for obsidian to be located at 2 had the greatest density of by Structure 5 -5 with 4 with 6.15%. It is important to note, 8 were unable to be excavated due to extensive loot ing; distribution picture.
However, the remaining two structures, 5 obsidian recovered from Circle 5, a substantial dif ference from the other four excavated structures. There were clearly different activities taking p the percentages of total obsidian recovered at Circ le 5; therefore, assume that the groups occupying the architecturall y own trade connections for obsidian Figure 5.2 Total obsidian distribution at Navajas: Circle 5 However, the remaining two structures, 5 -6 and 57, produced only 0.17% of the total obsidian recovered from Circle 5, a substantial dif ference from the other four excavated structures. There were clearly different activities taking p lace around Circle 5 based on the percentages of total obsidian recovered at Circ le 5; therefore, it is reasonable assume that the groups occupying the architecturall y distinct structures maintained own trade connections for obsidian Total obsidian distribution at Navajas: Circle 5 by percentage of weight (g) 127 7, produced only 0.17% of the total obsidian recovered from Circle 5, a substantial dif ference from the other four excavated lace around Circle 5 based on reasonable to maintained their by percentage of weight (g)
128 The second method of material analysis was to devel op a broad picture of material preference for obsidian used at the site b ased on the 11 Typological Groups. Were the inhabitants of Navajas demonstrating a pre ference for certain obsidian types? This breakdown was initially conducted by individua l pieces of raw material; however, in order to further normalize the data and to provide greater analytical accuracy of the representative sample, the quantities of obsidian r aw material used at the site of Navajas were reduced to raw material weight in grams. The r esulting site level analysis of obsidian raw material types indicated that there wa s one Typological Group that dominated the entire assemblage, Typological Group 1. However, there were five Typological Groups that consistently appeared throu ghout the guachimontn component structures or entire guachimontones at Navajas : Typological Group 1, Typological Group 2, Typological Group 3, Typological Group 4, and Ty pological Group 5. Table 9: Ranking of Typological Groups by weight at Navajas. Rank Typological Group Percent 1 1 81.65% 2 2 9.93% 3 3 3.61% 4 4 3.51% 5 5 0.44% TOTAL 99.14%
129 Given the assumption that a single consistent visua l type should be associated with a single source, or area within a source, it i s then possible to assume that Typological Group 1 should be attributed to a local ly available source based on the dominant nature of the material type in the Navajas assemblage. This assumption was confirmed through comparative examination of sample s collected during field reconnaissance of the Navajas source. While Typological Group 2 5 comprise a much small er percentage of the total sample, these types do demonstrate a pattern of ava ilability to the population that is not observed in Typological Groups 6 11 This suggests that Typological Groups 2 5 may have originated from sources within proximity to Na vajas, but not from the primary accessible obsidian source or represent material fr om a distinct area within the local source. Additional comparative assessment of sampl es collected from the Navajas source indicated that Typological Groups 2 originated from the local source. Typological Groups 4 was confirmed through comparative observations wi th samples collected at a nearby, previously undocumented source. At this juncture, T ypological Groups 3 and 5 have not been observed during field collection at sources. N evertheless, it is possible that during the geologic formation process of these Typological Groups that they acquired distinct visual attributes from the rest of obsidian at the source (Glascock 2002:611). In general, material preference would then have bee n based on accessibility to raw material rather than specific visual characteri stics. However, where did the remaining six Typological Groups in the sample come from if t he five predominant types of obsidian were available to the entire population? W hat do they indicate about the economic connections held by these groups?
130 Table 10: Typological Groups Present at Navajas by Structure. Percentages are based on total sample weight (g). Typological Groups Present at Navajas by Structure Typological Group Location Percentage of Total Sample Percentage of Circle 5 Sample Percentage of Circle 1 Sample 1 5-2, 5-3, 5-4, 5-5, 5-7, 5-9, Circle 5 Patio, 1-6, 1-7, Circle 1 Patio 81.65% 84.95% 77.80% 2 5-2, 5-3, 5-4, 5-5, 5-9, Circle 5 Patio, 1-6, 1-7, Circle 1 Patio 9.93% 10.25% 9.56% 3 5-2, 5-3, 5-4, 5-5, 5-9, Circle 5 Patio, 1-6, 1-7, Circle 1 Patio 3.61% 3.31% 3.96% 4 5-2, 5-3, 5-4, 5-5, Circle 5 Patio, 1-6, 1-7 3.51% 0.97% 6.48% 5 5-2, 5-3, 5-4, 5-5, Circle 5 Patio, 1-7 0.44% 0.39% 0.51% 6 5-3, 5-5, 1-7 0.20% 0.01% 0.42% 7 1-7 0.14% 0.00% 0.30% 8 5-5 0.06% 0.11% 0.00% 9 5-9, 1-7 0.24% 0.02% 0.50% 10 1-7 0.003% 0.00% 0.01% 11 1-7 0.21% 0.00% 0.46%
131 Statistical Analysis of Typological Groups Distribution Frequencies Were certain raw material categories present at cer tain structures although in limited quantities or absent at others? In order to address this question, the first and most fundamental level of statistical analysis used to a ddress variability in the obsidian frequency at Navajas was to create frequency distri bution based histograms. These were based on the distribution frequency of each Typolog ical Group that existed for each of the platform structures at each circle. This allowe d for the most basic visual determination of which Typological Groups were pres ent within each of the structures. This method also allowed for a visual determination of how quantities of Typological Groups differed between guachimontones and their component structures. Assessing frequency distributions at the guachimontones level provided the ability to assess inter-circle variation in the dis tribution of Typological Groups site wide. This method of analysis was performed in order to d etermine if Circle size variation impacted the quantity and the presence of specific Typological Groups, which may have been indicative of greater participation in exchang e networks. Inter-circle determinations were not bound by the need for temporal congruence because the nature of the analysis was to determine if Circle size is an indicator of active exchange participation. Circle to Circle analysis was not intended to make determinat ions about individual familial group contribution in exchange networks, but rather asses s if participation in exchange practices enabled greater monumental construction. Secondly, the component structures of each Circle a t Navajas were examined as separate entities in order to address differential preference for obsidian types at a reduced
132 scale. This level of analysis provided the basis fo r determining what the total percentages of Typological Groups were at each of the different excavated structures. This degree of analysis also showed whether distinct Typological G roups appeared in certain platforms while remaining absent in others. It was also important to keep the obsidian analysis of the two Circles separate at this stage in order to maintain temporal separation of the material being examined. Circle 5 appears to have been constructed as activity at C ircle 1 had begun to wane; therefore, there would have been only limited contemporaneous occupation at the two circles. Consequently, examining obsidian at the structural level for both circles concurrently would provide misleading data about possible group access to obsidian within exchange networks. The frequency distribution analysis produced multip le histograms comparing the quantity of Typological Groups present based on a t otal percentage of material recovered by weight. This was first performed for the entire site of Navajas, and then followed by each guachimontn component structure Using this method, it was possible to visually determine which Typological Groups not only appear in the highest frequency, but also have the greatest site distribution. Frequency was used to determine site locations of greatest obsidian use. Site distribution of Typolog ical groups was then used to determine general availability of material. When used in conj unction, the overall frequency and distribution of obsidian types were used to attribu te Typological Groups to locally available sources.
133 Results Using these fundamental guidelines to assess the vi sually typed obsidian sample, Five Typological Groups appear to have dominated th e entire assemblage at Navajas. Typological Groups 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5 account for 99 .14% of the total obsidian recovered from Navajas and were present at nearly every struc ture. However, in Structure 1-6 Typological Group 5 was absent, in Structure 5-7 Ty pological Groups 2 5 were absent, and Structure 5-6 did not contain any obsidian asso ciated with Late Formative occupation. These structures also represent the low est obsidian samples sizes, producing only 2.1% of the total Navajas Late Formative obsid ian. The Five dominant Typological Groups account for 98.31% of the total obsidian pre sent at Circle 1. In Circle 5, they account for 99.87% of the total obsidian recovered. The data gathered through this first level of analysis provides the foundation for which Typological Groups were readily accessible to all members of the community. The frequency distribution histogram of the total N avajas sample not only provided insight into general patterns of Typologic al Group availability, but also provided the ability visually to distinguish distri bution trends over time. By being able to assess the differences between circles, it may be p ossible to quantify the impact of exchange practices on economic development reflecte d in the size of monumental construction practices. Based on the available Nava jas sample, Typological Groups 7, 10, and 11 only appear at Circle 1, while Typological G roup 8 only appears at Circle 5. This suggests that the populations occupying the two cir cles demonstrated unique preference for Typological groups. However, due to the partial excavation of Circle 1 it is impractical to perform any test of significance at this juncture.
134 Table 11: Weight and Pieces attribute to each Typological Gro up for Navajas. Navajas: Typological Groups Typological Group Weight Percentage of Total Number of Pieces Percentage of Total 1 21508.5 81.65% 2575 88.26% 2 2616.6 9.93% 209 7.16% 3 950.7 3.61% 53 1.82% 4 924.6 3.51% 43 1.47% 5 116.8 0.44% 21 0.72% 6 53.4 0.20% 8 0.27% 7 36.9 0.14% 1 0.03% 8 15.3 0.06% 1 0.03% 9 63.2 0.24% 5 0.17% 10 0.7 0.003% 1 0.03% 11 56.0 0.21% 2 0.07% TOTAL 26342.2 99.99% 2919 100.03%
135 Figure 5.3 The f requency distribution of Typological Groups Typological group is separated by Circle to compare inter Groups 4 11 are inset to provide clear percentages of materi al appearing in the s requency distribution of Typological Groups for the entire visually analyzed sample at Navajas by weight (g). Each to compare inter -circle preference for Typological Groups. The frequency distributions of Typological 11 are inset to provide clear percentages of materi al appearing in the s mallest frequencies. at Navajas by weight (g). Each The frequency distributions of Typological
n Table 12: Weight and Pieces attribute to each Typological Gro up for Circle 1. Circle 1: Typological Groups Typological Group Weight Percentage of Total Number of Pieces Percentage of Total 1 9453.0 77.80% 1075 85.79% 2 1161.9 9.56% 105 8.38% 3 480.6 3.96% 22 1.76% 4 787.4 6.48% 8 0.64% 5 61.7 0.51% 5 0.40% 6 52.0 0.42% 31 2.47% 7 36.9 0.30% 1 0.08% 8 0.0 0.00% 0 0.00% 9 60.9 0.50% 3 0.24% 10 0.7 0.01% 1 0.08% 11 56.0 0.46% 2 0.16% TOTAL 12150.6 100.00% 1253 100.00%
137 Figure 5.4 The f requency distribution of Typological Groups Typological group is separated by structure. The frequency distributions of Typological Groups 4 material appearing in the smallest frequencies. requency distribution of Typological Groups for the entire visually analyzed sample at Navajas The frequency distributions of Typological Groups 4 11 are inset to provide clear percentages of Circle 1 by weight (g). Each 11 are inset to provide clear percentages of
138 Figure 5.5 The f requency distribution of Typological Groups at Nava jas r r n nnnrrr requency distribution of Typological Groups at Nava jas Circle 1, by weight (g). rn r r nrnrn nrnrn !"r n nnn
139 Figure 5.6 The frequency distribution of Typological Groups at Navajas r nrr r n nnnr#$r nrnrn distribution of Typological Groups at Navajas Circle 1: Structure 1 6, by weight (g). nrr n r nrnrn nrnrn !"#$ 6, by weight (g). nnn
140 Figure 5.7 The f requency distribution of Typological Groups at Nava jas r r n nnnr#%r nrnrn requency distribution of Typological Groups at Nava jas Circle 1: Structure 1 7, by weight (g). r r r nrnrn nrnrn !"#% 7, by weight (g). n nnn
141 Figure 5.8 The f requency distribution of Typological Groups at Nava jas n n r n nnnrnrr Obsidian Typological Groups requency distribution of Typological Groups at Nava jas Circle 1: Patio, by weight (g). r nrnrn Obsidian Typological Groups !"n&r nnn
n Table 13: Weight and Pieces attribute to each Typological Gro up for Circle 5. Circle 5: Typological Groups Type Weight Percentage of Total Number of Pieces Percentage of Total 1 12055.5 84.95% 1500 90.04% 2 1454.7 10.25% 104 6.24% 3 470.1 3.31% 31 1.86% 4 137.2 0.97% 13 0.78% 5 55.1 0.39% 3 0.18% 6 1.4 0.01% 12 0.72% 7 0 0.00% 0 0.00% 8 15.3 0.11% 1 0.06% 9 2.3 0.02% 2 0.12% 10 0 0.00% 0 0.00% 11 0 0.00% 0 0.00% TOTAL 14191.6 100.01% 1666 100.00%
143 Figure 5.9 The f requency distribution of Typological Groups Typological group is separated by structure. The frequency distributions of Typological Groups 4 material appearing in the smallest frequencies. requency distribution of Typological Groups for the entire visually analyzed sample at Navajas The frequency distributions of Typological Groups 4 11 are inset to provide clear percentages of Circle 5 by weight (g). Each 11 are inset to provide clear percentages of
144 Figure 5.10 Frequency distribution of Typological Groups at Nav ajas r nr n r n nnnrrr' nrnrn !&r' Frequency distribution of Typological Groups at Nav ajas Circle 5, by weight (g). n nn r nrnrn nrnrn !&r' nnn
145 Figure 5.11 The f requency distribution of Typological Groups at Nava jas n r n nnnr'#(r nrnrn requency distribution of Typological Groups at Nava jas Circle 5: Structure 5 Â– 2, by weight (g). nn r nrnrn nrnrn !"'#( 2, by weight (g). nnn
146 Figure 5.12 The frequency distribution of Typological Groups at Navajas r r n nnnr'#)r nrnrn Typological Groups at Navajas Circle 5: Structure 5 Â– 3, by weight (g). r r nrnrn nrnrn !"'#) 3, by weight (g). nnn
147 Figure 5.13 The f requency distribution of Typological Groups at Nava jas r r n nnnr'#*r nrnrn requency distribution of Typological Groups at Nava jas Circle 5: Structure 5 Â– 4, by weight (g). n r nrnrn nrnrn !"'#* 4, by weight (g). nnn
148 Figure 5.14 The f requency distribution of Typological Groups n r r n nnnr'#'r nrnrn requency distribution of Typological Groups at Navajas Circle 5: Structure 5 Â– 5, by weight (g). n r nrnrn nrnrn !"'#' 5, by weight (g). nnn
149 Figure 5.15 The frequency distribution of Typological Groups at Navajas n r n nnnr'#%r nrnrn distribution of Typological Groups at Navajas Circle 5: Structure 5 Â– 7, by weight (g). r nrnrn nrnrn !"'#% 7, by weight (g). nnn
150 Figure 5.16 The frequency distribution of Typological Groups at Navajas nn r r n nnnr'#+r nrnrn distribution of Typological Groups at Navajas Circle 5: Structure 5 Â– 9, by weight (g). r nrnrn nrnrn !'#+ 9, by weight (g). nnn
151 Figure 5.17 The frequency distribution of Typological Groups at Navajas nr r n nnnrr'nr nrnrn distribution of Typological Groups at Navajas Circle 5: Patio, by weight (g). nr n r nrnrn nrnrn !"n&r' nnn
152 Typological Group 1 is the most frequently appearin g obsidian type in Navajas at both the individual structure level and at the Circ le level, accounting for 77.80% of all material associated with Circle 1 and 84.95% of all material associated with Circle 5. The frequency with which Typological Group 1 appears at Navajas would be indicative of a dominant material used for utilitarian production a nd would have been generally available to all members of the community through d irect procurement or marketplace exchange. Although the relative percentages of Typo logical groups 2 5 are much smaller than Typological Group 1, they appear as th e next most frequent Typological Groups at both Circles. Additionally, their distrib ution across the site indicates that the majority of the groups situated around a Circle had an equal level of access to these materials. The homogeneous nature of the distributi on of Typological Groups 1 5 suggests that that there were socio-economic mechan isms in place that allowed for direct procurement or marketplaces exchange of these mater ial types for general use rather than a system of elite distribution (Hirth 1998:461). The remaining five Typological Groups (6 11) acco unt for a much smaller percentage of the overall obsidian sample and are o bserved only at specific structures across the site (Table 10): The reduced frequency o f these Typological Groups at Navajas indicates that they had limited use and/or accessib ility for the community as a whole. Because of infrequent nature of these Typological G roups, it is possible to infer that they held a differentiated connotation within the commun ity, which may have been a reflection of the social group that possessed them or had access to them. Although histograms provide only a visual representation of differentiated or similar frequency distribution of Typological Groups across Navajas, they do provide the initial indicator of
153 structural units that contained distinctive obsidia n that may have been obtained through separate exchange connections. In order to quantify the relational access of Typological Groups by social groups at individual structures an additional statistical tes t was run, SpearmanÂ’s rank correlation coefficient. SpearmanÂ’s Rank Correlation Coefficient The second method of statistical analysis used to a ssess the visually analyzed material was conducted using the SpearmanÂ’s Rank Co rrelation Coefficient. This statistical method was used to scrutinize the data set to determine significant differences between Circle1 and Circle 5, and their component s tructures in rank order preference of the Typological Groups present. By examining the re lationships of specific Typological Groups between circles and component structures, th ere was the potential for exposing statistical similarities or differences in familial preference for obsidian Typological Groups. If statistical similarities are present, then this indicates that households were participating in equal access marketplace exchange. However, if statistical differences do emerge, then access to obsidian is a product of soc ial distance from a centralized distribution network (Hirth 1998:461). Using SPSS v.10 for Windows to perform all statisti cal calculations, I first performed a SpearmanÂ’s Rho between the two guachimontones in order to determine if differentiation in source preference existed betwee n the largest circle at the site and the smallest. This was done to assess whether the overall size of public architecture may be indicative of greater access to resources. Next, a SpearmanÂ’s Rho was conducted for each possible combination of guachimontn component structures associated with Circle 1 and Circle 5 in order to understand any possible signif icant differences between structures.
154 This provided the fundamental differentiation betwe en a platformÂ’s obsidian source preferences within its circle. The SpearmanÂ’s Rho test produced both magnitude of correlation and a direction of the association between two variables, which in this instance is the percentage of Typological Groups associated with two structures o r Circles used in the analysis. The magnitude is a correlation coefficient between -1 a nd +1. The closer the correlation is to either end of the scale the stronger the correlatio n between the tested variables. A value of r = +1.00 indicates that there is perfect positi ve linear relationship between the two variables (Kachigan 1991:126) and the Typological G roups are present in the same rank order preference. The closer the r-value is to +1.0 0, the greater the statistical correlation between structures; therefore, with a high r-value the structures were maintaining similar levels of preference for and access to obsidian sou rces. The closer the r-value is to zero the greater the probability that there is no statis tical association between the structures; therefore, a greater probability that structures ma intained differentiated access to Typological Groups of obsidian. Using the resulting correlation coefficients between structures it is then possible to ascertain the lev el of association of obsidian raw material types used at not only at individual platform units but also at the guachimontones
Results Figure 5.18 Results of the Sp Using the same guiding principles for both comparison used in the frequency distribution analy sis, multiple SpearmanÂ’s Rho statistical tests were run based on Rho was initially run that between Circles of different sizes. Frequency distr ibution analysis indicated that there were minimal differenc es in the actual Typological Groups and quantities of obsidian present at both Circles. T with a significant and strong the divergent building efforts used to construct the two different sizes and at different periods raw material. People occupying b to procure raw material from sources in the same rank order preference is no clear i ndicator that a particular c trade in order to acquire specific material types. Results of the Sp earmanÂ’s rho comparing the two guachimontones Using the same guiding principles for both component structures and comparison used in the frequency distribution analy sis, multiple SpearmanÂ’s Rho statistical tests were run based on the total obsidian percentages by weight. A Spearma nÂ’s that compared Circle 1 and Circle 5 in order to evaluate similarity between Circles of different sizes. Frequency distr ibution analysis indicated that there es in the actual Typological Groups and quantities of obsidian present at both Circles. T he similarities between Circle 1 and Circle 5 were reaffirmed and strong correlation at the 0.01 level (r = 0.829). This ind icates that building efforts used to construct the two guachimontones of two very and at different periods were not reflected in differential access to obsidian People occupying b oth Circle 1 and Circle 5 ostensibly had the same a bility from sources in the same rank order preference ; therefore, there ndicator that a particular c ircle was actively participating in a network of trade in order to acquire specific material types. 155 guachimontones at Navajas. structures and inter-circle comparison used in the frequency distribution analy sis, multiple SpearmanÂ’s Rho the total obsidian percentages by weight. A Spearma nÂ’s evaluate similarity between Circles of different sizes. Frequency distr ibution analysis indicated that there es in the actual Typological Groups and quantities of obsidian were reaffirmed correlation at the 0.01 level (r = 0.829). This ind icates that of two very access to obsidian oth Circle 1 and Circle 5 ostensibly had the same a bility ; therefore, there ircle was actively participating in a network of
Figure 5.19 Results of the SpearmanÂ’s rho comparing the two platform struc tures and patio area for Circle 1 at Navajas. I then performed an additional central patio at Circle 1. Based on the substantial differences in quantities of recovered between structures caused by the differen t degrees of excavation, I assumed that there would also be a significant difference i n However, there was a significant Structures 1-6 and 17 (r = 0.832). correlation at the 0.01 level with the excavated po rtion of the patio area (r = 0.897). Structure 17 had a significant correlation with the excavated portion of the the 0.05 level (r = 0.734) but it was moderately strong excavated, it is impossible to provide conclusive d etermination of obsidian sources based on the sample with Structure 1-6 or 17 maintained distinct networks. the SpearmanÂ’s rho comparing the two platform struc tures and patio area for Circle 1 at Navajas. an additional SpearmanÂ’s Rho comparing the two platforms and central patio at Circle 1. Based on the substantial differences in quantities of recovered between structures caused by the differen t degrees of excavation, I assumed that there would also be a significant difference i n association between platforms. However, there was a significant and strong correlation at the 0.01 level be 7 (r = 0.832). Structure 1-6 also had a significant and strong correlation at the 0.01 level with the excavated po rtion of the patio area (r = 0.897). 7 had a significant correlation with the excavated portion of the but it was moderately strong With only Structure 1 excavated, it is impossible to provide conclusive d etermination of shared based on the sample and as such determine if either group associated 7 maintained distinct positions within obsidian exchange 156 the SpearmanÂ’s rho comparing the two platform struc tures and patio SpearmanÂ’s Rho comparing the two platforms and central patio at Circle 1. Based on the substantial differences in quantities of material recovered between structures caused by the differen t degrees of excavation, I assumed between platforms. correlation at the 0.01 level be tween and strong correlation at the 0.01 level with the excavated po rtion of the patio area (r = 0.897). 7 had a significant correlation with the excavated portion of the patio area at With only Structure 1 -7 fully shared access to group associated exchange
157 Figure 5.20 Results of the SpearmanÂ’s rho comparing the five p latform structures, central altar and patio area fo r Circle 5 at Navajas
158 The final SpearmanÂ’s Rho was performed on the compo nent structures of Circle 5 The resulting analysis indicated that there was a significant correlation at the 0.01 level between four of the structures (5-2, 5-3, 5-4, and 5-5) and Circle 5 Patio (Figure 5.18). Structure 5-9 (the central altar) had a significant correlation at the 0.05 level of moderate strength with 5-2 (r = 0.677), 5-3 (r = 0.685), 5-4 (r = .620), 5-5 (r = 0.647), and a significant and strong correlation at the 0.01 leve l with Circle 5 Patio (r = 0.841). Platforms 5-6 and 5-7 were the only units that demo nstrated notable distinctions from the other structures at Circle 5. Structure 5-6 was una ble to produce statistical results because there simply was a void in obsidian material associ ated with occupation. Structure 5-7 did not have a strong correlation with any other struct ure at Circle 5, 5-2 (r = 0.545), 5-3 (r = 0.524), 5-4 (r = 0.545), 5-5 (r = 0.512), 5-9 (r = 0.579), and Circle 5 Patio (r = 0.526). However, it is important to note that Structure 5-7 contained only eight pieces of obsidian totaling 23.4 g or 0.17% of the total Circle 5 samp le. While these results still provide valuable information about differentiation between structures, it is possible the statistical results were skewed based on the extremely small qu antity of material recovered from Structure 5-7. The results of the SpearmanÂ’s Rho indicate that gro ups occupying Structures 5-2, 5-3, 5-4 and 5-5 maintained the same rank order pre ference for the visually sourced sample. Therefore, the groups associated with these structures had the same rank order preference to these sources. There were not socio-e conomic mechanisms that allowed one platform group to retain greater access to certain material types than others associated with the circular plaza. This would suggest that th ese four component structures were
159 participating in the market exchange of utilitarian obsidian devoid of inherent source control by an elite dominated distribution network (Hirth 1998). However, what is intriguing is the statistical diff erences and disparity in the sheer quantity of obsidian present between component stru ctures occupying the Southeast half of the circle (5-2, 5-3, 5-4, and 5-5) and those on the Northwest half (5-6 and 5-7). Thes e statistical differences, based on multiple structur es, suggest that groups of structures shared exchange networks. Based on the statistical correlation analysis, circ les at Navajas maintained the same source connections; however, th ere are distinct differences that emerge between groups of guachimontn component structures within Circle 5. There were structural components that demonstrated close social affinity, evident in the wall connecting Structures 5-4 and 5-5, and then there w ere structural components that clearly demonstrated social disparity, the Southeast half of the circle and those on the Northwest. The use of frequency distributions and SpearmanÂ’s r ho provided only an introduction to the analysis of different obsidian exchange networks. On the surface, the visually identified material indicates that the vas t majority of the obsidian recovered from occupation period Navajas was available to all memb ers of the community associated with ritual space, the guachimontones This would be indicative of a community that had readily available access to a nearby source for the ir tool production needs; however, there was also an extremely small quantity of visually un ique material that could only be attributed to individual structures. This distincti on is further complicated when only half of the structures (5-2, 5-3, 5-4, and 5-5) at Circl e 5 maintained significant similarities in the obsidian present. The visually unique obsidian appears in such small quantities that it is difficult to access statistically.
160 CHAPTER VI DISCUSSION & CONCLUSION Discussion The lakes district of western Jalisco, Mexico is a highly diverse ecological zone, with an abundance of natural resources (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996). High-quality obsidian is among the most numerous and accessible in the region. This provided members of the Navajas community with relatively ea sy access to plentiful obsidian for the production of both utilitarian and non-utilitar ian objects. Groups could select for locally available raw material without the direct n eed for implicit involvement in an organized network of obsidian trade. However, disti nctions in the obsidian distribution patterns do emerge among the lineage-based structur es situated around the circular plazas at Navajas, albeit among the Typological Groups rep resented in only trace amounts. Nevertheless, it is this aspect of the distinctive Typological Groups that may provide the greatest insight into differentiated social connect ions within the Navajas community. Currently, obsidian exchange studies based in western Mexico have analyzed obsidian in two key ways. The first is to observe t he material within the context of sourcing (Cobean et al. 1991; Glascock et al. 2010) Where did obsidian come from and what are the fundamental characteristics of obsidia n from these sources? The second form of obsidian analysis has centered on site based or source based studies (Benitez 2006; Darling 1998; Esparza Lpez et al. 2001; Heal an 1998; Spence et al. 2002). These studies have attempted to recognize systems of obsi dian procurement and obsidian exchange within the cultural context of either a si ngle site or through regional analysis. However, these studies tend to pass over the role o f the individual or individual groups
161 ability for preferential choices when determining m aterial access. If groups maintained self-determination in material selection then it is possible justifiably to ascertain social positions within the larger communityÂ’s socio-polit ical structure. This study was not intended to provide all encompas sing answers to the complex nature of the social connections within the Teuchit ln tradition. However, through a distribution frequency assessment of the visually d istinct obsidian at Navajas, it was possible to provide insight into the economic insti tutions that may have held influence over socio-political strategies by addressing the f ollowing research questions. Research Question 1: Did people at guachimontn component structures or entire guachimontones at the site of Navajas have differential preference for specific visually categorized types of obsidian raw material? Hirth argued (1998) that a system of marketplace ex change for the procurement of obsidian would be reflected as a homogeneous distri bution of material, as each household group would have been privy to the same ability to acquire the same types of obsidian for utilitarian use (Hirth 1998:461). If Navajas had o perated through a redistributive socioeconomic system through which marketplace exchanges created equal access to the material, it would be expected that each component structure would demonstrate similar material preferences. However, the initial similarities in obsidian distribution at structures around Circle 5 quickly fade when analyzed through multiple approaches. Initial analysis of the Navajas obsidian sample con sisted of an evaluation of the variation in overall quantity of material across component structures in order to define which locations demonstrated a proclivity for obsid ian use in general. Secondly, two
162 statistical methods were used to define differentia l preference between lineage-based platform structures, SpearmanÂ’s Rank Correlation Co efficient testing between component structures within a single circle, and between circ les, as well as a frequency distribution analysis of the visually analyzed sample. Through t hese statistical methods, it became possible to establish whether or not certain struct ures or circles demonstrated distinguishing preference for specific Typological Groups. The SpearmanÂ’s Rank Correlation Coefficient statist ically found that both circles and all structures, except Structures 5-6, 5-7 and 5-9 (central altar), maintained the same rank order preference for the visually typed obsidi an sample. This would indicate that a large segment of community members associated with ritual space would have retained similar levels of access and preference to local so urces. By conducting a SpearmanÂ’s Rho between Circle 1 and Circle 5, it was possible to o bserve that the same rank order preference continued throughout the period of occup ation at Navajas. The difference in circle size and the amount of energy associated wit h construction of the monumental public space did not relate to a differentiated eco nomic or social preference for obsidian based on the SpearmanÂ’s Rho results. Easily accessi ble, local sources could have produced the quantities of material necessary for N avajas lithic production requirements. Consequently, there would not have been a direct ne ed for obsidian importation by the elite Navajas population. This would have undermin ed any possible prestige value for the generally available material rooted in scarcity or importation costs (Spence 1996). Therefore, socio-economic connections at Navajas wo uld have been based on site level production activities associated with locally sourc ed obsidian because everybody had
163 access, rather than individualized familial economi c connection within a regional trade network. However, what was striking from the SpearmanÂ’s Rho analysis was the uniqueness of Structures 5-6, 5-7, and 5-9. It was to be expected that the central altar (59) would be statistical different in obsidian prese nt because, as a shared space, it would have been the locale for different social activitie s than the surrounding structures. Additionally, obsidian artifacts recovered from the central altar (5-9) would have represented an amalgam of all associated familial g roups associated with the circle. If there was true homogeneity between households, then there should continue to be homogeneity within the shared space. However, if di fferences existed between component structures, then there would heterogeneit y represented in the communal space. By incorporating material aspects from all f amilial groups into a single space it should be possible to establish a baseline for differential access to certain Typolog ical Groups of Obsidian. The two outer component structures did not correlate with the other structures around Circle 5, which was most likely a product of the limited obsidian recovered from these two locations. Structure 5-6 had a distinct void in obsidian associated with occupation and Structure 5-7 produced merely eight pieces of obsidian, totaling 23.4 g or 0.17% of the total Circle 5 sample. The substantial decrease in obsidian present at Structure 5-6 and 5-7 from the rest of the structur es clearly indicates the presence of some form of social differentiation around Circle 5 This demarcation of structures is further substantiated when associated with the mini mal levels of construction effort put
164 forth in building Structures 5-6 and 5-7 compared t o the other excavated structures at Circle 5 (Beekman 2008). The distribution of obsidian around Circle 5 sugges ts that familial groups were actively participating in distinct patterns of obsi dian procurement and use. It also suggests that individual groups maintained a level of social affinity for others around the Circle. Obsidian recovered from Structures 5-2, 5-3 5-4, and 5-5 accounts for the majority of material recovered at Circle 5 (83.35%) as well as maintaining strong correlations in the rank order preference of the vi sually typed obsidian. The data suggests that these four structures maintained at least some form of socio-economic association with each other, or were pursuing similar activitie s associated with lithic production and/or use within the ritual space of Circle 5. Although the SpearmanÂ’s Rho was able to quantify ra nk order preference between structures and circles, frequency distribution anal ysis was able to tease out the unique varieties of obsidian from the larger sample. This provided the opportunity to assess obsidian Typological Groups appearing in such small frequencies that they may be rendered statistically invisible in a SpearmanÂ’s Rh o. Typological Groups 1 5 account for more than 99% of the total obsidian sample recovered at Navajas and dominated the material present at all excavated structures. Based on both widespread distribution and frequency, I concluded in Chapter V that Typologica l Groups 1 5 were most likely local in origin and decidedly accessible to the populatio n associated with guachimontn component structures. Typological Groups 6 11 represent only 0.51% of t he overall obsidian sample and are observed only at Circle 5Â’s central altar ( 5-9) and three of the component
165 structures at the site (1-7, 5-3, 5-5). Given the l imited frequency and distribution of Typological Groups 6 Â– 11, these forms of obsidian represent material that was inaccessible to the community as a whole; familial groups with access to them therefor e participated in controlled obsidian distribution ne tworks. Out of these six Typological Groups, only two can be attributed to component str uctures at Circle 5. Typological Group 6 is attributed to Structures 5-3 and 5-5. Ty pological Group 8 is attributed only to Structure 5-5. Although these two structures statis tically demonstrate the same preference for obsidian types as Structures 5-2 and 5-4, the p resence of these unique varieties of obsidian suggests that these groups maintained slig htly different external economic connections. Structure 5-2 held the greatest quantity of obsidia n at Circle 5 (30.3%), but the material was from the general and probably locally sourced categories (Typological Groups 1 5). Therefore, Structure 5-2 maintained a distinct role in the community as a producer of locally sourced lithic artifacts, but t here is no evidence of external economic connections. However, through visual analysis it wa s possible to distinguish the unique material, which indicate that groups associated wit h Structures 5-3 and 5-5 were participating in obsidian distribution activities t hat differentiated them from the rest of the community.
166 Research Question 2: If present, does differentiated preference for visu ally unique types of raw material indicate that individual families maintained their own economic connections within an exchange network through access to unique sources? Obsidian objects were economic goods that flowed ac ross the west Mexican landscape. The Sayula Basin, 60 km south of the Teq uila Valley is devoid of natural obsidian deposits and guachimontones It was necessary for the local population to import the requisite material for their daily needs However, they were not importing raw material for their own production levels, but were importing finished products. Based on elemental characterization analysis of material rec overed at Sayula, finished obsidian products originated from the San Juan de los Arcos and Las Navajas sources (Darras 2012:428). Obsidian was flowing out of Navajas as finished pro ducts, but was there a system of reciprocal exchange? Clearly structures around C ircle 5 demonstrated individual socioeconomic roles within the community and individual preferences for obsidian. Structure 5-2 appeared to favor locally sourced material for lithic production, while Structures 5-5 and 5-3 demonstrated a propensity for unique obsidi an. At this juncture, it is impossible to ascertain the fundamental nature of a regional e xchange network based on the visual analysis alone. However, the mere presence of small amounts of visually unique obsidian at Structures 5-3 and 5-5 and an outflow of finishe d obsidian products suggests that familial groups that occupied these structures were participating in a system of regional economic connections with individuals or groups out side the boundaries of a Navajas core zone.
167 Systems of trade may have provided explicit power f or the individual group, whether it is connecting them ideologically or econ omically with other groups over vast distances or politically through group affinity wit h others in the community. Individual familial groups were actively participating in the development and maintenance of a Navajas social organization through explicit social linkages not only within the Navajas community, but also with other populations in the r egion through economic exchange connections. Beekman (2008) described the political approach of the Early Classic Period Tequila Valley as a corporate political strategy, w here Â“power is shared across different groups and sectors of society in such a way as to i nhibit exclusionary strategiesÂ” (Blanton et al. 1996:2). While familial groups situated arou nd the guachimontones represented distinct social responsibilities in the community b ased on variations in the obsidian distribution of the visually sourced material, they were still bound by a social affinity necessary to produce circular ritual architecture. Therefore, even if familial groups, such as the groups at Structure 5-3 and 5-5, pursued or engaged in activities that would have defined a socio-political identity, social mechanis ms were in place making it impossible for these groups Â“Â… to establish exclusive control over sources of power.Â” (Beekman 2008:414). Challenges and Limitations As a methodological practice, visual analysis has received harsh criticism in the past for the potential validity of the information that it can provide. However, the true criticism of the approach should focus on the speci fic use of the practice, rather than the practice as a whole. Visual analysis can and does p rovide a wide range of valuable information about prehistoric social positioning at the community level, which can only
168 be deciphered through the unique visual characteris tics of the mineral. Therefore, the greatest challenge in approaching this research was to perform a comprehensive enough analysis that would allow visual characteristic of obsidian to provide demonstrable pathways for defining social distinctions beyond th e architectural differences of the platform structures at Navajas. Additionally, it wa s critical to perform the analysis in as methodical a manner as possible in order to deliver reproducible results. It is possible to assert that consistent visually d efined Typological Groups should pertain to a single source, given that the geologic formational processes of obsidian create unique elemental signatures that are often manifest ed in visually observable characteristics. Visual analysis should provide rel atively straightforward sourcing results given enough experience with the local source mater ial, proper conditions for analysis, a comprehensive source collection for reference, and testing of the Typological Groups with compositional analysis. However, visual analys is cannot provide the necessary elemental characterization of the mineral necessary to deliver quantifiably accurate source determinations. Therefore, the true limitati ons of visual analysis are that it is only a single analytical component of the larger process for understanding social organization. When visual analysis is, and in this case will be, conducted in concert with elemental analysis it is possible to extrapolate intricate de tails about the economic and social functions that individual groups partook within the community. Visual analysis can be a powerful method for addres sing prehistoric social and economic issues because of the large sample sizes t hat can be easily evaluated; however, the practice of visual analysis cannot stand alone for making sweeping social assessments without the support of additional forms of lithic a nalysis, including elemental
169 characterization analysis. Alone, the method of vis ual analysis can provide insight into individual group preference and access to specific obsidian types. Visual analysis is a single tool available for providing a glimpse into socio-economic choices made by a prehistoric population. The ability to assess choic e in a prehistoric population provides the opportunity to delve into forms of socio-econom ic political structures that would have allowed a population the freedom to first access th e obsidian, and second make individual choices for the particular types of material utiliz ed. Conclusion The current archaeological studies in western Mexic o have barely scratched the surface in developing a comprehensive understanding of the basic levels of social organization within the Teuchitln tradition. The v ast majority of archaeological studies conducted in this region have focused on the larger architectural and surface evidence for assessing social processes that took place during t he Late Formative Period. Concurrently, obsidian analyses are relatively few outside the traditionally accepted Mesoamerican geographic boundaries. While these stu dies have provided valuable insight into the complex nature of the Teuchitln s ocio-political organization they need additional depth in order to explore the function o f socio-economic exchange practices on community development. Through the incorporation of multiple layers of evidence, it may be possible to develop a quantifiable assessmen t of the economic impact of obsidian exchange in Teuchitln traditionÂ’s social organizat ion. Just as with the other studies already conducted, this analysis is only a single, but important component in the overall understanding of social relationships and economic distribution patterns.
170 Although local obsidian was plentiful at the site o f Navajas, non-local material would have retained value within the community. The prospect of acquiring an object that another member of the community could not obta in would grant the object socioeconomic power (Dalton 1975; Drennan 1984a; Spence 1996). It was this social power that would then be attributed to the individual or family that obtained the object through processes of trade or exchange. Through visual anal ysis of obsidian artifacts at the level of the individual platform structure, it was possib le to extrapolate delineated familial roles within the guachimontones and quantify the ability for familial groups to as sert competitive strategies in social maneuvering within the social organization at Navajas. The socio-political organization at Navajas is not as straightforward as it may first appear based on the symmetrical, circular nature of the monumental architecture. The distribution of visually typed obsidian artifacts p ortrays individual groups actively participating in distinct functions within a social organization driven by a corporate political strategy, rather than one supported throu gh hierarchal dominance. Familial groups demonstrated individual identity not only th rough the construction of individualized structures around the guachimontones but also through the ability to select specific obsidian types for their own individualize d pursuits. In general, this entailed accessing material from the relatively easily acces sible local source. However, the small quantities of unique material present at Structures 5-3 and 5-5 suggest that particular familial groups around a single circular plaza were making individualized choices reflective of their position in the community. For Structures 5-3 and 5-5, socio-political roles at Navajas may have been established through greater regional connections within an economic exchange network of obsidian.
171 Trade is a means of relating power, power of ideas and power over people. Therefore the exchange and accumulation of goods is explicitly responsible for the establishment of unequal power relationships (Kelle y 2010: 100). However, corporate political groups create a system of social organiza tion based on collective governance, without any one group establishing exclusive domina nce over the others (Beekman 2008:431). The availability of substantial quantit ies of obsidian in direct proximity to the ritually charged guachimontones at Navajas enabled groups to maintain equal access to locally sourced obsidian; thereby, making it diffic ult for any one group to exert exclusive dominance over obsidian rights. However, this syste m did not dissuade groups, such as those present at Structure 5-3 and 5-5, from pursui ng independent socio-economic activities, such as connections in regional exchang e networks. These independent pursuits would have allowed these groups to obtain greater e conomic status even within the collective social strategy at Navajas. The Future This research was intended to help build upon the e xisting body of knowledge about the archaeology of western Mexico, and help p ropel a greater understating of social roles within the complicated social organization of the Teuchitln tradition. Visual analysis of lithic artifacts recovered from the Lat e Formative Period site of Navajas indicated that while distinct groups occupied the s tructures around the circular plazas, in general they retained the same access to and prefer ence for use of the same general types of obsidian (Typological Groups 1-5). It is possible to assume that these were varieties of obsidian available to all members of the community for their daily consumption needs based on a proclivity for these Typological Groups of obsidian at nearly all
172 guachimontn component structures. However, small deviations in obsidian present at certain structures may provide markers of distincti ons in social relationships and position around the circles. Without the use of a comprehens ive visual analysis of the entire occupational obsidian sample, these minute variatio ns in the obsidian sample would be lost. While visual analysis can provide a comprehensive f oundation for determining social distinctions based on material preference an d access within the community, it cannot provide a detailed assessment of where the m aterial originated. This can only be accomplished through the elemental characterization of the obsidian. In order to further to assess the delineated position of the Navajas el ite population within an economic network of trade, a representative sample of the 11 Typological Groups, totaling of 99 pieces, is undergoing Neutron Activation Analysis ( NAA) at the Instituto Nacional de Investigaciones Nucleares (ININ) in Mexico. The for thcoming NAA results are intended to deliver quantifiable sourcing data about the obs idian sample from Navajas that can be used not only to support the supposition that indiv idual groups had explicit functions within the community, but also provide the necessar y fine-grain resolution for assessing possible group participation in the economic distri bution of obsidian through regional trade.
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Sequence of all AMS dates from Navajas, calibrated using OxCal 3.9 (Beekman and Weigand 2008). Copyright 2008, Colegio de Michoacn. All Rights Reserved. APPENDIX A Sequence of all AMS dates from Navajas, calibrated using OxCal 3.9 (Beekman and Weigand Colegio de Michoacn. All Rights Reserved. 191 Sequence of all AMS dates from Navajas, calibrated using OxCal 3.9 (Beekman and Weigand