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Vienna as ecologism

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Vienna as ecologism a wellness mythography
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Shepherd, Michelle Denise ( author )
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Denver, CO
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University of Colorado Denver
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Ecology -- Austria -- Vienna ( lcsh )
Ecosystem health -- Austria -- Vienna ( lcsh )
Vienna (Austria) ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Thesis:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Colorado Denver. Design and planning
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Includes bibliographic references.
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College of Architecture and Planning
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by Michaelle Denise Shepherd.

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892632703 ( OCLC )
ocn892632703

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Full Text
VIENNA AS ECOLOGISM: A WELLNESS MYTHOGRAPHY
by
Michelle Denise Shepherd
B.S., Metropolitan State College of Denver, 1999
M.LA./M.U.R.P., University of Colorado at Denver, 2002
A thesis submitted to the
Faculty of the Graduate School of the
University of Colorado in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Design and Planning
2013


This thesis for the Doctor of Philosophy degree by
Michelle Denise Shepherd
has been approved for the
Design and Planning Program
by
Hans Morgenthaler, Chair
Margaret Woodhull
Michael Jenson
Brian Page
Jody Beck
Date: April 24, 2013


Michelle Denise Shepherd (Ph.D., Doctoral Program in Design and Planning)
Vienna As Ecologism: A Wellness Mythography
Thesis directed by Associate Professor Hans Morgenthaler.
ABSTRACT
Environmental social science includes my areas of research and practice: design and
planning and ecological urbanism. A literature review I conducted, covering recent
developments in this domain, has revealed that contemporary Vienna, Austria, is a
relatively unknown entity within the associated English-language academic publications
and their array of discourse. This dissertation provides an experiential street level
reconnaissance of todays Vienna. I name a few communities of interest as the
Viennese culture and the ethnic Viennese. I give a descriptive and interpretive account
of my findings in a narrative style. This dissertation has been produced upon reflection
of a six year inquiry on the topic, including thirteen months of daily research in the
field. The qualitative approach I have used to make meaning of and to construct an
understanding of Vienna, as it is a human-dominated ecosystem, is basically descriptive
ethnography, or the similar interpretive case study. I build upon the current research
of urbanist Rem Koolhaas and cultural theorist Sanford Kwinter. Whereby, my natural
science concerns have been investigated by including social, cultural and human science
methods. My study includes ecosystem immersion, critical discourse analysis,
participatory-observation and semi-structured interviews. I have focused on notions of
embodiment, sensory and poetic experience, play and humor. My researchers bias is to


explicitly depict ecological health and wellness, as successful mentalities and strategies
for living. My original experiential research is intended as a contribution to
environmental social science and environmental humanities, with an interdisciplinary
emphasis in history, theory and criticism of the built environment. I take up the
recognized environmental problem of a values to action gap. I am familiar with one
North American culture. Utilizing naivete as critical distance, I entered the Central
European milieu as it offers a possibility for discovering alternative material examples
and conceptual alignments. How do the Viennese express ecology? First, as a
biocentric political ecology. In another word, as an ecologism. Second, as a biological
or ecological aesthetic. I name a main societal trend in contemporary Vienna,
environmental mainstreaming. A cultural trait that effectively reduces the inefficient
discrepancies common between peoples attitudes and actions.
The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication.
Approved: Hans Morgenthaler
IV


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I sincerely appreciate the effort of the many people who have helped me during
the course of this research project. My gratitude goes to all the considerate and generous
people I met while working in Vienna. Austria is a wonderful place and I am fortunate to
have studied there and across Europe. Credit to Isabel Termini for arranging my study
trips through Vienna, for demonstrating her research techniques, proofreading my drafts
and correcting my use of the German language. My project honors the research and
teaching careers of my advisory committee. I praise them for their many specific
disciplinary contributions to advancing my knowledge and skills. Extra thanks to Hans
Morgenthaler for his direction on academic scholarship and dissertation writing.


TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER
I. PROLOGUE
The Need to Understand................................................. 1
Impulse: A Prelude to Reason......................................4
Biologically Centered...................................... 5
A Biocentric Political Ecology............................. 11
The Meaning Made....................................................... 18
II. LITERATURE REVIEW
Overview...............................................................20
Urban Ecology....................................................21
Ecology and Design...............................................25
Ecological Urbanism............................................. 30
Environmental Philosophy........................................ 37
Summary .............................................................. 39
III. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Ethnography............................................................41
Critical Discourse Analysis......................................45
Interpretation and Representation................................47
Mythography..................................................... 51
Participatory-Observation and Semi-structured Interviews........ 55
vi


IV. SYNOPSIS OF FIELDWORK
Reference to Figures 1 through 60.......................................... 57
A Research Intent.....................................................59
Vienna and Wellness............................................60
The Ecological Affect In Vienna............................... 63
The Predominant Organisms System Assembly.....................67
V. PULLOUT CENTER SECTION
Color Plate Folio Style Street Level Vienna, Figures 1 through 60.......76
VI. ENVIRONMENTAL CUSTOMS
Inclusive Museums......................................................... 136
Communities of Interest............................................. 136
Out-of-home Advertising................................................... 137
Municipal Administration Exhibition Space........................... 139
The Viennese Mind......................................................... 141
Holy, Perfect, Strong............................................... 148
Participation Mystique....................................... 150
Spartanism................................................... 153
Cult of the Body............................................. 156
Cult of Charisma............................................. 158
Icons in Celebration......................................... 162
Vindobona................................................................. 163
Memento Mori........................................................ 165
vii


Carpe Diem........................................................... 171
Tu Felix Austria Nube...................................................... 173
Autonomy as an Ideal................................................. 176
Collective Narcissism................................................ 184
VII. ECOCENTRIC POLITICAL ECOLOGY
Social Benefits............................................................ 187
Life Reform Era...................................................... 189
Expressionism................................................. 194
Consociationalism.......................................................... 196
Gewista and Peri kies................................................201
Wien Holding, Oberlaa Therme...................................204
Stadt Wien, Weingut Cobenzl....................................208
Taking the Cure................................................212
Red and Green Coalition.....................................................213
Cultural Ecology......................................................214
Social Ecology.................................................215
University of Natural Resources and Life Sciences..............217
Biological Aesthetic....................................................... 217
Pleasure Region.......................................................221
Urban Agriculture Products.....................................231
VIII. EPILOGUE
Vienna as if an...........................................................233
viii


Doing City Research............................................234
Locus Terribilis......................................................239
(Dis) Honest Insights...........................................240
(Un) Humorous Language..........................................240
Locus Amoenus.........................................................242
Values (In) Action..............................................244
Austria to Colorado..................................................246
REFERENCES .................................................................249
IX


LIST OF FIGURES
Figure
1 A typical street level perspective in the old-style................................76
2 Referencing official concepts, Vienna codified.....................................77
3 The heroic, progressive, utopian and liberal New Man.............................78
4 Evidence of Viennas regional icons and personality cult.......................78
5 Connection with an ancient settlement..............................................79
6 Image promoting social values......................................................80
7 Viennese ecosystem.................................................................81
8 Museological fieldwork.............................................................82
9 The government influences the media, an ecosphere..................................83
10 Free information in the Vienna City Hall...........................................84
11 The realm owned by a state corporation.............................................85
12 Vienna guide.......................................................................86
13 Public relations events venue......................................................87
14 Lifestyle is available.............................................................88
15 A provocative promotion for Femen..................................................89
16 Museum ephemera represents the culture.............................................90
17 A public bath, stereotypical definition............................................91
18 Political philosophy, explicitly ecological........................................92
19 This is how the Viennese express ecology...........................................93
20 An image taken in Sievering, evoking the green between.............................94
x


21
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24
25
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27
28
29
30
31
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34
35
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. 95
.. 96
. 97
. 98
. 99
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The state.....................................................
Design Week exhibits taverns..................................
Contemporary transcendence....................................
Unearthed genius loci.........................................
Harvest event, an entrepreneurial winemaker...................
Wine..........................................................
Garden oriented to local customers............................
In Viennas Nineteenth District, pathways lead between vineyards
The center with a vineyard....................................
Rather lush ecologies.........................................
Widely posted burial services system, memorialization.........
Remnant of the Reform Era.....................................
People influence the urban ecosystem..........................
The Kneipp fountain...........................................
Representing medicine (Illustration by Klimt).................
The Priessnitz fountain.......................................
A pervasive system of city marketing, kept visible............
The streets mainstreaming heritage............................
A representative of contemporary Vienna.......................
Equipment.....................................................
Sunning and drinking on The Berg............................
Public housing, public works art..............................
XI


43
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118
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135
From the vineyard, a depiction of what it is to be..........
Infrastructure..............................................
Human and environmental health, an expression...............
Cooperative.................................................
Cultivating a sort of social ecology........................
Housing types mingle with vineyards.........................
In Heiligenstadt, the Probius mosaic........................
Large political billboards..................................
North of the Danube.........................................
Catalogs, the Viennese identity.............................
Ecological and biological life (Illustration by Schiele)....
A view from the Nineteenth Districts vineyards.............
Swimming the Danube.........................................
Self-caring.................................................
Politicians are represented as cultural heroes..............
A view to the northwest of Vienna from near the citys center
Popular pattern represents traditional ethos................
On the Bisamberg............................................
XU


CHAPTER I
PROLOGUE
The Need to Understand
This dissertation is, foremost, the recapitulation and presentation of original held
research. I am an environmental scientist reporting on an ecosystem. Do you know how the
Viennese express ecology? Here I describe Vienna for you. Journey through a Vienna where
daily living happens in a mythic landscape. Where the nude human form is a pervasive political
motif. Learn about the local cultural traits that seem to reduce the otherwise common
discrepancies between peoples attitudes and actions. Understand why the Viennese express
ecology as an ecological aesthetic and finally, as a biocentric political ecology.
The preceding paragraph is a friendly interpretive version of my research question and
thesis statement. My interests and assumptions stated up to this point generally reference
professional, academic and popular literature. Examples are the book by Larry Beck,
Interpretation for the Twenty-first Century: Fifteen Guiding Principles for Interpreting Nature
and Culture (2002) and another book by Chris Barker, Cultural Studies: Theory and Practice
(2000). Last, but not least is Gregory Batesons Steps to An Ecology of Mind: Collected Essays in
Anthropology, Psychiatry, Evolution, and Epistemology (1972).
To bring our ideas about the research project closer, I reveal my inspiration. The wonder
conveyed from within the pages of old horticultural flora and herbals (the Temple of Flora, for
example); National Audubon Society and National Geographic Society publications. Also,
present day landscape architecture and architectural theory books are inspiring. The ones in
which Rem Koolhaas is often the prime investigator. His works content and visual style, like in
Metabolism (2011) and Mutations (2001), are directed to popular, student and academic
1


audiences. Further, my dissertation is inspired by the content, style and format of explanatory
natural (emergent), social (systems), cultural (spirited) and human (soulful) science journals.
Especially articles in Society and Natural Resources, the Journal of Interpretation and the
Journal of Medical Ethics; Medical Humanities.
My dissertations topic is addressed to any reader with a keen interest in and background
knowledge of environmental thought (generally: holistic healing, natural medicine; landscape
history, theory and criticism; civil engineering) and urban ecology (generally: ecosystem
biology; design and planning literature; nutrition and agronomy). The research projects strategy
and the terminology used along with the discourses I engage in already exist in and are
derived from the sub-disciplines mentioned above and the scholarly domains mentioned below.
Much further back in time and memory, informally now, my language and research
interests have been culled from many sources. Cursory examples are: Lois Silverman, The Social
Work of the Museums (2010); John Marzluff, Urban Ecology: An International Perspective on
the Interaction Between Humans and Nature (2008); Deborah Winter, Healing the Split between
Planet and Self( 1996); Edward Wilson, On Human Nature (1978). My current project has been a
maturation of earlier studies founded on texts like these.
Advancing along these lines of explanation, the primary research and writing methods I
have used are fieldwork and ethnography. With an analytical concentration on classical and
contemporary mythography. Likewise, the field research has been concentrated on a learning
of on-site personal (attitudes) and cultural (traditions). The aspects of experience, sensation,
pleasure, enjoyment, fun, achievement and success. Other predominant themes included in this
dissertation are North American and Central European economics and politics. Some
2


comparisons of Denver, Colorado (US) and Vienna, Austria (EU) are used to describe and
interpret for the reader my exploration and discoveries.
I explain the preceding conceptualizations, terminology and definitions as they are
provided in and sourced from the book by John Creswell, Qualitative Inquiry and Research
Design: Choosing Among Five Traditions (1998). The communication and research strategies
allow us a comfortable beginning with ethnography. You may have already noticed, my first-
person biases are expressed in the dissertation, along with the research projects process. To do
so is a standard in ethnographic studies. Description proceeds through essential who and
how aspects of a study. Two necessary components of communicating a lived experience.
Also, the actor and action elements benefit a readers capacity to relate a report to their own
endeavors.
Ideally, a post-positivist ethnography, such as this one, enables divided expertise to be
reintegrated. Similarly, the term transdisciplinary covers applied interdisciplinary research. In
this manner, we have an environmental science, environmental social science and environmental
humanities research project. Resulting in a socially significant ecosystem study report. In other
words, an environmental humanities approach to researching a human-dominated ecosystem has
yielded a usable nature study, wherein people matter.
Producing an ethnography is a meaning making exercise. The dynamic, lived adventure
of a field study is described in plenty of evocative detail to allow the researcher and readers alike
to understand something about how our planet, the cultures and people, are living in distant
places around the globe (Creswell Qualitative 184). In an ethnography we take a look at how
communities thrive. The largest significance of an ethnography is for our vast stores of human
knowledge to gain; merely by the activity of researchers carefully documenting, collecting and
3


sharing with readers the cultural portrayals. By doing environmental and cultural field research
we create access to lifes lessons learned and to lifelong learning. Aside from originating
knowledge, my dissertation provides project leads for researchers to possibly follow. Particularly
in the context of a university-styled, scholarly and professional, environmental movement known
as ecological urbanism.
Impulse: A Prelude to Reason
Lynn Margulis co-edited with James Corner and Brian Hawthorne, Ian McHarg:
Conversations with Students (2007). The book sits within the academic research and teaching
domain of environmental social science (combining aspects of both ecosystem research and
ecological poi'esis). Scientist Margulis shares an interest of hers with her readers. This is the
possible clues to why we tend to destroy the planetary surface that sustains us. She writes,
Our faculties for exactitude, measurement, and logical estimate are wantonly abandoned by
each of us when aroused by sexual opportunity. . The rational activity of ecological planning,
the imperative to nurture and heal the land, the slow frustration of joint cooperative decision-
making so necessary for large-scale collaboration with nature, is at odds with our impulses (16).
My interpretation of these quotes is that the earths resiliency is compromised by some
human actions and our other inactions. Please let me explain. Margulis writes about Homo
sapiens. How it is that the so-called wise animals biological desires shape the practice of natural
resource management. She obliquely suggests we could improve our personal and societal
reasoning. She makes the point that emergent life, including our minds, bodies and societies, can
be at odds with the planets fundamental ecological carrying capacities. In fact, it appears, some
people and peoples are excessively destructive of their environment. For example, the United
4


States of Americas citizenry is often cited as consuming more finite resources and producing
more toxic pollution than any other of the worlds citizens (their nations and their cultures). The
meaning of the example is that humans tend to live unsustainable The consumerism problem is
reported by economic researcher Erik Assadourian in The Rise and Fall of Consumer Cultures,
an article about transforming cultures in State of the World 2010 (6, 7, 11). My point is to
consider that when unchecked, the earths people proceed carelessly. Therefore, unsustainably.
The effects of human actions can be seen in habitat alteration, resource depletion, waste
accumulation and needs-based conflict. Such as, territorial wars. Further, we hear more of it
everyday, biospheric systems are observed to be alterable. Ecosystems (the plants, animals and
people in them) must adapt to survive. Access to water changes. Having or not a usable quality
and quantity of it is a simple example. Pristine aquifers and nutrient top soil are equally
exhaustible. The worlds expanse is observably limited. Its variety observably extinguishable.
Biologically Centered
Fet us momentarily consider the massive and rapid loss of Arctic glaciers and of
pollinating species. Sad images on their own. Imagine no polar bears. Or, another image, no
flowers and therefore, no food. Of further caution, this genre of events includes the tilt of our
known global order out of balance: the atmospheric cycles. Biospheric issues, like
thermodynamic homeostasis, are in threat. Environmental science and engineering are in alarm.
We do not merely depend on inorganic or organic inert materials. Each of us depends on the
interactions of others, other lives. Many other organisms and people. We are all dependent on
keeping, as best we can, a healthful, functioning micro and macro ecosystems.
One meaning made here is that within material form is soulful content. Within the
surfaces are fundamentally embodied extant entities. I am explaining a premise that the worlds
5


spirit and our own is a life given continuity of some kind. An atomic soup, if you prefer. For
example, think of personal and cultural ideals. We have types and themes to examine. Possibly:
the Tillable soil, palatable water and a nurturing culture. Our human sensitivity allows us to
distinguish distinctive qualities, such as ill from well. It follows, we may in fact exercise our
discretion for ensuring well being. To this effect, we may honor the attributes of a class. Giving
us cases in which to investigate.
Whereas, to date, North Americans have not frequently succeeded in achieving an
appreciation for the intangible, integral, inalienable, living dimensions carried by physical
phenomena, we may begin now. This is the distinguishing quality of a biologically centered
practice. Simply stated, a biocentrism maintains a high valuation for the spark of life.
Sustaining it in any and every context. Our failures so far in this capability appear to be, writ
large, cultural deficiencies.
History and sociology have presented to us real cases by which we have learned that
culture is created. Culture is a construct. For bad or good. For pain or pleasure. These lifestyles
are our products and we have the power to reform them into a more appropriate manner for
environmental fitness. I suggest an environmentally fit, ecologically sustainable, resilient and
pleasurable culture is an ideal type we may seek to know and manifest. The challenge is to
possibly realize a biocentrism. To a greater degree, such a culture would be maintainable along
with our innate humanness. As Margulis describes, it is possible to center our cultures around life
fulfilling urges: play, romance, family, homemaking, safety, health, travel. For these reasons, my
dissertations scope is drawn around the usually ignored notion of humor. People like to laugh.
Fun is at the center of my studies, as it is an inclusive, tolerant and active attitude. Teasing,
joking and amusing are means for interpersonal and societal interaction. Like them, I include
6


experimentation and mistakes within my research scope. I attempt to understand oddities as
they present themselves, rather than filtering them out of my projects results.
So, as a sort of inversion of her intent (a puiposeful misunderstanding, or malapropism), I
take Margulis to mean that human ecosystem research ought to further reflect on the continuum
of peoples biological, societal, cultural, economic and political motivators. In other words,
Margulis has explained why we tend to fail ourselves. I explain how we have and may continue
to succeed.
We may work with play and enjoyment. That is, if the research and teaching domain of
environmental social science is ever to succeed in its self-given missions; especially in relation to
environmental conservation and social justice; design and planning ought to be operationalized
for more of an understanding of what people actually want. What people express they would like
to have in their lives. This sort of intense humane, empathic and phenomenal sociological effort
is disputed by conventional expert designers (the reclusive inventors), master planners (the
efficiency statisticians) and the market (corporate producers). However, by insightful and
exploratory research, we can continue to learn of our emergent desires. Researchers ought to
continue writing accounts of individual human experiences in and knowledge of environments,
societies and cultures. Jotting possible discoveries about unmet needs in health and wellness,
fitness and nutrition. Perhaps learning or relearning ways to imitate natural preconditions and our
bodily routines. As an example, think of the attraction many people feel to skiing and boating.
Likewise, to gardening and hiking. Making observations to increase knowledge of
environmental, sensory activities and the facilities, to which people are attracted. Further
generating value and cultural systems. Conducting studies of what, in human dominated
7


ecosystems, makes people feel good, content and cooperative; rather than ecologically
destructive.
Restated to this concept I take from Margulis in developing and presenting my research
scheme is for the natural and life sciences, ecology and design, to take-on a common persons
perspective. A step back from big science where the automatic and uncritical imposition of
inappropriate and honestly unlovable academic research approaches are used. Away from
complex and contrived scholarly theories, technological gadgets, bureaucratic mechanisms and
controls. Stepping apart from the worn grand narratives of positivism. Letting go of the
command office quantitative perspective.
Margulis research career indicates to me the significance of attempting original research
with the risk still in it. She shouldered harsh criticism for hypothesizing that life evolves more in
cooperation than in competition. Therefore, while accepting opposition, I have aimed to observe
detailed realities from a pedestrian perspective. While immersed in everyday scenarios, asking
and listening to ordinary people the creatures in their habitats how they sense the urban
ecosystem. Learning what it is people love about their environments.
These themes, which I have brought into our minds so far, are for the sake of making my
overall argument. The examples given are meant to structure my arguments context. I have
begun describing my project, in its totality, with a swooping portion of general knowledge. Then,
you may see on later pages, I narrow onto the specifics of my original contribution to academic
knowledge.
Ordinary people, non-ecologists, also hear of environmental issues, such as exponential
population increases. The resulting pressures on water and food supplies. People may also know
that many millions of us lack adequate water, food, fuel, housing and transportation. Most
8


everyone hears of expanding cities and their outrageous demographics. Sometimes we can see
for ourselves that cities have intolerable densities. We can see the inhabitants suffer from
inadequate sanitation and energy infrastructures. These examples go along with the global
decrease of pollinator species (namely bees), as I have already mentioned. Fearsome climate
change, the effects of atmospheric carbon pollution, plus worries of fossil fuel reserve depletion.
The list of actual problems is inexhaustible.
Beyond the actual planetary and personal impacts, the problems are political subjects.
Matters of definition. Entirely manipulate measurements and thoroughly debatable topics.
Progress toward resolving any one problem is deathly slow. If occurring at all, it is usually in the
slightest amount noticeable. Nonetheless, a portion of the worlds people do work at mitigating
waves of emergent tragedy. Often these people are research scientists and engineers. Also, citizen
activists put forward effort to benefit a select cause. If any of these people act from a holistic and
systems orientation, they may have an ecological paradigm. Usually, ecology and ecological
are defined as inclusive, rather than reductive ways of thinking. Simply put, the typical reductive
mentality of splits and dichotomies we continue to use, outside and inside of academia, is
conservative of a monetizing cultural establishment. It follows that individual people are reduced
to numbers. Nations are measured and ranked in wealth statistics. Our lives equate gross
domestic products and national debts.
The atypical inclusive mentality begets an alternative to reality as we know it. Effecting
a questioning of our potentialities is far from status quo corporate imperialism. Most people dare
not act upon any perception of it. Therefore, inclusive, integrative, ecological ideals are
measured in optional cultural traits. Example options are national happiness, equal rights, human
development, vegan asceticism, free money and economic democracy. Advocates for an
9


ecological logic advocate for us all to have a culture founded on a principle of systemic
reasoning. These advocates go against mainstream societal norms, fighting accepted exclusionary
practices. Therefore, the career title environmentalist has been smeared by alternative haters
in general and extreme capitalist conservatives in specific. Environmentalist is basically a career
title; said by detractors as if it is a pejorative term. The same with environmentalism. It is
primarily a professional duty. A political agenda. However, the words have been, or remain in the
United States, at least, as the seeming antiestablishment banner. The words environmentalist
and environmentalism mark ideological, political and economic threats to business and religious
traditions. A front line in the so-called culture wars.
Cultures are communication networks. A culture, conservative or radical, trades in ideal
imagery: political words, rhetorical representations, ideological propaganda. As are all cultures, a
culture based on ecological reasoning is, nonetheless, a human product. An interactional product.
United States President Barack Obama said in his 2013 Inaugural Address, You and I, as
citizens, have the obligation to shape the debates of our time. In his 2013 State of the Union
Address he said, the responsibility of improving this union remains the task of us all. In other
words, a culture (every culture and subculture) is a representative construct made by the
continuous negotiation of people who share or abhor specific convictions. The contention
between people and their cultural ideologies is a main theme of inquiry in cultural studies. An
example is when an ordinary person (individual agency) contests a tenured academician
(institutional hegemony) in research production, legitimacy or publication. Another (present in
environmental social science, design and planning, landscape architecture) is when the sources of
a scholarly discourse ought to be, but are not, referenced accurately by teaching faculty. Like
10


alternative and inclusive thinking and acting; questioning research threatens
authoritativeness and destabilizes cultures.
Lynn Margulis statements, as used in my research, opens for us the discourse of a
values to action gap. One of Margulis arguments is for an ecological civilization.To date,
unrealized. However, her position indicates for us a what, why and how humans ought to value
the idea of nature, environment and ecology. She explains the failures of civilization are from our
imperfect rational ability. She refers to design and planning practices. Especially, to their failures.
Our losses are due to realitys (realities) endless complexity. Stated in another way, we never
achieve full information or pure reasoning.
Margulis, a biologist, uses sex drive as an example of our unaccountability. As an urban
ecologist, I emphasize the haphazard preference and onerous choice as an example of our
irrationality. In other words, an ecological culture would result from a concerted political will,
which most people appear to lack. As Margulis says, we are lustful and reckless. Further, I say,
we are wanton and hapless. She and I agree, we have not achieved long-standing
environmentalist ideals of an ecological culture. Not in North America, nor globally. Because we
have idealized, but lack an actual ecological civilization example case to study.
More of an understanding of the values to action gap is crucial for abating many sorts of
impending tragedies. My research project, in some part, fills Margulis mandate, to help make
meaning of our perceivable impulses. I attempt to note our rights rather than our wrongs, to
recognize occurrences of ecosystem empathy and interpret semblances of biological mirroring.
A Biocentric Political Ecology
A pervasive issue, regularly overlooked in natural science, is political subjectivity.
Therefore, biological (life) and ecological (systems) thinking are fringe concepts in powerful
11


governments. A societal ecological reasoning would put in effect an ecological logic, a living
systems politic. Or, a political ecology. Similarly, a biologically centered, or biocentric
political ecology. The various ecologism advance a dialectic about what an ecological
civilization would be. That it could, should and ought to be. Generally, a telling of what an
ecological civilization has been and what it is not.
I explain the preceding terms from an existing discourse around the book by Mark Smith,
Ecologism: Toward Ecological Citizenship (1998). The terminology gets us started in sharing
and contributing our own insights and observations, which is the larger purpose of again and
again introducing and opening the discourse.
In our present era, economically and politically influential cultures tend to objectify
everything. That is, we in North America have inherited the habit to reduce any breadth of
concern and depth of meaning into flat marketable, countable terms. Retaining routine
compartmentalization and dumping slow contemplation. Let us first think of idealizations made
by people in leading nations around the world: a wealth accumulation mentality, demonstrating
a winner takes all and us against them social ethic. Domination and exploitation cultures.
Second, think of the political idealizations made by environmental and ecological movements.
Win-win aspirations for planet-wide harmony. Thoughts one and two seem to be mutually
exclusive paradigms. A strong-arm govemmentality, its objectifications for material productivity,
does not match with humanitarian and environmental conservation aims (although, inciting other
extraordinary thoughts). Existing examples of productive conservation and hard humanism are
sometimes promoted, but remain as slivers of greater societies. Anarchist settlements, lifestyle
scenes and intentional communities; ecotourism, ecovillages and ecomuseums; habitat rcscn cs
12


and heritage sites are, arguably, misrepresentations of genuine ecological ideals. Mere
greenwashing.
Consider the so-called Cap and Trade rationalization for dealing with environmental
pollutants. It is another example where the difference between environmental conservation
values and actions are terribly degraded. The United States Environmental Protection Agency
promotes the scheme. Activists, such as Annie Leonard, deride it. Leonard published a book, The
Story of Stuff (2010) about environmental health. She also made a video about that issue in 2007
and others since. Her videos have been viewed by more than 10 million people around the world.
In The Story of Cap and Trade video (2010), Leonard explains that there is a mismatch in the
American system, between ideals and results. The problem is that emissions trading allows
pollution. Worse, it encourages pollution. She says it is an economic strategy, which
unapologetically shifts the burden of pollution from polluter, from corporations to citizens and to
far-off disenfranchised communities. It does not function to eliminate the harm being done to our
greater ecosystem. Note that Leonard simply makes public environmental science curriculum,
including human and social factors. Especially environmental economics and its critique.
Lurther, we cans see in Leonard an ecological ethic and her enacting a political ecology.
In the United States, we term programs such as Cap and Trade a compromise. Or, equally,
the strategy is referred to as a sellout. In effect, everyone loses a percentage of their best case
scenario. Some people say, in cases like this, a little less bad is at least some good. Therefore,
everyone wins a percentage, too. Others say that any bad is not good enough. Then they push
harder for economic, political and cultural reform, or revolution. As a quick illustration of the
thought, designer and activist William McDonough writes in Cradle to Cradle Design (2002)
13


and speaks publicly in this manner (45, 67). He is a proponent of effectiveness (68). No waste.
For him, every byproduct is a resource. This rationale remains utopian.
Some people say it is the degrees, levels of radicalness that exemplifies the fine line
usually a subtle delineation between the environmental and ecological movements. At first
glance, the terms are synonymous. It seems impossible that the terms differ in meaning.
Especially for natural scientists, who may have careers that encompass all the aspects under
constant debate. Critics, speaking from their own biases, seem to say environmentalists and
ecologists have differing agendas and varying degrees of relentlessness in their pursuits to save
the planet. However, another defining distinction mentioned in recent years is the inclination to
a particular belief. An environmentalist may maintain dualistic thinking (humans control nature)
compared to an ecologists monistic thinking (nature controls humans). In other words, a
practically oriented compartmentalization mentality versus a sometimes impractical continuum
of awe and reverence.
If environmental and ecological are different approaches, one pervading tone is
synchronic and the other is diachronic. So far, environmental is North American and ecological
is Central European. It follow, the now or always lens can serve us when attempting to
understanding Vienna and stereotypical Viennese choices. These people are oriented to the long
haul. By comparison, the present feel of the environmental or ecological movement(s) in the
United States is diffused. By some peoples standards, efforts are made for a sustainable
change, without most of us gaining any sense of the achievements. Perhaps this is because
Americans have overwhelmingly conflicting beliefs. Perhaps the citizens in the United States are
not actually a collective. We turn to the media in the process of forming opinions, identities and
alliances. A media slanted toward business profits. Presenting a market value system, rather than
14


environmental and social values. Ultimately, American citizens feed the lifestyles of elite groups.
Critics argue the United States has become a corporate oligarchy, rather than a democracy related
to an ideal of justice. Nor advancing in environmental and social protection. With momentary
exceptions, an aura of frustration has characterized America since the 1970s. A culture of
monetization, conflict, crises and fear is the media induced norm.
Political science concepts, such as I have brought to our attention, are important to
consider when making meaning of Vienna. For example, in Denver, people have not usually used
the terms right-wing and left-wing in political discussions. In the United States, republicans
and democrats, or conservatives and liberals, are the main associative terms used. The US has
only a two party congress, whereas many EU nations have multiparty parliamentary systems.
Like the difference in measurement systems, inches and centimeters, political systems have
traditionally differed between the United States and Central Europe. Learning the political
history of the terms right-wing and left-wing opens a wider understanding of European political
parties. Especially for the fact that Central European citizens, Viennese in particular, have
established, by American standards, radical parties. The Americans do not have these many
specific sorts of representatives. For example, the Viennese have a tradition of clubs. These are
membership associations for any interest, such as business, charity, student rights and sports.
Clubs are at the basis of contemporary Viennese politics. Extending from this tradition is, for
example, the far right political party, named The Freedom Party (Freiheitliche Partei
Osterreichs, FPO). Their club color is blue and their platform of common interests is
aggressively masculinist and separatists. Anti-immigration is their rallying cry. Also, within clubs
and established political parties there are factions. An example of this is in Viennas Green
Alternative (Die Griinen) there is a specific bureau and speaker for representing the more
15


extreme party agendas. While another faction within the same party holds a centrist function.
Such as an aggressive campaigner for education, family and equality7. Other moderate green
campaigns are for transportation and infrastructure, as these interest areas relate to ecological
aims.
My point is that politics in Vienna are more intense at the personal, or on the street
level, than they are in an American city, such as Denver. I observe this is because, among other
reasons, political posters are hung everywhere in Vienna, all the time. To make meaning of their
human-dominated ecosystem requires knowledge of the clubs mentalities, their platforms, colors;
their iconic peoples names and faces. Further, it seems, Central Europeans have a tradition of
taking their politics into the public realm, physically. Going into the fray on foot, per se. Whereas
in North America, across the expanses of land, the tradition in recent decades has been that
politics happen in movies. Demonstrations on television. Debates on the sofa, on the radio, in the
office and at city hall. Now, on the Internet. Rarely, if ever, in fora. However, in Vienna I have
seen the people act politically in a ritualistic fashion. In collective, patterned behavior. Perhaps
the Viennese have a narrow convergence of beliefs. Possible if the citizens turn to the media in
the process of forming their identities and it is always already slanted toward city politics, rather
than to unrestricted commerce. Viennese media does concentrate on personal, legal, economic,
social, cultural and environmental issues, rather than on business.
On the first official American Earth Day gathering, 1970, in Fairmount Park,
Philadelphia, Ian McHarg spoke emphatically for environmental conservation and for ecological
thinking. As an ornery university professor, a landscape architect and poet, he said, famously,
that we are all doomed. The environmental movement, true to his words, soon gave way to
disco fever and yuppiedom. Americans are trendy and fickle. At least in North America, the
16


discourse of environmental crises continues much as it was then. A wide gap remains between
heartfelt and intelligent American environmental values and our daily actions toward achieving
them. Visibly, we have much product marketing. It is received by much consumer indifference,
citizen apathy and lethargy. The establishments reaction is evermore product rebranding and
post-consumer recycling.
Regarding environmentally oriented or ecological cultures, Central Europe is a prime
example. In this aspect, German-speaking Europe is nearly opposite of the English-speaking
United States. Our cultures have persisted polemically. One case of this environmental and social
conservation whip is Austria. Since about 1955 the Austrian Republic has pursued cultural and
political sovereignty, including egalitarianism, public welfare and environmental protection
policies. Officially, the United States increasingly pursued the opposite: libertarian, deregulation,
free market expansionist and capitalist values. Two contrasting cultures, however, comparable as
sketches. I assert Austria exhibits the biocentric political ecology features. I observe it is the
paragon ecologism case. This is my thesis, when narrowed to an interpretation of contemporary
Vienna. I say, let us have a close look. Can we see a real ecological city and culture? Walking in
the streets. Talking with the local people. Then puzzling together a portrayal of what exists there
now.
Every culture is formulated around the notion of tradition. A culture is somewhat
definable, but not completely. Cultures and subcultures are active remembrances of inherited and
transmittable knowledge. Oral histories and material collections begin the institutionalization of
a peoples region. A communitys heritage and legacy. In Austria, especially in its capital city of
Vienna, a popular cliche exists, stating tradition is everything. For the Viennese, culture mostly
equates traditional values. There we can see and hear, often rurally themed, self-reliance
17


proclamations. To accentuate the uniqueness of Viennese culture, let us momentarily examine the
United States. Cliches about America sarcastically stereotype the American postmodern
government as having three branches: military, media and banks. Likewise, the Denver culture is
satired as: beer/microbreweries, professional sports teams/monster stadiums, national airlines/
international airport. These word-pictures exemplify separate mentalities: Denvers cultural
ecology, for example, as it is far from Viennas cultural ecology.
For the sake of increasing the argument, let us continue thinking as North Americans. Our
main culture relentlessly categorizes, quantifies and monetizes. In opposite, an ecologically
minded society internalizes what we externalize. Now, momentarily think of the Austrians, again.
This culture considers intangible qualities, the attributes, associated with tangible properties. An
example of this is their product packaging. Not so in the United States, but in Austria all
packaging and products are designed, in part, specifically for low waste. Austrian merchandise is
highly salvageable, to the degree a package and its contents are often made of one recyclable
material. Or, if more than one material is used, typically these are easily disassembled into
recyclable parts. The products ending is considered in its invention. The potential benefit of
reusability and the burden of waste on the societys common area is internalized upfront.
The Meaning Made
Vienna appears to have enticing lifestyle marketing. Not as much advertising is for
consumer products as it is for social values. More city marketing is visible in Vienna than along
the streets of America. Much more than in Denver; a very specific example. Also, the Viennese
values to action gap appears narrower than it is in Denver. Having recognized these clues to a
cultural/political understanding, I have finished my research project by interpreting the many
18


possible correlations between how the Viennese society represents itself and how it actually
functions. I suggest, in many instances on the following pages, a sort of magical realism is more
present in Vienna than is an ordinary reality. I observe the so-called fantastical is a wider cultural
influence affecting the cultures ecological thinking. Finally, I offer to the fields of human
knowledge a meaning-making survey of these observable phenomena found among the streets of
Vienna: the nouveau traditional Viennese culture (vanguard for a naturalistic quality of life) and
the phenomena of enticing lifestyle marketing. Traits exemplifying a narrow environmental
values to action gap.
Readers of this dissertation are sure to learn of contemporary Vienna through the several
rudimentary contrasting attributes included in this document. First, we leam of how the United
States is not achieving a biocentric or ecocentric political ecology. Whereas such an ecologism
has a larger success in Central Europe. Second, we learn of beloved Viennese cliches, like
puritan America. Unlike naughty Austria. Third, we leam of contrasting experiential facts. The
bone dry seriousness of Denver, compared to the playfully wet and wild Vienna.
19


CHAPTER II
LITERATURE REVIEW
Overview
The general context and its continued struggles, which situates this research project
within common, lay knowledge, has been foreshadowed in the preceding pages of this
dissertation. The ordinary' understanding, meaning and validity it reaches has been presented. I
have started to explore and describe discrepancies. They are, so far told, between individual
impulses and the collective, environmental, carrying capacity. Discrepancies shown between
individual values and individual actions. Also, between collective, cultural values and collective,
cultural actions. I have described gaps between biological, ecological and economic, political
realities.
Now, in the following pages, I provide the reader with a brief review of texts selected to
situate the research project within academic disciplinary and professional knowledge. The set of
texts positions the research projects scholarly questions, methods, processes and findings. The
projects theoretical construct is interdisciplinary, therefore, a references (works consulted/
cited) bibliography of relevant background and cited information is included near the end of the
dissertation. In it are more than 230 information sources.
Immediately below this paragraph is a brief literature review. It allows the reader to
envisage the research projects significance, relevance and merit. The reader ought to keep in
mind that an ethnographic monograph is shaped by the ethnographer. The description of the
research topic is presented in a format that makes the researchers implicit experiences into
explicit information. My narrative necessarily constructs and contains many stands of thought,
20


pulled together from living life. Therefore, the background literature is provided in a
complimentary flash card format. A setup allowing the writer and reader to review the entire
compendium at a glance. Easily accumulating a mental lexicon of the projects operative terms.
The essential background literature provides the reader with enough information to ground the
original fieldwork in existing intellectual discourse. The monograph necessarily begins wide and
is therefore segmented. Although, it culminates narrowly, rather tabular, in the Epilogue. The
authors listed in this section of the dissertation are referenced as the research projects
intellectual substrate. It is my conceptual matrix for the interpretive environmental case study.
Or, more precisely, an apriori structuring of the descriptive ethnography fieldwork.
Urban Ecology
Urban Ecology (2008), edited by John Marzluff and others is a collection of essential
articles that establish the so-called discipline of urban ecology. Most of the articles in the book
are contributed from the disciplines of architecture, planning, geography and ecology. The
opinions are mainly of Europeans and North Americans. Many works have been recently
translated from German into English for this publication. The aim of urban ecology is to
understand ecosystems, local and global, that include or are dominated by humans. This books
first agenda arises from natural science. Another of its aims extends from the first; to promote
coexistence and sustainability. The second agenda is from social science. It is said urban ecology
happens between disciplines and is therefore interdisciplinary. Adding to the academic research
interests is a contemporaneous urban ecology, other positions that are much more practically
oriented. As in transdisciplinary or applied research (Marzluff 68).
21


An array of direct observation, modeling and analysis are accepted as standard urban
ecology research methods (Marzluff 20, 624, 727). In general, the book demonstrates how
anthropomorphic biomes have not only physical, natural and quantitative elements for study, but
also require cultural, historic and qualitative investigations (Marzluff 83). Total reliance on long-
known research approaches, such as differentiation and summaries of species, is impractical in
city research (Marzluff 84). Generally, the articles call for a continuation of research into urban
ecology modeling and all sorts of mapping.
My work extends from what is circumscribed by the Marzluff text. By keeping in mind
the archaic word oikos, I have learned that the notion of ecology includes domesticity,
economics, aesthetics and ethics. These constitute environments: psychical and physical spheres.
With them is ekistics, the study of settlements, such as spa towns. Material evidence exists that
attest to how ancient cities grew around fresh water, mineral and thermal springs. This is my
essential interest in urban ecology; how the role of amenities, such as a museum, has and does
effect environment and resource management. For example, I have questioned how
environmental interpretation relates to the qualities of care.
In the book, The Works, Kate Ascher, asks What makes urban life possible? A sort of
city semantics (meaning) is presented with its syntax (structure). One such system, as an
example, is hygiene: sanitation services including waste and garbage removal, sewage
management and treatment.
Words like oikos and other images in Aschers book represent knowledge systems. They
serve as interpretations of environments; points of reference, inquiry and discourse. Here I
recognized how various types of illustrative languages (used to understand and control an urban
ecosystem) are created schema: models. Therefore, all our knowledge in ecology and design is
22


always potentially wrong. There is no one-to-one correlation. No one way of seeing reality, nor a
single perfect picture of any part of it. Ecology and design research and teaching, theory and
practice, can be made a more effective by bringing this detail into clear terms for discourse.
Giving the distinction between real situations and ideal types constant attention.
Switzerland: An Urban Portrait (2005), created and edited by Roger Diener and others, is
a set of books. Each volume reports on research conducted by architectural firms, working in
conjunction with each other and with university and public programs. The encompassing project
is an exploration of a meaning-making approaches to global urban, ecology and design studies.
The authors introduce the work by writing, theory does not define the content of urban which
can only be determined empirically (Diener 167).
The designers have worked phenomenologically and speculatively, which they accept as
potentially imprecise. They say the strength in such methods is the resulting linguistic, essayistic
analysis. These authors are influential representatives of design education and practice. About
their process and product, they say this urban research has, no precise methodology, but forms a
conceptual backdrop that must be put in concrete terms for empirical analysis (Diener 170).
Architects and landscape architects are routinely present in such discourse and in conducting
these abductive (cyclically inductive, deductive, iterative) projects. The main purpose is first to
reveal conditions, forces and flows. Hence, these texts clarify ecology and design procedures and
objectives, at least indirectly. The authors are among the stars of contemporary7 architectural
theory for codifying themes like emergence, self-organization and systems thinking. The
graphics are intended to be viscerally persuasive, as much as genuinely informative. In other
words, the ideographs are not benign presentations, but rather are influential reinterpretations of
the possibly infinite phenomena bearing on any claim.
23


Lynn Margulis, the other editors and authors, too, of Ian McHarg: Conversations with
Students, Dwelling in Nature (2007), indirectly trace cultural and professional paradigms from
1950s modernity, 1960s humanistic turn, 1970s environmentalism, 1980s environmental design,
1990s urban ecology, 2000s landscape urbanism, all to 2010s ecological urbanism. It honors the
life and work of Ian McHarg, mostly as an ongoing act of his students. It further represents how
the greatly inspiring research, theorizing, modeling, analyses, teaching and practice has been
passed along. The contributing authors exemplify a sort of environmentalist intellectual
community, in this case gathered around the memory of McHarg. Original texts by McHarg are
the core of the book.
Alan Berger credits McHarg as founder of the most important systematic landscape
thinking used in design now (Margulis 7). David Orr says McHarg proposed ecology and
landscape architecture be joined for the understanding of processes (Margulis 9). As a
justification and invitation for continued ecology and design research, James Comer writes that
the McHargian Project is incomplete (Margulis 99). While characterizing McHarg's
contemporary value, Comer adds holistic and process thoughts, phrased similar to those of
Martin Heidegger. As an example, life bodies itself forward could refer to the becoming of Da-
sein, to the work potential of mass (measured as energy), as well to the academic and
professional field. In some way, McHarg had written about emergence, [T]o raise the matter of
energy ... It would be useful if there were some sort of criterion that allowed us to look at any
process and decide whether or not it was creative (Margulis 22).
McHarg is known to have advocated the increase of life and health as the essential
measure of a systems fitness, also the ultimate aim of design. In this book, Dorian Sagan explains
how life results from a self-maintaining thermodynamic gradient, always seeking equilibrium
24


(Margulis 82). These ecologists write at the tipping point between science, art and humanities.
Even McHarg expressed deep sentimentality, The definition of the region is of course
impossible, because the Earth is finally not divisible. So I say the region is defined by the person
who defines the region (Margulis 91). His notion of creative fitting is what joins research into
ecology and design. The Margulis book guides my transdisciplinarity pursuits and supports my
decision to continue research into and around applied ecology.
Ecology and Design
Civic Realism (1999) by Peter Rowe, presents history and theory of designed
environments, such as ancient and contemporary cities. The book connects architectural space
with social practices and asserts these are both aspects of design. Rowes effort has been to show
the mutual influences and impacts between the public realm and everyday life. More so, he urges
a democratic type of engagement (individuals, community groups, corporations and government)
in cultural evolution, or possibly thought of as civic expressions. An urban regeneration, he says,
is embodied as collective places, both specific and viable. A sustained use leads to collective
attachment. As for a conceptual method, Rowe asserts direct involvement, an accounts of
phenomena as contemporaneity (an emerging whole); a scheme with its own logic that is
practical and useful (Rowe 84, 85). He refers to theorists such as Johan Huizinga.
Like Huizinga, he appreciates the nature of human being. He writes, Not only do players
in the city become poets of their acts, but the games themselves help define and formalize
relations among elements of public authority and civil society (Rowe 148). Rowes agenda is a
sort of hub in which to connect many research interests. As examples, his citizens situatedness
and civil regeneration is reminiscent of Heideggers suggestion of a being that cares for itself
25


(Da-sein). Rowe indicates that informed individuals build and appreciate a better, more loved,
civic realm. As far as his notions explaining ecological fitness, he includes species viability, plant
and human vitality, resource availability. I have imitated Rowes assumption of the urban
laboratory, in which we humans learn from tracing organic and artificial patterns. Only once the
inscriptions are made of a phenomena do they matter; possibly of ait and science, no less policy.
Bruce Maus Massive Change (2004) exhibit and catalog shows how design is an
ecological practice. His products resulted from a transdisciplinary research approach within a
design studio about how to confront environmental and human sustainability issues. With this
project Mau has aimed at achieving a higher social consciousness, especially about the health of
our biosphere, by using design as an innovation and communication device. Mau encourages and
provokes people, ordinary citizens, to think of themselves as free agents, having the capacity to
shape the world.
He is counteracting a paralysis he sees as being a most common result of a negative
media culture. The book and its influential exhibit arose from a manifesto in which Mau crossed
typical disciplinary boundaries, such as ones between the arts and sciences, as well as any
between nature and culture. For example, he says people design the world's evolution. Or, in
other words, everything we do is in some way design and we necessarily live among these
results. In the face of all existing paradox, Mau describes how humans can choose their future
and in this he makes us each responsible for living fully. Of special note, he emphasizes the
almost synchronic, graphic quality of image and text. In his work, he refers to reception effects,
such as meaning, emotion and mirroring.
Martin Kemps Visualizations (200f) book exhibits a collection of images that are meant
to transgress the boundary commonly set between science and art. The images express, model
26


and represent, deep structures. The organic, supposedly self-organizing patterns, once viewed,
seem to have a visceral effect on humans. Kemp suggests these sensations are our structural
intuition: a sort of universal being and knowing.
He suggests that since this intricate landscape, these elegant formations and sublime
events we already here, we have co-evolved among such processes rather psychogeographically.
For example, viewing microcosms can affect us pre- or sub-verbally, empathically; just like a
mirroring effect. Kemp writes that this may explain the power of naturalism, in that it relates
image with culture. Recognizing the continuum of interior and exterior existence. This book
begins to question the notion of artifact and various modes of representation. He argues for the
potential of these findings toward making holistic interpretations. Poetry may be shown to have
such properties.
Language and narrative are accepted for practical relations, rarely examined for process
or efficiency. As unseen, sensed and mental phenomena, these items are elusive and escape
regular investigation. People fixate on tangible forms, like photographs and sculpture,
illustrations and built amenities. Kemp provides a terminology by which to engage immaterial
and unstoppable realities. His perspective alternates between that of science and art, making
depiction at home in a laboratory, as well as experimentation at home in a museum.
David Orrs Architecture as Pedagogy II is a 1997 sequel article on design education. A
place, he says, is where learning occurs. Therefore, the landscape ought to reflect the curriculum.
He is advocating for settings, strategies and models correlating to embodied mindfulness and
regenerative health. According to him, all education ought to be based on energy and material
flows. For Orr, a campus ought to be built as a legacy. It ought to resonate from our biology,
27


tacitly. A vital interconnectedness, ultimately useful in cultivating this as a sort of standard and
citizenship (Orr 597, 599, 600).
Johan Huizinga wrote Homo Ludens (1950). In architecture and planning the book is set
as a historical precedent and provides a useful theory of modern culture. In this work, Huizinga
examines nature and civilization. According to him, the human animal is innately linguistic and
playful (Huizinga 4, 5). These primordial, irreducible, death-defying traits mark some ambiguous
qualities of our experience; thought of as magic, celebration and fun. For Huizinga, play is
voluntary, extraordinary, erotic, striving and orderly.
These elements, for example, can be seen in humor and sport. Sensed as daring, a
sensation of living more and of achieving the impossible. Heroic stories the misadventures of
Dionysus are an example. Huizinga writes, All poetry is born of play . myth is always
poetry .. Like everything else that transcends the bounds of logical and deliberative judgement,
myth and poetry both move in the play-sphere . living myth knows no distinction between play
and seriousness (Huizinga 129). Mythopoiesis, or myth-making, is a key concept in this book.
These hold the potentiality for demonstrating inspired vision; the possession of creativity as a
type of medicine.
Huizinga applies his theorizing to Roman cities. He determines all were built from a
competitive, not practical, impulse in a superficial, not religious society. It was one living a game
of culture. He says theaters and baths, the cult of the body, were enervating because the play-
element is very prominent here, but it has no organic connection with the structure (Huizinga
176, 178). My interest, going from a background in ecology and design, landscape architecture
and planning, has been to see what patterns people make in the environment. I have attempted to
28


correlate my findings with individual and cultural traits, specifically looking for ecological
indicators of healthy urban ecosystems.
Ecologists Richard Karban and Mikaela Huntzinger produced a handbook for ecologists
doing ecology. How to Do Ecology (2006) demystifies the scientific practice. Starting from the
realm of applied, field, restoration and systems ecology, Karban and Huntzinger, explain the
continuum of what seems to be normal to post-normal science. For example, they validate the
exercise of intuition as a scientific reality and tool. They break from the notion of objective
science, as it is an unnecessary distinction. They acknowledge all science is a subjective
process and human product. The phenomena of intuition ties Karban and Huntzinger to Martin
Kemp, the art and science historian, critic and exhibit curator. Kemp has written of what he terms
structural intuitions. His theory is that at the origin of human situations and activities, there is,
what we uncritically term nature, a spontaneous interconnection. With art and science that is
what we attempt to see, to visualize, to keep in our knowledge.
It is interesting to note that none but two of their 60 citations cross with the main line of
landscape architecture, design and planning, history, theory and criticism discourse: Charles
Darwin and Karl Popper. Karban and Huntzinger make natural science easy. In the end, they
write five necessary steps: respecting and refining the skill of intuition; test the observations with
comparisons, alternatives; statistical inferences, generalizability, comes at the cost of realism (a
function of scale, they say); do not get trapped by expectations, in research be opportunistic;
communicate.
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Ecological Urbanism
Published in 2002, Ecology and Design: A Framework for Learning is already a classic
text for landscape architecture history, theory and criticism. The article in it by Anne Spirn, The
Authority of Nature: Conflict, Confusion, and Renewal in Design, Planning, and Ecology, is an
incredibly rich treatise out of several dozen included in the book. Another authors name in the
530 page book is Carolyn Adams, a practicing landscape architect. She is one who cites people
such as Michael Zimmerman (environmental philosophy) and Deborah Winter (ecopsychology);
people not inside design and planning theory. This serves as an example of the great lack of
interconnected theorizing, although a bit happens in a recursive branching of various ecology
literatures. Two other authors listed in the books contents, I mention for their educational
advocacy, are David Orr and Michael Hough. Also, to convey the tone of the text. I trace back an
interconnection from ecological urbanism, through landscape urbanism, into ecology and design
as an -- ism, too.
Further back, I see urban ecology and generally, applied field ecology. A sort of
environmentalists legacy, although surprisingly different from the disciplines of environmental
philosophy and ecology literature, or similar. One of the main findings of my dissertation
research project has been the word and concept of ecologism. The legacy of environmental
design intellectual traditions, broadly defined (rather than particularly) in this situation, mixed
with environmental science, certainly qualifies as an ecocentric discourse, if not an all-out
ecological ideology.
Generational changes in paradigms, priorities and vocabularies strongly effect the design
and planning professions. Either as of knowledge production or its consumption, academicians
and professionals from all fields engage in the project of keeping the body (or bodies) of
30


knowledge at the front of their career (and personal) identities. Kristina Hill, for example,
weathers more about a decade from her role as an editor of Ecology and Design to be a
contributor in Ecological Urbanism (2010). So it is, theorists such as Sprin and Hill, their
theories, that generate and continually regenerate what is often referred to as the discourse in
landscape architecture. However, I am suggesting it is more.
To recognize and assert an ecologism in landscape architecture, for example, is a
thicker, heavier concept than discourse. Or, at least it gives to discourse an elevated status,
more of a cutting-edge, from what it has been, how it has existed to date. Discourse is taught,
vaguely, in landscape architecture. It is a valued pillar in the landscape architecture profession,
often occurring in critiques. Overall, publications and the educational process are the discursive
mainstays. Discourse qua discourse does not emphasize an ecocentric paradigm, or ideology. It
is not a commitment to ecological reasoning, as is ecologism. With this said, perhaps ecological
urbanism, encompassing ecology and design, is porous enough to absorb not only the site of
Vienna, the method of museums, but also the activity and interests of ecologism. Designers are
doing ecology. Ecologists are doing design. If ecologists are also doing urban ecology, then
perhaps they need a city, a gateway to it and to take an active interest in their research. This
dissertation project may reveal, if more than concur, that ecology in human-dominated systems is
not a non-biased, quantitative, isolated endeavor.
Spirn begins her article by setting the task for herself to clarify conflicts and dispel
confusion, for renewing the discipline of landscape architecture. By 2000, the self-critical tenant
of professionalism, one of many causes developing through decades, had culminated in a dismal
attitude, a full-tilt identity crisis for design and planning. Spirn and many of her colleagues in
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that era, their thoughts included with hers in Ecology and Design, began to re-conceptualize, in
positive (not necessarily positivistic) terms, the interdisciplinary disciplines.
She writes that in 1969 the language in Ian McHargs Design with Nature captured
professional and public attention. Those revolutionary years included the light to reclaim
humanistic interests in the face of the prevailing technocratic. Landscape architecture, especially
with ecological terminology and it as a scientific and artistic concentration, became entrenched in
environmentalism (a holism mentality, as well as the political defense of nature). More than
three decades have passed and McHargs Penn School (University of Pennsylvania Department
of Landscape Architecture [est. 1924, re-est. 1957], also PennDesign) lessons are on the increase
globally. Spim quotes McHarg as saying ecology is not just a science, it is a cause and aesthetic,
but each aspect are not to be carelessly conflated with the others. For McHarg, ecology is not
only an explanation, it is a command (Spim 37).
Next, referring to the writings of John Dixon Hunt (his idea of the garden), Spim reminds
readers of natures."There are a first, second and third. An existential, a created and
representations of the first two phenomena. From here, she writes of dynamics and alludes to
emergence. [OJne cultivates a garden with acknowledgment of unforeseen
circumstances (Spirn 41).
In her article, The Authority of Nature, Spim gathers landscape architectures essential
myths, its history, theory and criticism culture, its vocabulary. Language has consequences.
She says, It structures how one thinks and what kinds of things one is able to express (Spim
42). Of special note: McHarg, Spirn, Hunt and James Corner have been the succession of
chairpersons leading the Department of Landscape Architecture at the University of
Pennsylvania.
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Another epicenter for environmental and cultural sustainability research and teaching,
scholarly discourse and publication, is The Harvard Graduate School of Design. A recent
example is the book Ecological Urbanism (2010). In it, the Advancement versus Apocalypse
article by Rem Koolhaas sketches the notion of progress. He structures, then questions, an
argument. Koolhaas uncovers assumptions and explains their contradictions. He reassures his
reader that the picture is confusing, a tenuous structuring. Then he suggests tiny ruptures in our
culture [sic], where the inherited facade, the givens were torn or torqued further, exposing
alternative realities. More useful, allowing people to document and reconsider the reasonableness
of their expectations. He makes the case that although there were exceptions, the mainstream
architectural profession had been (is) particularly stubborn turning against natural limitations
for the sake of technological and aesthetic achievement. Koolhaas indicates it is where these
concerns meet that a support for each had found traction.
His chronology of big ideas includes James Lovelock (who had worked with Lynn
Margulis). The Gaia Hypothesis stands for a shift in human consciousness, from the individual in
the Enlightenment to the collective in the cosmos. Then Koolhaas makes mention of great
thinkers such as Marshal McLuhan, Ian McHarg and Margaret Mead. He appreciates the depth of
their discussions and conceptualizations of issues. Koolhaas especially praises the futurist and
designer Buckminster Fuller. First, for his nature and network theorizations. Second for his to do
the most with the least ethic. Fuller bequeathed on humanity models and icons, notes Koolhaas.
Then he states, [T]he market economy is not the only possible model of our
existence (Koolhaas 67).
He raises the topic of how shameful it is when architectural professionals, much more
than lay people, equate environmental with planting green foliage, rather than with responsible
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lifestyles, economic and political systems. The definition of greenwashing is included in the text,
as if a sarcastic punch line. Koolhaas says architectural criticism remains superficial, a building
to building dialectic, because the field and its critics are basically academically incestuous
(Koolhaas 69). What Koolhaas is hinting at is that an architectural practice exists that is about
structures (arrangements, organizations, dynamics, flows). He is suggesting that a real
advancement would be toward systems research and analysis. This is ecological thinking. It
requires a culture (if less, a community) of ecological reasoning and ecological discourse.
Once reading Sanford Kwinters Notes on the Third Ecology, the term ecologism
finally made sense. In this, his contribution to Ecological Urbanism, he does not use the word
exactly. Knowing of the exact word, ecologism, came to me in a passing conversation with
Michael Zimmerman, but I could not recognize the term. It was too vague. Nor could I reconcile
the meaning of it (as it initially seemed to me to be something suspended between either naive
ideology or blase dialectics).
Then Kwinter shocked me with his insights. I could relate to his examples. He writes of
existential ecologies. Briefly, these can be cultural choices. He cites Alan Watts, Herbert
Marcuse, Timothy Leary; among others. His point is to trace the environmental and cultural
movement of the 1960s and 1970s in North America. This is his way of laying open an
ecological logic. Kwinter mentions rhetorics and representations. He writes critically of the
present state of the world, where devastation and suffering multiply in certain situations. More
often in urban vicinities.
The earths carrying capacity is stressed by exponential human population growth. He
continues. Something must be done to ameliorate the travesties. Kwinter argues for ecological
thinking. He suggests this will get humanity beyond political deadlock and economic apathy,
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concerning the voiceless resources and numb poor. His point is the modes for living of billions of
indigenous people have something to teach the global elite: how to think as part of the ecosphere,
not separate. One example explains that centrally planned and administered systems are too
cumbersome to maintain themselves and that sustainability remains at the level and scale of
diversification and dispersion.
He turns to the examples of Lynn Margulis, traversing the virtues from the Gaian
Hypothesis to Deep Ecology. Kwinter makes the point that cities are the human habitat. Now the
stroke of brilliance he offers, as to understanding what an ecologism can be, is that people can
intellectualize, create cultures, change paradigms. He says we must invent the future of the
world, with genuinely new mores, myths and habits to transform the ways we live. My take is
that an ecologism is the process of intellectualizing reality, prioritizing environmental issues,
with empathy and compassion for ecosystems. Further, whereas Nina Lister operationalizes the
terms of field ecology for design, Kwinter operationalizes systems theory for transcending
established religious and investor opposition to change.
In the Ecological Urbanism article, Insurgent Ecologies (Re)Claiming Ground in
Landscape Urbanism, the author Nina Lister describes how ecology has become a main
paradigm in design and planning education and professional practice. First, she clearly states that
ecology is the science of living systems and it has been appropriated by landscape architecture as
both instrument and metaphor. Lister says that ecology has been taken as the central vocabulary
and language. She has been credited by Charles Waldheim (in a 2009 USC School of
Architecture online video) as the source of the term ecological urbanism. Although this legend
is emphatically disputed by others claiming it as their neologism, ecological urbanism is
probably Listers critique of landscape urbanism. Meaning that she advocates environmental
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conservation, preservation and restoration as a political determinant. Her citations include
Gregory Bateson (.Ecology of Mind, 1972) and Murray Bookchin (for instigating the political
movement of social ecology).
Whereas landscape urbanism emphasizes regional projects in landscape architecture and
was said (reputedly by Rem Koolhaas in Mutations, 2001) to have become the design and
planning driving force of the twenty-first century (outpacing architectures long-standing lead
role in project management and as the central concern of the allied academic fields). Lister cites
Julia Czeniak and George Hargreaves as editors of Large Parks (2007), a founding text of
landscape urbanism. Further, her mention of them is a fingering of influence spanning decades in
North America. Also, reaching to Great Britain, the Netherlands and lesser to Sweden, Denmark
and Germany (at least).
Bruce Maus work is also mentioned in Listers notes. Like his methodology, she writes
that a holistic, integrative, perspectival mentality links the sciences with environmental
interpretation, the relationship between nature and culture. Her silhouette of the scholarly theory
and its application shows speculation and representation are strategies to resolve problems too
complex for any one discipline to manage. All the while, Lister peppers her article, justifying
design, with terminology from biology, climatology, geography, geology, hydrology and so on.
She argues that political and cultural ecology moved past the convention of ecology-as-nature
preservation.This is admirable, she said, for learning and teaching ecological literacy. Her
overall stance seems rather uncritical of any pitfalls from blurring science and art, fact and
fiction, per se. She is won over for it. Discussion closed.
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Environmental Philosophy
Interpreting Environments (1995), by Robert Mugerauer, covers several case studies
displaying, making explicit, environmental thought. These are examinations of world through
a multidisciplinary perspective. The notion of integrated environmental interpretation is
explained, including the tradition of hermeneutics. Some of the main approaches considered
together are cultural geography and contemporary anthropology as components of architecture,
urban design, regional planning and landscape architecture. The foundation of the questioning
presented here by Mugerauer is that the match between research methods and their resulting
meanings are contested.
He recognizes the powerful role of attitudes and language. His purpose is to articulate
intrinsic meaning. He emphasizes the realm of human science, as the theory and practice of
interpretation, for understanding social responsibility and ecological concerns. Mugerauer brings
together lessons from such historical names as Martin Heidegger and Ludwig Wittgenstein.
Perhaps, to summarize, these thinkers have delivered a discourse of critical self-understanding.
Combined among them are themes of becoming, autonomy and technology.
Issues of primacy, place and identity fit within Mugerauers portrayals. His presentation
may be seen as positioned between literary composition and critical theory. The text makes some
points about the importance of civic and democratic values. On this, Mugerauer quotes Frederick
Law Olmsted. In regard to urban society and parks, Olmsted said, [T]he pleasure of all others,
all helping to the greater happiness of each (Mugerauer 100). By this, Mugerauer presents the
stance of a humanitarian, wherein he conveys that the notions of possibility, insight and
inspiration are appreciated, no less than health and well-being.
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The research and communication that Mugerauer has accomplished sets an example of
how I generated a work that connects academic scholarship with a wider audience. He uses
language and themes from culture, environment, phenomenology and interpretation to excite an
interest in questioning values. I emulate the approach he takes in reaching breadth and depth of
an argument.
Mugerauer provides a philosophical investigation of ordinary places and events. His
discussion makes it possible for readers to travel, a journey of ideas. In landscape architecture
studio production, as well as in history, theory and criticism of the environment, we do this, too.
It is often achieved through an illustration or model, also through storytelling and dialogue. The
opportunities to communicate advance based on holistic knowledge and interpretive skill.
Knowing types of language, ways of applying them and a reason to do so, is what Mugerauers
text demonstrates. Like him, I have researched beyond any one university discipline. My
intellectual leap has been from environmental scholarship to museum as a research approach
and to interpreting city dwelling. Later becoming the forms of ethnography and mythography. I
capture culturally distinct notions of ecology and wellness. To go between studio classes and
popular publication is my later aim because it is a realm, an unsaturated area, in which much
original scholarship is possible. In effect, I bring forward from each a benefit to both.
Michael Zimmerman and his writing partner Sean Hargens recently published Integral
Ecology (2009), This book offers many options for engagement with environmental philosophy.
Of particular interest is the holistic framework for application of ecological thought. A model is
provided for identifying individual and collective values, as well as for conducting mixed-
method research. By operationalizing an integral theory, Zimmermans integral ecology approach
is multi-perspectival and multidimensional. This means that the interiority of an organism, its
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biological behavior and environmental situation are examined along with its ecological
interrelations. In other words, the subjective, intersubjective, objective and inter-objective world-
views are continually kept in recognition.
Integral thinking offers a way to proceed in research between the infamous dualistic
polarities, such as positivism and anti-positivism, or science versus humanities. Kept in close
association by it are the experiential, cultural, behavioral and systemic realms of inquiry. New
mythologies may be analyzed, as well as the phenomena of interiority. My basic tactic is to use
the model as a holistic frame for my field research. For example, the subjective and
intersubjective, objective and interobjective quadrants, the interior, exterior, individual and
collective, can be populated with phenomenology, museology, biology and sociology. I carried
this model, the concepts and an actual graphic, into the ethnography fieldwork process. It became
a cross-cultural communication device, as I asked my field guide pointedly and the Viennese
broadly about how they express ecology.
Summary
In environmental social science, ecological urbanism more specifically, there is a deficit
of conversation about appropriate humanistic, qualitative, academic methods for on-site research.
Further, there is a deficit in conversation about the sites of Central Europe and Vienna. My
dissertation contributes a piercing view into doing fieldwork and into the area of Vienna. I have
purposefully weaved environment and human concerns with health and wellness perspectives.
The unity has been instigated by doing phenomenological nature and culture research, relevant to
urban ecology discourse. This method begins to meet my aims by combining Vienna with
ecological urbanism. My aim is to enrich the store of knowledge pertinent to academic and
39


professional design and planning, or landscape architecture. Most specifically, from this
knowledge and discourse base, I want to continue my research and teaching in history, theory
and criticism of the built environment. I want to carry the knowledge outside of university
constricts, making it available to the widest audience possible; collegiate and lay alike. The
following sections and subsections of my dissertation offers a start. Although before presenting
Vienna in its entirety, I must explain the research projects fieldwork, analysis and documentation
approach. In other words, at this moment I explain the research projects methodology.
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CHAPTER III
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Ethnography
The preceding literature review has situated my research interests in many interrelated
schools of academic thought and professional practice. Further, the literature directs my research
procedures, in that a limited number of emphases become clearer than the uninspired majority
possible. As you read on, you will see, I have succinctly addressed some easy and some not so
easy to accept the oddest emphases. The surprising items, requiring the strongest insight to
realize, are entirely rewarding original contributions to ecological urbanism and broadening into
environmental social science.
In response to David Orrs thoughts, I have considered if lessons can be learned from a
place as it is already. My aim is to bring into discourse existing cases of human ingenuity and
vital success. In non-positivistic optimism, I have questioned the present, involved in small, local
historiography, social narrative inquiry, learning and transmitting languages and meanings,
toward an environmental history, for the sake of health and it as a medicine. I search for success
stories, examples of relief and coping. I do environmental scholarship; interpreting therapeutic
qualities. Their potential in healing and motivation.
Curiously looking into a human dominated system, I analyze, qualitatively and
biologically, roles of phenomena such as of pleasure and fantasy. For example, what do or could
personal identities and cultural narratives add to environmental sustainability? How can and why
would ecology and creativity be examined together? Building on the intellectual base Johan
Huizinga has articulated, about play and emotion, my research has been into the possibility of an
urban landscapes effect in urbanity or urbanization.
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Huizinga provides a model of historical and fieldwork. He produced a speculative
narrative as an argument, offering historical and contemporaneous case studies as his supporting
evidence. In my dissertation project, I have emulated his method, further matching my work to
the area of natural and cultural resource interpretation. I sought to document authentic and
encouraging urban ecology stories. I have engaged the opportunity to work with notions of
misunderstanding and misinterpretation. These are communicative events, potentially traced,
leading to greater understandings, alternative meanings, humor, merriment and happiness.
My point is to put forward a conception of this reality (ecology and design qualifies as an
ecocentric discourse, if not an all-out ecological ideology), enter and alter it. By paraphrasing a
cliche, to reach my point (on the lack of interconnected theorizing of various ecology literatures
and on an interconnection from ecological urbanism to ecology and design), it is on the intellect
of Anne Spim I stand. Her position (in educational advocacy) is of the mythological figure Janus:
looking in and out, forward and back. Or, Spim is like a Grannus; a font of wisdom, in regard to
landscape architecture history, theory and criticism.
In A Handbook for Scholars (1979), scholar and scholarly writing style mechanic, Mary
Leunen, advises dissertation writers that vitality is a greater virtue than unity (91). Related to
the methodology, one emphasis is the so-called voice of the researcher (Leunen 37 41). The
obvious presence and purpose of the writer, me, is kept in the written document because all
ethnography is a product of direct observation, as told by the researcher. For example, an
ethnographer collects empirical evidence, transcribes oral histories and delivers a meta-narrative
about these facts. Therefore, an evocative and analytical autoethnography is a normal feature
of an ethnography; the ethnographic reflexivity. Stories are constructed and layered within other
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constructed stories (Creswell Qualitative 10, 38, 185). This is how meanings are made for the
reader; who is my concept you and your interests.
This projects approaches, procedures, objectives, findings and analysis are delivered in a
combination of all rhetorical modes: description, exposition, argumentation, and narration. I lean
on literary theory and rhetorical studies for its argumentation directives. For example, application
of the notions logos, pathos and ethos. The point of leaning on rhetoric is not to let notions of
validity or credibility interfere with producing and sharing a cultural portrait. The overwhelming
complexity and investment necessary to produce an ethnography often limits or eradicates their
fruition. Methodologists such as John Creswell and his sources recognize this problem of
truncating ethnographic research and its dissemination. They suggest an ethnography in any form
is superior to no ethnography. It is an acceptable strategy for an ethnographic narrative to
combine perspectives: first-, second-, third-person; subjective, objective and omniscient
(Creswell Qualitative 171, 172).
Generally, my research method could be referred to as naturalistic because I have
tended to work with emergent reality in an uncontrived process. For this reason,
misunderstandings and humor are not discarded, but strategically used to increase environmental
and cultural understanding. As experiences arose, I noted their qualities. I described and
interpreted interconnected meanings as they became clear. Further possible voices used are the
implied, or the character (possibly unreliable or fictitious), narrators (Creswell Qualitative 168,
200). Thinking and writing with the full palette of techniques has allowed me to record the
experience of excitement and to express the emotion of envy. Using this spectrum of techniques
has encouraged successful, if not graceful, cross-cultural communication, especially in
unexpected, uncertain and awkward instances.
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In the ecology and design literature and in the ecological urbanism literature naturalistic
and ethnographic methods are typical. Johan Huizinga and Sanford Kwinter are my prime
examples. However, the theorists rarely, if ever, provide a distinct methodology. (An absence of
method is considered by environmental social science research scholars to be bad form because
the chain of knowledge, evaluation and application thus disconnects.) Nevertheless, my work is a
continuation of ecological urbanism; in method, content and format. I provide an idealized image
of an ecosystem and a people, a representative aesthetic of these qualities, in an original
reference piece. The research and its documentation are compositionally holistic and
informationally ecological. In order to produce the ethnography, I have chosen to keep art and
science as one; being more inspired by poetry than by prose. The reasoning behind this choice is
to assert invisible interconnections.
Ancient history narratives, field journals, travel logs and letters, biographies, epic and
pastoral poems, herbals, floras and natural histories, encyclopedic knowledge and universal
museums, documentary films all serve as my conceptual models for the research project and
dissertations scope, format and communication style. My fieldwork, a cross-cultural
communication experience, has been informed by cultural studies and medical humanities,
literary theory and narratology. Similarly, ecological urbanism theorists are influenced by cultural
studies and literary theory. (These shared intellectual lines are considered by environmental
social science research scholars to be good academic form because the chain of knowledge,
evaluation and application interconnects.)
Having just elucidated the research projects conceptual orientations and transcription
tactics, let us skip to specific fieldwork procedures. My research assumptions (ontological,
epistemological, axiological) are that all reality is textual, contextual and intertextual.
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Therefore, my research methods are essentially hermeneutical and phenomenological; cross-
cultural, object oriented, experiential and existential. My site and cultural descriptions interpret
the experience of discourse as found events, or as discoveries from in exploratory fieldwork.
I attempt to make a culture real and meaningful, so that we may understand an urban
ecosystem, through intelligently interrogating, intellectually dissecting and suturing, the
interactions of environment and people. This documentation is my perspective on some of the
Viennese peoples values, preferences, attitudes and choices; as evident in actions and artifacts. I
have examined Viennese beliefs as they became revealed in behaviors, resources, infrastructures
and institutions.
Critical Discourse Analysis
It is a useful mental schema to discern from its complex reality that in this research
project there are at least four levels of discourse (with an interstitial blending between each).
These levels are analyzed simultaneously in the narrative thread you are reading. When one
thread of meaning is pulled, the overall dialogue is tugged too.
The first level of discourse in the schema is of environmentalism and environmentalist.
Then, the research problem of values to action gap entwines the first and second levels. Second
level is environmental science (natural and social) in concert with the humanities (cultural and
human). The research significance (introducing Vienna and ecological urbanism) entwines the
second and third levels of discourse. The third level is Vienna and the Viennese. Next, look to the
dissertations title, Vienna As Ecologism: A Wellness Mythography. This set of key words
makes obvious my intended relevance (entwined third, fourth and first levels of discourse).
Fourth level: health and wellness.
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All these categorical labels and their interrelationships prop up a somewhat concrete
vision in our minds of an otherwise entirely abstract discourse happening in the ecosystem,
between the environment and the people, between the site and the published theory of sites,
between the project researcher and the research reader.
In the dissertation as a whole, when the sources and references are taken together, the
authors (advocates) and texts (media) the theorists and their theories are referred to before
and during, outside and inside, the fieldwork experience. However, a special mention may help
to clarify a distinction between the predominately North American and Western European
perspectives I compare and contrast to Central European perspectives (Swiss, German and
Austrian). Early in the dissertation, a western North American perspective and terminology is
setup as the lens for investigation. Later, in the dissertations progression, a Viennese ideology
and vocabulary is constructed as the object under investigation. The research process is disclosed
reflexively, which is appropriate to critical discourse analysis and postmodern ethnographic
methods.
For my approach to the fieldwork, imagine dueling ethnocentrisms. Each ethnicity
exposes the others faults. Denver is framed as The West. Vienna is framed as The East. In
part, I started this tactic as an adoption of an idea I heard of and learned about in Vienna. The
Viennese treat North America and Americans as objects. As the West. Their own native
perspective on the street level is known as Middle Europe (Mitteleuropa, which is an old,
ideologically loaded [militant], term. Not the same as the contemporary politically official term
Central Europe), wherein the Viennese acknowledge having ample involvement in and
engagement with the East. At the street level there is a somewhat anti-Western mentality.
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In my research, as a representational trope, Denver and Vienna are positioned as false
antipodes (near polar opposites). Vienna is positioned as the exotic (in an othering process,
for expedient conceptualization and documentation). Vienna as a somewhat peripheral culture
(exhibiting the foreign and strange). Somewhat ironically, with bathos and allusion, I have
extended the existing discourse on the Austrian identity. Rhetorical strategies in research and
writing are suggested by ethnography methodologist (Creswell Qualitative 172, 198, 200). A
fitting rhetorical exegesis device, given the sites inherent themes: sophisticated and exquisite
versus barbaric and primitive. This narrative jumps and skips across the noble savage and other
stereotypes, because this is the true to life way the ethnographic experience emerged.
As many researchers have done and still do, I usurp worn ideas of Vienna. I do so in order
to view a Viennese ecosystem. I appropriate a Viennese culture, a typology, for the possibility of
an improved understanding of the city. The citys ecosystem. By making alternative meanings
of the existing tropes. Aspiring to benefit environmental science and the humanities. Especially
adding a mention of Vienna to the roaring ecological urbanism discourse. As an example of the
relevant critical discourse analysis themes and approaches, refer to Robert Beaugrande
(specifically: enviro-politico) and to Anton Pelinka (specifically: socio-politico). At the
intersection of these established scholarly voices and among similar, I insert my contribution,
Vienna As Ecologism.
Interpretation and Representation
An ethnography is an interpretive device. The practice and product is employed to fluidly
join humanities (imaginative, creative) and human science (material, subjective) perspectives
with natural science perspectives. For achieving personal, cultural, biological, social and
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environmental studies. In other words, achieving ecologically oriented research results. Rich
description, verisimilitude of experience, is the foremost aim. A sort of construction project. The
manifestation of a complex, varied, representative reality.
Although a natural science trained ecologist may not have been taught the history and
literature of ecology from a humanities perspective, it is important that they encounter the
disciplines deeper origins and broader implications. Whereas in biology classes, for example, the
emphasis is on the study of organisms from an objective perspective, doing ecology does not
stop there. For example, ecologists have beliefs and these must be explored by the ecologist, as
they affect the research.
Further, doing science can be mixed with emotional biases and political agendas. It makes
the science more valid to acknowledge these sometimes intangible influences. The prime
example of faulty reasoning in ecology is in regard to the disciplines founder, Ernst Haeckel,
who was actually, to some degree, a Romantic charlatan, like his contemporary, the storyteller
and showman Karl May. Both are known in Vienna, in part, as examples of their eras wishful
thinking. Doing science and telling histories that are miraculous, or perhaps magical and
tending toward extravagance (circa 1880).
Haeckels work, from a German cultural tradition and nationalist paradigm, was taken by
National Socialism as an aspect of their ideology. For an ecology and design oriented synopsis of
this predicament, refer to the Anne Spirn source cited, The Authority of Nature. Presently,
ecologist must sort through the historic biases that come with the so-called scientific practice and
that may remain within it. This is a description of the arena where research and teaching
ecology are entangled with spirituality and politics. These issues have at least a small hold on
any discussion of environmentalism.
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Research into environmentalism invariably leads to confrontations with extremist
perspectives, either for or against environmental paradigms. I have taken the attitude that
political extremism on a mass scale is environmentally unsustainable because it leads to violence
which is destructive of the environment. My research is into how people can choose effective
environmental lifestyles and policies, by maintaining an egalitarian and democratic fashion.
The term ecofascism is relevant to ecology research, in that the scientific discipline, the
political, social and lifestyle movements, also known as ecology or ecological, have been made
extremist by some people (either for or against its various conceptions). The term is not only a
polemic, it makes an intellectual space for discussion about the real threat of totalitarian political
ideologies and aggressive factions. In actuality, extremist tendencies appear more generally than
in the confines of any one discourse. Although acted out in the opposite, extremism is less of a
social ethic than it is a persuasion tool.
My experience of being in Central Europe and of reading about its contemporary political
temperament is that ideas of, if not fascism, then totalitarianism, are present. In Vienna, for
example, the tragedies of World War Two are always a current topic. With extreme, somehow
illogical thinking, comes a wide array of attitudes: from jest to sorrow, from denial to support,
from intellectualizing to muteness. A xenophobic perspective is one aspect of a Viennese culture
that has not been eradicated. I have found that some attitudes often associated with a supposedly
conquered National Socialists paradigm are, in actuality, an ordinary sort of Germanness or
Austrianness found in Vienna today. For further clarification on these subjects, consult studies
authored by Pieter Judson (1993) and by Ruth Wodak (2009). It is my opinion that the historic
and a contemporary denazification are worthwhile goals and theories, however illusive in
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reality. The backlash to anti-Nazi laws, or to an anti-German sentiment, are persistent by some
types of people.
There are many authors who have written about the term ecologism. Although Michael
Zimmerman brought ecologism to my attention, along with other words, such as noosphere, it
is Anna Bramwell who claims to have coined the term in her book Ecology in the Twentieth
Century (1989). In her book Fading of the Greens (1994), Bramwell says this and that the term
means a doctrine of political ecology (2). She says she was, at first, referring to pre and post
World War One mentalities. I have followed this line of thinking made by her. However, I want
to distance my dissertation from a confrontation with the complexities of National Socialism, of
which she is a scholar. I am not a scholar of National Socialism because that is a topic spreading
far beyond my focus and expertise. I have started from an empirical interest in aquatic and plant
ecosystems. Because of doing urban ecology, my research turned to include empathy and
communication.
Further, I have not referred to many of the other authors critiquing the term ecologism
because I do not subscribe to their definitions of and discourse about it. These people think of
ecologism as an end, whereas I think of it as a beginning. An act for reclaiming the excluded
middle. By an inclusive, integrative, sustained debate. To me, the term identifies a means to
knowledge management. For me, ecologism is an ecocentric dialectic. A biological ethos, but not
militant activism. But, for people like Nina Lister (possibly), Brian Baxter and especially
Andrew Dobson and David Orton, their extremist decisions are already made. These people have
argued for action over finished thoughts. I assert theirs is a totalizing, rather uncritical stance.
The topics conversation must proceed indefinitely because the circumstances are always in flux.
Our knowledge is incomplete. Like me, John Marzluff and Sanford Kwinter call for science and
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humanities to be brought together as urban ecology. They seem to take a cue from Edward
Wilsons book Consilience: The Unity of Knowledge (1998). I argue, this is the capacity of
ecologism. As I do, Charles Waldheim uses the term ecological logic, which can be seen in a
landscape urbanism presentation he made (in a 2012 Yale online video).
Mythography
Environmental social science includes my areas of interest and expertise: design and
planning, urban ecology, landscape architecture and ecological urbanism. A literature review I
conducted, covering recent developments in this domain has revealed that contemporary Vienna,
is a relatively unknown entity within the associated English-language academic publications. The
so-called discourse. Therefore, this dissertation provides an experiential, street level
reconnaissance of todays Vienna. Examining the Viennese as found. Already a bourgeois
German-Austrian identity construct. Communities of interest are the Viennese culture is
given a descriptive account, in a seamless narrative style. It has been produced upon reflection of
a six year inquiry on the topic. Including thirteen months of research in the field, spread across a
four year duration. The qualitative research approach I have used to make meaning of and for
understanding Vienna as a human-dominated ecosystem is basically ethnographic fieldwork
and ethnography monograph.
Methodologically, disciplinary associations already unify contemporary ecological and
anthropological theories with ethnographic fieldwork. An established precedent for such urban
research is the historical Chicago School of Sociology. Similarly, I build upon the current
research careers of John Marzluff, Anne Spim, Rem Koolhaas and Sanford Kwinter. Whereby
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natural and social science concerns have been investigated by including humanities interests and
methods. I repeat, the utility of ethnographic research is that sciences and humanities are unified.
My study includes a long-duration ecosystem immersion, a naturalistic approach to and
reporting of touristic participatory-observation, conversational semi-structured interviews and
interpretive critical analysis. Some terms I use coincide with social psychology. I have focused
on notions of embodiment, sensory and poetic experience, play and humor. My researchers bias
is to explicitly depict ecological health and wellness, as successful mentalities and strategies for
living. This resulting dissertation is a depiction of a Viennese human, cultural, social and natural
ecology. My original experiential research is intended as a contribution to environmental social
science. An interdisciplinary emphasis in history, theory and criticism of the built environment. I
take-up the recognized environmental problem of a values to action gap. An apparent behavior in
societies worldwide. Primarily, I am familiar with a North American culture. Utilizing naivete as
critical distance, I entered the Central European milieu as it is a possibility for discovering
alternative examples and alignments. How do the Viennese express ecology? I found the
Viennese ecosystem is overwhelmingly representational. The national and city government are
responsible for much popular media. The city markets environmental civic, among other, values.
Their continuous cultural communication results in a Vienna as mythic landscape. I
explore, and document write and analyze these myths. I endeavor to see through illusions and
propaganda. Viennese culture sometimes resembles magical realism. Imagery usually thematizes
the human body in a harmonious relation to its surroundings. The Viennese inhabit a traditional,
but alternative sort of infrastructure, constituted for enjoyment. Specifically, inclusive
museums, public baths and wine gardens. No less, the nude human form is a pervasive
political motif.
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After acknowledging this cultural detail, it is plain that the Viennese express ecology in
two major ways. First, as an ecological logic or biocentric political ecology. In another word, as
an ecologism. Second, as a biological or ecological aesthetic. In contemporary' Vienna, a main
societal trend is environmental mainstreaming. Possibly, a cultural trait that effectively reduces
the inefficient discrepancies common between peoples attitudes and actions. My dissertations
argumentation is made by listing maybe a hundred sensorial examples, in recognition of
Vienna as an example of a political ecology and of its environmental mainstreaming trend. In the
fieldwork process, my empirical findings have been verified by library texts, Internet searches
and general knowledge sources (encyclopedias, dictionaries, atlases) in German and English
languages, such as the Wikipedia, Vienna City Government and The Vienna Review websites. I
also consulted general information websites, such as wien.at, aeiou.at, austrian-forum.org,
tourmycountry.com and wien.info; Google Search, Image, Maps, Books and Translate functions.
During the course of my project, the availability of promotional, historical, demographic
and geographic information added online outpaced and stripped away the necessity for me to
include the already published elements. Therefore, this dissertation is created in harmony with
Internet search techniques, Basically, every phrase and each word are search terms. This text has
been envisaged as a dynamic component, extension of digital information sharing. Assuming the
document is accessed and viewed in digital format, clarifying definitions, statistics and maps are
a few maneuvers away. I have shaped this research document to make an original contribution
and to take place among other documents in an unlimited, available continuum of knowledge.
Further, the dissertation has been validated with the projects Viennese guide,
gatekeeper and informant, Isabel Termini. Most of the stories I have documented were
hinted to me by her. She showed to me the places described. Some of the events occurred to her
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or to us while we were visiting. My immersion into her city is the subjective essence of this
ethnography. From this basis, I objectified details, as many as possible, related to the research
question. Through extensive textual, contextual and intertextual analysis. A fact-checking
semiology. These details became the lived evidence. Sort-of listed. Divulged in my dissertation
argument. Upon scheduling my initial trip to Vienna, ordering an itinerary, my research plan was
oriented toward observing the citys infrastructure. My main thoughts were about fresh water
resources and delivery. Waste water collection and treatment. Perhaps mineral, thermal, healing
springs. I was interested in learning the nuances of regional healing traditions and terminology.
Lower priorities, but still of interest to me, were plant ecosystems. Especially orchards and
regional medicinal herbs.
However, one day I disagreed with my guides tour agenda. In retort, Isabel Termini
trumped my reasoning by saying something like, You should try to see Vienna as do the
Viennese. I was skeptical. I doubted her advice. Until a month or more passed. Then I began to
lose my North American academic bearings and grasped to gain a genuine understanding. Local
explanations for the onslaught of my unfamiliar experiences. A Central European citizens
inclination. Therefore, my itinerary and research plan were altered, somewhat, toward
conducting first-person encyclopedic research of the citys museum, bathing and wine cultures.
Soon after, it became indisputable. My field guides advice brought into focus a Vienna I would
not have seriously noted. Although, by the sheer quantity of so-called data, facts available to
study and synthesize, this has been the better course for generating knowledge. An evaluation
rubric for this ethnography ought to include three principles. An authoritative contribution is
made. Original field observations are translated from one culture to another. It is reasonably
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realistic. Possibly useful. Beyond these intellectual effects, the story ought to have an aesthetic
effect on the reader: an entertaining resonance.
More than 50 characteristic photographs are provided to illustrate my first-person
experience of contemporary Vienna. These images (figures) are indirectly linked, often delinked
from the dissertations words. Not a one-to-one correlation. Rather, they provide an additional
level of interpretation. Giving a visual feel for the site, beyond the written description. Both
empirical (verifiable material) and sensuous (sensory phenomena).
Participatory-Observation and Semi-structured Interviews
By accident, my research confronts, or is confronted by National Socialism in many
ways. Starting with my natural science research interests under the terms ecology and soil
and region. Continuing in the terms sustainable,culture,Central Europe, Austria and
Vienna. Not stopping before the terms health, care and being. Strategically, I have
chosen to not write about World War Two, National Socialism or racism in this dissertation. I
include this note to assure the reader that as a researcher I have become fully aware of these
issues in relation to environmentalism, history, theory, philosophy and academic scholarship.
My delimiting choice is based on keeping the dissertations focus on a phenomenology of
contemporary ecology. An area I practice in my set of expertise. My interests lean toward
physical geography and biology. Including cultural geography, political history, insofar as
required to understand and effect present environment (plant ecosystems, wellness) and resource
(fitness, nutrition and medicine) management. For the social history of fascism and
environmentalism, the scholarly sources of Anna Bramwell, Janet Biehl, Peter Staudenmaier and
Michael Zimmerman are intense. Also, see some sources surrounding the philosophy of Deep
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Ecology. However, a caution. I see many texts available seem to be based on partial misreadings
and misinterpretations of other texts. The discourse is often ill informed. Taken to erroneous
extremes.
From a personal perspective, I do not limit the notions of environmentalism or ecology
within its historical predicaments. My stance is related to notions of potential. Of the human
animal, interspecies existentialism, intrinsic value, carrying capacity, geo and biochemical
diversity, quality of life and the art of doing science in our time and in perpetuity. For more on
similar environmental ethics, refer to William McDonough (in a 2007 online video). Simply
stated here, his mission is to protect the young of all species, at all times (McDonough Cradle
186). In Central Europe, by my experience of it, the anti-immigration attitude is more politically
charged in the popular press than is the pro-environment front. My estimation is that in recent
decades more support has been and will be going to socialization issues, rather than to resource
management.
Initially, the key informant and fieldwork guide, Isabel Termini, showed me the landscape
of Vienna. Not much after the start of my fieldwork, she insisted I center the Viennese
perspective in my research. She volunteered to be the voice of the contemporary Viennese. After
our tours and conversations, I continually substantiated my direct observations with cultural,
factual, empirical and material texts. Examples also found in the field, based on Terminis tips.
The project was initiated and conducted as a textual hermeneutic and experiential
phenomenology (like grounded theory), an interpretive case study with an area orientation. Only
after the completion of the fieldwork did the dissertation become an ethnography.
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CHAPTER IV
SYNOPSIS OF FIELDWORK
Reference to Figures 1 through 60
In Vienna, there are many Catholic holidays and an extensive amount of time for people
to be off of work. Labor unions are strong lobby groups that argue for peoples rights. Stores are
closed in the evenings and on Sunday. Postal mail is not delivered on the weekends. Schools are
closed many weeks around the year. One reason is stated to be for energy consumption reduction.
Refrigeration and heating are used sparingly. It is a cultural norm for families to stay together in
their free time. The average attitude is accepting. Very old, often dusty and broken items (are
repaired, if needed) and kept in common use. A main standard is for minimal packaging and
purchasing. Waste resources are extensively sorted and salvaged. People typically precycle
(reduce), recycle and reuse.
Effort and pride is placed in gathering people and simply enjoying themselves socially.
Multiple generations of families live together or nearby, rarely moving residences. It is common
for related people to work together in business, as well as voluntarily in gardens and vineyards.
Their leisure and fitness activities. From this, the products are shared in smaller portions and at
affordable prices. Simple gift sharing, on a constant basis, aids harmonious communication and
keeps up a low key cooperative spirit. A political tool. People often move slow (patience is
continually exercised) because the Viennese expect life to stay much the same as it was yesterday
and before. The main Viennese habit is to fit within the traditions of Vienna, rather than to
disturb them. These are techniques for the Viennese to survive within their regional
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environmental carrying capacity. Other cities and nations could learn tips and tricks from the
Viennese mode.
In Vienna I was able to interview Isabel Termini director of education and interpretation
in the Vienna City Museum. I made a series of video interviews and documentaries of her telling
the history of Vienna. We toured Vienna and the surrounding region extensively. I attempted to
live her lifestyle. I had access to her cultural library and photographic archive. From these
experiences and the agglomeration of information that accumulated in my mind, I wrote notes.
Then I conducted further, detailed research independently. In an attempt to describe and translate
the fieldwork from European tourism to American art and science.
She introduced me to Wolfgang Kos, director of the Vienna City Museum and Wolfgang
Dvorak, of the Vienna's MA 18 (the city planning department's public relations division). We
talked. Also, I spoke with professional resource interpreters (visitor services, mediators, docents),
museum curators, activists, actors, artisans, designers and editors: Edith Fridrich, Karin Skazel,
Judith Parthe, Angelina Hofrichter, Anke Weber, Andrea Glatz, Susanne Winkler, Michaela
Adelberger, Ingeborg Schwab, Johanna Reiner, Katarina Kruger, Christian Rapp, Elke Krasny
and Waltraud Barton. I interviewed Lutz Musner of the International Research Center for
Cultural Studies (in Vienna, everyone says this as IFK for Internationale Forschungszentrum
Kulturwissenschaften). In Sweden I interviewed Helena Friman, freelance curator who had
worked extensively in Vienna. These people offered me their expertise in Vienna and city
interpretation. They volunteered with me and I with them professional and personal opinions in
conversations. We shared an intersubjective/interobjective meaning making process. Our
reciprocity.
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I learned to communicate slightly more than pleasantries in the Viennese dialect. English
is commonplace and the Viennese want to practice their language skills by speaking English with
Americans. Doing so became my role and duty. I was able to interview vintner Josef Umathum
about viticulture and agricultural history in the Vienna Sea region (in German, the word See
means lake). A one hours car drive east of the city. Umathum is an expert on biodynamic
farming. The vicinity was once home to Rudolf Steiner, an integrative philosopher, especially
known for founding anthroposophy. Umathums region is the historic Pannonia and the
archaeological excavation site of Camuntum is north of his vineyards. His wine is sold in
Vienna.
Northwest of Vienna, along the Danube River, I was able to interview organic farmer
Sepp Mantler about soils in relation to grape growing. The estate has been operated by his family
for 200 years and before that it was established by a catholic monastery. We also discussed grape
varieties, harvesting techniques and cultural traditions (preservation versus innovation).
Mantlers region is the historic Noricum and southwest of his region are the archeological
excavation epicenters of Hallstatt and Willendorf. Mantlers wine is sold in Vienna.
A Research Intent
Between 2006 and 2008, while working as a teaching assistant at the University of
Colorado, I wrote and presented a paper at The International Conference on the Inclusive
Museum. In the paper I proposed that cities are ecosystems and any can be construed as an
ecology museum. The article was published and as a result of the presentation, I was invited to
conduct research in Central Europe. Isabel Termini, from the Vienna City Museum, who is
interested in various inclusive museum (rather than exclusive) concepts, sponsored my
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research agenda for thirteen months on site, distributed across four years. She made an entry way
for me into her city from which I could start my field research.
During that time, I contributed my scholarly and professional insights to her museum
programs. Together we wrote some exhibition content and published a dozen articles or more
from my research while it was in progress. She participated in my research as the key informant
and has reviewed my representation of Vienna and the Viennese. She corrected many of my
misunderstandings and advised me to delete some content. I did eliminate a few of my
observations. However, I have kept a couple points she would have had me remove. My aim is
for telling a certain story by relying on my own interpretation of some peculiar facts.
Vienna and Wellness
It is a mazy cliche in Vienna that in Vienna tradition is everything.The fact is, there
exists an actual codified caricature of what is Vienna and Viennese (Figure 1). At least one codex
is official, widely available, tracing the unending layers of political history as has been situated
in this region. I am referring to the regionally important Felix Czeike cultural compendium,
Historisches Lexikon Wien (Figure 2). Another codification of the Viennese civilization and its
citizens goes like this: the social collective, a self-structured construct, is a mutual reinforcement
between the customary and the popular. At points the singular official and social
participatory or perspectival representations of Vienna and the Viennese overlap, blur and blend
(Figure 3).
My evaluation is Vienna and the Viennese are not only a real place and people. These
words are also used to conjure mythical fabrications of ideal types. For example, much of what
the Viennese built environment offers and what the Viennese people do in it is explained as a
result from past conditions. For example, in Vienna, if both a pleasant and an unpleasant
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comment are made at once, both positive and negative mottos are attributed to the society as it
remains a residual of a monarchy. To feel this effect, imagine. There is a real presence in Vienna
of both sincere and feigned courteousness. A bit of Viennese humor (Schmah). The people say it
is a habitual act to which the Viennese are fated. Like the biographies of past royals: at once,
very good and very bad (Figure 4). This traditional system, it is said, causes excuse-making,
which has risen to a form of local art. Including laissez-faire (anything goes) and fin-de-siecle
(everything unraveled) postures, which are demonstrably refined.
To see the effects of traditional culture, I noticed how Vienna and the Viennese have
pervasive motifs, which influence the dense collective of people (Figure 5). The rudiments of
Vindobona, what is now the collective spirit of Vienna, has been established for approximately
2,000 years. Its infrastructure and culture reflects a long-term aggregation. Settlement patterns
ingrained anthropocentric concerns. Therefore, the city is maintained as a bastion of human
values (Figure 6). By many standards it is a world-class city and a pivotal destination for well
educated persons. Countless history lessons are reinforced by a random walk through this
human-dominated bioregion (Figure 7). Museum facilities are one manifestation by which to
organize the destination city and most populace state of Austria (Figure 8).
Of about 100 museums in Vienna, at least 10 are purely city-state institutions. Others are
partially state corporations. Museum buildings, billboards, brochures and catalogues are
unavoidable. Along the street sides are tall barricades and bollards carrying gigantic, grandiose
promotions for museum exhibits (Figure 9). In every cafe or shop there are racks of brochures
and free papers that repeat the memorializing messages (Figure 10).
The public realm is state owned and operated (Figure 11). Vienna is a highly controlled
environment. To a great extent it is a centrally planned urban ecosystem. The government
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influences the cultural identity (Figure 12). The citys planning department has a public relations
office to promote physical, economic and cultural development. The planning department keeps
an active exhibit space and publishes guides and reports, visionary content as much as critiques
(Figure 13).
The city, state and national governments coalesce as one in Vienna. Also, it is an
administrative center for global relations. Austria and this leading capital among many countries
thrive. Especially as a social market economy, administered as a social democracy.
Government is the norm in Vienna. The quantity of cultural, social and environmental services,
demonstrates this collective schema. The citys website expresses all the legitimated concerns of
being Viennese (Figure 14). In the Viennese media, every personal and societal need are made as
if reciprocal phenomena. The plentiful work force in the public sector affirms every existential
angle of living in the city is managed with care.
Not a fully capitalistic democracy, competition and independence are lesser factors in
Vienna than are social connections and cooperation. An employees employment is protected and
therefore programs may be managed slowly, yet reliably. The plentitude of divisions on the city
website represents this situation. If a person is uncertain about their identity, the public realm in
Vienna provides a variety of stereotypical options as lifestyle scripts. There is no timidity or
vagueness about what a person, government, society or culture ought to be.
This is not to suggest that there are no contradictions in Vienna. There are, however, most
permissible customary roles are symbolized for consensus. Patterns for personality, attire,
behavior, preferences and environs are made visible. The private sector is tame in comparison to
the public sector, although each mirrors the other, in general (Figure 15). It is tradition, some
expression and continuity with a highly reputed past, which unites a Viennese with Vienna. For
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example, there are traditional graveyards and garden retreats throughout the city. These are a
mere two instances of how the built and social environ are in synchronicity.
The Viennese income is highly taxed, which is collected to pay for a rich realm of
benefits. The Viennese infrastructure is as much social as physical. It is as much economic as
political and as public as private. Vienna is represented in print. It is an image on paper, or on
the Internet. Same for the Viennese. In not so many words, the people, their activities, are
scripted entities. Somewhat like the Vienna Woods. A greenbelt northwest of the city. Or, the
banks of the Danube. Two ecotones frequently used as markers of Vienna.The Viennese are
commonly qualified. As either tamed wilderness, or natural sophisticates.
The Ecological Affect In Vienna
The Viennese love to look at themselves (Figure 16). Vienna is a narcissistic community.
In this era, the archetypical Viennese is somewhat unkempt, disheveled, teetering to and fro,
always between culture and nature. In the media, as in the urban landscape, swimmers and
swimming facilities reveal the human animal in its habitat. Not only the provision of public
bathing and recreational facilities is important. It is the bathers that are central to this Viennese
tradition.
The welfare architecture and engineering are inspiring, but more so is the human body.
Especially when more or less naked. In Vienna, the nude sunbathers and sauna fanatics are a
proud emergent force. Naturist and naturalism occur first biologically, environmentally and on a
social, cultural continuum. Here, the current, let us say international secular trend of spa holidays
and weekly fitness regimes, gains the aura of a sacred ritual. A ceremonial effect offers an
immediate, unspoken solidarity among the Viennese and triggers a sort of zealous worshiping.
Just say the words, sauna or sonnenbad to start a frenzy. Enthusiastic acknowledgment of
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worth, acting in adoration and reverence, are the escutcheon of this all around gifting, giving,
expressive culture.
In any case, a less than perfect body, which is the most common appearance of one in
reality, is nonetheless reminiscent of a perfect body. Through the bathing culture and the
Viennese infrastructure of pools, every person may feel divine, as would a god, hero or saint
(Figure 17). No conception of humility or shame is perpetuated in the Viennese bathing scene,
since it is every beasts right to sense their body, among all the other bodies. In this observable,
immersive, common attitude, it is as if we, the living, are having the good fortune to be alive.
The enticing sensuality of swimming and the necessary facilities for doing it, are most
accessible through photography, fine and commercial art. It is the image the aura of sun and
fun, water and wine that remains ever present. More than the actual acts and artifacts. To this
day, the real life scenes of aplomb bathers, in repose on poolside lawns, often matches the
idyllic Ivo Saliger paintings (circa 1940) of strong nudes. Individuals and groupings of vacant,
pale women in riparian landscapes. Sometimes included is a stem, tanned man. Saligers works,
as a Viennese artist, are titled after Classical Greek and Roman myths. Known by such evocative
names as Paris, Diana and Leda. Further, the symbolism is brazenly sexual, sexist and racist.
Created in the era of National Socialism. However, the images remain pertinent now in
understanding Austrian concepts of the human-dominated environment.
Recognizably gestural. She preens freely among her envious sisters. He stands near
center. Arms crossed behind his back. Regional traits. An impressive fresco like this remains in
the colonnade, above the entry, at Thermal bad Bad Voslau. Der Kurort swimming facility
south of the Vienna Woods, on the thermal line. A sulfur spring and vineyard region (already
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known of in Roman times). Although, this mural, in a style similar to Saliger, is by Maximilian
Eugen Roth, circa 1920.
As do the swimming pools, Viennas vineyards represent the urban nature of the
Viennese. Palpable and potable are wine garden and drink. Along with the bathing facilities,
grape farms and wine taverns are mappable entities that shape the Viennese ecosystem. The
contemporary mythic Vienna is a euphoric, ambrosian paradise. In this era, white wine is favored
over locally brewed beer. To partake in wine (grown, produced and consumed within the city) is
treated as a Viennese birthright and is a sort of cosmic holy communion.
In Vienna, for the Viennese, every glass of wine with water is a semi-religious expression
of immortal, sacred union. For the local version of Catholics and all other sorts of people as well.
Although remaining undefined in the narrow scope of this dissertation, in a list of standard
objects, behaviors, events and attire, bathing and wine would mean this is Vienna, or I am a
Viennese. In Central Europe (Austria, Germany and Switzerland), environment as essence
is unwaveringly a measure of business. In Vienna, it is standard that business follows
government, which is in turn led by the will of the voting citizen (Figure 18). This is the social
democracys social market economy.
In this seemingly practiced and theorized image that I have manifested, the Viennese
people do not divide themselves from the concept of being nature. A human versus earth
division is unstressed (Figure 19). In Vienna, it appears as if the environment is held as a
common concern of near equal importance for everyone. I speculate that this is because the
Viennese society is structured for collective maintenance and communal benefits. Also, that the
government of Austria is purposefully not kept entirely distinct from influencing the business
sector. Therefore, officially, the prevailing Austrian attitude is one of ecological appreciation,
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rather than of environmental commodification. The distinction I am asserting is of an ecological
attitude. One way of people to live in the world is to exist, function beyond ecological thought.
However, in Vienna life is lived another way: to inhabit, dwell in an ecosystem. A monism
(Figure 20). That is the ultimate revelation my work offers, or at least concurs. In Vienna, the
environment, the ecology of the city, is what people are.
This is a mentality made more clear by the moniker Vienna is different. It refers to an
environmental and cultural interconnection. The phrase means Vienna offers a distinct life style.
One that is alternative, slower, fluid. Vienna for you (friend), another city marketing and social
values slogan, underlines the cooperative attitude for being Viennese, which includes social and
environmental responsibilities. These phrases are more or less propaganda for the city
governments administrative plans. Vienna the future promotes urban ecology amenities for the
Viennese. Cultural ideals are embedded in these plans.
The institutionalized messages are ever present in Vienna. Therefore, every person
eventually learns what it is to be Viennese. To be in Vienna entails a relentless acculturation
experience. Many people visit Vienna. A new arrival may perceive an exaggerated pronunciation
of the officially, or culturally, welcomed behaviors. The expectation of how you can be Viennese
is set by the citys marketing agenda. Who you are in Vienna is shaped by the social and
environmental traditions. The built environment affords a certain type of living, a type of person
and society.
As much as the Viennese culture is confining, it is empowering. If you want what is
offered, there is plenty to enjoy (Figure 21). Public amenities for body and soul, trump private
space (inside and out). Most actual options for human potential are visible, to be emulated. This
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city is an overwhelmingly visual atmosphere (Figure 22). Art images transcend the museum
walls to mingle with people in the streets (Figure 23).
Vienna is a living room and play space. People inhabit the streets as frequently and
confidently as if they are in a parlor. Their urban arena is a mental and physical home. Plenty of
provisions are for staying around together, rather than for individuals speeding through. Culture
is absorbed. Often the art and people are imitations of each other. The difference between what is
contrived or artificial and what is emergent or organic is lost. For example, an archaic or
neoclassical sculpture of a god often enlivens the ordinary events and people with a mythical
spirit of place (Figure 24). It is no coincident the Viennese dress and pose, act and speak proudly.
Another prominent disposition.
The Predominant Organisms System Assembly
The Viennese landscape is created for mental and sensory stimulation, no less than it is
for collective shelter and cooperative convenience. A bold appreciation for communal living is
central to being Viennese (Figure 25). The design and planning of Vienna is conducted on this
basis. So, to be Viennese is to have a group appetite. To be Viennese is an act of blatant
indulgence. It is these Viennese I say are Vienna. Much of the urban ecosystem happens
beyond lofty monetary goals. Free, shared and inexpensive leisures are on the indigenes
standard menu (Figure 26).
The prevalent philosophy of life in Vie is that expensive jewels, or rare delicacies, can
never obscure the value of a contemplative walk or conversation with a friend (Figure 27). It is
said there that this is how Vienna is different from other world cities. For nearly a thousand years
of continuous human history, Vienna has been cut and parceled in reference to battles and
suffering. These stories fill the timeless archives.
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Now, natural (voluntary), environmental (encompassing), organic (emergent) and
biological (living) provide a greater continuity for this adaptive and adjustable establishment. In
the present era, a traditional environmentalism and current social ecology are positioned as
healing and regenerative forces. Media tells this story.
Vienna is the life-worlds of individuals and their collective existential experiences.
Notions such as natural, environmental, organic, biological and ecological are
becoming main cultural philosophies for Vienna. These are comparable to Classicism,
Romanticism and Catholicism. The urban ecosystem is evolving, developed as a sophistication
of art and faith. Deferring to the environmental, or synonymously to the ecological, context is a
cultural pillar in the Viennese social market economy. Environmentalism is a large leg of the
social democracy.
Vienna is more than operas, waltzes, pageantry and pathology. Better, it represents an
ecological logic. Or, an ecologism (valuation system). A reasoning, rationale, made by people
for people to acknowledge and discuss living in accord with environmental priorities.
The use of the term ecologism is meant to centrally position an environmental valuation,
intentions and methods, into a cultural philosophy, rather than to strictly defer to religious
doctrine, or to formalistic rules of political debate, or to use only psychological themes in
analysis. An ecologism is representation of/for environmental discourse. Vienna and the
Viennese are fodder for an ecological urbanism divulgence.
To be alive connotes life, a biological state. The natural and cultural social environment
of Vienna is a system meant to support living. As an ecosystem it is structured by homeostasis,
symbiosis and succession. The species diversity appears severely limited (Figure 28). Sightings
of birds and mammals, any animal species other than humans, is rare. Nutritious and protective
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habitat for wild life is mostly excluded by the humans from the old central districts. Aquatic
species, other than human and water fowl, are not obvious except in a vivarium, in import food
shops and perhaps in the Danube zone. Plant species seemingly offer the ecology most of its
genetic vitality. However, the assortment of plantings kept is nearer to a monoculture than to a
primeval forest floor. The elevation of Vienna is low, precipitation is high, the temperature range
is moderate. Many crow, some pigeon and few squirrel mingle among nearly two million
humans.
European Union statistics are available to show that the quantity of registered passenger
automobiles in Austria is one per two people. Traffic congestion in Vienna is pervasive, although
it is a pedestrian city, offering a thorough public transportation infrastructure (Figure 29). A
bicycle share program and major transit oriented development projects are possible measures for
the quality of life. Bad environmental and human health are indicated by the accumulation of air
pollution on dry, still days, by the high frequency of cigarette smokers and the state maintained
tobacco shops.
Good human and environmental health, as an evidently reciprocal process, are the
frequent and lush graveyards (Figure 30). They are ever present, as if a key indicator that a
parasitic relation to humans is an important niche (Figure 31). Similarly, the vacation garden
cottages can be noted as complex sub-regions, with distinctly opulent, pointillist flora and fauna
(Figure 32). Albeit, these agglomerated microcosms, fully functioning beyond the purview of
this reports adjacent framework: cabanas and lounges to taverns and benches.
Soothingly, the city of Vienna is comprised of some massive blue-green territories.
Expanses of chlorophyll, another sort of patina, contrasts a figurative sea of stone-brown cobbled
pavers and the gnarly sooted-concrete of baroque facades. Remnant hunting grounds and palatial
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lawns are key examples of biotic recharge zones. The expressionistically spray painted terrain
surrounding superblock public housing seems less densely occupied than are the minimalistic
cultural facilities fountained plazas and museums districts.
In each administrative district the city government maintains outdoor and indoor pools
(Figure 33). Many are in operation all year. In addition to the treated water pools are the healing
(thermal and/or mineral) facilities, which are partially or completely manifestations of public
infrastructure. The pool facilities are primarily for human enjoyment, recreation and sport.
Individuals and families frequent these alternative and often wide open spaces (Figure 34).
It is not only the water, varied atmospheres and room to stretch that attracts people to
these archetypical cultural artifacts. The weak circulation of air, variegated presence of sun and
strong social dynamism point to nuanced characteristics underlying vibrancy of the Viennese
swimming culture. Since the humans of Vienna have ample opportunity to be in various stages of
undress at the baths, I posit that the frequently seen nude images and figures represent
environmental and human health (Figure 35).
The body is a political communication device (Figure 36). Politics in the guise of art,
advertisements and pornography. Political messages and promotions. Nudes attract attention to
any product. Any cause. A quotidian persuasion technique seen applied in Vienna. The pervasive
nudity in Vienna (also slight drapings, slink and slipping) denotes a vigorous, proud, indomitable
life style quite typical to the Viennese (Figure 37). The body is imbued with a mythic status and
signifies an attitude in some ways celebrating the health possible in Vienna (Figure 38). The
naked form of a satyr, hero or god, reflects to the citys people, their ideals or value systems
(Figure 39). In the same manner, images of wine, bottles, barrels, presses, cellars, vines, grapes,
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vineyards, farm houses wineries, the farmers and their families, represent some of the most
worthy Viennese phenomena (Figure 40).
The measurable vineyards and winemaking happens in a few suburban districts, sleek and
leafy neighborhoods that contrast the craggy hardscape of Viennas heart (Figure 41). Whereas
some streets are thoroughly pastiche, lined with twin, triplet and quadruplet wine taverns, others
streets offer one stray dive. Nonetheless, local wine is available in nearly every establishment
across the grape growing region.
Most astoundingly is the unavoidable presence of the idealized, mythologized images of
the wine drinking culture that always holds a place for a remembering of the Viennese ecological
logic, or ecologism (Figure 42). As it is with the image of the human body, it also is with the
image of the grapevine (Figure 43). In Vienna, these are secular, however inspiring, state funded
icons. The image of a Citybike speaks nearly the same message, but not so clearly (Figure 44).
The ultra regional persona is summoned to command attention when the body presented is an
organic grape grower.
The Viennese ecologism, the unique, implicit ecological cultural phenomena, possibly
communicates that to live properly, fully, is to do it all with confidence, pleasure and
environmental awareness, care taking, guardian and stewardship. Figures interpreted as body,
hero, personality and leader cults are notable. Further, there is a sort of secular ecology cult,
or cultural ecology, quite palpable in Vienna. One component is autarky, that is the notion of
keeping an economically independent government. The body, the grape vine and local farmer
represent autopoiesis, or a nearly spontaneous emergence, which is the hallmark of nature.
Ideally, these autochthon (autochthonous people) are self-made, self-reliant, self-sufficient,
self-healing and self-sustaining (Figure 45). They represent us all, as if we are each wild spirits,
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partially releasing ourselves from being bound in civilized predicaments. This romantic realism
keeps alive Viennese noble savage and survivalist traditions, as well as the contemporary
social, political, economic and ecological order. The existing established patterns.
In application, the motifs are not entirely burdened with overarching regulations. For
example, the whole of any myth is not actually controllable. Myth as well as ecologism are
potentially egalitarian, democratic, durable, transparent, reusable containers, per se (Figure 46).
The Viennese traditions, political and economic policies, mark an us and them mindset. We
are a social democracy and social market economy, say the twenty-first century Viennese. We
value our resources and assure their perpetuity.
Many Viennese are skeptical about reforms and cling to didactic folk customs (Figure
47). Wine production is an example of the establishment. Vineyards, wineries and the wine
cellars in Vienna are owned and operated by the collective city government (Cobenzl), the
Roman Catholic Church (considering the Melker Stiftskeller, Stiftskeller Klostemeuburg and
possibly the cellars, if not inns of Augustiner Keller, 12 Apostelkeller) and private citizens, such
as families (Ambrositsch, Hajszan, Zimmermann). Much of the contemporary7 wine promotions
do continue upon an authentically archaic vini and viticulture (Figure 48). Although it is also true
the tradition was nearly extinct until the recent few decades.
Long ago there were religious and ruler restrictions placed on wine (Figure 49). Then
there was the devastation of vine stocks by a louse. After the world wars, a quality scandal halted
the wine making craft. In Vienna there have been eras of coffee and beer (both from imported
raw materials). These synopses are of routine histories. It is informative, at least, to acknowledge
possibly fabricated aspect of the emerging, current myths that aggregate Viennese culture. Such
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as they are, grape growing, wine drinking, public swimming and sun bathing have had in and out
phases of customary cachet.
Still, the ecological logic or environmental philosophy of the Viennese, emphasizes a
bold naturalism that undergirds civil society. It is appreciative of tradition and of purposeful
innovation. Specifically, it is a culture for social self-reliance. I argue that considering Vienna, as
if it is an ecologism, contributes to an understanding of what is environmental mainstreaming
(Figure 50). Mainstreaming is a social justice reform movement meant to include the excluded.
Exactly like the inclusive museum concept. By extension, ecological justice begs for an
environmental mainstreaming. Viennese city government employs social values marketing
techniques in support of correcting ethnic, age and gender-based discrimination. I suspect the
same techniques are applied to environment and resources management. So it is, the
infrastructure of Vienna consists of swimming pools and grape growing. Such facilities form an
urban ecology.
The ecological infrastructure that comprises Vienna also consists of ephemeral images
that suggest a cultural mythology, emphasizing a naturalism. Accordingly, collectively writing
contemporary Viennese myths enables people to draft environmental philosophies that may be in
turn marketed back to the Viennese, in support of their economically self-sufficiency policies
(Figure 51). The Viennese philosophy for living may be seen to resemble ecological economics,
a strongly biased conception and practice of market and fiscal policy, as well as finance that
prioritizes environmental health and human well-being. The Viennese consume their own
products, such as information and wine. This qualifies the city as an autarky (Figure 52). By
standard definitions, an economically self-sufficient, independent government can be an
ecological economy, if it is meant to service health and well-being.
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Here is a fitness rumor, frequently heard among the Viennese. It is that wine grapes, grape
seeds, grape seed extract and grape leaves are mostly valued for their medicinal properties.
Included in the health effects of wine is its conviviality-causing intoxicating effect. A typical
Viennese would say, with a chiding smile, that to drink two glasses of wine per day is good for
people to do. Viennas wine production and consumption culture is certainly an ecological
economic social structure, since it is maintained, at least in part, on values of environmental
health.
Along the same logical fines of analysis, the pools and baths promote human health. A
mentally revived, physically restored and socially enhanced citizenry is well suited to maintain
political order and its economic system (Figure 53). This reasoning explains human wellness, a
factor in environmental health and a supposed ecological well-being. The term ecosystem
means, to some degree, an economic unit. The system must profit enough to sustain itself, or it
becomes extinct. The units costs, in some sort of averaging, must be less than its benefits. Vienna
is a wealthy city, this proves to some extent that their prized social market economy is a viable
construct for a human-dominated ecosystem (Figure 54).
Academic scholars who research and write about natural and cultural sustainability issues
occasionally invoke the potential for humans to mirror biological functioning (Figure 55). For
example, a plant cell respirates, a leaf transpires. So, mimetically, perhaps a culture for natural
sustainability breaths (Figure 56). Perhaps a culture for sustainability exhibits both an
environmental determinant and a wavering indeterminacy, such as the contemporary mythology
of Viennese sun worshipers and contented drunks (Figure 57). Perhaps a culture for sustainability
is uninhibited, assertive and humorous, as this mythography of Vienna makes a way for us to
think of the Viennese dominated ecosystem (Figure 58).
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People in Vienna frequently know of a song that suggests a person or people may pass
away, but there will always be wine. However, a paradox of the song deserves to be mentioned,
which is that if the Viennese always keep vineyards, then Vienna will always be. The
mythologizing of Vienna can, without a moment of discontinuity, include a motif that Vienna has
more or less always been and will always be (Figure 59). The Viennese routinely beckon a
prehistoric, Celtic, Greek and Roman lineage for authorizing their contemporary ways of being
and doing. Examining the contemporary ephemera available everywhere in the city also makes
clear the Viennese are willfully manufacturing an environmentally sound future (Figure 60).
Therefore, I argue that Vienna, characterized as an ecologism, offers the worldwide academic
community of scholars a prime example of an extant permaculture.
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CHAPTER V
PULLOUT CENTER SECTION
Color Plate Folio Style Street Level Vienna, Figures 1 through 60
Figure 1 A typical street level perspective in the old-style Viennese grape-growing
suburbs This streetscape is similarly seen in Neustift, Salmannsdorf, Nussdorf, Josefsdorf or
Sievering, Grinzing and Heiligenstadt. The Viennese say, tradition is everything. Viennese
culture is synchronic (eternal: undivided, long-lasting, all at once). Meaning it is made to
emphasizes intergenerational stasis, rather than unprecedented innovation and dynamism
(Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini, 2012)
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Figure 2 Referencing official concepts, Vienna codified Always turning to precedents is a
Viennese museum method. The societys cultural interpretation is based on continuous official
referencing. Here, the concepts of Vienna, the legitimized customs of the Viennese, are codified
in a six-part set of cultural dictionaries by Felix Czeike, c. 1995. A cliche saying I once heard is
that a totalitarian state has an official history and a democracy does not. The concept is a useful
start in raising questions about Viennese society. Their collective mentality, ways of living and
built city (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2009)
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Figure 3 The heroic, progressive, utopian and liberal New Man statue is an expression
of emergent embodiment, social reform and self-mastery This statue, a civic reminder, is
located in Viennas Third District. Found among the foliage, in a plaza of a large-scale social
housing complex. The New Man is an enlightenment and socialist ethical concept, also
mentioned by Carl Schorske in Fin-De-Siecle Vienna: Politics and Culture, circa 1980
(Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini, 2011)
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SI LICiHR KAISLR KARL I.
Figure 4 Evidence of Viennas regional icons and personality cult tradition An image
of a Roman Catholic Church devotional card. Officially, this is Kaiser Karl, circa 1918. The last
Habsburg monarch. Since 2004, he is known as the Blessed Emperor. Ethnographically or
mythographically, he is similar to a holy and therefore healing king. We see in Vienna a
culture where the concept of healer remains fairly normal. The local language refers to
mystical notions. One example is a saying, the Kings weather. As if a monarch effects blue
sky, warm sunshine and bird songs. Another example is a standard reference made to the
Austrian nation being an economic miracle (Copyright Act of 1976, 17 USC Section 107 [fair
use for research]; Accessed on Google Image, 2013)
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Figure 5 Connection with an ancient settlement An image of contemporary Old Vienna,
or Innere Stadt, taken of the street level experience, as it is near the Hohe Markt and Am Hof.
These two sites represent the Viennese connection with the ancient Roman settlement known as
Vindobona. As an example, on Sterngasse a relic nymph stone still marks the location of what
was a therme. Another word, lagerbad (military7 legion bath). A facility is known to have
existed in the era of 250 CE. According to a city map and legend available at the Roman
Museum, this bathing complex was at todays street location of Oberzellergasse 16 18
(Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2009)
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Figure 6 Image promoting social values This ephemera or artifact turned my attention to the
distinct types of messages conveyed in Viennese media. In this case, a refreshing and friendly
image distributed by the city of Vienna, placed on lifestyle news paper covers and billboards. It
is promoting more than water. It is a reminder of the societies value system: One, Viennese state
planning. Two, an ecological ethic and lifestyle. More than any other fact, the pure resource of
Viennese water, the waterworks, are symbols of the local communitys binding cultural identity
(Copyright Act of 1976, 17 USC Section 107 [fair use for research]; Accessed on Google Image,
2012)
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Figure 7 Viennese ecosystem Here is a snail with a shell. Mollusks, especially brown slugs
without shells (Arionidae), are indicative species of Viennas temperate and humid, oceanic
climate. The frequent rain water feels very soft on the hair and skin. Streets and lawns are usually
damp. In Vienna, spring arrives late and summer leaves early. Because of Viennas oceanic
climate, the low night temperature feels coldest at about 10 PM. Unlike in the continental climate
of Denver, where the high and low temperatures rise and fall sharply and the coldest hour is at
about 5 AM (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2010)
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Figure 8 Museological fieldwork A street level image representing a museological,
mythological and ethnological research approach. The museum establishes the background and
the citys green artifacts are positioned in the foreground. Also, it shows the Vienna City
Museum as a field research starting point. A means to enter the city and to meet some of its
contemporary communities of interest (Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini,
2010)
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rn
Figure 9 The government influences the media, an ecosphere The main Viennese
advertising, information and cultural venues are owned, at least in part, by Vienna (the city-
state). It appears that to a greater extent, the government influences the types of messages
conveyed in the region. In other words, the mediasphere (city marketing) possibly initiates and
maintains a noosphere (cultural mentality); an ecosphere (political ecology). When thinking
along these lines, we may begin to see Viennas ecological logic, or a Viennese environmental
conscientiousness (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2009)
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Figure 10 Free information in the Vienna City Hall Free brochures, news papers and
magazines define Vienna. These are widely available, especially at the tourist information office
in the Vienna City Hall (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2009)
85


Figure 11 The realm owned by a state corporation The Viennese public realm is,
purportedly, officially owned by the city-state. Most media venues are managed by a state
corporation, Gewista (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2009)
86


mistplatz
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(UI -s.'iiKc v=r. 10 OO 18 00 Uhl
Figure 12 Vienna guide Presenting Isabel Termini, a Vienna City Museum guide. Here she
interprets the citys recycling infrastructure. By traveling with Termini, her acting as my key
informant, I was able to study contemporary Viennas ecosystem and the culture of people I have
determined to be ethnic Viennese. Literally, not ironically or derogatorily, identifying with the
notions of young, bohemian bourgeois and the creative class. My notes are of the oral
history of their contemporary local lore. By my direct observation, I propose a purposeful cohort
of these cultural creative types is active in Vienna. The intelligentsia are doing city marketing.
They express tradition as a mix of museum exhibits, swimming pools and wine taverns. These
people are structuring the regional culture and infrastructure through lifestyle choices. The
character, attitudes and values of these Viennese effect the structure and dynamics of the urban
ecosystem (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2009)
87


Figure 13 Public relations events venue The citys planning department has a public
relations division. Here we see their exhibition venue (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2009)
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Full Text

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VIENNA AS ECOLOGISM: A WELLNESS MYTHOGRAPHY by Michelle Denise Shepherd B.S., Metropolitan State College of Denver, 1999 M.LA./M.U.R.P., University of Colorado at Denver, 2002 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Design and Planning 2013

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This thesis for the Doctor of Philosophy degree by Michelle Denise Shepherd has been approved for the Design and Planning Program by Hans Morgenthaler, Chair Margaret Woodhull Michael Jenson Brian Page Jody Beck Date: April 24, 2013 ii

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Michelle Denise Shepherd (Ph.D., Doctoral Program in Design and Planning) Vienna As Ecologism: A Wellness Mythography Thesis directed by Associate Professor Hans Morgenthaler. ABSTRACT Environmental social science includes my areas of research and practice: design and planning and ecological urbanism. A literature review I conducted, covering recent developments in this domain, has revealed that contemporary Vienna, Austria, is a relatively unknown entity within the associated English-language academic publications and their array of discourse. This dissertation provides an experiential "street level" reconnaissance of today's Vienna. I name a few "communities of interest" as the Viennese culture' and the ethnic Viennese.' I give a descriptive and interpretive account of my findings in a narrative style. This dissertation has been produced upon reflection of a six year inquiry on the topic, including thirteen months of daily research in the field. The qualitative approach I have used to make meaning of and to construct an understanding of Vienna, as it is a human-dominated ecosystem, is basically descriptive "ethnography," or the similar interpretive "case study." I build upon the current research of urbanist Rem Koolhaas and cultural theorist Sanford Kwinter. Whereby, my natural science concerns have been investigated by including social, cultural and human science methods. My study includes ecosystem immersion, critical discourse analysis, participatory-observation and semi-structured interviews. I have focused on notions of embodiment, sensory and poetic experience, play and humor. My researcher's bias is to iii

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explicitly depict ecological health and wellness, as successful mentalities and strategies for living. My original experiential research is intended as a contribution to environmental social science and environmental humanities, with an interdisciplinary emphasis in history, theory and criticism of the built environment. I take up the recognized environmental problem of a "values to action gap." I am familiar with one North American culture. Utilizing naivetÂŽ as "critical distance," I entered the Central European milieu as it offers a possibility for discovering alternative material examples and conceptual alignments. How do the Viennese express ecology? First, as a "biocentric political ecology." In another word, as an ecologism. Second, as a biological or ecological aesthetic. I name a main societal trend in contemporary Vienna, environmental mainstreaming.' A cultural trait that effectively reduces the inefficient discrepancies common between people's attitudes and actions. The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication. Approved: Hans Morgenthaler iv

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I sincerely appreciate the effort of the many people who have helped me during the course of this research project. My gratitude goes to all the considerate and generous people I met while working in Vienna. Austria is a wonderful place and I am fortunate to have studied there and across Europe. Credit to Isabel Termini for arranging my study trips through Vienna, for demonstrating her research techniques, proofreading my drafts and correcting my use of the German language. My project honors the research and teaching careers of my advisory committee. I praise them for their many specific disciplinary contributions to advancing my knowledge and skills. Extra thanks to Hans Morgenthaler for his direction on academic scholarship and dissertation writing. v

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TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. PROLOGUE The Need to Understand ...................................................................................... 1 Impulse: A Prelude to Reason ................................................................. 4 !!! Biologically Centered ..................................................................... 5 !!! A Biocentric Political Ecology ....................................................... 11 The Meaning Made ........................................................................................... 18 II. LITERATURE REVIEW Overview ......................................................................................................... 20 !! Urban Ecology ....................................................................................... 21 Ecology and Design ............................................................................... 25 Ecological Urbanism .............................................................................. 30 Environmental Philosophy .................................................................... 37 Summary ........................................................................................................ 39 III. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Ethnography ................................................................................................... 41 !! Critical Discourse Analysis ...................................................................... 45 !! Interpretation and Representation ............................................................. 47 Mythography .. ........................................................................................ 51 !! Participatory-Observation and Semi-structured Interviews .......... .................... 55 vi

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IV. SYNOPSIS OF FIELDWORK Reference to Figures 1 through 60 ...................................................................... 57 A Research Intent ................................................................................. 59 !!! Vienna and Wellness .. .................................................................... 60 !!! The Ecological Affect In Vienna .. .................................................... 63 !!! The Predominant Organism's System Assembly ............................... 67 V. PULLOUT CENTER SECTION Color Plate Folio Style Street Level Vienna, Figures 1 through 60 ......................... 76 VI. ENVIRONMENTAL CUSTOMS Inclusive Museums ......................................................................................... 136 !! Communities of Interest ........................................................................ 136 Out-of-home Advertising ................................................................................. 137 !! Municipal Administration Exhibition Space ............................................. 139 The Viennese Mind ......................................................................................... 141 !! Holy, Perfect, Strong .. ............................................................................ 148 !!! Participation Mystique ................................................................ 150 !!! Spartanism ................................................................................. 153 !!! Cult of the Body ........................................................................ 156 !!! Cult of Charisma ........................................................................ 158 !!! Icons in Celebration ................................................................... 162 Vindobona ..................................................................................................... 163 !! Memento Mori .. .................................................................................... 165 vii

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!! Carpe Diem ......................................................................................... 171 Tu Felix Austria Nube ..................................................................................... 173 !! Autonomy as an Ideal ........................................................................... 176 !! Collective Narcissism ........................................................................... 184 VII. ECOCENTRIC POLITICAL ECOLOGY Social Benets ............................................................................................... 187 !! Life Reform Era ................................................................................... 189 !!! Expressionism ........................................................................... 194 Consociationalism .......................................................................................... 196 !! Gewista and Perikles ............................................................................ 201 !!! Wien Holding, Oberlaa Therme .................................................... 204 !!! Stadt Wien, Weingut Cobenzl ...................................................... 208 !!! Taking the Cure ......................................................................... 212 Red and Green Coalition ................................................................................. 213 !! Cultural Ecology .................................................................................. 214 !!! Social Ecology .......................................................................... 215 !!! University of Natural Resources and Life Sciences ......................... 217 Biological Aesthetic ........................................................................................ 217 !! Pleasure Region ................................................................................... 221 !!! Urban Agriculture Products ......................................................... 231 VIII. EPILOGUE Vienna "as if an" ............................................................................................ 233 viii

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Doing City Research .......................................................................... 234 Locus Terribilis .............................................................................................. 239 !! (Dis) Honest Insights .. ........................................................................... 240 !! (Un) Humorous Language ...................................................................... 240 Locus Amoenus .............................................................................................. 242 !! Values (In) Action .............................................................................. 244 Austria to Colorado ...................................................................................... 246 REFERENCES ........................................................................................................ 249 ix

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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 A typical street level perspective in the old-style .................................................... 76 2 Referencing ofcial concepts, Vienna codied ....................................................... 77 3 The heroic, progressive, utopian and liberal "New Man" .......................................... 78 4 Evidence of Vienna's regional "icons" and "personality cult" ................................... 78 5 Connection with an ancient settlement .................................................................. 79 6 Image promoting social values ............................................................................ 80 7 Viennese ecosystem ........................................................................................... 81 8 Museological eldwork ...................................................................................... 82 9 The government inuences the media, an ecosphere ............................................... 83 10 Free information in the Vienna City Hall .............................................................. 84 11 The realm owned by a state corporation ................................................................ 85 12 Vienna guide .................................................................................................... 86 13 Public relations events venue .............................................................................. 87 14 Lifestyle is available .......................................................................................... 88 15 A provocative promotion for Femen ..................................................................... 89 16 Museum ephemera represents the culture .............................................................. 90 17 A public bath, stereotypical denition .................................................................. 91 18 Political philosophy, explicitly ecological ............................................................. 92 19 This is how the Viennese express ecology ............................................................. 93 20 An image taken in Sievering, evoking the green between ........................................ 94 x

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21 The state .......................................................................................................... 95 22 Design Week exhibits taverns .............................................................................. 96 23 Contemporary transcendence .............................................................................. 97 24 Unearthed genius loci ........................................................................................ 98 25 Harvest event, an entrepreneurial winemaker ........................................................ 99 26 Wine ............................................................................................................. 100 27 Garden oriented to local customers ..................................................................... 101 28 In Vienna's Nineteenth District, pathways lead between vineyards .......................... 102 29 The center with a vineyard ................................................................................ 103 30 Rather lush ecologies ....................................................................................... 104 31 Widely posted burial services system, memorialization ......................................... 105 32 Remnant of the Reform Era .............................................................................. 106 33 People inuence the urban ecosystem ................................................................. 107 34 The Kneipp fountain ........................................................................................ 108 35 Representing medicine (Illustration by Klimt) ...................................................... 109 36 The Priessnitz fountain ..................................................................................... 110 37 A pervasive system of city marketing, kept visible ................................................ 111 38 The streets mainstreaming heritage ..................................................................... 113 39 A representative of contemporary Vienna ............................................................ 114 40 Equipment ...................................................................................................... 115 41 Sunning and drinking on "The Berg" .................................................................. 116 42 Public housing, public works art ........................................................................ 117 xi

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43 From the vineyard, a depiction of what it is to be ................................................. 118 44 Infrastructure .................................................................................................. 119 45 Human and environmental health, an expression ................................................... 120 46 Cooperative .................................................................................................... 121 47 Cultivating a sort of social ecology .................................................................... 122 48 Housing types mingle with vineyards ................................................................. 123 49 In Heiligenstadt, the Probius mosaic ................................................................... 124 50 Large political billboards .................................................................................. 125 51 North of the Danube ........................................................................................ 126 52 Catalogs, the Viennese identity .......................................................................... 127 53 Ecological and biological life (Illustration by Schiele) .......................................... 128 54 A view from the Nineteenth District's vineyards .................................................. 129 55 Swimming the Danube ..................................................................................... 130 56 Self-caring ..................................................................................................... 131 57 Politicians are represented as cultural heroes ....................................................... 132 58 A view to the northwest of Vienna from near the city's center ................................ 133 59 Popular pattern represents traditional ethos .......................................................... 134 60 On the Bisamberg ............................................................................................ 135 xii

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CHAPTER I PROLOGUE The Need to Understand This dissertation is, foremost, the recapitulation and presentation of original eld research. I am an environmental scientist reporting on an ecosystem. Do you know how the Viennese express ecology? Here I describe Vienna for you. Journey through a Vienna where daily living happens in a mythic landscape. Where the nude human form is a pervasive political motif. Learn about the local cultural traits that seem to reduce the otherwise common discrepancies between people's attitudes and actions. Understand why the Viennese express ecology as an ecological aesthetic and nally, as a biocentric political ecology. The preceding paragraph is a "friendly" interpretive version of my research question and thesis statement. My interests and assumptions stated up to this point generally reference professional, academic and popular literature. Examples are the book by Larry Beck, Interpretation for the Twenty-rst Century: Fifteen Guiding Principles for Interpreting Nature and Culture (2002) and another book by Chris Barker, Cultural Studies: Theory and Practice (2000). Last, but not least is Gregory Bateson's Steps to An Ecology of Mind: Collected Essays in Anthropology, Psychiatry, Evolution, and Epistemology (1972). To bring our ideas about the research project closer, I reveal my inspiration. The wonder conveyed from within the pages of old horticultural ora and herbals (the Temple of Flora for example); National Audubon Society and National Geographic Society publications. Also, present day landscape architecture and architectural theory books are inspiring. The ones in which Rem Koolhaas is often the prime investigator. His work's content and visual style, like in Metabolism (2011) and Mutations (2001), are directed to popular, student and academic 1

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audiences. Further, my dissertation is inspired by the content, style and format of explanatory natural (emergent), social (systems), cultural (spirited) and human (soulful) science journals. Especially articles in Society and Natural Resources, the Journal of Interpretation and the Journal of Medical Ethics; Medical Humanities My dissertation's topic is addressed to any reader with a keen interest in and background knowledge of environmental thought (generally: holistic healing, natural medicine; landscape history, theory and criticism; civil engineering) and urban ecology (generally: ecosystem biology; design and planning literature; nutrition and agronomy). The research project's strategy and the terminology used -along with the discourses I engage in -already exist in and are derived from the sub-disciplines mentioned above and the scholarly domains mentioned below. Much further back in time and memory, informally now, my language and research interests have been culled from many sources. Cursory examples are: Lois Silverman, The Social Work of the Museums (2010); John Marzluff, Urban Ecology: An International Perspective on the Interaction Between Humans and Nature (2008); Deborah Winter, Healing the Split between Planet and Self (1996); Edward Wilson, On Human Nature (1978). My current project has been a maturation of earlier studies founded on texts like these. Advancing along these lines of explanation, the primary research and writing methods I have used are "eldwork" and "ethnography." With an analytical concentration on classical and contemporary "mythography." Likewise, the eld research has been concentrated on a learning of on-site personal (attitudes) and cultural (traditions). The aspects of experience, sensation, pleasure, enjoyment, fun, achievement and success. Other predominant themes included in this dissertation are North American and Central European economics and politics. Some 2

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comparisons of Denver, Colorado (US) and Vienna, Austria (EU) are used to describe and interpret for the reader my exploration and discoveries. I explain the preceding conceptualizations, terminology and denitions as they are provided in and sourced from the book by John Creswell, Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design: Choosing Among Five Traditions (1998). The communication and research strategies allow us a comfortable beginning with ethnography. You may have already noticed, my rstperson biases are expressed in the dissertation, along with the research project's process. To do so is a standard in "ethnographic studies." Description proceeds through essential "who" and "how" aspects of a study. Two necessary components of communicating a lived experience. Also, the "actor" and "action" elements benet a reader's capacity to relate a report to their own endeavors. Ideally, a post-positivist ethnography, such as this one, enables divided expertise to be reintegrated. Similarly, the term "transdisciplinary" covers applied interdisciplinary research. In this manner, we have an environmental science, environmental social science and environmental humanities research project. Resulting in a socially signicant ecosystem study report. In other words, an environmental humanities approach to researching a human-dominated ecosystem has yielded a usable nature study, wherein people matter. Producing an ethnography is a meaning making exercise. The dynamic, lived adventure of a eld study is described in plenty of evocative detail to allow the researcher and readers alike to understand something about how our planet, the cultures and people, are living in distant places around the globe (Creswell Qualitative 184). In an ethnography we take a look at how communities thrive. The largest signicance of an ethnography is for our vast stores of human knowledge to gain; merely by the activity of researchers carefully documenting, collecting and 3

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sharing with readers the cultural portrayals. By doing environmental and cultural eld research we create access to life's lessons learned and to lifelong learning. Aside from originating knowledge, my dissertation provides project leads for researchers to possibly follow. Particularly in the context of a university-styled, scholarly and professional, environmental movement known as "ecological urbanism." Impulse: A Prelude to Reason Lynn Margulis co-edited with James Corner and Brian Hawthorne, Ian McHarg: Conversations with Students (2007). The book sits within the academic research and teaching domain of environmental social science (combining aspects of both ecosystem research and ecological po•esis). Scientist Margulis shares an interest of her's with her readers. This is the possible "clues to why we tend to destroy the planetary surface that sustains us." She writes, "Our faculties for exactitude, measurement, and logical estimate are wantonly abandoned by each of us when aroused by sexual opportunity. . The rational activity of ecological planning, the imperative to nurture and heal the land, the slow frustration of joint cooperative decisionmaking so necessary for large-scale collaboration with nature, is at odds with our impulses" (16). My interpretation of these quotes is that the earth's resiliency is compromised by some human actions and our other inactions. Please let me explain. Margulis writes about Homo sapiens How it is that the so-called wise animal's biological desires shape the practice of natural resource management. She obliquely suggests we could improve our personal and societal reasoning. She makes the point that emergent life, including our minds, bodies and societies, can be at odds with the planet's fundamental ecological carrying capacities. In fact, it appears, some people and peoples are excessively destructive of their environment. For example, the United 4

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States of America's citizenry is often cited as consuming more nite resources and producing more toxic pollution than any other of the world's citizens (their nations and their cultures). The meaning of the example is that humans tend to live unsustainably. The consumerism problem is reported by economic researcher Erik Assadourian in "The Rise and Fall of Consumer Cultures," an article about transforming cultures in State of the World 2010 (6, 7, 11). My point is to consider that when unchecked, the earth's people proceed carelessly. Therefore, unsustainably. The effects of human actions can be seen in habitat alteration, resource depletion, waste accumulation and needs-based conict. Such as, territorial wars. Further, we hear more of it everyday, biospheric systems are observed to be alterable. Ecosystems (the plants, animals and people in them) must adapt to survive. Access to water changes. Having or not a usable quality and quantity of it is a simple example. Pristine aquifers and nutrient top soil are equally exhaustible. The world's expanse is observably limited. Its variety observably extinguishable. Biologically Centered Let us momentarily consider the massive and rapid loss of Arctic glaciers and of pollinating species. Sad images on their own. Imagine no polar bears. Or, another image, no owers and therefore, no food. Of further caution, this genre of events includes the tilt of our known global order out of balance: the atmospheric cycles. Biospheric issues, like thermodynamic homeostasis, are in threat. Environmental science and engineering are in alarm. We do not merely depend on inorganic or organic inert materials. Each of us depends on the interactions of others, other lives. Many other organisms and people. We are all dependent on keeping, as best we can, a healthful, functioning micro and macro ecosystems. One meaning made here is that within material form is soulful content. Within the surfaces are fundamentally embodied extant entities. I am explaining a premise that the world's 5

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"spirit" and our own is a life given continuity of some kind. An "atomic soup," if you prefer. For example, think of personal and cultural ideals. We have types and themes to examine. Possibly: the tillable soil, palatable water and a nurturing culture. Our human sensitivity allows us to distinguish distinctive qualities, such as ill from well. It follows, we may in fact exercise our discretion for ensuring well being. To this effect, we may honor the attributes of a class. Giving us cases in which to investigate. Whereas, to date, North Americans have not frequently succeeded in achieving an appreciation for the intangible, integral, inalienable, living dimensions carried by physical phenomena, we may begin now. This is the distinguishing quality of a biologically centered practice. Simply stated, a "biocentrism" maintains a high valuation for the spark of life. Sustaining it in any and every context. Our failures so far in this capability appear to be, writ large, cultural deciencies. History and sociology have presented to us real cases by which we have learned that culture is created. Culture is a construct. For bad or good. For pain or pleasure. These lifestyles are our products and we have the power to reform them into a more appropriate manner for environmental tness. I suggest an environmentally t, ecologically sustainable, resilient and pleasurable culture is an ideal type we may seek to know and manifest. The challenge is to possibly realize a biocentrism. To a greater degree, such a culture would be maintainable along with our innate humanness. As Margulis describes, it is possible to center our cultures around life fullling urges: play, romance, family, homemaking, safety, health, travel. For these reasons, my dissertation's scope is drawn around the usually ignored notion of humor. People like to laugh. Fun is at the center of my studies, as it is an inclusive, tolerant and active attitude. Teasing, joking and amusing are means for interpersonal and societal interaction. Like them, I include 6

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"experimentation" and "mistakes" within my research scope. I attempt to understand oddities as they present themselves, rather than ltering them out of my project's results. So, as a sort of inversion of her intent (a purposeful misunderstanding, or malapropism), I take Margulis to mean that human ecosystem research ought to further reect on the continuum of people's biological, societal, cultural, economic and political motivators. In other words, Margulis has explained why we tend to fail ourselves. I explain how we have and may continue to succeed. We may work with play and enjoyment. That is, if the research and teaching domain of environmental social science is ever to succeed in its self-given missions; especially in relation to environmental conservation and social justice; design and planning ought to be operationalized for more of an understanding of what people actually want. What people express they would like to have in their lives. This sort of intense humane, empathic and phenomenal sociological effort is disputed by conventional "expert designers" (the reclusive inventors), "master planners" (the efciency statisticians) and "the market" (corporate producers). However, by insightful and exploratory research, we can continue to learn of our emergent desires. Researchers ought to continue writing accounts of individual human experiences in and knowledge of environments, societies and cultures. Jotting possible discoveries about unmet needs in health and wellness, tness and nutrition. Perhaps learning or relearning ways to imitate natural preconditions and our bodily routines. As an example, think of the attraction many people feel to skiing and boating. Likewise, to gardening and hiking. Making observations to increase knowledge of environmental, sensory activities and the facilities, to which people are attracted. Further generating value and cultural systems. Conducting studies of what, in human dominated 7

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ecosystems, makes people feel good, content and cooperative; rather than ecologically destructive. Restated to this concept I take from Margulis in developing and presenting my research scheme is for the natural and life sciences, ecology and design, to take-on a common person's perspective. A step back from "big science" where the automatic and uncritical imposition of inappropriate and honestly unlovable academic research approaches are used. Away from complex and contrived scholarly theories, technological gadgets, bureaucratic mechanisms and controls. Stepping apart from the worn grand narratives of positivism. Letting go of the "command ofce" quantitative perspective. Margulis' research career indicates to me the signicance of attempting original research with the risk still in it. She shouldered harsh criticism for hypothesizing that life evolves more in cooperation than in competition. Therefore, while accepting opposition, I have aimed to observe detailed realities from a pedestrian perspective. While immersed in everyday scenarios, asking and listening to ordinary people -the creatures in their habitats -how they sense the urban ecosystem. Learning what it is people love about their environments. These themes, which I have brought into our minds so far, are for the sake of making my overall argument. The examples given are meant to structure my argument's context. I have begun describing my project, in its totality, with a swooping portion of general knowledge. Then, you may see on later pages, I narrow onto the specics of my original contribution to academic knowledge. Ordinary people, "non-ecologists," also hear of environmental issues, such as exponential population increases. The resulting pressures on water and food supplies. People may also know that many millions of us lack adequate water, food, fuel, housing and transportation. Most 8

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everyone hears of expanding cities and their outrageous demographics. Sometimes we can see for ourselves that cities have intolerable densities. We can see the inhabitants suffer from inadequate sanitation and energy infrastructures. These examples go along with the global decrease of pollinator species (namely bees), as I have already mentioned. Fearsome climate change, the effects of atmospheric carbon pollution, plus worries of fossil fuel reserve depletion. The list of actual problems is inexhaustible. Beyond the actual planetary and personal impacts, the problems are political subjects. Matters of denition. Entirely manipulable measurements and thoroughly debatable topics. Progress toward resolving any one problem is deathly slow. If occurring at all, it is usually in the slightest amount noticeable. Nonetheless, a portion of the world's people do work at mitigating waves of emergent tragedy. Often these people are research scientists and engineers. Also, citizen activists put forward effort to benet a select cause. If any of these people act from a holistic and systems orientation, they may have an "ecological" paradigm. Usually, "ecology" and ecological are dened as inclusive, rather than reductive ways of thinking. Simply put, the typical reductive mentality of splits and dichotomies we continue to use, outside and inside of academia, is conservative of a monetizing cultural establishment. It follows that individual people are reduced to numbers. Nations are measured and ranked in wealth statistics. Our lives equate gross domestic products and national debts. The atypical "inclusive" mentality begets an alternative to reality as we know it. Effecting a questioning of our potentialities is far from status quo corporate imperialism. Most people dare not act upon any perception of it. Therefore, inclusive, integrative, ecological ideals are measured in optional cultural traits. Example options are national happiness, equal rights, human development, vegan asceticism, free money and economic democracy. Advocates for an 9

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"ecological logic" advocate for us all to have a culture founded on a principle of systemic reasoning. These advocates go against mainstream societal norms, ghting accepted exclusionary practices. Therefore, the career title "environmentalist" has been smeared by alternative "haters" in general and extreme capitalist conservatives in specic. Environmentalist is basically a career title; said by detractors as if it is a pejorative term. The same with "environmentalism." It is primarily a professional duty. A political agenda. However, the words have been, or remain in the United States, at least, as the seeming "antiestablishment" banner. The words environmentalist and environmentalism mark ideological, political and economic threats to business and religious traditions. A front line in the so-called "culture wars." Cultures are communication networks. A culture, conservative or radical, trades in ideal imagery: political words, rhetorical representations, ideological propaganda. As are all cultures, a culture based on ecological reasoning is, nonetheless, a human product. An interactional product. United States President Barack Obama said in his 2013 Inaugural Address, "You and I, as citizens, have the obligation to shape the debates of our time." In his 2013 State of the Union Address he said, "the responsibility of improving this union remains the task of us all." In other words, a culture (every culture and subculture) is a representative construct made by the continuous negotiation of people who share or abhor specic convictions. The contention between people and their cultural ideologies is a main theme of inquiry in "cultural studies." An example is when an ordinary person (individual agency) contests a tenured academician (institutional hegemony) in research production, legitimacy or publication. Another (present in environmental social science, design and planning, landscape architecture) is when the sources of a scholarly discourse ought to be, but are not, referenced accurately by teaching faculty. Like 10

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alternative and inclusive thinking and acting; questioning -research -threatens authoritativeness and destabilizes cultures. Lynn Margulis' statements, as used in my research, opens for us the discourse of a "values to action gap." One of Margulis' arguments is for an "ecological civilization." To date, unrealized. However, her position indicates for us a what, why and how humans ought to value the idea of nature, environment and ecology. She explains the failures of civilization are from our imperfect rational ability. She refers to design and planning practices. Especially, to their failures. Our losses are due to reality's (realities) endless complexity. Stated in another way, we never achieve "full information" or "pure reasoning." Margulis, a biologist, uses sex drive as an example of our unaccountability. As an urban ecologist, I emphasize the haphazard "preference" and onerous "choice" as an example of our irrationality. In other words, an ecological culture would result from a concerted political will, which most people appear to lack. As Margulis says, we are lustful and reckless. Further, I say, we are wanton and hapless. She and I agree, we have not achieved long-standing environmentalist ideals of an ecological culture. Not in North America, nor globally. Because we have idealized, but lack an actual ecological civilization example case to study. More of an understanding of the values to action gap is crucial for abating many sorts of impending tragedies. My research project, in some part, lls Margulis' mandate, to help make meaning of our perceivable impulses. I attempt to note our rights rather than our wrongs, to recognize occurrences of ecosystem empathy and interpret semblances of biological mirroring. A Biocentric Political Ecology A pervasive issue, regularly overlooked in natural science, is political subjectivity. Therefore, biological (life) and ecological (systems) thinking are fringe concepts in powerful 11

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governments. A societal "ecological reasoning" would put in effect an ecological logic, a "living systems" politic. Or, a political ecology. Similarly, a biologically centered, or "biocentric" political ecology. The various "ecologism" advance a dialectic about what an ecological civilization would be. That it could, should and ought to be. Generally, a telling of what an ecological civilization has been and what it is not. I explain the preceding terms from an existing discourse around the book by Mark Smith, Ecologism: Toward Ecological Citizenship (1998). The terminology gets us started in sharing and contributing our own insights and observations, which is the larger purpose of again and again introducing and opening the discourse. In our present era, economically and politically inuential cultures tend to objectify everything. That is, we in North America have inherited the habit to reduce any breadth of concern and depth of meaning into at marketable, countable terms. Retaining routine compartmentalization and dumping slow contemplation. Let us rst think of idealizations made by people in "leading" nations around the world: a wealth accumulation mentality, demonstrating a "winner takes all" and "us against them" social ethic. Domination and exploitation cultures. Second, think of the political idealizations made by environmental and ecological movements. "Win-win" aspirations for planet-wide harmony. Thoughts one and two seem to be mutually exclusive paradigms. A strong-arm governmentality, its objectications for material productivity, does not match with humanitarian and environmental conservation aims (although, inciting other extraordinary thoughts). Existing examples of productive conservation and hard humanism are sometimes promoted, but remain as slivers of greater societies. Anarchist settlements, lifestyle scenes and intentional communities; ecotourism, ecovillages and ecomuseums; habitat reserves 12

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and heritage sites are, arguably, misrepresentations of genuine ecological ideals. Mere greenwashing. Consider the so-called "Cap and Trade" rationalization for dealing with environmental pollutants. It is another example where the difference between environmental conservation values and actions are terribly degraded. The United States Environmental Protection Agency promotes the scheme. Activists, such as Annie Leonard, deride it. Leonard published a book, The Story of Stuff (2010) about environmental health She also made a video about that issue in 2007 and others since. Her videos have been viewed by more than 10 million people around the world. In The Story of Cap and Trade video (2010), Leonard explains that there is a mismatch in the American system, between ideals and results. The problem is that emissions trading allows pollution. Worse, it encourages pollution. She says it is an economic strategy, which unapologetically shifts the burden of pollution from polluter, from corporations to citizens and to far-off disenfranchised communities. It does not function to eliminate the harm being done to our greater ecosystem. Note that Leonard simply makes public environmental science curriculum, including human and social factors. Especially environmental economics and its critique. Further, we cans see in Leonard an ecological ethic and her enacting a political ecology. In the United States, we term programs such as Cap and Trade a compromise. Or, equally, the strategy is referred to as a sellout. In effect, everyone loses a percentage of their best case scenario. Some people say, in cases like this, a little less bad is at least some good. Therefore, everyone wins a percentage, too. Others say that any bad is not good enough. Then they push harder for economic, political and cultural reform, or revolution. As a quick illustration of the thought, designer and activist William McDonough writes in Cradle to Cradle Design (2002) 13

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and speaks publicly in this manner (45, 67). He is a proponent of effectiveness (68). No waste. For him, every byproduct is a resource. This rationale remains utopian. Some people say it is the degrees, levels of radicalness that exemplies the ne line -usually a subtle delineation -between the environmental and ecological movements. At rst glance, the terms are synonymous. It seems impossible that the terms differ in meaning. Especially for natural scientists, who may have careers that encompass all the aspects under constant debate. Critics, speaking from their own biases, seem to say environmentalists and ecologists have differing agendas and varying degrees of relentlessness in their pursuits to "save the planet." However, another dening distinction mentioned in recent years is the inclination to a particular belief. An environmentalist may maintain dualistic thinking (humans control nature) compared to an ecologist's monistic thinking (nature controls humans). In other words, a practically oriented compartmentalization mentality versus a sometimes impractical continuum of awe and reverence. If environmental and ecological are different approaches, one pervading tone is synchronic and the other is diachronic. So far, environmental is North American and ecological is Central European. It follow, the "now" or "always" lens can serve us when attempting to understanding Vienna and stereotypical Viennese choices. These people are oriented to the long haul. By comparison, the present feel of the environmental or ecological movement(s) in the United States is diffused. By some people's standards, efforts are made for a "sustainable" change, without most of us gaining any sense of the achievements. Perhaps this is because Americans have overwhelmingly conicting beliefs. Perhaps the citizens in the United States are not actually a collective. We turn to the media in the process of forming opinions, identities and alliances. A media slanted toward business prots. Presenting a market value system, rather than 14

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environmental and social values. Ultimately, American citizens feed the lifestyles of elite groups. Critics argue the United States has become a corporate oligarchy, rather than a democracy related to an ideal of justice. Nor advancing in environmental and social protection. With momentary exceptions, an aura of frustration has characterized America since the 1970s. A culture of monetization, conict, crises and fear is the media induced norm. Political science concepts, such as I have brought to our attention, are important to consider when making meaning of Vienna. For example, in Denver, people have not usually used the terms "right-wing" and "left-wing" in political discussions. In the United States, republicans and democrats, or conservatives and liberals, are the main associative terms used. The US has only a two party congress, whereas many EU nations have multiparty parliamentary systems. Like the difference in measurement systems, inches and centimeters, political systems have traditionally differed between the United States and Central Europe. Learning the political history of the terms right-wing and left-wing opens a wider understanding of European political parties. Especially for the fact that Central European citizens, Viennese in particular, have established, by American standards, radical parties. The Americans do not have these many specic sorts of representatives. For example, the Viennese have a tradition of "clubs." These are membership associations for any interest, such as business, charity, student rights and sports. Clubs are at the basis of contemporary Viennese politics. Extending from this tradition is, for example, the far right political party, named "The Freedom Party" ( Freiheitliche Partei …sterreichs FP…). Their club color is blue and their platform of common interests is aggressively masculinist and separatists. Anti-immigration is their rallying cry. Also, within clubs and established political parties there are factions. An example of this is in Vienna's "Green Alternative" ( Die GrŸnen ) there is a specic bureau and speaker for representing the more 15

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extreme party agendas. While another faction within the same party holds a centrist function. Such as an aggressive campaigner for education, family and equality. Other moderate green campaigns are for transportation and infrastructure, as these interest areas relate to ecological aims. My point is that politics in Vienna are more intense at the personal, or "on the street level," than they are in an American city, such as Denver. I observe this is because, among other reasons, political posters are hung everywhere in Vienna, all the time. To make meaning of their human-dominated ecosystem requires knowledge of the clubs mentalities, their platforms, colors; their iconic people's names and faces. Further, it seems, Central Europeans have a tradition of taking their politics into the public realm, physically. Going into the fray on foot, per se. Whereas in North America, across the expanses of land, the tradition in recent decades has been that politics happen in movies. Demonstrations on television. Debates on the sofa, on the radio, in the ofce and at city hall. Now, on the Internet. Rarely, if ever, in fora. However, in Vienna I have seen the people act politically in a ritualistic fashion. In collective, patterned behavior. Perhaps the Viennese have a narrow convergence of beliefs. Possible if the citizens turn to the media in the process of forming their identities and it is always already slanted toward city politics, rather than to unrestricted commerce. Viennese media does concentrate on personal, legal, economic, social, cultural and environmental issues, rather than on business. On the rst ofcial American Earth Day gathering, 1970, in Fairmount Park, Philadelphia, Ian McHarg spoke emphatically for environmental conservation and for ecological thinking. As an ornery university professor, a landscape architect and poet, he said, famously, that we are all doomed. The "environmental movement," true to his words, soon gave way to disco fever and yuppiedom. Americans are trendy and ckle. At least in North America, the 16

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discourse of environmental crises continues much as it was then. A wide gap remains between heartfelt and intelligent American environmental values and our daily actions toward achieving them. Visibly, we have much product marketing. It is received by much consumer indifference, citizen apathy and lethargy. The establishment's reaction is evermore product rebranding and post-consumer recycling. Regarding environmentally oriented or ecological cultures, Central Europe is a prime example. In this aspect, German-speaking Europe is nearly opposite of the English-speaking United States. Our cultures have persisted polemically. One case of this environmental and social conservation whip is Austria. Since about 1955 the Austrian Republic has pursued cultural and political sovereignty, including egalitarianism, public welfare and environmental protection policies. Ofcially, the United States increasingly pursued the opposite: libertarian, deregulation, free market expansionist and capitalist values. Two contrasting cultures, however, comparable as sketches. I assert Austria exhibits the biocentric political ecology features. I observe it is the paragon ecologism case. This is my thesis, when narrowed to an interpretation of contemporary Vienna. I say, let us have a close look. Can we see a real ecological city and culture? Walking in the streets. Talking with the local people. Then puzzling together a portrayal of what exists there now. Every culture is formulated around the notion of tradition. A culture is somewhat denable, but not completely. Cultures and subcultures are active remembrances of inherited and transmittable knowledge. Oral histories and material collections begin the institutionalization of a peoples' region. A community's heritage and legacy. In Austria, especially in its capitol city of Vienna, a popular clichÂŽ exists, stating "tradition is everything." For the Viennese, culture mostly equates traditional values. There we can see and hear, often rurally themed, self-reliance 17

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proclamations. To accentuate the uniqueness of Viennese culture, let us momentarily examine the United States. ClichÂŽs about America sarcastically stereotype the American postmodern government as having three branches: military, media and banks. Likewise, the Denver culture is satired as: beer/microbreweries, professional sports teams/monster stadiums, national airlines/ international airport. These word-pictures exemplify separate mentalities: Denver's cultural ecology, for example, as it is far from Vienna's cultural ecology. For the sake of increasing the argument, let us continue thinking as North Americans. Our main culture relentlessly categorizes, quanties and monetizes. In opposite, an ecologically minded society internalizes what we externalize. Now, momentarily think of the Austrians, again. This culture considers intangible qualities, the attributes, associated with tangible properties. An example of this is their product packaging. Not so in the United States, but in Austria all packaging and products are designed, in part, specically for low waste. Austrian merchandise is highly salvageable, to the degree a package and its contents are often made of one recyclable material. Or, if more than one material is used, typically these are easily disassembled into recyclable parts. The product's ending is considered in its invention. The potential benet of reusability and the burden of waste on the society's common area is internalized upfront. The Meaning Made Vienna appears to have enticing "lifestyle" marketing. Not as much advertising is for consumer products as it is for social values. More city marketing is visible in Vienna than along the streets of America. Much more than in Denver; a very specic example. Also, the Viennese values to action gap appears narrower than it is in Denver. Having recognized these clues to a cultural/political understanding, I have nished my research project by interpreting the many 18

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possible correlations between how the Viennese society represents itself and how it actually functions. I suggest, in many instances on the following pages, a sort of magical realism is more present in Vienna than is an ordinary reality. I observe the so-called fantastical is a wider cultural inuence affecting the culture's ecological thinking. Finally, I offer to the elds of human knowledge a meaning-making survey of these observable phenomena found among the streets of Vienna: the nouveau traditional Viennese culture (vanguard for a naturalistic quality of life) and the phenomena of enticing lifestyle marketing. Traits exemplifying a narrow environmental values to action gap. Readers of this dissertation are sure to learn of contemporary Vienna through the several rudimentary contrasting attributes included in this document. First, we learn of how the United States is not achieving a biocentric or ecocentric political ecology. Whereas such an ecologism has a larger success in Central Europe. Second, we learn of beloved Viennese clichÂŽs, like "puritan America." Unlike naughty Austria. Third, we learn of contrasting experiential facts. The bone dry seriousness of Denver, compared to the playfully wet and wild Vienna. 19

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CHAPTER II LITERATURE REVIEW Overview The general context and its continued struggles, which situates this research project within common, lay knowledge, has been foreshadowed in the preceding pages of this dissertation. The ordinary understanding, meaning and validity it reaches has been presented. I have started to explore and describe discrepancies. They are, so far told, between individual impulses and the collective, environmental, carrying capacity. Discrepancies shown between individual values and individual actions. Also, between collective, cultural values and collective, cultural actions. I have described gaps between biological, ecological and economic, political realities. Now, in the following pages, I provide the reader with a brief review of texts selected to situate the research project within academic disciplinary and professional knowledge. The set of texts positions the research project's scholarly questions, methods, processes and ndings. The project's theoretical construct is interdisciplinary, therefore, a "references" (works consulted/ cited) bibliography of relevant background and cited information is included near the end of the dissertation. In it are more than 230 information sources. Immediately below this paragraph is a brief literature review. It allows the reader to envisage the research project's signicance, relevance and merit. The reader ought to keep in mind that an ethnographic monograph is shaped by the ethnographer. The description of the research topic is presented in a format that makes the researcher's implicit experiences into explicit information. My narrative necessarily constructs and contains many stands of thought, 20

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pulled together from living life. Therefore, the background literature is provided in a complimentary "ash card" format. A setup allowing the writer and reader to review the entire compendium at a glance. Easily accumulating a mental lexicon of the project's operative terms. The essential background literature provides the reader with enough information to ground the original eldwork in existing intellectual discourse. The monograph necessarily begins wide and is therefore segmented. Although, it culminates narrowly, rather tabular, in the Epilogue. The authors listed in this section of the dissertation are referenced as the research project's intellectual substrate. It is my conceptual matrix for the interpretive environmental case study. Or, more precisely, an apriori structuring of the descriptive ethnography eldwork. Urban Ecology Urban Ecology (2008), edited by John Marzluff and others is a collection of essential articles that establish the so-called discipline of urban ecology. Most of the articles in the book are contributed from the disciplines of architecture, planning, geography and ecology. The opinions are mainly of Europeans and North Americans. Many works have been recently translated from German into English for this publication. The aim of urban ecology is to understand ecosystems, local and global, that include or are dominated by humans. This book's rst agenda arises from natural science. Another of its aims extends from the rst; to promote coexistence and sustainability. The second agenda is from social science. It is said urban ecology happens between disciplines and is therefore interdisciplinary. Adding to the academic research interests is a contemporaneous urban ecology, other positions that are much more practically oriented. As in transdisciplinary or applied research (Marzluff 68). 21

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! An array of direct observation, modeling and analysis are accepted as standard urban ecology research methods (Marzluff 20, 624, 727). In general, the book demonstrates how anthropomorphic biomes have not only physical, natural and quantitative elements for study, but also require cultural, historic and qualitative investigations (Marzluff 83). Total reliance on longknown research approaches, such as differentiation and summaries of species, is impractical in city research (Marzluff 84). Generally, the articles call for a continuation of research into urban ecology modeling and all sorts of mapping. My work extends from what is circumscribed by the Marzluff text. By keeping in mind the archaic word oikos I have learned that the notion of ecology includes domesticity, economics, aesthetics and ethics. These constitute environments: psychical and physical spheres. With them is ekistics, the study of settlements, such as spa towns. Material evidence exists that attest to how ancient cities grew around fresh water, mineral and thermal springs. This is my essential interest in urban ecology; how the role of amenities, such as a museum, has and does effect environment and resource management. For example, I have questioned how environmental interpretation relates to the qualities of care. In the book, The Works Kate Ascher, asks "What makes urban life possible?" A sort of city semantics (meaning) is presented with its syntax (structure). One such system, as an example, is hygiene: sanitation services including waste and garbage removal, sewage management and treatment. Words like oikos and other images in Ascher s book represent knowledge systems. They serve as interpretations of environments; points of reference, inquiry and discourse. Here I recognized how various types of illustrative languages (used to understand and control an urban ecosystem) are created schema: models. Therefore, all our knowledge in ecology and design is 22

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always potentially wrong. There is no one-to-one correlation. No one way of seeing reality, nor a single perfect picture of any part of it. Ecology and design research and teaching, theory and practice, can be made a more effective by bringing this detail into clear terms for discourse. Giving the distinction between real situations and ideal types constant attention. Switzerland: An Urban Portrait (2005), created and edited by Roger Diener and others, is a set of books. Each volume reports on research conducted by architectural rms, working in conjunction with each other and with university and public programs. The encompassing project is an exploration of a meaning-making approaches to global urban, ecology and design studies. The authors introduce the work by writing, "theory does not dene the content of urban which can only be determined empirically" (Diener 167). The designers have worked phenomenologically and speculatively, which they accept as potentially imprecise. They say the strength in such methods is the resulting linguistic, essayistic analysis. These authors are inuential representatives of design education and practice. About their process and product, they say this urban research has, "no precise methodology, but forms a conceptual backdrop that must be put in concrete terms for empirical analysis" (Diener 170). Architects and landscape architects are routinely present in such discourse and in conducting these abductive (cyclically inductive, deductive, iterative) projects. The main purpose is rst to reveal conditions, forces and ows. Hence, these texts clarify ecology and design procedures and objectives, at least indirectly. The authors are among the stars of contemporary architectural theory for codifying themes like emergence, self-organization and systems thinking. The graphics are intended to be viscerally persuasive, as much as genuinely informative. In other words, the ideographs are not benign presentations, but rather are inuential reinterpretations of the possibly innite phenomena bearing on any claim. 23

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! Lynn Margulis, the other editors and authors, too, of Ian McHarg: Conversations with Students, Dwelling in Nature (2007), indirectly trace cultural and professional paradigms from 1950s modernity, 1960s humanistic turn, 1970s environmentalism, 1980s environmental design, 1990s urban ecology, 2000s landscape urbanism, all to 2010s ecological urbanism. It honors the life and work of Ian McHarg, mostly as an ongoing act of his students. It further represents how the greatly inspiring research, theorizing, modeling, analyses, teaching and practice has been passed along. The contributing authors exemplify a sort of environmentalist intellectual community, in this case gathered around the memory of McHarg. Original texts by McHarg are the core of the book. Alan Berger credits McHarg as founder of the most important systematic landscape thinking used in design now (Margulis 7). David Orr says McHarg proposed ecology and landscape architecture be joined for the understanding of processes (Margulis 9). As a justication and invitation for continued ecology and design research, James Corner writes that the McHargian Project is incomplete (Margulis 99). While characterizing McHarg's contemporary value, Corner adds holistic and process thoughts, phrased similar to those of Martin Heidegger. As an example, "life bodies itself forward" could refer to the becoming of Dasein, to the work potential of mass (measured as energy), as well to the academic and professional eld. In some way, McHarg had written about emergence, "[T]o raise the matter of energy . It would be useful if there were some sort of criterion that allowed us to look at any process and decide whether or not it was creative" (Margulis 22). McHarg is known to have advocated the increase of life and health as the essential measure of a systems tness, also the ultimate aim of design. In this book, Dorian Sagan explains how life results from a self-maintaining thermodynamic gradient, always seeking equilibrium 24

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(Margulis 82). These ecologists write at the tipping point between science, art and humanities. Even McHarg expressed deep sentimentality, "The denition of the region is of course impossible, because the Earth is nally not divisible. So I say the region is dened by the person who denes the region" (Margulis 91). His notion of "creative tting" is what joins research into ecology and design. The Margulis book guides my transdisciplinarity pursuits and supports my decision to continue research into and around applied ecology. Ecology and Design Civic Realism (1999) by Peter Rowe, presents history and theory of designed environments, such as ancient and contemporary cities. The book connects architectural space with social practices and asserts these are both aspects of design. Rowe's effort has been to show the mutual inuences and impacts between the public realm and everyday life. More so, he urges a democratic type of engagement (individuals, community groups, corporations and government) in cultural evolution, or possibly thought of as civic expressions. An urban regeneration, he says, is embodied as collective places, both specic and viable. A sustained use leads to collective attachment. As for a conceptual method, Rowe asserts direct involvement, an "accounts of phenomena" as contemporaneity (an emerging whole); a scheme with its own logic that is practical and useful (Rowe 84, 85). He refers to theorists such as Johan Huizinga. Like Huizinga, he appreciates the nature of human being. He writes, "Not only do players in the city become poets of their acts, but the games themselves help dene and formalize relations among elements of public authority and civil society" (Rowe 148). Rowe s agenda is a sort of hub in which to connect many research interests. As examples, his citizens situatedness and civil regeneration is reminiscent of Heidegger s suggestion of a being that cares for itself 25

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("Da-sein"). Rowe indicates that informed individuals build and appreciate a better, more loved, civic realm. As far as his notions explaining ecological tness, he includes species viability, plant and human vitality, resource availability. I have imitated Rowe s assumption of the urban laboratory, in which we humans learn from tracing organic and articial patterns. Only once the inscriptions are made of a phenomena do they matter; possibly of art and science, no less policy. Bruce Mau's Massive Change (2004) exhibit and catalog shows how design is an ecological practice. His products resulted from a transdisciplinary research approach within a design studio about how to confront environmental and human sustainability issues. With this project Mau has aimed at achieving a higher social consciousness, especially about the health of our biosphere, by using design as an innovation and communication device. Mau encourages and provokes people, ordinary citizens, to think of themselves as free agents, having the capacity to shape the world. He is counteracting a paralysis he sees as being a most common result of a negative media culture. The book and its inuential exhibit arose from a manifesto in which Mau crossed typical disciplinary boundaries, such as ones between the arts and sciences, as well as any between nature and culture. For example, he says people design the world's evolution. Or, in other words, everything we do is in some way design and we necessarily live among these results. In the face of all existing paradox, Mau describes how humans can choose their future and in this he makes us each responsible for living fully. Of special note, he emphasizes the almost synchronic, graphic quality of image and text. In his work, he refers to reception effects, such as meaning, emotion and mirroring. Martin Kemp s Visualizations (2001) book exhibits a collection of images that are meant to transgress the boundary commonly set between science and art. The images express, model 26

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and represent, deep structures. The organic, supposedly self-organizing patterns, once viewed, seem to have a visceral effect on humans. Kemp suggests these sensations are our structural intuition: a sort of universal being and knowing. He suggests that since this intricate landscape, these elegant formations and sublime events we already here, we have co-evolved among such processes rather psychogeographically. For example, viewing microcosms can affect us preor sub-verbally, empathically; just like a mirroring effect. Kemp writes that this may explain the power of naturalism, in that it relates image with culture. Recognizing the continuum of interior and exterior existence. This book begins to question the notion of artifact and various modes of representation. He argues for the potential of these ndings toward making holistic interpretations. Poetry may be shown to have such properties. Language and narrative are accepted for practical relations, rarely examined for process or efciency. As unseen, sensed and mental phenomena, these items are elusive and escape regular investigation. People xate on tangible forms, like photographs and sculpture, illustrations and built amenities. Kemp provides a terminology by which to engage immaterial and unstoppable realities. His perspective alternates between that of science and art, making "depiction" at home in a laboratory, as well as "experimentation" at home in a museum. David Orr s "Architecture as Pedagogy II" is a 1997 sequel article on design education. A place, he says, is where learning occurs. Therefore, the landscape ought to reect the curriculum. He is advocating for settings, strategies and models correlating to embodied mindfulness and regenerative health. According to him, all education ought to be based on energy and material ows. For Orr, a campus ought to be built as a legacy. It ought to resonate from our biology, 27

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tacitly. A vital interconnectedness, ultimately useful in cultivating this as a sort of standard and citizenship (Orr 597, 599, 600). Johan Huizinga wrote Homo Ludens (1950). In architecture and planning the book is set as a historical precedent and provides a useful theory of modern culture. In this work, Huizinga examines nature and civilization. According to him, the human animal is innately linguistic and playful (Huizinga 4, 5). These primordial, irreducible, death-defying traits mark some ambiguous qualities of our experience; thought of as magic, celebration and fun. For Huizinga, play is voluntary, extraordinary, erotic, striving and orderly. These elements, for example, can be seen in humor and sport. Sensed as daring, a sensation of living more and of achieving the impossible. Heroic stories -the misadventures of Dionysus -are an example. Huizinga writes, "All poetry is born of play . myth is always poetry . Like everything else that transcends the bounds of logical and deliberative judgement, myth and poetry both move in the play-sphere . living myth knows no distinction between play and seriousness" (Huizinga 129). Mythopoiesis, or myth-making, is a key concept in this book. These hold the potentiality for demonstrating inspired vision; the possession of creativity as a type of medicine. Huizinga applies his theorizing to Roman cities. He determines all were built from a competitive, not practical, impulse in a supercial, not religious society. It was one living a game of culture. He says theaters and baths, the cult of the body, were enervating because "the playelement is very prominent here, but it has no organic connection with the structure" (Huizinga 176, 178). My interest, going from a background in ecology and design, landscape architecture and planning, has been to see what patterns people make in the environment. I have attempted to 28

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correlate my ndings with individual and cultural traits, specically looking for ecological indicators of healthy urban ecosystems. Ecologists Richard Karban and Mikaela Huntzinger produced a handbook for ecologists doing ecology. How to Do Ecology (2006) demysties the scientic practice. Starting from the realm of applied, eld, restoration and systems ecology, Karban and Huntzinger, explain the continuum of what seems to be normal to post-normal science. For example, they validate the exercise of "intuition" as a scientic reality and tool. They break from the notion of "objective science," as it is an unnecessary distinction. They acknowledge all science is a "subjective" process and human product. The phenomena of intuition ties Karban and Huntzinger to Martin Kemp, the art and science historian, critic and exhibit curator. Kemp has written of what he terms "structural intuitions." His theory is that at the origin of human situations and activities, there is, what we uncritically term nature, a spontaneous interconnection. With art and science that is what we attempt to see, to visualize, to keep in our knowledge. It is interesting to note that none but two of their 60 citations cross with the main line of landscape architecture, design and planning, history, theory and criticism discourse: Charles Darwin and Karl Popper. Karban and Huntzinger make natural science easy. In the end, they write ve necessary steps: respecting and rening the skill of intuition; test the observations with comparisons, alternatives; statistical inferences, generalizability, comes at the cost of realism (a function of scale, they say); do not get trapped by expectations, in research be opportunistic; communicate. 29

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Ecological Urbanism Published in 2002, Ecology and Design: A Framework for Learning is already a classic text for landscape architecture history, theory and criticism. The article in it by Anne Spirn, "The Authority of Nature: Conict, Confusion, and Renewal in Design, Planning, and Ecology," is an incredibly rich treatise out of several dozen included in the book. Another author's name in the 530 page book is Carolyn Adams, a practicing landscape architect. She is one who cites people such as Michael Zimmerman (environmental philosophy) and Deborah Winter (ecopsychology); people not inside design and planning theory. This serves as an example of the great lack of interconnected theorizing, although a bit happens in a recursive branching of various ecology literatures. Two other authors listed in the books contents, I mention for their educational advocacy, are David Orr and Michael Hough. Also, to convey the tone of the text. I trace back an interconnection from ecological urbanism, through landscape urbanism, into ecology and design as an -ism," too. Further back, I see urban ecology and generally, applied eld ecology. A sort of environmentalist's legacy, although surprisingly different from the disciplines of environmental philosophy and ecology literature, or similar. One of the main ndings of my dissertation research project has been the word and concept of ecologism. The legacy of environmental design intellectual traditions, broadly dened (rather than particularly) in this situation, mixed with environmental science, certainly qualies as an ecocentric discourse, if not an all-out ecological ideology. Generational changes in paradigms, priorities and vocabularies strongly effect the design and planning professions. Either as of knowledge production or its consumption, academicians and professionals from all elds engage in the project of keeping the body (or bodies) of 30

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knowledge at the front of their career (and personal) identities. Kristina Hill, for example, weathers more about a decade from her role as an editor of Ecology and Design to be a contributor in Ecological Urbanism (2010). So it is, theorists such as Sprin and Hill, their theories, that generate and continually regenerate what is often referred to as "the discourse in landscape architecture." However, I am suggesting it is more. To recognize and assert an "ecologism" in landscape architecture, for example, is a thicker, heavier concept than "discourse." Or, at least it gives to discourse an elevated status, more of a cutting-edge, from what it has been, how it has existed to date. Discourse is taught, vaguely, in landscape architecture. It is a valued pillar in the landscape architecture profession, often occurring in critiques Overall, publications and the educational process are the discursive mainstays. "Discourse" qua discourse does not emphasize an ecocentric paradigm, or ideology. It is not a commitment to ecological reasoning, as is ecologism With this said, perhaps ecological urbanism, encompassing ecology and design, is porous enough to absorb not only the site of Vienna, the method of museums, but also the activity and interests of ecologism. Designers are doing ecology. Ecologists are doing design. If ecologists are also doing urban ecology, then perhaps they need a city, a gateway to it and to take an active interest in their research. This dissertation project may reveal, if more than concur, that ecology in human-dominated systems is not a non-biased, quantitative, isolated endeavor. Spirn begins her article by setting the task for herself to clarify conicts and dispel confusion, for renewing the discipline of landscape architecture. By 2000, the self-critical tenant of professionalism, one of many causes developing through decades, had culminated in a dismal attitude, a full-tilt identity crisis for design and planning. Spirn and many of her colleagues in 31

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that era, their thoughts included with hers in Ecology and Design began to re-conceptualize, in positive (not necessarily positivistic) terms, the interdisciplinary disciplines. She writes that in 1969 the language in Ian McHarg's Design with Nature captured professional and public attention. Those revolutionary years included the ght to reclaim humanistic interests in the face of the prevailing technocratic. Landscape architecture, especially with ecological terminology and it as a scientic and artistic concentration, became entrenched in environmentalism (a holism mentality, as well as the political defense of "nature"). More than three decades have passed and McHarg's "Penn School" (University of Pennsylvania Department of Landscape Architecture [est. 1924, re-est. 1957], also PennDesign) lessons are on the increase globally. Spirn quotes McHarg as saying ecology is not just a science, it is a cause and aesthetic, but each aspect are not to be carelessly conated with the others. For McHarg, ecology is not only an explanation, it is a command (Spirn 37). Next, referring to the writings of John Dixon Hunt (his idea of the garden), Spirn reminds readers of "natures." There are a rst, second and third. An existential, a created and representations of the rst two phenomena. From here, she writes of dynamics and alludes to emergence. "[O]ne cultivates a garden with acknowledgment of unforeseen circumstances" (Spirn 41). In her article, "The Authority of Nature," Spirn gathers landscape architecture's essential myths, its history, theory and criticism culture, its vocabulary. "Language has consequences." She says, "It structures how one thinks and what kinds of things one is able to express" (Spirn 42). Of special note: McHarg, Spirn, Hunt and James Corner have been the succession of chairpersons leading the Department of Landscape Architecture at the University of Pennsylvania. 32

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! Another epicenter for environmental and cultural sustainability research and teaching, scholarly discourse and publication, is The Harvard Graduate School of Design. A recent example is the book Ecological Urbanism (2010). In it, the "Advancement versus Apocalypse" article by Rem Koolhaas sketches the notion of progress. He structures, then questions, an argument. Koolhaas uncovers assumptions and explains their contradictions. He reassures his reader that the picture is confusing, a tenuous structuring. Then he suggests tiny ruptures in "our culture [sic]," where the inherited faade, the givens were torn or torqued further, exposing alternative realities. More useful, allowing people to document and reconsider the reasonableness of their expectations. He makes the case that although there were exceptions, the mainstream architectural profession had been (is) particularly stubborn -turning against natural limitations for the sake of technological and aesthetic achievement. Koolhaas indicates it is where these concerns meet that a support for each had found traction. His chronology of big ideas includes James Lovelock (who had worked with Lynn Margulis). The Gaia Hypothesis stands for a shift in human consciousness, from the individual in the Enlightenment to the collective in the cosmos. Then Koolhaas makes mention of great thinkers such as Marshal McLuhan, Ian McHarg and Margaret Mead. He appreciates the depth of their discussions and conceptualizations of issues. Koolhaas especially praises the futurist and designer Buckminster Fuller. First, for his nature and network theorizations. Second for his to do the most with the least ethic. Fuller bequeathed on humanity models and icons, notes Koolhaas. Then he states, "[T]he market economy is not the only possible model of our existence" (Koolhaas 67). He raises the topic of how shameful it is when architectural professionals, much more than lay people, equate "environmental" with planting green foliage, rather than with responsible 33

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lifestyles, economic and political systems. The denition of greenwashing is included in the text, as if a sarcastic punch line. Koolhaas says architectural criticism remains supercial, a building to building dialectic, because the eld and its critics are basically -academically -incestuous (Koolhaas 69). What Koolhaas is hinting at is that an architectural practice exists that is about structures (arrangements, organizations, dynamics, ows). He is suggesting that a real advancement would be toward systems research and analysis. This is ecological thinking. It requires a culture (if less, a community) of ecological reasoning and ecological discourse. Once reading Sanford Kwinter's "Notes on the Third Ecology," the term "ecologism" nally made sense. In this, his contribution to Ecological Urbanism he does not use the word exactly. Knowing of the exact word, ecologism, came to me in a passing conversation with Michael Zimmerman, but I could not recognize the term. It was too vague. Nor could I reconcile the meaning of it (as it initially seemed to me to be something suspended between either na•ve ideology or blasŽ dialectics). Then Kwinter shocked me with his insights. I could relate to his examples. He writes of "existential ecologies." Briey, these can be cultural choices. He cites Alan Watts, Herbert Marcuse, Timothy Leary; among others. His point is to trace the environmental and cultural movement of the 1960s and 1970s in North America. This is his way of laying open an ecological logic. Kwinter mentions rhetorics and representations. He writes critically of the present state of the world, where devastation and suffering multiply in certain situations. More often in urban vicinities. The earth's carrying capacity is stressed by exponential human population growth. He continues. Something must be done to ameliorate the travesties. Kwinter argues for "ecological thinking." He suggests this will get humanity beyond political deadlock and economic apathy, 34

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concerning the voiceless resources and numb poor. His point is the modes for living of billions of indigenous people have something to teach the global elite: how to think as part of the ecosphere, not separate. One example explains that centrally planned and administered systems are too cumbersome to maintain themselves and that sustainability remains at the level and scale of diversication and dispersion. He turns to the examples of Lynn Margulis, traversing the virtues from the Gaian Hypothesis to Deep Ecology. Kwinter makes the point that cities are the human habitat. Now the stroke of brilliance he offers, as to understanding what an "ecologism" can be, is that people can intellectualize, create cultures, change paradigms. He says we must invent the future of the world, with genuinely new mores, myths and habits to transform the ways we live. My take is that an ecologism is the process of intellectualizing reality, prioritizing environmental issues, with empathy and compassion for ecosystems. Further, whereas Nina Lister operationalizes the terms of eld ecology for design, Kwinter operationalizes systems theory for transcending established religious and investor opposition to change. In the Ecological Urbanism article, "Insurgent Ecologies (Re)Claiming Ground in Landscape Urbanism," the author Nina Lister describes how ecology has become a main paradigm in design and planning education and professional practice. First, she clearly states that ecology is the science of living systems and it has been appropriated by landscape architecture as both instrument and metaphor. Lister says that ecology has been taken as the central vocabulary and language. She has been credited by Charles Waldheim (in a 2009 USC School of Architecture online video) as the source of the term "ecological urbanism." Although this legend is emphatically disputed by others claiming it as their neologism, ecological urbanism is probably Lister's critique of "landscape urbanism." Meaning that she advocates environmental 35

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conservation, preservation and restoration as a political determinant. Her citations include Gregory Bateson ( Ecology of Mind 1972) and Murray Bookchin (for instigating the political movement of "social ecology"). Whereas landscape urbanism emphasizes regional projects in landscape architecture and was said (reputedly by Rem Koolhaas in Mutations 2001) to have become the design and planning driving force of the twenty-rst century (outpacing architecture's long-standing lead role in project management and as the central concern of the allied academic elds). Lister cites Julia Czeniak and George Hargreaves as editors of Large Parks (2007), a founding text of landscape urbanism. Further, her mention of them is a ngering of inuence spanning decades in North America. Also, reaching to Great Britain, the Netherlands and lesser to Sweden, Denmark and Germany (at least). Bruce Mau's work is also mentioned in Lister's notes. Like his methodology, she writes that a holistic, integrative, perspectival mentality links the sciences with environmental interpretation, the relationship between nature and culture. Her silhouette of the scholarly theory and its application shows speculation and representation are strategies to resolve problems too complex for any one discipline to manage. All the while, Lister peppers her article, justifying design, with terminology from biology, climatology, geography, geology, hydrology and so on. She argues that political and cultural ecology moved past "the convention of ecology-as-nature preservation." This is admirable, she said, for learning and teaching "ecological literacy." Her overall stance seems rather uncritical of any pitfalls from blurring science and art, fact and ction, per se. She is won over for it. Discussion closed. 36

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Environmental Philosophy Interpreting Environments (1995), by Robert Mugerauer, covers several case studies displaying, making explicit, environmental thought. These are examinations of "world" through a multidisciplinary perspective. The notion of integrated environmental interpretation is explained, including the tradition of hermeneutics. Some of the main approaches considered together are cultural geography and contemporary anthropology as components of architecture, urban design, regional planning and landscape architecture. The foundation of the questioning presented here by Mugerauer is that the match between research methods and their resulting meanings are contested. He recognizes the powerful role of attitudes and language. His purpose is to articulate intrinsic meaning. He emphasizes the realm of human science, as the theory and practice of interpretation, for understanding social responsibility and ecological concerns. Mugerauer brings together lessons from such historical names as Martin Heidegger and Ludwig Wittgenstein. Perhaps, to summarize, these thinkers have delivered a discourse of critical self-understanding. Combined among them are themes of becoming, autonomy and technology. Issues of primacy, place and identity t within Mugerauer's portrayals. His presentation may be seen as positioned between literary composition and critical theory. The text makes some points about the importance of civic and democratic values. On this, Mugerauer quotes Frederick Law Olmsted. In regard to urban society and parks, Olmsted said, "[T]he pleasure of all others, all helping to the greater happiness of each" (Mugerauer 100). By this, Mugerauer presents the stance of a humanitarian, wherein he conveys that the notions of possibility, insight and inspiration are appreciated, no less than health and well-being. 37

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! The research and communication that Mugerauer has accomplished sets an example of how I generated a work that connects academic scholarship with a wider audience. He uses language and themes from culture, environment, phenomenology and interpretation to excite an interest in questioning values. I emulate the approach he takes in reaching breadth and depth of an argument. Mugerauer provides a philosophical investigation of ordinary places and events. His discussion makes it possible for readers to travel, a journey of ideas. In landscape architecture studio production, as well as in history, theory and criticism of the environment, we do this, too. It is often achieved through an illustration or model, also through storytelling and dialogue. The opportunities to communicate advance based on holistic knowledge and interpretive skill. Knowing types of "language," ways of applying them and a reason to do so, is what Mugerauer s text demonstrates. Like him, I have researched beyond any one university discipline. My intellectual leap has been from environmental scholarship to "museum" as a research approach and to interpreting city dwelling. Later becoming the forms of ethnography and mythography. I capture culturally distinct notions of ecology and wellness. To go between studio classes and popular publication is my later aim because it is a realm, an unsaturated area, in which much original scholarship is possible. In effect, I bring forward from each a benet to both. Michael Zimmerman and his writing partner Sean Hargens recently published Integral Ecology (2009), This book offers many options for engagement with environmental philosophy. Of particular interest is the holistic framework for application of ecological thought. A model is provided for identifying individual and collective values, as well as for conducting mixedmethod research. By operationalizing an integral theory, Zimmerman's integral ecology approach is multi-perspectival and multidimensional. This means that the interiority of an organism, its 38

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biological behavior and environmental situation are examined along with its ecological interrelations. In other words, the subjective, intersubjective, objective and inter-objective worldviews are continually kept in recognition. Integral thinking offers a way to proceed in research between the infamous dualistic polarities, such as positivism and anti-positivism, or science versus humanities. Kept in close association by it are the experiential, cultural, behavioral and systemic realms of inquiry. New mythologies may be analyzed, as well as the phenomena of interiority. My basic tactic is to use the model as a holistic frame for my eld research. For example, the subjective and intersubjective, objective and interobjective quadrants, the interior, exterior, individual and collective, can be populated with phenomenology, museology, biology and sociology. I carried this model, the concepts and an actual graphic, into the ethnography eldwork process. It became a cross-cultural communication device, as I asked my eld guide pointedly and the Viennese broadly about how they express "ecology." Summary In environmental social science, ecological urbanism more specically, there is a decit of conversation about appropriate humanistic, qualitative, academic methods for on-site research. Further, there is a decit in conversation about the sites of Central Europe and Vienna. My dissertation contributes a piercing view into doing eldwork and into the area of Vienna. I have purposefully weaved environment and human concerns with health and wellness perspectives. The unity has been instigated by doing phenomenological nature and culture research, relevant to urban ecology discourse. This method begins to meet my aims by combining Vienna with ecological urbanism. My aim is to enrich the store of knowledge pertinent to academic and 39

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professional design and planning, or landscape architecture. Most specically, from this knowledge and discourse base, I want to continue my research and teaching in history, theory and criticism of the built environment. I want to carry the knowledge outside of university constricts, making it available to the widest audience possible; collegiate and lay alike. The following sections and subsections of my dissertation offers a start. Although before presenting Vienna in its entirety, I must explain the research project's eldwork, analysis and documentation approach. In other words, at this moment I explain the research project's methodology. 40

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CHAPTER III RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Ethnography The preceding literature review has situated my research interests in many interrelated schools of academic thought and professional practice. Further, the literature directs my research procedures, in that a limited number of emphases become clearer than the uninspired majority possible. As you read on, you will see, I have succinctly addressed some easy and some not so easy to accept -the oddest -emphases. The surprising items, requiring the strongest insight to realize, are entirely rewarding original contributions to ecological urbanism and broadening into environmental social science. In response to David Orr's thoughts, I have considered if lessons can be learned from a place as it is already. My aim is to bring into discourse existing cases of human ingenuity and vital success. In non-positivistic optimism, I have questioned the present, involved in small, local historiography, social narrative inquiry, learning and transmitting languages and meanings, toward an environmental history, for the sake of health and it as a medicine. I search for success stories, examples of relief and coping. I do environmental scholarship; interpreting therapeutic qualities. Their potential in healing and motivation. Curiously looking into a human dominated system, I analyze, qualitatively and biologically, roles of phenomena such as of pleasure and fantasy. For example, what do or could personal identities and cultural narratives add to environmental sustainability? How can and why would ecology and creativity be examined together? Building on the intellectual base Johan Huizinga has articulated, about play and emotion, my research has been into the possibility of an urban landscape s effect in urbanity or urbanization. 41

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! Huizinga provides a model of historical and eldwork. He produced a speculative narrative as an argument, offering historical and contemporaneous case studies as his supporting evidence. In my dissertation project, I have emulated his method, further matching my work to the area of natural and cultural resource interpretation. I sought to document authentic and encouraging urban ecology stories. I have engaged the opportunity to work with notions of misunderstanding and misinterpretation. These are communicative events, potentially traced, leading to greater understandings, alternative meanings, humor, merriment and happiness. My point is to put forward a conception of this reality (ecology and design qualies as an ecocentric discourse, if not an all-out ecological ideology), enter and alter it. By paraphrasing a clichÂŽ, to reach my point (on the lack of interconnected theorizing of various ecology literatures and on an interconnection from ecological urbanism to ecology and design), it is on the intellect of Anne Spirn I stand. Her position (in educational advocacy) is of the mythological gure Janus: looking in and out, forward and back. Or, Spirn is like a Grannus; a font of wisdom, in regard to landscape architecture history, theory and criticism. In A Handbook for Scholars (1979), scholar and scholarly writing style mechanic, Mary Leunen, advises dissertation writers that "vitality is a greater virtue than unity" (91). Related to the methodology, one emphasis is the so-called voice of the researcher (Leunen 37 41). The obvious presence and purpose of the writer, me, is kept in the written document because all ethnography is a product of direct observation, as told by the researcher. For example, an ethnographer collects empirical evidence, transcribes oral histories and delivers a meta-narrative about these facts. Therefore, an evocative and analytical "autoethnography" is a normal feature of an ethnography; the ethnographic reexivity. Stories are constructed and layered within other 42

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constructed stories (Creswell Qualitative 10, 38, 185). This is how meanings are made for the reader; who is my concept "you" and your interests. This project's approaches, procedures, objectives, ndings and analysis are delivered in a combination of all rhetorical modes: description, exposition, argumentation, and narration. I lean on literary theory and rhetorical studies for its argumentation directives. For example, application of the notions logos, pathos and ethos. The point of leaning on rhetoric is not to let notions of validity or credibility interfere with producing and sharing a cultural portrait. The overwhelming complexity and investment necessary to produce an ethnography often limits or eradicates their fruition. Methodologists such as John Creswell and his sources recognize this problem of truncating ethnographic research and its dissemination. They suggest an ethnography in any form is superior to no ethnography. It is an acceptable strategy for an ethnographic narrative to combine perspectives: rst-, second-, third-person; subjective, objective and omniscient (Creswell Qualitative 171, 172 ). Generally, my research method could be referred to as "naturalistic" because I have tended to work with emergent reality in an uncontrived process. For this reason, misunderstandings and humor are not discarded, but strategically used to increase environmental and cultural understanding. As experiences arose, I noted their qualities. I described and interpreted interconnected meanings as they became clear. Further possible voices used are the implied, or the character (possibly unreliable or ctitious), narrators (Creswell Qualitative 168, 200 ). Thinking and writing with the full palette of techniques has allowed me to record the experience of excitement and to express the emotion of envy. Using this spectrum of techniques has encouraged successful, if not graceful, cross-cultural communication, especially in unexpected, uncertain and awkward instances. 43

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! In the ecology and design literature and in the ecological urbanism literature naturalistic and ethnographic methods are typical. Johan Huizinga and Sanford Kwinter are my prime examples. However, the theorists rarely, if ever, provide a distinct methodology. (An absence of method is considered by environmental social science research scholars to be bad form because the chain of knowledge, evaluation and application thus disconnects.) Nevertheless, my work is a continuation of ecological urbanism; in method, content and format. I provide an idealized image of an ecosystem and a people, a representative aesthetic of these qualities, in an original reference piece. The research and its documentation are compositionally holistic and informationally ecological. In order to produce the ethnography, I have chosen to keep art and science as one; being more inspired by poetry than by prose. The reasoning behind this choice is to assert invisible interconnections. Ancient history narratives, eld journals, travel logs and letters, biographies, epic and pastoral poems, herbals, oras and natural histories, encyclopedic knowledge and universal museums, documentary lms all serve as my conceptual models for the research project and dissertation's scope, format and communication style. My eldwork, a cross-cultural communication experience, has been informed by cultural studies and medical humanities, literary theory and narratology. Similarly, ecological urbanism theorists are inuenced by cultural studies and literary theory. (These shared intellectual lines are considered by environmental social science research scholars to be good academic form because the chain of knowledge, evaluation and application interconnects.) Having just elucidated the research project's conceptual orientations and transcription tactics, let us skip to specic eldwork procedures. My research assumptions (ontological, epistemological, axiological) are that all reality is "textual," "contextual" and "intertextual." 44

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Therefore, my research methods are essentially hermeneutical and phenomenological; crosscultural, object oriented, experiential and existential. My site and cultural descriptions interpret the experience of "discourse" as found events, or as "discoveries" from in exploratory eldwork. I attempt to make a culture "real" and "meaningful," so that we may understand an urban ecosystem, through intelligently interrogating, intellectually dissecting and suturing, the interactions of environment and people. This documentation is my perspective on some of the Viennese people's values, preferences, attitudes and choices; as evident in actions and artifacts. I have examined Viennese beliefs as they became revealed in behaviors, resources, infrastructures and institutions. Critical Discourse Analysis It is a useful mental schema to discern from its complex reality that in this research project there are at least four levels of discourse (with an interstitial blending between each). These levels are analyzed simultaneously in the narrative thread you are reading. When one thread of meaning is pulled, the overall dialogue is tugged too. The rst level of discourse in the schema is of environmentalism and environmentalist. Then, the research problem of "values to action gap" entwines the rst and second levels. Second level is environmental science (natural and social) in concert with the humanities (cultural and human). The research signicance (introducing Vienna and ecological urbanism) entwines the second and third levels of discourse. The third level is Vienna and the Viennese. Next, look to the dissertation's title, "Vienna As Ecologism: A Wellness Mythography." This set of key words makes obvious my intended relevance (entwined third, fourth and rst levels of discourse). Fourth level: health and wellness. 45

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! All these categorical labels and their interrelationships prop up a somewhat concrete vision in our minds of an otherwise entirely abstract discourse happening in the ecosystem, between the environment and the people, between the site and the published theory of sites, between the project researcher and the research reader. In the dissertation as a whole, when the sources and references are taken together, the authors (advocates) and texts (media) -the theorists and their theories -are referred to before and during, outside and inside, the eldwork experience. However, a special mention may help to clarify a distinction between the predominately North American and Western European perspectives I compare and contrast to Central European perspectives (Swiss, German and Austrian). Early in the dissertation, a western North American perspective and terminology is setup as the lens for investigation. Later, in the dissertation's progression, a Viennese ideology and vocabulary is constructed as the object under investigation. The research process is disclosed reexively, which is appropriate to critical discourse analysis and postmodern ethnographic methods. For my approach to the eldwork, imagine dueling ethnocentrisms. Each ethnicity exposes the other's faults. Denver is framed as "The West." Vienna is framed as "The East." In part, I started this tactic as an adoption of an idea I heard of and learned about in Vienna. The Viennese treat North America and Americans as objects. As the West. Their own native perspective on the street level is known as "Middle Europe" ( Mitteleuropa which is an old, ideologically loaded [militant], term. Not the same as the contemporary politically ofcial term "Central Europe"), wherein the Viennese acknowledge having ample involvement in and engagement with the East. At the street level there is a somewhat anti-Western mentality. 46

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! In my research, as a representational trope, Denver and Vienna are positioned as "false" antipodes ( near polar opposites). Vienna is positioned as the "exotic" (in an "othering" process, for expedient conceptualization and documentation). Vienna as a somewhat "peripheral" culture (exhibiting the foreign and strange). Somewhat ironically, with bathos and allusion, I have extended the existing discourse on the "Austrian identity." Rhetorical strategies in research and writing are suggested by ethnography methodologist (Creswell Qualitative 172, 198, 200). A tting rhetorical exegesis device, given the site's inherent themes: sophisticated and exquisite versus barbaric and primitive. This narrative jumps and skips across the "noble savage" and other stereotypes, because this is the "true to life" way the ethnographic experience emerged. As many researchers have done and still do, I usurp worn ideas of Vienna. I do so in order to view a Viennese ecosystem. I appropriate a Viennese culture, a typology, for the possibility of an improved understanding of the city. The city's ecosystem. By making "alternative" meanings of the existing tropes. Aspiring to benet environmental science and the humanities. Especially adding a mention of Vienna to the roaring ecological urbanism discourse. As an example of the relevant critical discourse analysis themes and approaches, refer to Robert Beaugrande (specically: enviro-politico) and to Anton Pelinka (specically: socio-politico). At the intersection of these established scholarly voices and among similar, I insert my contribution, "Vienna As Ecologism." Interpretation and Representation An ethnography is an interpretive device. The practice and product is employed to uidly join humanities (imaginative, creative) and human science (material, subjective) perspectives with natural science perspectives. For achieving personal, cultural, biological, social and 47

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environmental studies. In other words, achieving ecologically oriented research results. Rich description, verisimilitude of experience, is the foremost aim. A sort of construction project. The manifestation of a complex, varied, representative reality. Although a natural science trained ecologist may not have been taught the history and literature of ecology from a humanities perspective, it is important that they encounter the disciplines deeper origins and broader implications. Whereas in biology classes, for example, the emphasis is on the study of organisms from an objective perspective, doing ecology does not stop there. For example, ecologists have beliefs and these must be explored by the ecologist, as they affect the research. Further, doing science can be mixed with emotional biases and political agendas. It makes the science more valid to acknowledge these sometimes intangible inuences. The prime example of faulty reasoning in ecology is in regard to the discipline's founder, Ernst Haeckel, who was actually, to some degree, a Romantic charlatan, like his contemporary, the storyteller and showman Karl May. Both are known in Vienna, in part, as examples of their era's "wishful thinking." Doing science and telling histories that are miraculous, or perhaps "magical" and tending toward extravagance (circa 1880). Haeckel's work, from a German cultural tradition and nationalist paradigm, was taken by National Socialism as an aspect of their ideology. For an ecology and design oriented synopsis of this predicament, refer to the Anne Spirn source cited, "The Authority of Nature." Presently, ecologist must sort through the historic biases that come with the so-called scientic practice and that may remain within it. This is a description of the arena where research and teaching "ecology" are entangled with spirituality and politics. These issues have at least a small hold on any discussion of environmentalism. 48

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! Research into environmentalism invariably leads to confrontations with extremist perspectives, either for or against environmental paradigms. I have taken the attitude that political extremism on a mass scale is environmentally unsustainable because it leads to violence which is destructive of the environment. My research is into how people can choose effective environmental lifestyles and policies, by maintaining an egalitarian and democratic fashion. The term "ecofascism" is relevant to ecology research, in that the scientic discipline, the political, social and lifestyle movements, also known as ecology or ecological, have been made extremist by some people (either for or against its various conceptions). The term is not only a polemic, it makes an intellectual space for discussion about the real threat of totalitarian political ideologies and aggressive factions. In actuality, extremist tendencies appear more generally than in the connes of any one discourse. Although acted out in the opposite, extremism is less of a social ethic than it is a persuasion tool. My experience of being in Central Europe and of reading about its contemporary political temperament is that ideas of, if not fascism, then totalitarianism, are present. In Vienna, for example, the tragedies of World War Two are always a current topic. With extreme, somehow illogical thinking, comes a wide array of attitudes: from jest to sorrow, from denial to support, from intellectualizing to muteness. A xenophobic perspective is one aspect of a Viennese culture that has not been eradicated. I have found that some attitudes often associated with a supposedly conquered National Socialists paradigm are, in actuality, an ordinary sort of "Germanness" or "Austrianness" found in Vienna today. For further clarication on these subjects, consult studies authored by Pieter Judson (1993) and by Ruth Wodak (2009). It is my opinion that the historic and a contemporary "denazication" are worthwhile goals and theories, however illusive in 49

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reality. The backlash to anti-Nazi laws, or to an anti-German sentiment, are persistent by some types of people. There are many authors who have written about the term "ecologism." Although Michael Zimmerman brought ecologism to my attention, along with other words, such as "noosphere," it is Anna Bramwell who claims to have coined the term in her book Ecology in the Twentieth Century (1989). In her book Fading of the Greens (1994), Bramwell says this and that the term means a doctrine of political ecology (2). She says she was, at rst, referring to pre and post World War One mentalities. I have followed this line of thinking made by her. However, I want to distance my dissertation from a confrontation with the complexities of National Socialism, of which she is a scholar. I am not a scholar of National Socialism because that is a topic spreading far beyond my focus and expertise. I have started from an empirical interest in aquatic and plant ecosystems. Because of doing urban ecology, my research turned to include empathy and communication. Further, I have not referred to many of the other authors critiquing the term ecologism because I do not subscribe to their denitions of and discourse about it. These people think of ecologism as an end, whereas I think of it as a beginning. An act for reclaiming the "excluded middle." By an inclusive, integrative, sustained debate. To me, the term identies a means to knowledge management. For me, ecologism is an ecocentric dialectic. A biological ethos, but not militant activism. But, for people like Nina Lister (possibly), Brian Baxter and especially Andrew Dobson and David Orton, their extremist decisions are already made. These people have argued for action over nished thoughts. I assert theirs is a totalizing, rather uncritical stance. The topic's conversation must proceed indenitely because the circumstances are always in ux. Our knowledge is incomplete. Like me, John Marzluff and Sanford Kwinter call for science and 50

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humanities to be brought together as urban ecology. They seem to take a cue from Edward Wilson's book Consilience: The Unity of Knowledge (1998). I argue, this is the capacity of ecologism. As I do, Charles Waldheim uses the term ecological logic, which can be seen in a landscape urbanism presentation he made (in a 2012 Yale online video). Mythography Environmental social science includes my areas of interest and expertise: design and planning, urban ecology, landscape architecture and ecological urbanism. A literature review I conducted, covering recent developments in this domain has revealed that contemporary Vienna, is a relatively unknown entity within the associated English-language academic publications. The so-called discourse. Therefore, this dissertation provides an experiential, street level reconnaissance of today's Vienna. Examining the Viennese as found. Already a "bourgeois" German-Austrian identity construct. Communities of interest are -the "Viennese culture" is -given a descriptive account, in a seamless narrative style. It has been produced upon reection of a six year inquiry on the topic. Including thirteen months of research in the eld, spread across a four year duration. The qualitative research approach I have used to make meaning of and for understanding Vienna as a human-dominated ecosystem is basically "ethnographic eldwork" and "ethnography monograph." Methodologically, disciplinary associations already unify contemporary ecological and anthropological theories with ethnographic eldwork. An established precedent for such urban research is the historical Chicago School of Sociology. Similarly, I build upon the current research careers of John Marzluff, Anne Spirn, Rem Koolhaas and Sanford Kwinter. Whereby 51

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natural and social science concerns have been investigated by including humanities interests and methods. I repeat, the utility of ethnographic research is that sciences and humanities are unied. My study includes a "long-duration" ecosystem immersion, a naturalistic approach to and reporting of touristic participatory-observation, conversational semi-structured interviews and interpretive critical analysis. Some terms I use coincide with social psychology. I have focused on notions of embodiment, sensory and poetic experience, play and humor. My researcher's bias is to explicitly depict ecological health and wellness, as successful mentalities and strategies for living. This resulting dissertation is a depiction of a Viennese human, cultural, social and natural ecology. My original experiential research is intended as a contribution to environmental social science. An interdisciplinary emphasis in history, theory and criticism of the built environment. I take-up the recognized environmental problem of a values to action gap. An apparent behavior in societies worldwide. Primarily, I am familiar with a North American culture. Utilizing naivetÂŽ as "critical distance," I entered the Central European milieu as it is a possibility for discovering alternative examples and alignments. How do the Viennese express ecology? I found the Viennese ecosystem is overwhelmingly representational. The national and city government are responsible for much popular media. The city markets environmental civic, among other, values. Their continuous cultural communication results in a Vienna as mythic landscape. I explore, and document write and analyze these myths. I endeavor to see through illusions and propaganda. Viennese culture sometimes resembles magical realism. Imagery usually thematizes the human body in a harmonious relation to its surroundings. The Viennese inhabit a traditional, but alternative sort of infrastructure, constituted for enjoyment. Specically, "inclusive museums," "public baths" and "wine gardens." No less, the nude human form is a pervasive political motif. 52

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! After acknowledging this cultural detail, it is plain that the Viennese express ecology in two major ways. First, as an ecological logic or biocentric political ecology. In another word, as an ecologism. Second, as a biological or ecological aesthetic. In contemporary Vienna, a main societal trend is "environmental mainstreaming." Possibly, a cultural trait that effectively reduces the inefcient discrepancies common between people's attitudes and actions. My dissertation's argumentation is made by "listing" maybe a hundred sensorial examples, in recognition of Vienna as an example of a political ecology and of its environmental mainstreaming trend. In the eldwork process, my empirical ndings have been veried by library texts, Internet searches and general knowledge sources (encyclopedias, dictionaries, atlases) in German and English languages, such as the Wikipedia, Vienna City Government and The Vienna Review websites. I also consulted general information websites, such as wien.at, aeiou.at, austrian-forum.org, tourmycountry.com and wien.info; Google Search, Image, Maps, Books and Translate functions. During the course of my project, the availability of promotional, historical, demographic and geographic information added online outpaced and stripped away the necessity for me to include the already published elements. Therefore, this dissertation is created in harmony with Internet search techniques, Basically, every phrase and each word are search terms. This text has been envisaged as a dynamic component, extension of digital information sharing. Assuming the document is accessed and viewed in digital format, clarifying denitions, statistics and maps are a few maneuvers away. I have shaped this research document to make an original contribution and to take place among other documents in an unlimited, available continuum of knowledge. Further, the dissertation has been validated with the project's Viennese guide, "gatekeeper" and "informant," Isabel Termini. Most of the stories I have documented were hinted to me by her. She showed to me the places described. Some of the events occurred to her 53

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or to us while we were visiting. My "immersion" into her city is the subjective essence of this ethnography. From this basis, I objectied details, as many as possible, related to the research question. Through extensive textual, contextual and intertextual analysis. A fact-checking semiology. These details became the lived evidence. Sort-of listed. Divulged in my dissertation argument. Upon scheduling my initial trip to Vienna, ordering an itinerary, my research plan was oriented toward observing the city's infrastructure. My main thoughts were about fresh water resources and delivery. Waste water collection and treatment. Perhaps mineral, thermal, healing springs. I was interested in learning the nuances of regional healing traditions and terminology. Lower priorities, but still of interest to me, were plant ecosystems. Especially orchards and regional medicinal herbs. However, one day I disagreed with my guide's tour agenda. In retort, Isabel Termini trumped my reasoning by saying something like, "You should try to see Vienna as do the Viennese." I was skeptical. I doubted her advice. Until a month or more passed. Then I began to lose my North American academic bearings and grasped to gain a genuine understanding. Local explanations for the onslaught of my unfamiliar experiences. A Central European citizen's inclination. Therefore, my itinerary and research plan were altered, somewhat, toward conducting rst-person encyclopedic research of the city's museum, bathing and wine cultures. Soon after, it became indisputable. My eld guide's advice brought into focus a Vienna I would not have seriously noted. Although, by the sheer quantity of so-called data, facts available to study and synthesize, this has been the better course for generating knowledge. An evaluation rubric for this ethnography ought to include three principles. An authoritative contribution is made. Original eld observations are translated from one culture to another. It is reasonably 54

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realistic. Possibly useful. Beyond these intellectual effects, the story ought to have an aesthetic effect on the reader: an entertaining resonance. More than 50 characteristic photographs are provided to illustrate my rst-person experience of contemporary Vienna. These images (gures) are indirectly linked, often delinked from the dissertation's words. Not a one-to-one correlation. Rather, they provide an additional level of interpretation. Giving a visual "feel" for the site, beyond the written description. Both empirical (veriable material) and sensuous (sensory phenomena). Participatory-Observation and Semi-structured Interviews By accident, my research confronts, or is confronted by National Socialism in many ways. Starting with my natural science research interests under the terms "ecology" and "soil" and "region." Continuing in the terms "sustainable," "culture," "Central Europe," "Austria" and "Vienna." Not stopping before the terms "health," "care" and "being." Strategically, I have chosen to not write about World War Two, National Socialism or racism in this dissertation. I include this note to assure the reader that as a researcher I have become fully aware of these issues in relation to environmentalism, history, theory, philosophy and academic scholarship. My delimiting choice is based on keeping the dissertation's focus on a phenomenology of contemporary ecology. An area I practice in my set of expertise. My interests lean toward physical geography and biology. Including cultural geography, political history, insofar as required to understand and effect present environment (plant ecosystems, wellness) and resource (tness, nutrition and medicine) management. For the social history of fascism and environmentalism, the scholarly sources of Anna Bramwell, Janet Biehl, Peter Staudenmaier and Michael Zimmerman are intense. Also, see some sources surrounding the philosophy of Deep 55

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Ecology. However, a caution. I see many texts available seem to be based on partial misreadings and misinterpretations of other texts. The discourse is often ill informed. Taken to erroneous extremes. From a personal perspective, I do not limit the notions of environmentalism or ecology within its historical predicaments. My stance is related to notions of potential. Of the human animal, interspecies existentialism, intrinsic value, carrying capacity, geo and biochemical diversity, quality of life and the art of doing science in our time and in perpetuity. For more on similar environmental ethics, refer to William McDonough (in a 2007 online video). Simply stated here, his mission is to protect the young of all species, at all times (McDonough Cradle 186). In Central Europe, by my experience of it, the anti-immigration attitude is more politically charged in the popular press than is the pro-environment front. My estimation is that in recent decades more support has been and will be going to socialization issues, rather than to resource management. Initially, the key informant and eldwork guide, Isabel Termini, showed me the landscape of Vienna. Not much after the start of my eldwork, she insisted I center the Viennese perspective in my research. She volunteered to be the voice of the contemporary Viennese. After our tours and conversations, I continually substantiated my direct observations with cultural, factual, empirical and material "texts." Examples also found in the eld, based on Termini's tips. The project was initiated and conducted as a textual hermeneutic and experiential phenomenology (like grounded theory), an interpretive case study with an area orientation. Only after the completion of the eldwork did the dissertation become an ethnography. 56

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CHAPTER IV SYNOPSIS OF FIELDWORK Reference to Figures 1 through 60 In Vienna, there are many Catholic holidays and an extensive amount of time for people to be off of work. Labor unions are strong lobby groups that argue for people's rights. Stores are closed in the evenings and on Sunday. Postal mail is not delivered on the weekends. Schools are closed many weeks around the year. One reason is stated to be for energy consumption reduction. Refrigeration and heating are used sparingly. It is a cultural norm for families to stay together in their free time. The average attitude is accepting. Very old, often dusty and broken items (are repaired, if needed) and kept in common use. A main standard is for minimal packaging and purchasing. Waste resources are extensively sorted and salvaged. People typically precycle (reduce), recycle and reuse. Effort and pride is placed in gathering people and simply enjoying themselves socially. Multiple generations of families live together or nearby, rarely moving residences. It is common for related people to work together in business, as well as voluntarily in gardens and vineyards. Their leisure and tness activities. From this, the products are shared in smaller portions and at affordable prices. Simple gift sharing, on a constant basis, aids harmonious communication and keeps up a low key cooperative spirit. A political tool. People often move slow (patience is continually exercised) because the Viennese expect life to stay much the same as it was yesterday and before. The main Viennese habit is to t within the traditions of Vienna, rather than to disturb them. These are techniques for the Viennese to survive within their regional 57

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environmental carrying capacity. Other cities and nations could learn tips and tricks from the Viennese mode. In Vienna I was able to interview Isabel Termini director of education and interpretation in the Vienna City Museum. I made a series of video interviews and documentaries of her telling the history of Vienna. We toured Vienna and the surrounding region extensively. I attempted to live her lifestyle. I had access to her cultural library and photographic archive. From these experiences and the agglomeration of information that accumulated in my mind, I wrote notes. Then I conducted further, detailed research independently. In an attempt to describe and translate the eldwork from European "tourism" to American "art" and "science." She introduced me to Wolfgang Kos, director of the Vienna City Museum and Wolfgang Dvorak, of the Vienna's MA 18 (the city planning department's public relations division). We talked. Also, I spoke with professional resource interpreters (visitor services, mediators, docents), museum curators, activists, actors, artisans, designers and editors: Edith Fridrich, Karin Skazel, Judith ParthŽ, Angelina Hofrichter, Anke Weber, Andrea Glatz, Susanne Winkler, Michaela Adelberger, Ingeborg Schwab, Johanna Reiner, Katarina KrŸger, Christian Rapp, Elke Krasny and Waltraud Barton. I interviewed Lutz Musner of the International Research Center for Cultural Studies (in Vienna, everyone says this as "IFK" for Internationale Forschungszentrum Kulturwissenschaften ). In Sweden I interviewed Helena Friman, freelance curator who had worked extensively in Vienna. These people offered me their expertise in Vienna and city interpretation. They volunteered with me and I with them professional and personal opinions in conversations. We shared an intersubjective/interobjective meaning making process. Our "reciprocity." 58

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! I learned to communicate slightly more than pleasantries in the Viennese dialect. English is commonplace and the Viennese want to practice their language skills by speaking English with Americans. Doing so became my role and duty. I was able to interview vintner Josef Umathum about viticulture and agricultural history in the "Vienna Sea" region (in German, the word See means lake). A one hour's car drive east of the city. Umathum is an expert on biodynamic farming. The vicinity was once home to Rudolf Steiner, an integrative philosopher, especially known for founding anthroposophy. Umathum's region is the historic Pannonia and the archaeological excavation site of Carnuntum is north of his vineyards. His wine is sold in Vienna. Northwest of Vienna, along the Danube River, I was able to interview organic farmer Sepp Mantler about soils in relation to grape growing. The estate has been operated by his family for 200 years and before that it was established by a catholic monastery. We also discussed grape varieties, harvesting techniques and cultural traditions (preservation versus innovation). Mantler's region is the historic Noricum and southwest of his region are the archeological excavation epicenters of Hallstatt and Willendorf. Mantler's wine is sold in Vienna. A Research Intent Between 2006 and 2008, while working as a teaching assistant at the University of Colorado, I wrote and presented a paper at The International Conference on the Inclusive Museum. In the paper I proposed that cities are ecosystems and any can be construed as an ecology "museum." The article was published and as a result of the presentation, I was invited to conduct research in Central Europe. Isabel Termini, from the Vienna City Museum, who is interested in various "inclusive museum" (rather than "exclusive") concepts, sponsored my 59

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research agenda for thirteen months on site, distributed across four years. She made an entry way for me into her city from which I could start my eld research. During that time, I contributed my scholarly and professional insights to her museum programs. Together we wrote some exhibition content and published a dozen articles or more from my research while it was in progress. She participated in my research as the key informant and has reviewed my representation of Vienna and the Viennese. She corrected many of my misunderstandings and advised me to delete some content. I did eliminate a few of my observations. However, I have kept a couple points she would have had me remove. My aim is for telling a certain story by relying on my own interpretation of some peculiar facts. Vienna and Wellness It is a mazy clichÂŽ in Vienna that in Vienna "tradition is everything." The fact is, there exists an actual codied caricature of what is Vienna and Viennese (Figure 1). At least one codex is ofcial, widely available, tracing the unending layers of political history as has been situated in this region. I am referring to the regionally important Felix Czeike cultural compendium, Historisches Lexikon Wien (Figure 2). Another codication of the Viennese civilization and its citizens goes like this: the social collective, a self-structured construct, is a mutual reinforcement between the customary and the popular. At points the singular "ofcial" and "social" participatory or perspectival representations of Vienna and the Viennese overlap, blur and blend (Figure 3). My evaluation is "Vienna" and the "Viennese" are not only a real place and people. These words are also used to conjure mythical fabrications of ideal types. For example, much of what the Viennese built environment offers and what the Viennese people do in it is explained as a result from past conditions. For example, in Vienna, if both a pleasant and an unpleasant 60

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comment are made at once, both positive and negative mottos are attributed to the society as it remains a residual of a monarchy. To feel this effect, imagine. There is a real presence in Vienna of both sincere and feigned courteousness. A bit of Viennese humor ( SchmŠh ). The people say it is a habitual act to which the Viennese are fated. Like the biographies of past royals: at once, very good and very bad (Figure 4). This traditional system, it is said, causes excuse-making, which has risen to a form of local art. Including laissez-faire (anything goes) and n-de-sicle (everything unraveled) postures, which are demonstrably rened. To see the effects of traditional culture, I noticed how Vienna and the Viennese have pervasive motifs, which inuence the dense collective of people (Figure 5). The rudiments of Vindobona, what is now the collective spirit of Vienna, has been established for approximately 2,000 years. Its infrastructure and culture reects a long-term aggregation. Settlement patterns ingrained anthropocentric concerns. Therefore, the city is maintained as a bastion of human values (Figure 6). By many standards it is a world-class city and a pivotal destination for "well educated" persons. Countless history lessons are reinforced by a random walk through this human-dominated bioregion (Figure 7). Museum facilities are one manifestation by which to organize the destination city and most populace state of Austria (Figure 8). Of about 100 museums in Vienna, at least 10 are purely city-state institutions. Others are partially state corporations. Museum buildings, billboards, brochures and catalogues are unavoidable. Along the street sides are tall barricades and bollards carrying gigantic, grandiose promotions for museum exhibits (Figure 9). In every cafŽ or shop there are racks of brochures and free papers that repeat the memorializing messages (Figure 10). The public realm is state owned and operated (Figure 11). Vienna is a highly controlled environment. To a great extent it is a centrally planned urban ecosystem. The government 61

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inuences the cultural identity (Figure 12). The city's planning department has a public relations ofce to promote physical, economic and cultural development. The planning department keeps an active exhibit space and publishes guides and reports, visionary content as much as critiques (Figure 13). The city, state and national governments coalesce as one in Vienna. Also, it is an administrative center for global relations. Austria and this leading capital among many countries thrive. Especially as a social market economy, administered as a social democracy. "Government" is the norm in Vienna. The quantity of cultural, social and environmental services, demonstrates this collective schema. The city's website expresses all the legitimated concerns of being Viennese (Figure 14). In the Viennese media, every personal and societal need are made as if reciprocal phenomena. The plentiful work force in the public sector afrms every existential angle of living in the city is managed with care. Not a fully capitalistic democracy, competition and independence are lesser factors in Vienna than are social connections and cooperation. An employee's employment is protected and therefore programs may be managed slowly, yet reliably. The plentitude of divisions on the city website represents this situation. If a person is uncertain about their identity, the public realm in Vienna provides a variety of stereotypical options as lifestyle scripts. There is no timidity or vagueness about what a person, government, society or culture ought to be. This is not to suggest that there are no contradictions in Vienna. There are, however, most permissible customary roles are symbolized for consensus. Patterns for personality, attire, behavior, preferences and environs are made visible. The private sector is tame in comparison to the public sector, although each mirrors the other, in general (Figure 15). It is "tradition," some expression and continuity with a highly reputed past, which unites a Viennese with Vienna. For 62

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example, there are traditional graveyards and garden retreats throughout the city. These are a mere two instances of how the built and social environ are in synchronicity. The Viennese income is highly taxed, which is collected to pay for a rich realm of benets. The Viennese infrastructure is as much social as physical. It is as much economic as political and as public as private. Vienna is represented in "print." It is an image on paper, or on the Internet. Same for the Viennese. In not so many words, the people, their activities, are scripted entities. Somewhat like the Vienna Woods. A greenbelt northwest of the city. Or, the banks of the Danube. Two ecotones frequently used as markers of "Vienna." The Viennese are commonly qualied. As either tamed wilderness, or natural sophisticates. The Ecological Affect In Vienna The Viennese love to look at themselves (Figure 16). Vienna is a narcissistic community. In this era, the archetypical Viennese is somewhat unkempt, disheveled, teetering to and fro, always between culture and nature. In the media, as in the urban landscape, swimmers and swimming facilities reveal the human animal in its habitat. Not only the provision of public bathing and recreational facilities is important. It is the "bathers" that are central to this Viennese tradition. The welfare architecture and engineering are inspiring, but more so is the human body. Especially when more or less naked. In Vienna, the nude sunbathers and sauna fanatics are a proud emergent force. Naturist and naturalism occur rst biologically, environmentally and on a social, cultural continuum. Here, the current, let us say international secular trend of spa holidays and weekly tness regimes, gains the aura of a sacred ritual. A ceremonial effect offers an immediate, unspoken solidarity among the Viennese and triggers a sort of zealous worshiping. Just say the words, "sauna" or "sonnenbad" to start a frenzy. Enthusiastic acknowledgment of 63

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worth, acting in adoration and reverence, are the escutcheon of this all around gifting, giving, expressive culture. In any case, a less than perfect body, which is the most common appearance of one in reality, is nonetheless reminiscent of a perfect body. Through the bathing culture and the Viennese infrastructure of pools, every person may feel divine, as would a god, hero or saint (Figure 17). No conception of humility or shame is perpetuated in the Viennese bathing scene, since it is every beast's right to sense their body, among all the other bodies. In this observable, immersive, common attitude, it is as if we, the living, are having the good fortune to be alive. The enticing sensuality of swimming and the necessary facilities for doing it, are most accessible through photography, ne and commercial art. It is the image -the aura of sun and fun, water and wine -that remains ever present. More than the actual acts and artifacts. To this day, the real life scenes of aplomb bathers, in repose on poolside lawns, often matches the "idyllic" Ivo Saliger paintings (circa 1940) of strong nudes. Individuals and groupings of vacant, pale women in riparian landscapes. Sometimes included is a stern, tanned man. Saliger's works, as a Viennese artist, are titled after Classical Greek and Roman myths. Known by such evocative names as Paris, Diana and Leda. Further, the symbolism is brazenly sexual, sexist and racist. Created in the era of National Socialism. However, the images remain pertinent now in understanding Austrian concepts of the human-dominated environment. Recognizably gestural. She preens freely among her envious sisters. He stands near center. Arms crossed behind his back. Regional traits. An impressive fresco like this remains in the colonnade, above the entry, at Thermalbad Bad Všslau. "Der Kurort" swimming facility south of the Vienna Woods, on the "thermal line." A sulfur spring and vineyard region (already 64

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known of in Roman times). Although, this mural, in a style similar to Saliger, is by Maximilian Eugen Roth, circa 1920. As do the swimming pools, Vienna's vineyards represent the urban nature of the Viennese. Palpable and potable are wine garden and drink. Along with the bathing facilities, grape farms and wine taverns are mappable entities that shape the Viennese ecosystem. The contemporary mythic Vienna is a euphoric, ambrosian paradise. In this era, white wine is favored over locally brewed beer. To partake in wine (grown, produced and consumed within the city) is treated as a Viennese birthright and is a sort of cosmic holy communion. In Vienna, for the Viennese, every glass of wine with water is a semi-religious expression of immortal, sacred union. For the local version of Catholics and all other sorts of people as well. Although remaining undened in the narrow scope of this dissertation, in a list of standard objects, behaviors, events and attire, bathing and wine would mean "this is Vienna," or "I am a Viennese." In Central Europe (Austria, Germany and Switzerland), "environment" as "essence" is unwaveringly a measure of business. In Vienna, it is standard that business follows government, which is in turn led by the will of the voting citizen (Figure 18). This is the social democracy's social market economy. In this seemingly practiced and theorized image that I have manifested, the Viennese people do not divide themselves from the concept of "being nature." A "human versus earth" division is unstressed (Figure 19). In Vienna, it appears as if the environment is held as a common concern of near equal importance for everyone. I speculate that this is because the Viennese society is structured for collective maintenance and communal benets. Also, that the government of Austria is purposefully not kept entirely distinct from inuencing the business sector. Therefore, ofcially, the prevailing Austrian attitude is one of ecological appreciation, 65

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rather than of environmental commodication. The distinction I am asserting is of an ecological attitude. One way of people to live in the world is to exist, function beyond ecological thought. However, in Vienna life is lived another way: to inhabit, dwell in an ecosystem. A monism (Figure 20). That is the ultimate revelation my work offers, or at least concurs. In Vienna, the environment, the ecology of the city, is what people are. This is a mentality made more clear by the moniker "Vienna is different." It refers to an environmental and cultural interconnection. The phrase means Vienna offers a distinct life style. One that is alternative, slower, uid. "Vienna for you (friend)," another city marketing and social values slogan, underlines the cooperative attitude for being Viennese, which includes social and environmental responsibilities. These phrases are more or less propaganda for the city government's administrative plans. "Vienna the future" promotes urban ecology amenities for the Viennese. Cultural ideals are embedded in these plans. The institutionalized messages are ever present in Vienna. Therefore, every person eventually learns what it is to be Viennese. To be in Vienna entails a relentless acculturation experience. Many people visit Vienna. A new arrival may perceive an exaggerated pronunciation of the ofcially, or culturally, welcomed behaviors. The expectation of how you can be Viennese is set by the city's marketing agenda. Who you are in Vienna is shaped by the social and environmental traditions. The built environment affords a certain type of living, a type of person and society. As much as the Viennese culture is conning, it is empowering. If you want what is offered, there is plenty to enjoy (Figure 21). Public amenities for body and soul, trump private space (inside and out). Most actual options for human potential are visible, to be emulated. This 66

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city is an overwhelmingly visual atmosphere (Figure 22). Art images transcend the museum walls to mingle with people in the streets (Figure 23). Vienna is a living room and play space. People inhabit the streets as frequently and condently as if they are in a parlor. Their urban arena is a mental and physical home. Plenty of provisions are for staying around together, rather than for individuals speeding through. Culture is absorbed. Often the art and people are imitations of each other. The difference between what is contrived or articial and what is emergent or organic is lost. For example, an archaic or neoclassical sculpture of a god often enlivens the ordinary events and people with a mythical spirit of place (Figure 24). It is no coincident the Viennese dress and pose, act and speak proudly. Another prominent disposition. The Predominant Organism's System Assembly The Viennese landscape is created for mental and sensory stimulation, no less than it is for collective shelter and cooperative convenience. A bold appreciation for communal living is central to being Viennese (Figure 25). The design and planning of Vienna is conducted on this basis. So, to be Viennese is to have a group appetite. To be Viennese is an act of blatant indulgence. It is these "Viennese" I say are "Vienna." Much of the urban ecosystem happens beyond lofty monetary goals. Free, shared and inexpensive leisures are on the indigene's standard menu (Figure 26). The prevalent philosophy of life in "Vie" is that expensive jewels, or rare delicacies, can never obscure the value of a contemplative walk or conversation with a friend (Figure 27). It is said there that this is how Vienna is different from other world cities. For nearly a thousand years of continuous human history, Vienna has been cut and parceled in reference to battles and suffering. These stories ll the timeless archives. 67

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! Now, natural (voluntary), environmental (encompassing), organic (emergent) and biological (living) provide a greater continuity for this adaptive and adjustable establishment. In the present era, a traditional environmentalism and current social ecology are positioned as healing and regenerative forces. Media tells this story. Vienna is the life-worlds of individuals and their collective existential experiences. Notions such as "natural," "environmental," "organic," "biological" and "ecological" are becoming main cultural philosophies for Vienna. These are comparable to Classicism, Romanticism and Catholicism. The urban ecosystem is evolving, developed as a sophistication of art and faith. Deferring to the environmental, or synonymously to the ecological, context is a cultural pillar in the Viennese social market economy. Environmentalism is a large leg of the social democracy. Vienna is more than operas, waltzes, pageantry and pathology. Better, it represents an ecological logic. Or, an "ecologism" (valuation system). A reasoning, rationale, made by people for people to acknowledge and discuss living in accord with environmental priorities. The use of the term ecologism is meant to centrally position an environmental valuation, intentions and methods, into a cultural philosophy, rather than to strictly defer to religious doctrine, or to formalistic rules of political debate, or to use only psychological themes in analysis. An ecologism is representation of/for environmental discourse. Vienna and the Viennese are fodder for an ecological urbanism divulgence. To be alive connotes life, a biological state. The natural and cultural social environment of Vienna is a system meant to support living. As an ecosystem it is structured by homeostasis, symbiosis and succession. The species diversity appears severely limited (Figure 28). Sightings of birds and mammals, any animal species other than humans, is rare. Nutritious and protective 68

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habitat for wild life is mostly excluded by the humans from the old central districts. Aquatic species, other than human and water fowl, are not obvious except in a vivarium, in import food shops and perhaps in the Danube zone. Plant species seemingly offer the ecology most of its genetic vitality. However, the assortment of plantings kept is nearer to a monoculture than to a primeval forest oor. The elevation of Vienna is low, precipitation is high, the temperature range is moderate. Many crow, some pigeon and few squirrel mingle among nearly two million humans. European Union statistics are available to show that the quantity of registered passenger automobiles in Austria is one per two people. Trafc congestion in Vienna is pervasive, although it is a pedestrian city, offering a thorough public transportation infrastructure (Figure 29). A bicycle share program and major transit oriented development projects are possible measures for the quality of life. Bad environmental and human health are indicated by the accumulation of air pollution on dry, still days, by the high frequency of cigarette smokers and the state maintained tobacco shops. Good human and environmental health, as an evidently reciprocal process, are the frequent and lush graveyards (Figure 30). They are ever present, as if a key indicator that a parasitic relation to humans is an important niche (Figure 31). Similarly, the vacation garden cottages can be noted as complex sub-regions, with distinctly opulent, pointillist ora and fauna (Figure 32). Albeit, these agglomerated microcosms, fully functioning beyond the purview of this report's adjacent framework: cabanas and lounges to taverns and benches. Soothingly, the city of Vienna is comprised of some massive blue-green territories. Expanses of chlorophyll, another sort of patina, contrasts a gurative sea of stone-brown cobbled pavers and the gnarly sooted-concrete of baroque facades. Remnant hunting grounds and palatial 69

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lawns are key examples of biotic recharge zones. The expressionistically spray painted terrain surrounding superblock public housing seems less densely occupied than are the minimalistic cultural facilities' fountained plazas and museums districts. In each administrative district the city government maintains outdoor and indoor pools (Figure 33). Many are in operation all year. In addition to the treated water pools are the healing (thermal and/or mineral) facilities, which are partially or completely manifestations of public infrastructure. The pool facilities are primarily for human enjoyment, recreation and sport. Individuals and families frequent these alternative and often wide open spaces (Figure 34). It is not only the water, varied atmospheres and room to stretch that attracts people to these archetypical cultural artifacts. The weak circulation of air, variegated presence of sun and strong social dynamism point to nuanced characteristics underlying vibrancy of the Viennese swimming culture. Since the humans of Vienna have ample opportunity to be in various stages of undress at "the baths," I posit that the frequently seen nude images and gures represent environmental and human health (Figure 35). The body is a political communication device (Figure 36). Politics in the guise of art, advertisements and pornography. Political messages and promotions. Nudes attract attention to any product. Any cause. A quotidian persuasion technique seen applied in Vienna. The pervasive nudity in Vienna (also slight drapings, slink and slipping) denotes a vigorous, proud, indomitable life style quite typical to the Viennese (Figure 37). The body is imbued with a mythic status and signies an attitude in some ways celebrating the health possible in Vienna (Figure 38). The naked form of a satyr, hero or god, reects to the city's people, their ideals or value systems (Figure 39). In the same manner, images of wine, bottles, barrels, presses, cellars, vines, grapes, 70

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vineyards, farm houses wineries, the farmers and their families, represent some of the most worthy Viennese phenomena (Figure 40). The measurable vineyards and winemaking happens in a few suburban districts, sleek and leafy neighborhoods that contrast the craggy hardscape of Vienna's heart (Figure 41). Whereas some streets are thoroughly pastiche, lined with twin, triplet and quadruplet wine taverns, others streets offer one stray dive. Nonetheless, local wine is available in nearly every establishment across the grape growing region. Most astoundingly is the unavoidable presence of the idealized, mythologized images of the wine drinking culture that always holds a place for a remembering of the Viennese ecological logic, or ecologism (Figure 42). As it is with the image of the human body, it also is with the image of the grapevine (Figure 43). In Vienna, these are secular, however inspiring, state funded icons. The image of a Citybike speaks nearly the same message, but not so clearly (Figure 44). The ultra regional persona is summoned to command attention when the body presented is an organic grape grower. The Viennese ecologism, the unique, implicit ecological cultural phenomena, possibly communicates that to live properly, fully, is to do it all with condence, pleasure and environmental awareness, care taking, guardian and stewardship. Figures interpreted as body, hero, personality and leader "cults" are notable. Further, there is a sort of secular "ecology cult," or cultural ecology, quite palpable in Vienna. One component is autarky, that is the notion of keeping an economically independent government. The body, the grape vine and local farmer represent autopoiesis, or a nearly spontaneous emergence, which is the hallmark of nature. Ideally, these "autochthon" (autochthonous people) are self-made, self-reliant, self-sufcient, self-healing and self-sustaining (Figure 45). They represent us all, as if we are each wild spirits, 71

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partially releasing ourselves from being bound in civilized predicaments. This romantic realism keeps alive Viennese "noble savage" and "survivalist" traditions, as well as the contemporary social, political, economic and ecological order. The existing established patterns. In application, the motifs are not entirely burdened with overarching regulations. For example, the whole of any myth is not actually controllable. "Myth" as well as "ecologism" are potentially egalitarian, democratic, durable, transparent, reusable containers, per se (Figure 46). The Viennese traditions, political and economic policies, mark an "us and them" mindset. "We are a social democracy and social market economy," say the twenty-rst century Viennese. "We value our resources and assure their perpetuity." Many Viennese are skeptical about reforms and cling to didactic folk customs (Figure 47). Wine production is an example of the establishment. Vineyards, wineries and the wine cellars in Vienna are owned and operated by the collective city government (Cobenzl), the Roman Catholic Church (considering the Melker Stiftskeller, Stiftskeller Klosterneuburg and possibly the cellars, if not inns of Augustiner Keller, 12 Apostelkeller) and private citizens, such as families (Ambrositsch, Hajszan, Zimmermann). Much of the contemporary wine promotions do continue upon an authentically archaic vini and viticulture (Figure 48). Although it is also true the tradition was nearly extinct until the recent few decades. Long ago there were religious and ruler restrictions placed on wine (Figure 49). Then there was the devastation of vine stocks by a louse. After the world wars, a quality scandal halted the wine making craft. In Vienna there have been eras of coffee and beer (both from imported raw materials). These synopses are of routine histories. It is informative, at least, to acknowledge possibly fabricated aspect of the emerging, current myths that aggregate Viennese culture. Such 72

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as they are, grape growing, wine drinking, public swimming and sun bathing have had in and out phases of customary cachet. Still, the ecological logic or environmental philosophy of the Viennese, emphasizes a bold naturalism that undergirds civil society. It is appreciative of tradition and of purposeful innovation. Specically, it is a culture for social self-reliance. I argue that considering Vienna, as if it is an ecologism, contributes to an understanding of what is environmental mainstreaming (Figure 50). "Mainstreaming" is a social justice reform movement meant to include the excluded. Exactly like the "inclusive museum" concept. By extension, ecological justice begs for an "environmental mainstreaming." Viennese city government employs social values marketing techniques in support of correcting ethnic, age and gender-based discrimination. I suspect the same techniques are applied to environment and resources management. So it is, the infrastructure of Vienna consists of swimming pools and grape growing. Such facilities form an urban ecology. The ecological infrastructure that comprises Vienna also consists of ephemeral images that suggest a cultural mythology, emphasizing a naturalism. Accordingly, collectively writing contemporary Viennese myths enables people to draft environmental philosophies that may be in turn "marketed" back to the Viennese, in support of their economically self-sufciency policies (Figure 51). The Viennese philosophy for living may be seen to resemble ecological economics, a strongly biased conception and practice of market and scal policy, as well as nance that prioritizes environmental health and human well-being. The Viennese consume their own products, such as information and wine. This qualies the city as an autarky (Figure 52). By standard denitions, an economically self-sufcient, independent government can be an ecological economy, if it is meant to service health and well-being. 73

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! Here is a tness rumor, frequently heard among the Viennese. It is that wine grapes, grape seeds, grape seed extract and grape leaves are mostly valued for their medicinal properties. Included in the health effects of wine is its conviviality-causing intoxicating effect. A typical Viennese would say, with a chiding smile, that to drink two glasses of wine per day is good for people to do. Vienna's wine production and consumption culture is certainly an ecological economic social structure, since it is maintained, at least in part, on values of environmental health. Along the same logical lines of analysis, the pools and baths promote human health. A mentally revived, physically restored and socially enhanced citizenry is well suited to maintain political order and its economic system (Figure 53). This reasoning explains human wellness, a factor in environmental health and a supposed ecological well-being. The term "ecosystem" means, to some degree, an economic unit. The system must "prot" enough to sustain itself, or it becomes extinct. The units costs, in some sort of averaging, must be less than its benets. Vienna is a wealthy city, this proves to some extent that their prized social market economy is a viable construct for a human-dominated ecosystem (Figure 54). Academic scholars who research and write about natural and cultural sustainability issues occasionally invoke the potential for humans to mirror biological functioning (Figure 55). For example, a plant cell respirates, a leaf transpires. So, mimetically, perhaps a culture for natural sustainability breaths (Figure 56). Perhaps a culture for sustainability exhibits both an environmental determinant and a wavering indeterminacy, such as the contemporary mythology of Viennese sun worshipers and contented drunks (Figure 57). Perhaps a culture for sustainability is uninhibited, assertive and humorous, as this mythography of Vienna makes a way for us to think of the Viennese dominated ecosystem (Figure 58). 74

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! People in Vienna frequently know of a song that suggests a person or people may pass away, but there will always be wine. However, a paradox of the song deserves to be mentioned, which is that if the Viennese always keep vineyards, then Vienna will always be. The mythologizing of Vienna can, without a moment of discontinuity, include a motif that Vienna has more or less always been and will always be (Figure 59). The Viennese routinely beckon a prehistoric, Celtic, Greek and Roman lineage for authorizing their contemporary ways of being and doing. Examining the contemporary ephemera available everywhere in the city also makes clear the Viennese are willfully manufacturing an environmentally sound future (Figure 60). Therefore, I argue that Vienna, characterized as an ecologism, offers the worldwide academic community of scholars a prime example of an extant permaculture. 75

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CHAPTER V PULLOUT CENTER SECTION Color Plate Folio Style Street Level Vienna, Figures 1 through 60 Figure 1 A typical street level perspective in the old-style Viennese grape-growing suburbs This streetscape is similarly seen in Neustift, Salmannsdorf, Nussdorf, Josefsdorf or Sievering, Grinzing and Heiligenstadt. The Viennese say, "tradition is everything." Viennese culture is synchronic (eternal: undivided, long-lasting, all at once). Meaning it is made to emphasizes intergenerational stasis, rather than unprecedented innovation and dynamism (Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini, 2012) 76

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Figure 2 Referencing ofcial concepts, Vienna codied Always turning to precedents is a Viennese museum method. The society's cultural interpretation is based on continuous ofcial referencing. Here, the concepts of Vienna, the legitimized customs of the Viennese, are codied in a six-part set of cultural dictionaries by Felix Czeike, c. 1995. A clichÂŽ saying I once heard is that a totalitarian state has an ofcial history and a democracy does not. The concept is a useful start in raising questions about Viennese society. Their collective mentality, ways of living and built city (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2009) 77

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Figure 3 The heroic, progressive, utopian and liberal "New Man" statue is an expression of emergent embodiment, social reform and self-mastery This statue, a civic reminder, is located in Vienna's Third District. Found among the foliage, in a plaza of a large-scale social housing complex. The "New Man" is an enlightenment and socialist ethical concept, also mentioned by Carl Schorske in Fin-De-Sicle Vienna: Politics and Culture circa 1980 (Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini, 2011) 78

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Figure 4 Evidence of Vienna's regional "icons" and "personality cult" tradition An image of a Roman Catholic Church devotional card. Ofcially, this is Kaiser Karl, circa 1918. The last Habsburg monarch. Since 2004, he is known as the Blessed Emperor. Ethnographically or mythographically, he is similar to a "holy" and therefore "healing" king. We see in Vienna a culture where the concept of "healer" remains fairly normal. The local language refers to mystical notions. One example is a saying, "the King's weather." As if a monarch effects blue sky, warm sunshine and bird songs. Another example is a standard reference made to the Austrian nation being an "economic miracle" (Copyright Act of 1976, 17 USC Section 107 [fair use for research]; Accessed on Google Image, 2013) 79

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Figure 5 Connection with an ancient settlement An image of contemporary "Old Vienna," or Innere Stadt, taken of the street level experience, as it is near the Hohe Markt and Am Hof. These two sites represent the Viennese connection with the ancient Roman settlement known as Vindobona. As an example, on Sterngasse a relic "nymph stone" still marks the location of what was a "therme." Another word, "lagerbad" (military legion bath). A facility is known to have existed in the era of 250 CE. According to a city map and legend available at the Roman Museum, this bathing complex was at today's street location of Oberzellergasse 16 18 (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2009) 80

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Figure 6 Image promoting social values This ephemera or artifact turned my attention to the distinct types of messages conveyed in Viennese media. In this case, a refreshing and friendly image distributed by the city of Vienna, placed on lifestyle news paper covers and billboards. It is promoting more than water. It is a reminder of the societies value system: One, Viennese state planning. Two, an ecological ethic and lifestyle. More than any other fact, the "pure" resource of Viennese water, the waterworks, are symbols of the local community's binding cultural identity (Copyright Act of 1976, 17 USC Section 107 [fair use for research]; Accessed on Google Image, 2012) 81

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Figure 7 Viennese ecosystem Here is a snail with a shell. Mollusks, especially brown slugs without shells ( Arionidae ), are indicative species of Vienna's temperate and humid, oceanic climate. The frequent rain water feels very soft on the hair and skin. Streets and lawns are usually damp. In Vienna, spring arrives late and summer leaves early. Because of Vienna's oceanic climate, the low night temperature feels coldest at about 10 PM. Unlike in the continental climate of Denver, where the high and low temperatures rise and fall sharply and the coldest hour is at about 5 AM (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2010) 82

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Figure 8 Museological eldwork A street level image representing a museological, mythological and ethnological research approach. The museum establishes the background and the city's "green" artifacts are positioned in the foreground. Also, it shows the Vienna City Museum as a eld research starting point. A means to enter the city and to meet some of its contemporary "communities of interest" (Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini, 2010) 83

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Figure 9 The government inuences the media, an ecosphere The main Viennese advertising, information and cultural venues are owned, at least in part, by Vienna (the citystate). It appears that to a greater extent, the government inuences the types of messages conveyed in the region. In other words, the mediasphere (city marketing) possibly initiates and maintains a noosphere (cultural mentality); an ecosphere (political ecology). When thinking along these lines, we may begin to see Vienna's ecological logic, or a Viennese environmental conscientiousness (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2009) 84

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Figure 10 Free information in the Vienna City Hall Free brochures, news papers and magazines dene Vienna. These are widely available, especially at the tourist information ofce in the Vienna City Hall (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2009) 85

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Figure 11 The realm owned by a state corporation The Viennese public realm is, purportedly, ofcially owned by the city-state. Most media venues are managed by a state corporation, Gewista (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2009) 86

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Figure 12 Vienna guide Presenting Isabel Termini, a Vienna City Museum guide. Here she interprets the city's recycling infrastructure. By traveling with Termini, her acting as my key informant, I was able to study contemporary Vienna's ecosystem and the culture of people I have determined to be ethnic Viennese.' Literally, not ironically or derogatorily, identifying with the notions of "young," "bohemian bourgeois" and "the creative class." My notes are of the oral history of their contemporary local lore. By my direct observation, I propose a purposeful cohort of these cultural creative types is active in Vienna. The "intelligentsia" are doing city marketing. They express "tradition" as a mix of museum exhibits, swimming pools and wine taverns. These people are structuring the regional culture and infrastructure through lifestyle choices. The character, attitudes and values of these Viennese effect the structure and dynamics of the urban ecosystem (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2009) 87

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Figure 13 Public relations events venue The city's planning department has a public relations division. Here we see their exhibition venue (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2009) 88

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Figure 14 Lifestyle is available Free information denes Vienna. Here, cultural and lifestyle guidance is widely available on the city's website (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2009) 89

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Figure 15 A provocative promotion for Femen The so-called "nude" or "topless" political activists, an organization of protestors led by provocateur Inna Shevchenko, was invited to Vienna by the Green Party for a Women's Day event in March 2012. Also, she attended a Viennese exhibition of winning World Press photos in October. This poster of her demonstrating is a contest winning image taken by Guillaume # Herbaut. It hung on a wall at a bus stop, under the Otto Wagner GŸrtel. In the same season, throughout the city, the Leopold Museum promoted its sensationalist "naked men" exhibit. In the same year, museums in Linz, Paris, London and New York presented the social theme of nudity. A trend (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2012) 90

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Figure 16 Museum ephemera represents the culture This Vienna City Museum ( Wien Museum ) exhibition poster represents the swimming and sun bathing culture of Vienna. Viennese drinking water is celebrated for its high quality. It also is known to have a high mineral content. Bathing and swimming in this "hard water" appears to and can be sensed as making hair and skin brittle, scaly, dull and coated (Copyright Act of 1976, 17 USC Section 107 [fair use for research]; Accessed on Google Image, 2012) 91

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Figure 17 A public bath, stereotypical denition Imagery of a healthy father, leading his children through the cold air at a public bath. The water is not very warm, either. Rarely, if ever hot. Nonetheless, this scene represents a common cultural activity: swimming. Here we see a stereotypical family and a cultural denition of "hero" (Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini, 2011) 92

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Figure 18 Political philosophy, explicitly ecological A contemporary political leader and future culture hero? A representative of an environmental philosophy, explicitly for the values of ecological urbanism? Advancement of a Viennese ecologism? Potentially yes. Meet Maria Vassilakou. This is a Green Party image promoting the Viennese Green Party's Vice Mayor and Deputy Governor, since 2010 (Copyright Act of 1976, 17 USC Section 107 [fair use for research]; Accessed on Google Image, 2012) 93

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Figure 19 This is how the Viennese express ecology A villa's custom made fence wraps around the form of a tree trunk. It is a highly visible, artistic, almost comical gesture. Certainly thought provoking. Found in Vienna's Nineteenth District, on Obersievering. Located along a busy pedestrian pathway, among vineyards. This is an aspect of the culture's existing biological and ecological aesthetic. The Viennese are known to be aesthetically oriented, rather than scientic or technical. Consult author Carl Schorske's Fin-De-Siecle Vienna: Politics and Culture (1980) for more about the traditional perspective (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd and Isabel Termini, 2012) 94

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Figure 20 An image taken in Sievering, evoking the green between sacred and secular A continuum of representations and belief systems is the Viennese norm. The regional environment consists of traditional high art, living landscape materials and popular culture functions. These usual elements, perhaps life itself, are seen as (or are locally portrayed as being seen as) harmonious, rather than in a contest (Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini, 2012) 95

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Figure 21 The state Oberlaa Therme: a therapy, swimming and Roman-type bathing complex. It is a public facility, produced in part by the state corporation Wien Holding (Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini, 2011) 96

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Figure 22 Design Week exhibits taverns Design Week (co-directors Tulga Beyerle and Lilli Hollein) is a city-wide event, including venues, experiences and exhibits. Here we see an ephemeral, contemporary interpretation of the classic wine tavern. The designers (Binder Mayer) created a fantastic, or magical realism, atmosphere (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2010) 97

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Figure 23 Contemporary transcendence In Vienna, event marketing is a pervasive use of print media. Here, a contemporary representation of transcendence. The imagery mixes the romantic, erotic, esoteric and ecological. Another example of Vienna's tendency toward magical realism (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2010) 98

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Figure 24 Unearthed genius loci This image is of a thumb size Roman genius loci carving. The head is broken off a missing body, c. 200. Unearthed in the Am Hof. Now on display nearby, in the city's Hoher Markt, a Vienna City Museum subsidiary, known as the "Roman Museum" (Copyright Act of 1976, 17 USC Section 107 [fair use for research]; Accessed on Google Image, 2012) 99

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Figure 25 Harvest event, an entrepreneurial winemaker In Sievering, the grape harvest is often a festive social event. Here we see a shared meal on a historically authentic and privately owned vineyard, now subleased by an entrepreneurial winemaker, Jutta Ambrositsch (Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini, 2010) 100

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Figure 26 Wine A summer view over vineyards from a "new-wine tavern" ( Heuriger ), in the Nineteenth District of Vienna. These locations and facilities are an example of the "wine culture" infrastructure. According to my Viennese informant, this scenario is quintessential. Three generations of women -a family -enjoys the sunset (Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini, 2009) 101

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Figure 27 Garden oriented to local customers This image depicts a privately owned business (Ambrositsch) making a wine garden. It is in a somewhat abandoned, half hidden space in Sievering. The gardens are often located behind big wood doors, in courtyards surrounded by buildings. This one is temporary and has an irregular schedule of open hours, but is specically oriented to local resident customers. The masses of international tourists, who are bussed into the district, are ushered into the established, obvious and large taverns along the main streets (Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini, 2011) 102

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Figure 28 In Vienna's Nineteenth District We see a pathway leading between vineyards to a family owned grape farm and "wine tavern." The Viennese landscape reies a traditional, agricultural, biological and ecological aesthetic (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd and Isabel Termini, 2012) 103

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Figure 29 The center with a vineyard This found ephemera is produced by city of Vienna. A map representing Vienna's public infrastructure. The brochure is for a mass transit route as it connects the urban center with a city-owned suburban vineyard. Among the vines, walking paths can be found. They may lead to wine taverns. Some are permanent and others are temporary (Copyright Act of 1976, 17 USC Section 107 [fair use for research]; Accessed on Google Image, 2012) 104

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Figure 30 Rather lush ecologies A grave marker detail, representing the Viennese infrastructure of burial grounds. Among the countless stones, these subsystems of the greater human-dominated ecosystem hold rather lush ora and fauna ecologies compared to the remainder of the city. For example, large quantities of assertive gray and black crow ( Corvus ) arrive from Russia, it is said, in late autumn. The graveyards appear to be a suitable habitat -seasonal hunting grounds -for them (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2010) 105

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Figure 31 Widely posted burial services system, memorialization On Krottenbachstrasse ( stra§e ), an example of the widely posted Perikles sign. I found it to represent a partial privatization of a state corporate burial services system. Also, it represents the associated graveyard infrastructure, as kept for culture hero memorialization (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2009) 106

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Figure 32 Remnant of the Reform Era A garden cottage, possible remnant of the Reform Era. Here the structure and its plantscape represents the Viennese social democracy's traditional values of health and welfare. Places for recuperation and leisure activities. Also, it is a representative of the garden cottage infrastructure; extensive ecosystem patches strung along the edges of Vienna, where the urban spaces intersects open spaces (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2010) 107

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Figure 33 People inuence the urban ecosystem Schafbergbad is one example of the city's public swimming pool infrastructure. Also, a manifestation by which we may see how sun-loving people inuence the urban ecosystem: an ofcial "bathing city" policy was initiated in 1968 (Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini, 2011) 108

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Figure 34 The Kneipp fountain This water feature commemorates a historic children's pool, which was once established for bathing in the TŸrkenschanzpark, Vienna's Eighteenth District (Copyright Act of 1976, 17 USC Section 107 [fair use for research]; Accessed on Google Image, 2012) 109

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Figure 35 Representing medicine A mural representing illness, suffering, death and healing. An allegorical depiction of medicine, also known as Hygieia (from the Latin) by Gustav Klimt, c. 1900 (Copyright Act of 1976, 17 USC Section 107 [fair use for research]; Accessed on Google Image, 2012) 110

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Figure 36 The Priessnitz fountain This water feature commemorates a historic healing spring and bathing facility, once established in the TŸrkenschanzpark, Vienna's Eighteenth District (Copyright Act of 1976, 17 USC Section 107 [fair use for research]; Accessed on Google Image, 2012) 111

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Figure 37 A pervasive system of city marketing, kept visible Here we may see a private corporate advertisement, as presented in state corporate media venues. A pervasive system of values and city marketing are kept visible on nearly all public infrastructure (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2010) 112

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Figure 38 The streets mainstreaming heritage Private and public media mix in the streets of Vienna. Here, we may see sexuality, sexism and gender mainstreaming issues. With these, possibly a classical heritage and a nude sunbathing culture. In effect: social, political and economic values are continually exhibited throughout the city (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2010) 113

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Figure 39 A representative of contemporary Vienna The Viennese actively associate themselves with the ancient regional settlement known as Vindobona. Here, kept in the Roman Museum ( Ršmermuseum ), is a bronze gurine of Mercury, c. 200. Anpproximately 12 cm tall. Possibly a patron divinity, or sort of military Lar (Copyright Act of 1976, 17 USC Section 107 [fair use for research]; Accessed on Google Image, 2012) 114

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Figure 40 Equipment This is a unit of winemaking equipment, seen at the entry of a private winery (Hajszan). The vineyards, cellars and taverns of this business are within the city of Vienna (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2011) 115

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Figure 41 Sunning and drinking on "The Berg" My Viennese informant tells me this image is of a stereotypical leisurely Viennese Sunday. The people are sunbathing and wine drinking on the Nussberg (Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini, 2011) 116

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Figure 42 Public housing, public works art On a Krottenbachstrasse ( -stra§e ) public housing complex faade, we see an example of public works art. A low-relief fresco by Ferdinand Kitt; c.1955 (Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini, 2011) 117

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Figure 43 From the vineyard, a depiction of what it is to be Found high upon a house faade, visible from the pedestrian path that passes alongside of the Zimmermann family vineyard, is this depiction of what it is, metaphysically, to be Viennese. Here, we may see -be reminded of -a cultural essence. The ideal is memorialized graphically. The artwork's media is known as a pictorial inscription, low-relief fresco; c.1955 (Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini, 2011) 118

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Figure 44 Infrastructure The Citybike public access system is noticeable on the street level and among the institutions of Vienna. The free maps, other advertisements and free/rental bike stations suggest an alternative infrastructures (like status quo sanitation and transportation). The Viennese landscape can be "measured" by bikes, vineyards, taverns, sunbaths and saunas (Copyright Act of 1976, 17 USC Section 107 [fair use for research]; Accessed on Google Image, 2012) 119

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Figure 45 Human and environmental health, an expression An image from "The Desire of Women," a contemporary lm by a Viennese director, Gabi Schweiger. This ephemera is meant to depict human and environmental health. Also, as an associated expression of enjoyment. The stereotypical Austrian theme of an "alpine overview." When arms are raised in an inclusive gesture, as if absorbing the sunshine, it is a frequent cultural motif seen in art images, some centuries old. This bodily prole is similar to the "happy human" International Humanist and Ethical Union logo. Further, my claim is that the "free body culture" is a serious political paradigm (Copyright Act of 1976, 17 USC Section 107 [fair use for research]; Accessed on Google Image, 2012) 120

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Figure 46 Cooperative A promotion of Vienna as a grape growing and wine drinking region. It is posted on a tool shed, along a pedestrian path, near the Zimmermann family wine tavern. The logos are of the city government and its subsidiaries, a reminder of local "ecological" values: cooperative organic agriculture (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2011) 121

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Figure 47 Cultivating a sort of social ecology Predominately pedestrian pathways cross through Viennese vineyards. Now connecting neighborhoods that were once separate villages. This sainted column, probably topped by a Virgin Mary icon, represents the mainstay Viennese values: "ecology" in concert with "Austrian Catholicism" (Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini, 2011) 122

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Figure 48 Housing types mingle with vineyards In the Nineteenth District of Vienna, Dšbling, many vineyards grow along wide-open hillsides, into denser populated valleys. This northwestern quadrant of the city's edge is the location of most well-known Viennese "wine farms" (Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini, 2011) 123

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Figure 49 In Heiligenstadt, the Probius mosaic It commemorates the Viennese grape growing and wine making tradition (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd and Isabel Termini, 2012) 124

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Figure 50 Large political billboards like these are seen along the streets of Vienna's suburbs In the Austrian-German language, the word "bio" means "organic," as is said in American-English. The Austrian Green Party promotions often keep a radical, high-strung political tone. Wherein, the Greens regularly confront environmental and social issues. Shown in these images is the federal ofcer Eva Glawischnig. Posters such as these, from all political parties, form the contemporary Viennese streetscape and the mainstream culture (Copyright Act of 1976, 17 USC Section 107 [fair use for research]; Accessed on Google Image, 2012) 125

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Figure 51 North of the Danube Vienna's city-owned large-scale vineyards are marked on the Bisamberg. The city's Cobenzl grape farm and winery, plus other types of urban agriculture ventures, are now in an expansion phase (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd and Isabel Termini, 2012) 126

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Figure 52 Catalogs, the Viennese identity Museum ephemera, such as brochures, posters and exhibit catalogs, interpret Vienna and the Viennese identity to a global audience (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2010) 127

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Figure 53 Ecological and biological life An advertisement for a professional convention to be held in Vienna. The organizations are the International Society for Sexually Transmitted Diseases and the International Union against Sexually Transmitted Infections. Topics included are epidemiology and prevention, social behavior and health policy. The expressive promotional art used here appears to have been created by Egon Schiele (circa 1915). Much tourism into the city is from conferences. During eldwork I never heard of or saw medical information in Vienna about sexually transmitted diseases. A notable absence. As if any discussion of illness could mufe the fun and protable reputation promoted by the Viennese for Vienna. Further, vitalism, faith, hygiene, welfare and eugenics have all had a disreputable entanglements with National Socialism. A local attitude lets discontinuities in the wellness myths go unspoken (Copyright Act of 1976, 17 USC Section 107 [fair use for research]; Accessed on Google Image, 2013) 128

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Figure 54 A view from the Nineteenth District's vineyards Here, rst, is a view of Die Kaasgrabenkirche. Meaning, roughly, "the cheese-water church" (sited above a [hard water] mineral spring). The source and its ow, documented in Roman times, has since its naming long ago, become extinct. Second, the urban "terroir." It extends toward the "historic center" of Vienna (Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini, 2011) 129

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Figure 55 Swimming the Danube A view into a naturist swimming area. The Danube River represents the human-dominated ecosystem of Vienna. Coexisting species include many birds. Also, in forested, swampy sub-regions of the waterways, such as the Lobau and Wiener Prater, horsey ( Tabanidae ) infestations can arise in late summer (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2009) 130

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Figure 56 Self-caring Vienna is a social democracy and a social market economy. It appears that the Viennese indulge in the pleasure of living. This is an image depicting a self-caring, contemporary urban ecology. Supposedly, the people of Vienna have chosen to create this leisure time, health and wellness, swimming infrastructure (Photograph [used with permission] by Isabel Termini, 2011) 131

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Figure 57 Politicians are represented as cultural heroes Here is Michael HŠupl, the Viennese Red Party's Mayor and Governor, since 1994. Before this position, he had earned a doctorate in ecology and was a researcher in the Vienna Natural History Museum. HŠupl is portrayed as jolly, but sometimes strained; as if he has over imbibed (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd, 2009) 132

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Figure 58 A view to the northwest of Vienna from near the city's center The Vienna Forest is shown along the hilltops. At lower elevations, the hills are also covered in vineyards. This image is taken from a waterside cafÂŽ ( Motto am Fluss ) on the Danube canal. The cafÂŽ has a "boardwalk" style, appearing as if an anchored in-place "boat" (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd and Isabel Termini, 2012) 133

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Figure 59 Popular pattern represents traditional ethos Often in red and white, but not always. This image shows the most popular checkered pattern for vintner shirts and jackets (especially in the "land-house mode"). It possibly represents, in a personal and social context, a semi-traditional ethos of the Viennese. In part, the weave may be of Celtic heritage; expressing a rather naturalistic legacy, emphasizing a Central European grape growing and wine drinking culture. These jackets and other monotone blankets are kept available in many Austrian and in Viennese businesses. Since these items are important to have in reach when going for a look in deep wine cellars and for sitting at outdoor tavern tables in cool weather (Copyright Act of 1976, 17 USC Section 107 [fair use for research]; Accessed on Google Image, 2012) 134

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Figure 60 On the Bisamberg The Bisamberg is an urban agriculture zone; north of the Danube, but still in Vienna. It was especially signicant in the past. Also, current plans suggest a resurgence and diversication of local crops for the near future. This billboard installed along the walking path, near the high point, promotes Austrian agriculture and gastronomy (Photograph by Michelle Shepherd and Isabel Termini, 2012) 135

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CHAPTER VI ENVIRONMENTAL CUSTOMS Inclusive Museums Entering an unfamiliar "world-class city" for research requires a strategy. Mine has been a rst-person, experiential approach, to pursue a baseline understanding of Vienna, Austria, as a human-dominated ecosystem. The chance to do so arose from initially engaging with Viennese museums. Specically, to start, the Vienna City Museum. Not merely observing the tangible structure of museum building and the historical artifacts, but more with the intangible infrastructure of knowledge, knowledgeable people and their connections to the larger region. Museums are, in part, communities of interest. I positioned myself here, among Vienna's curators. The people who care about Vienna. Communities of Interest For several hundred years, or more, Vienna has been developed to be and recognized as a cultural epicenter. The museum and tourism infrastructure, the culture industry, has long been established. One hundred or more museums exist. Whereas, according to Vienna in Figures 2012 statistics, the resident population is about 1,732,000. Ten or so of these museums are entirely funded by the nation and/or its economic and political capitol, a district much resembling a "citystate." As many as six and a half times the number of visitors tour Vienna each year as live there full time. It is a global destination for education and entertainment, economics and politics. There is not one Vienna, or Viennese, that everyone encounters, experiences or knows. To believe or act as if there is would be more than naive, it would be dangerously misleading. 136

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Reality is far more complex than any one may grasp. The abundance of events escapes each of us. To be clear, this dissertation project manifests a singular scope out of the innite possible. How do the Viennese express ecology? The Viennese express a "political ecology" and "natural state of being" myths. These constructs have and do shape the local people's expectations, their environment and its functioning. Out-of-home Advertising In English-language publications, for example Vienna Eyewitness Travel (2003) and by Susan Roraf, Cultureshock! Austria (2007), Vienna is usually acclaimed for its traditions, such as classical and baroque music, operas and balls. More than anyone, the Viennese promote these standard stereotypes. The culture's essential image is made to be historical. Of art, architecture and statecraft. These examples and innumerable. Others are not, like the Vienna I depict. My attention is focused on discovering aspects of a natural and articial interface, with the objective to learn what may constitute an urban, or human-dominated, ecosystem. In regard to Vienna, many recent German-language publications address my concern and my work serves, to a small degree, in cross-cultural communication on the topic of a Viennese ecology. A person carefully, attentively, if not deeply touring Vienna must confront a barrage of out-of-home advertising. Street corner to street corner billboards, placard on placard on placard, posters high and low, brochure racks in every foyer and free journals strung around town, on pegs and posts, are a major phenomena, somewhat particular to experiencing Vienna. Perhaps a causal observer looks past these artifacts, but my research became structured by the persistent presence of social values, or cultural, marketing. 137

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! Aside from the sheer and relentless domination of the streetscape by cultural, commercial and institutional advertisements, there is a systematic occurrence of Citybike stations. Their apparent material formation and social mission is less of a barrier and more of an invitation. They peak curiosity; are a sidewalk attraction and serve as a network of local destinations. They seem to be a social service, better than in other cities, where a citizen's mailing address is required (Paris, France). Or, where a fee is charged (Denver, Colorado, US). Alternatively, Vienna's Citybikes are for complimentary use, within limited terms. The reason it is possible for anyone to take the bicycles out, at no charge, is this bike share program is operated by a subsidiary of the Vienna government. Gewista is, more or less, a city owned (state owned, as in government) advertising corporation. The bright, round logo of red, yellow, white and black is on the bike stations and bikes. Equally, it is on other advertising media, promoting an agenda of shared alternative transportation. Citybike is visible everywhere around the city. A constant reminder of the current Viennese political construct. A casual visitor and observer strolling through the city is not likely to think much about the advertising that lines the streets. Most people are likely to take it all at face value. Thinking the images are merely for an entertaining event or fancy new product. Having a research mission, to observe with criticality, the "Vienna" I noticed is a political construct. Along the streets a Viennese identity is continually promoted by the government and its afliates. The Viennese people see, reenact and reinforce the images and habits, which are said repeatedly to be genuine "Viennese tradition." Reication of what is and is not Viennese is an item in common parlance among guest and hosts, cultural creators and consumers alike. It is a reverberating process. The advertisements and the people both become more Viennese "-ish" and Viennese "-esque." 138

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! Invariably, the Viennese traditions are referred back to the Habsburg Monarchy. From then forward, at least, Viennese culture has been ofciated. It is codied. The social, political and economic history, as written by Felix Czeike in the Historical Lexicon of Vienna (1992 1997). The stories of Vienna and its monopolies, also known as state corporations, such as Gewista, are listed in alphabetical order. All the cultural producers are obliged to consult this extensive cultural record when beginning to conceptualize some sort of "exhibit." Many other texts may also be consulted, but this is the most highly reputed. Possibly the most comprehensive and penetrating source of information available. It is used as the Viennese standard for historical accuracy. Metaphorically and literally, Viennese stories are set in stone. The massive and repetitive outdoor advertisements serve to inculcate the city's inhabitants as much as does the indoor museum exhibitions. The population lives, not only passes through, but also lingers to socialize, in the streets and in the museums. The Viennese, many generations of local residents, including momentary visitors from afar, are all a captive audience under billboards, near bollards. The city-state seems to have always occupied this role of tastemaker. It is taken as natural. Municipal Administration Exhibition Space The Municipal Department 18 (MA 18) Urban Development and Planning (in German, Magistratsabteilung 18 Stadtentwicklung und Stadtplanung ) is a promotional bureau, Public Relations and Knowledge Management ( Referat Â…ffentlichkeitsarbeit und Wissensmanagement ). As a subsidiary of the city's planning department, they keep a venue for promotional exhibits. It is a walk-in space located near the so-called New City Hall. This is the neighborhood where all 139

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the political parties also have storefront ofces, post their party logos and politician portraits. The MA 18's exhibition space, known as the Vienna Planning Workshop ( die Wiener Planungswerkstatt, WPW), welcomes any inquiry about the city's development. Hundreds of documents, accessible here, offer the impression that the Vienna government is a major, perhaps the leading development corporation. The MA 18 has, for a decade or two, created and transported traveling exhibits. Setting them up wherever citizens gather. Not only in shopping districts, but also to the atrium of the Vienna City Museum ( Wien Museum ), for example. However, recently the Vienna Planning Workshop venue has become established as the regular and continual representative of the city's proposed or in-progress projects. The venue's presence, its signage and event promotions, marks a busy street corner. Such as, in 2009, a bicycle riding informational exhibit, which featured Citybike, lasted several months, as does a usual museum exhibit. The MA 18, as an institution, or sort of public facility, holds similar sway as the ofcial museums because at a citizen's or visitor's basic level of experience there is not much distinction between an accessioned and archived collection on display, compared to a temporary, one day or pop-up, depository of parts and equipment. Anyone can drop-in, tour a show of promotional photographs, aside of topical artifacts and prototypical technology. Everyone can take away a message, a brochure and many catalogues. Often a thematic meeting, advocacy presentation, or panel discussion is conducted here and a large crowd gathers. This is typical of how the Viennese are informed. 140

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The Viennese Mind The larger quantity of English-language information about Vienna and the Viennese is of historical research, if not touristic. The Austrian Mind (1972), a book by William Johnson, is a prominent example of critical analysis of Viennese characteristics. It covers an era preceding World War Two. It reinforces the pat stories of late nineteenth and early twentieth century Vienna. My survey of Vienna emphasizes the present era because a slew of texts, like Johnson's, although accessible in English, seem far out dated. His research, although in English, is used by the Viennese, similar to the Felix Czeike text. As its support. Of course, more texts about Vienna are available in German. A more up to date, critical source of information, published in the German language, is titled, in English, Austrian Productions (1995). A team of authors, Susanne Breuss (et al), also provide an alphabetically ordered reference of traditional contemporary Viennese culture. They have demystied many of the rote legends that ordinarily circulate among people in Vienna. Since Vienna is a cultural center, museum and tourist arena, folklore plays a real role in todays social norms. Perhaps thousands of books in German, such as Austrian Productions interprets the Viennese environment and society to people living in Vienna, not only to the leisure and business, or research, visitors. English-language only tourists or scholars are at a disadvantage when it comes to understanding Vienna from the street level perspective. To seriously understand, uncover, regional and contemporary, culturally specic, environmental values, takes a long, patient and assertive immersion. An initiation, let us say, into being "Viennese," which seems to be an ideal form, not ever actually, completely achievable. However, a group of authors in a eld known as Austrian Studies have provide for dilettantes an impressive vista into the ethnic culture. 141

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! A 1996 book by Eeva Pelkonen explores the Austrian-German language and its related cultural perspective, as it applies to the built environment and more particularly to architectural design. Pelkonen writes about some of the Austrian intellectual discourses since the end of World War Two. The shocking Viennese Actionism is one example, of many possible, entirely unabashed taboo breaking. She describes the Austrian society's extraordinarily risquÂŽ qualities. A suggestive atmosphere. Pelkonen describes the sensible, embodied liminality in Vienna, that has challenged international expectation of reality. Of architecture, design and culture. Her book is important for making explicit the inuential, implicit "products," the sexy mood of the Austrian Viennese and Vienna. Pelkonen's book represents the mystical sensations, the mythic reputation, of Vienna. It is a cultural depiction commonly known in the arts and letters. In the humanities. The works of Felix Salten, Gustav Klimt, Egon Schiele and Sigmund Freud may be most often cited in the context of the human sciences. Valie Export, Elfriede Jelinek and Maria Lassnig are also signicant for depicting Viennese sexism and sexuality in the arts and humanities. Albeit these women are under cited inside and more so outside of Vienna. But, these artist/intellectuals are the landscape experience of Vienna; of Austria and Central Europe. When studying the human-dominated ecosystem, the prevailing attitudes of these types of Viennese are less than obvious to strictly disciplined social and natural science researchers. The crossover application of this knowledge, as it is included here, is meant to give an interpretation and signicant understanding to urban ecologists. For example, here we have an empirical and scholarly record of a characteristic spirit, the aspirations and customs, of present era Vienna. It is a seriously irty place. The Viennese portray, live by, an indulgent morality. My point in noting Breuss and Pelkonen, by be putting my research ndings in relation to theirs, is 142

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not to test any reader's ethics, nor to make judgements. I am constructing a factual rational for why Vienna has the quirky infrastructure it does. I am providing a rational of how the Viennese express ecology. In English, GŸnter Bischof, Anton Pelinka and Dagmar Herzog have published extensively their cultural and critical studies. Generally, their themes are known as Austrianness and Austriaca. Their work builds on that of Johnson and Breuss, in giving a deeper, piercing account of why Vienna appears as it does. Of how it came to be as it is. Especially useful is the Bischof, Pelinka and Herzog research reported in Austrian Sexuality (2007). They conrm much of what is perceptible and somehow inexplicable in the pummeling Viennese advertising. That which so-happens to continuously line most corridors used by pedestrians, transit and automobiles. The advertisements are mostly sexually provocative, if not explicitly political. Erotic art images, photos of paintings and sculptors housed in local museum collections, for example, are the foundational type. Without fail a picture of cultural achievement, an aesthetic paragon, sets the mood or tone in the so-called public realm. In addition, regionally owned and operated underwear, lingerie and apparel corporations have their designs displayed. A sense of pride and preference remains high for nationally prominent brands, such as Palmers and Wolford. The common person met on the street could and would be able to distinguish these as Austrian rms. A blurring takes effect between the high and low cultural marketing, between commerce and government, between the historic and the present. Bischof, Pelinka and Herzog explain much of what is taken for granted when traveling in Vienna. The fact that sex trade has been an aspect of the regional destination since time immemorial. They also give a rationality for church and state sanctions on sexuality. That is, a 143

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perpetuation of sexism and a sex industry. Cathedrals and brothels (known as "Puffs" or "Bordell") alike enliven the city. Vienna is famous for sex. Viennese sexuality is exaggerated. Such a social values marketing orientation and a city branding aspiration are reected in a majority of the cultural and commercial advertisements. These pass through the decision making, a more or less design and planning intellectual machinery, of state rms, such as Gewista. Vienna is home to a blatantly sexualized culture. Sexism, for example, is the mainstay of society. For example, gender roles are amplied. Traditional uniforms is one way sexism appears on the streets. Workers often wear uniforms. Nationalistic costumes for women and men engender sexual differences and interplay. This constructed sexual tension, between the stereotypical women's dresses and men's shorts, is one of the usual orderings of Viennese society. The clothing begets behaviors, associated attitudes effect expectations. The VienneseGerman dialect extends many otherwise preverbal, seemingly susurrus, innuendos and gestures. Visually, at least as much as audibly. Proprioceptively, no less than haptic. For the Viennese, life is exposes itself. It is to be lived shamelessly, sensational. It is not an exaggeration to mention an accepted fetishistic impulse perceivable in the stereotypical Viennese character. All the marketing in Vienna refers to ingrained customs and nearly un-apprehensible beliefs. For example, women continue to be cast as either children, mothers or whores. Men are cast into patriarchal responsibility and empathic intellectuality, if less than a cavalier soldier. The blue and white street crossing signs of a man leading a girl are given by common critics as a clichÂŽ example of culturally reproduced sexism. These sorts of topics are continually presented in the media. Susan Sontag wrote in Fascinating Fascism (1975) that in Germanic cultures the dichotomization of gender roles ts a servitude and dominance pattern. A dynamic enacted: weak 144

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and strong, passive and aggressive. The follower valorizes the leader and vice versa. Each ones existence requires to be dened against and by its opposite. Gender differentiation, the postures and uniforms, enables a sort of game, which is what we see in the irty Viennese mannerisms and the city's risquÂŽ advertising. It is, sometimes, softly suggestive and other times it is quite hard core. Like Austrian leather shorts with suspenders, the hard body of an athlete is iconic of strength and right living. Not only symbolically, as art historians assert, but biologically, as ethologists deem to be true. The qualities of physique, symmetry and line, plane and tone, are visually xating, writes Hans Ulrich Gumbrich ( In Praise Of Athletic Beauty 2006). Perfect proportions and actions mesmerize humans, it is said to be so because of innate drives to reproduce. People seek healthy companions, which we see in biological tness. Although in my research approach I do not closely follow the reductionist, a restrictive logic, of Roland Barthes, his semiology did include a piece about sports, circa 1960 (not to mention wine). I mention his Of Sport and Men and Mythologies work as a cross-reference of the sporting body's evocative, emotive and provocative effects. He refers to the hypnotic power of sporting events. The effect is similar to poetry. Barthes explains that sport is an effort to challenge mortality. An aim to become immortal. Attempts to overcome death. To become a god. Sport, the athlete and well-formed body represents heroism. Sports are ceremonies: spectacle and ritual. I mention Barthes' work at this point to afrm and expand my prior mention of Sontag and Gumbrich. These three authors write about body, image and message. They seem to justify my general perception, that the bare human body, like stylized clothing, can be intended to mean and can be seen as meaningful. 145

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! In Vienna, the athletic body, or any sort of body, is not simply a sex object. Bodies are characterized as political objects in media across the society. A recognition of this condition has allowed me an understanding, a meaning made, of how the Viennese express ecology. Human, other animal and plant forms, our artifacts, are seen to be, depicted as, somewhat seamless with, dynamically interdependent with, the natural and built environment. Again, from the perspective of walking Vienna, several Viennese have published in the German language about these themes (body, politics), made distinctly regional. A Viennese, Jan Tabor, considers himself a publicist. He is known as an architectural historian, theorist and critic. In the late 1990s he curated a culturally important museum exhibit, Art and Dictatorship The exhibit was made to display the ways in which totalitarian images convey political messages. One such message, as an example, is of a leader's infallibility and of their assumed adoration. A dictator's physical features and political costumes retell their audience, their subjects, the political party's manifesto. Their image (body, portrait, costume, activities) timelessly reafrms a belief in their political doctrine and in them. The exhibit "Art and Dictatorship" and its catalog (1994) brought the aesthetic and affect of leadership cults and hero worship into contemporary Viennese discourse. It follows, probably not entirely coincidentally, that the oldest known press print (circa 1963) of the most famous, most iconic and politically charged, militant and messianic, portrait of Che Guevara ("Guerrillero Heroico" by Alberto Korda, 1960) is held in the collection of the renowned Viennese photographer Christian Skrein. The mythic image is physically archived at the Getty Museum in Los Angeles ("Photographs of Cuba"). As much as it was before, the so-called 1968 generation and younger continue to poses the knowledge of and skill for emotional and societal manipulation. It is a mainstay of the arts and the artist's craft in Vienna. Persuasive techniques (pathos, ethos and logos) blatantly appear 146

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in intellectualizations and cultural programs, architecture and sculpture, statues and portraiture, paintings and photography, ne art and city marketing. A related curatorial example is one of Wolfgang Kos. He is the director of the Vienna City Museum. His 2009 exhibit and its catalog, Battle for the City presented politicized media, such as historic clothing and accessories, banners and posters or placards. These materials have been used in the competition and domination of the collective worldview. For the Viennese government's idiosyncratic manner of local and regional control. Architecture in Austria, Vienna no less, also represents political ideologies. Isabel Termini, my guide through the Viennese ecosystem, wrote her Magister (Univ.) degree thesis on the so-called homeland style of architecture. Heimat bauen (2001) was approved by the University of Vienna department of art and architectural history. (The Viennese say in German "Institute of Art History.") The thesis is now a frequently cited scholarly resource. In it Termini explains that the homeland style of architecture was rarely authentic to the building's time and place, or in its materials and construction technology. In fact, she writes, the homeland style is more for stirring tourist expectations. However, the motif of timber frame and mud inll houses, or of chalet facades, became used as traditional and extreme conservative political signals by the onset of the National Socialist era. This struggle between preferences, such as a traditionalist's pitched roof versus a modernist's at roof, continues in Vienna during our contemporary era. My informant told me. So far in this subsection of my dissertation I have attempted to write about my eldwork perceptions. Mainly that the Viennese are accustomed to reading political meanings into visual media. In Vienna, facades may uphold a comprehensive and coherent cultural system, such as to model the normal attitudes. Faces, bodies, attire and gestures of people, the representations of 147

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people, those in actual existence (politicians), or as mere mental fabrication (legends), communicate accepted, expected or disrespected behaviors. For example, colors. They are always used to signal political meaning. Red is for the status quo socialists, green is for the liberal environmental activists, black is for the traditional conservatives and blue is for the extreme conservative, or rather combative acting, "right-wing," antagonistic front. My informant told me brown, although not used currently for a national political party, means fascism. Later she retracted the notion. Presently, ordinary people in Vienna, the local people seen walking on the streets and through museums, or sitting in wine drinking taverns, almost never wear brown clothing. The color's meaning is too strongly resonant of the nations disastrous history within German National Socialism. A mere 75 years ago. Holy, Perfect, Strong In 2011, the Austrian Ethnology Museum, located in Vienna, exhibited an extensive variety of secular and sacred icons: heroes, gods and saints. The exhibit emphasized traditions of Central Europe. An example is a painted portrait of Kaiser Karl I. He was emperor while the empire was dissolved, circa 1918. Technically, the last Austro-Hungarian monarch. The painting is commonly seen as a post card sized reproduction. Somewhat recently, much after the painting and popular card, he has been deemed "blessed" ( seliger ) by the Catholic church, circa 2007, which commemorates his rather saintly role in Austrian culture. Further, his image can be seen to represents an older concept of the "healing king." It is an ancient custom for monarchs to rule by divine right. Traditionally this means someone like Kaiser Karl would be worthy of being a cultural leader because he had the power to heal public ills. For this 148

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miraculous quality, he represents a type of perfection. His portrait embodies purity and strength. Such notions are venerated as a wholeness. The holy. So-called "idolization" practices evidently continue today in Central Europe. Specically, in Vienna, they are accepted as normal. A tradition, probably continuous from prehistoric times, kept especially vivid through recent centuries, as worship, in the Holy Roman Empire and the House of Habsburg-Lorraine. Similarly, it is said in Vienna that the Viennese are generally romantic. They often express devotion. Secular and sacred interests are entwined. Ordinary, daily activities are appreciated with ritualistic ceremony, if not religiosity. A common practice is, with a slightly sardonic or melancholic humor and much intellectualizing, to blur and project emotions onto imagery and events. Here is how many Viennese conversations start and proceed. In the museums and on the streets, the bounty of art and architecture, the paintings, statues and photographs, strewn everywhere, are given countless cultural attributes. It goes on the same with environments, such as on the banks of the Danube or in the Vienna forest. The inner city stone pathways and water features, the suburban hills and pedestrian trails are a collection of folklore, given as an oral history. Or, just as often, given in government and corporate advertising as the ofcial story of Vienna. Viennese beliefs and customs are visible in their landscape and in their marketing of it. Traditions are communicated continuously because they attract attention through providing, at least in part, a scenes of comforting familiarity. Fundamentally, the cultural and product promotions function symbolically and emotionally. At the same instant, these images, again and again, inculcate the viewers. The secular and sacred, political and commercial sectors are indistinguishable. The corporate advertisements and cultural artifacts seem to support political and religious agendas. Equally, vice versa. 149

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! To gain a deeper understanding of how the Viennese express ecology, the practices of "Austrian Catholicism" must be considered. It is said to be different from other forms of Catholicism, in that it is supposedly more inclusive of the human frailties that other doctrines of Christianity exclude as vice or sin. The Austrians are said to be nostalgic. Also, they tend to live presently and fully; determined to enjoy life's riches as they emerge. By plenty of drinking and making love, for example. The agglomeration of history, inux of tourists, the sojourners in Vienna, necessitates this gregarious religious attitude. From the street corner perspective, bottom-up, the Republic of Austria (sometimes referred to as the Second Republic of Austria to distinguish between pre and post World War Two eras) and Austrian Catholicism appear generous; providing much for believers and nonbelievers alike. They both put forward the ideal "Vienna." As citizens enact their beliefs, a difference between old and new lifestyles, of an authentic in contrast to the prescribed, is lost. In the vacancy, culture creativity takes its shape. For example, a vineyard picnic is popularly cherished in Vienna, as would be a Mass. Participation Mystique After immersing myself in Vienna for some extended research visits, the Viennese became seen by me as plainly social. The somewhat compact city is lled day and night with people winding along the streets on their journeys. Densely built housing, mixed with commercial, pervasive public transportation, aid to bring private life into the public realm. Socializing and business is ordinarily conducted in the cafes and restaurants. Ofces are typically nested within commotion. People are almost always around. It is implicitly accepted that the Viennese watch and listen to each other, to tourists, as each goes through their motions. Rarely is 150

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a distinction clear as to who is being watched and who is doing the watching. The norm in Vienna is to delight in playfulness. Viennese humor and charm are prime examples of this cultural trait. Also, to dress with an artistic or theatrical air is standard. Semiformal opera audience attire is mingled with ball gowns and tuxedos, with student club caps and political party ties. Occasionally men, rarely women, in military and police uniforms energize, a street corner. Mostly for a ceremonial presence, as if to speak-up, make a claim for the continuation of patriarchal ideals. An assertion of order among avid shoppers and amazed visitors. Certainly less locals who are in-the-know than people new to town, possibly arriving form every other culture imaginable. A street corner ethnography is an exceptional eld research method for Vienna. Perfectly suited to foregrounding a bottom-up perspective of the Viennese ecosystem, which is overwhelmingly publicized from a top-down ideology. Basically, a governmental media presenting contemporary variations of their political traditions. The media, its mechanism, are utilized as a tool to put in front of the viewing public political myths. A contemporary version of Viennese folklore. The contemporary anthropological approach, taking a view of Vienna from standing on the ground there, includes a demystication of Viennese narratives. This analysis of stories the Viennese seem to be telling about themselves results in my sought after original contribution to urban ecology. A cultural ecology. For example, as I began to explain in previous paragraphs, the Viennese culture tend to lack a subject-object split. What would seem to be obvious boundaries in a western North American culture, a less intensely urbanized and relatively unhistorical society, are indistinct boundaries in a forthright transgressive Vienna. Pushing boundaries is nearly a Viennese hobby. A teasing-out of the most dashing actor, expectedly dormant in anyone. 151

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! The Viennese penchant for shameless fun can be noted as a primordial narcissism. A monism, or integral oneness, between nature and culture, embodied in every individual. Also, a collective narcissism, in that the Viennese unfailingly reect the uninhibited pride dramatized by each other. To suggest so much about a collective Viennese character would be less plausible when studying another city's culture. However, Vienna is loaded with artifacts and art that reassure the elevated status of the Viennese. The mimetic effect is that the people behave as they see in the images and hear in the legends. The people inhabit a historical monarch's pageantry, for example. From my eld study, I propose that earlier eras lived in the region have a present day inuence on individuals, their decisions, the society and their ecosystem. A main lifestyles perceivable in Vienna, the one most often cast as a protagonist in advertising, exemplies a traditionalism accented with contemporary air. The costumes and mannerisms are in both the advertisements and the actual citizens. This phenomena is accounted for in the term "participation mystique," which is important to a social-psychology as to artistic creativity. The Austrian-Hungarian Habsburgs, for example, the National Socialists (when ofcially present in Vienna) and the 1968 generation of irreverent action artists, all thrived in popular opinion based on generously serving a Viennese appetite for pomp and regalia. The Viennese culture celebrates primordial instincts. The museums collections portray, at least, sex and death. Torment and redemption. Family is as common a theme there as is war. In Vienna, it seems satyrs and nymphs share a mixed secular and sacred dominion with Jesus and Mary. Austrians not only celebrate Carnival in February of each year, they maintain feast days dedicated to Catholic saints in about every month. Costumes and mock pilgrimages are essential aspects of most ceremonies. Along with symbolic food, beverages and decorations. No image is more haunting than that of the horned and drooling terror named Krampus, who's own special 152

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celebration day is in early December. The related folk tale and ritual processions are similar to that of any trickster, for nabbing reckless children. Humorous greeting cards with surprising twists on the scary imagery of this ill-mannered beast bring a remembrance of prehistoric alpine mountain traditions into the questionably modern capitol city. And, over many centuries already, into Christianity, or vice versa. The Viennese delight in inherited archaic habits, such as the honor of holding a cornucopia. In Vienna, more than one statue of a god displays a horn of plenty, which may have once been an actual tote loaded with fruits and nuts. They are now most often lled with candy. Traditionally, a Viennese child carries one on their rst day of going to school. The symbolic effect is to unite cooperative behavior and earthy prosperity. Another example of how the Viennese express ecology. Spartanism The existing condition of the cultural landscape known as Vienna is protected as a World Heritage site. On display, while a person is standing on and walking along the ground there, are iron age archeological ndings, famous antiquities and building ruins from two millennia ago. A few medieval and renaissance architectural specimens. Mostly, however, Vienna's inner-city is a neo-baroque style redevelopment. Undertaken in the mid to late nineteenth century. That phase of development included constructing many palaces, along with so-called bourgeois housing complexes and suburban villas. A mass transit system was built that remains in service today. By the early twentieth century, a nostalgia for rural homes began to be built, primarily as tourist establishments and for homes on the city's edge. A labor movement swept over Vienna and resulted in simple, functional mass housing complexes. World War Two resulted in an extensive loss of industrial infrastructure, commercial and housing in few of the city's large 153

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zones, which have since been redeveloped in high-rise mixed-use housing, light industry and convention facilities. This is a grossly generalized survey, but is only necessary to introduce the fact that in the heart of Vienna there is an established preference for maintaining historical content, such as classical statuary. Athena Promachos (also said to be Pallas Athena) is known by her gilded armor. A globe (as the patroness, spirit of victory) rests in her one hand and a spear in the other. She stands atop a fountain, garnering the stairs that lead into the Austrian Parliament. Figures representing regional rivers are under her feet. Sea creatures and nymphs are seen throughout the city's many water features. Buildings are corniced with caryatides. The city hosts anthropomorphizations of fortune, strength and health. The reason so much neoclassicism exists in Vienna is that the Habsburg monarchs preferred to liken themselves, in the public's eye, to the classical virtues. It was a way of informing Viennese society of the imperial culture. Inculcating the public with the same social values, such as high achievement in the arts. In militarism, too. The classically themed sculptures and paintings more than not present nude anthropomorphizations and the culture's leading apparitions. We see them suffering and occasionally celebrating. The Habsburgs, the Austrians and Viennese display a preference for Spartan values, such as unfaltering bravery and extreme endurance. The nation is known to harden their children to adversity, as Spartans are rumored to have done, by letting babies live or die wildly, in the cold, by their own inherited or internal resources. In most contemporary cases this tends to be a ction. However, the Spartan clichÂŽs are pervasive in Vienna. It seems everyone knows them. The Viennese exhibit a Laconophilia (love of legendary Spartan values) and a spartanism (a secular asceticism). For example, it can be seen that many Viennese prefer to do without, or to 154

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make do with nearly nothing. Somehow both traits, aggression and simplicity, are formed into a mainstream, ordinary, cultural inclusion of human nudity. In the summer children play naked at swimming pools. Adults also have this option in sections of many swimming facilities. Or, along the rivers and lakes. It would not be outrageous for a Viennese to do their home or cottage gardening in a swimsuit. Nudity in nature is a Viennese emblem for living correctly. A lifestyle in synch with natural conditions. Human nakedness is a political sign of indomitability (Figure 53). For the Viennese, to be naked expresses a human-nature continuum. In summer, the air is tropical and the sun's rays are usually diffused. The naked body feels at ease in this climate, among the grassy river banks or on hillside lawns. The body communicates robustness and a person's feeling for their own possible immortality. For example, in Sievering, what appears to be a Horizon Field sculpture (by Antony Gormley) stands above the deck of a hilltop home. The nude human gure seems to peer across the valley. The "alpine view" sculpture is entirely contextual and may be read as a contemporary artists rendition of gathering and sparing, the land and the human soul. The motif of a lone, naked human gure, standing above the horizon line, is a mainstay in Viennese culture. The upright "new man" is a symbol from the reform era. Another typical variation of the motif is known as "king of the vines" or "the old man of the vineyard." The phrase represents the mature and haggard grape vine stocks, which appear from a distance to be arthritic and hunchbacked. These gures also stand exposed through winters, or in abandoned vineyards. Culturally, the aging vines are seen as if they are "every man" or "no man." Further, the vines may represent ancestors and monarchs. They are given a signicant, meaningful role in poetry, in the visual and performing arts. A human structure, such as fence, wall or bench, is occasionally built around a sturdy plant, conforming to it. 155

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! By association, near-naked and naked, contorted or twisted human and plant bodies are visible in all sorts of Viennese advertising. The Viennese appear to have a sense for, if less than a full appreciation of magical realism. Vienna includes the sensibility in which mythic qualities are given space and time, respected as an aspect of daily life. This is another way Viennese express ecology. Cult of the Body The human gure certainly communicates something between Viennese. Like a fragment of text, its meaning is not wholly given. Not a precise message completely announced, but rather one that must be to a greater degree intuited. If it is true that the Viennese are a romantic and loving people, especially among their families and friends, perhaps the sight of a body stimulates an empathic association for shared experiences. Such as a cooperative effort accomplished, or a day of celebration and play. Human features are objectied and used to make cultural and political statements. Blue eyes and blond hair, a young person with a trim and t physique, expresses some ideal of what it is to be Austrian. Although across Austria and especially in Vienna, this is not the main type of person seen on the streets. Nonetheless, the disjuncture between image and reality does not hinder activity in daily life. People seem to imitate the ideal, to whatever extent possible in their particular circumstances. The ideal images serve as a herding device, ushering society into a status quo median, based on traditional, conservative, historical, male oriented and occasionally environmental values. Briey, the sexism perpetuated in Vienna seems to be a privileging of the active entity. Meaning, the ideal image is regularly someone doing something, at which can be stared. The audience transxed by a show of muscles, conquest and audacity. An image of a bare chested 156

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man swinging a hammer, for example, is not merely a laborer. This is an expression for "all the people," as well as for someone such as the hero Sigrid and the god Thor. These personas are familiar to the Viennese, not only as the children's' fairy tales, but in the supposed high art of Richard Wagner's operatics. Similarly, the passive entity is shown to beckon the attention of an active participant. The innocent are exposed in drawings and photographs. Fertile mothers and the dark earth are shown in comforting religious sculptures and emotionally stirring paintings. As an example, think of the Biedermeier era home. Its inviting aesthetic and creativity ethic are present in contemporary Vienna. Especially as depicted by Ferdinand Georg WaldmŸller. His art captured in pigments on canvas the Viennese cultural spirit of honoring land and animal, groups of people and their collective cultivations, their strife and struggle. WaldmŸller portrays Viennese felicity and fecundity. His images and messages are as much now, if not more so than ever before, present in the public realm. In Viennese art their is a notable theme typically presented. That is of a procession. Consider works by Hans Makart, for example. In such dramatizations there is an inclusivity, where actual and potential are commingled. The historical gures and an anthropomorphized forces are both deied by wearing owered crowns. The commingling, for example. In much Viennese art the central characters and plot shares the set with numerous vagrants in roles varying from a traditionalist or purist's theme. Similarly, life is lived on the streets of Vienna. Here a cacophony of ongoing and incoming events appears to be chaotic. The city sounds loud. Layered, as if the centuries of people who have contributed to Vienna are all still talking. All at once now. The point is that the Viennese express ecology in a pluralistic orchestration, rather than in a single tone. 157

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Cult of Charisma In Vienna, there is a stately monument depicting Johann Wolfgang von Goethe. His literature and biography reect and guide the Viennese. Not only are his books continuously on display in shop windows, people quote him in passing conversations. He summarizes Viennese attitudes. For example, he wrote that everyone ought to mind their own business and the world would come into a ne order. Although, he had written it in terms of people sweeping-off the litter from on their own stairs before pointing at a neighbor's dirt. Minding one's own affairs is said to be important in Vienna, especially when the intrigue is about romantic trysts. It is a sort of etiquette to not make much fuss about people's sex lives. Especially politicians, who are at least theoretically to be given a private sphere for pursuit of their own pleasure. A prime example of this is the case Jšrg Haider, in which upon his death his wife went to court with a law suit against the media. The judges decided that in the media Haider has not to be characterized as gay because this publicity would be against his honor. The Austrian media could no more speculate on his sexuality. If they would continue to do so, the media rm or journalist would be ned by the government. The point in mentioning this detail is that in Vienna a sharp slice can be made in reality, wherein a preferred story, perhaps a ction, is normalized. It takes sway and a lasting hold on the local culture. Excuses are kept in social currency and culturally established reasons are always pointed to as justications. Typically, it is The Monarchy, The Church, The War, The Foreigners and The Party to whom, metaphorically, the accusing Viennese ngers point. And frequently, it seems, the Viennese are entirely willing to throw up their hands in resignation, take a prolonged rest and possible return to xing the perplexing matter much later. From the street corner perspective, it appears this is how government and business are conducted in Vienna. How Viennese buildings 158

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are constructed. How gardens are maintained and their vineyards harvested. Mostly, the Viennese do not appear to feel an overwhelming pressure for immediate results in land, economic and nancial development. In Vienna, the emphasis is on stasis. Asking how the Viennese express ecology is a search to rst recognize and understand some of their cultural preferences, attitudes and behaviors. Then, it is a search to experience Vienna, the Viennese ecosystem, as they experience it. In other words, this research project has been an attempt to know Vienna as the Viennese know it. By doing so, it becomes possible to make a representation of, or to model, the Viennese ecosystem. The origination of basic environmental knowledge, specically for the benet of urban ecologists. No one picture of an urban ecosystem sufces. Each additional perspective on a city potentially adds necessary understanding, if the eventual goal is some sort of resource management. An understanding of one ecosystem is also valuable as the knowledge and skills gained by studying it may transferred to other cases. In contemporary ecology, cities are not studied as mere physical systems because of the human animal's predominant social and cultural inuence in constructing the habitat. Therefore, urban ecologists must include a use of social research methods. Contemporary anthropology, or city ethnology, is suitable for introducing the case of what is a particular ecosystem and about how it is known. In Vienna, the social milieu includes the images and allegories of cultural heroes, such as the Empress Elisabeth, circa 1870. Known affectionately as Sisi, she represents a strong archetype. Similar to Athena or Artemis. She is depicted as independent, liberal, decisive, creative, athletic and worldly. Depictions of her are present in every day life of the twenty-rst century Viennese. Every person knows that Sisi rode horses, kept dogs and at least dreamed of 159

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taking lovers. She wrote poetry and established monumental landscapes, such as on Corfu, the Achelleion palace. Further, in Vienna, she is said to have adored a statue of Hermes that she had commissioned. As typical, it is a nude. This became the central gure at the Empress' suburban villa. His attributes were already related to the wider region. Somehow to Ceres, as messenger across bohemian elds. Possible variants of Hermes and Ceres are Mercury and Demeter. At other times Hermes' attributes are also mixed with those of Apollo; representing an active life in the sun. Glorication of body. The healthfulness of outdoor living. Like Hermes, Sisi was a traveler. The Empress, Sisi, kept an exercise room in her Viennese villa. Decorated with Roman style frescoes, in the sanguine colors of Pompeii lararia. Vignettes of nude heroes are painted, as wrestling and boxing. In other panels, they raise arrows and spears. High on the wall a centaur is painted. Perhaps the heroes' instructor, Chiron. Seemingly, Nike Athena, or Sulis Minerva, is included in the imagery. High upon her victorious, or triumphal chariot. The villa is alluring and exudes enchantment. In our era, at the Hermesvilla museum, rumors are told about Empress Elisabeth. One famous Viennese rumor is about her mature lifestyle. She purposefully avoided being in the public's critical view because she had an abnormal sunning habit for her era. She did sports in nature. Therefore, Sisi had made herself tan and possibly wrinkly. Legends abound about royal dysthymia, of which Sisi is said to have also suffered. Her noble birth, its duties and sacrices, were burdensome. Following from these reasons, a cult of melancholia may be a general way to speak of the Viennese nostalgic affect. As in the "storm and stress" ( Sturm und Drang ) story, The Sorrows of Young Werther by Goethe, circa 1770. 160

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Archetypal ennui. Empress Elisabeth also wrote. Famously, ironic, sad, fantastical poems. Expressing a deep existential knowing, as does Robert Musil in A Man Without Qualities circa 1930. This literature is the landscape of Central Europe. Sisi is a current role model for the Viennese. It seems that if she did something then, everyone now ought to, or can, do as she did. Although Sisi lived and died a century ago, she has become eternally young and an immortal. The Viennese keep many gures of women in their collective imagination. More than any other is the Blessed Virgin Mary. She is known as Maria, Mother of God. Or, Holy Mother. Her characteristic qualities are a crown of stars, crescent moon underfoot and a owing robe. Much like the celestial muse named Urania, who also has a presence in Vienna. A building under her name. Mother Maria, protectress of the Roman Catholic Church, is frequently sculpted as a capital on a column. These "Maria Columns" mark the Austrian landscape, from urban plazas to hillside boundary lines. Maria seems to represent divine grace, such as mercy and care. She is a healer. Her image is established on what were once battle grounds. And where a desire to overcome death is to be communicated. Her image seems to announce protection against ill fate, such as a supernatural warding-off an epidemic. Maria tends to stand for a wish. For good fortune. Calling up a blessing, such as to have a prosperous family and bountiful harvest. The spirit of Maria has a long-standing presence on the vine covered suburban hills of Dšbling. Mosaic depictions of myths and legends familiar to the Viennese are often set on building facades. One example, also in Dšbling, is of Roman Emperor Probius. His story is illustrated on a residential building in a suburban wine tavern district. It shows his relation to nature and Rome, by including the she-wolf suckling Romulus and Remus. Probius is crowned with a laurel wreath, he lounges as if at a symposium and he holds up a cluster of grapes in one hand. He is 161

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tangled among some grape vines and wine casks. Under him, almost lifting Probius, appears to be a sort of Dionysos (in the Austrian spelling) character, or perhaps satyr face playing pipes. A tragicomedy mask. Any of these symbolisms is suitable. Probius appears important to Viennese culture. He, it is said, rst permit the Roman legions, stationed in the region (camp Vindobona, now Vienna) to plant grapes and produce their own wine. The legend of "Dear Augustin" ( Der liebe Augustin ) is as signicant in Vienna as any other story of a hero, god or saint. I think of him as a saint. Augustine of Hippo, circa 400. Either way, Lieber Augustin is known to have survived the plague because he was inebriated on wine. Supposedly Augustin's alcohol body content was much too high for the bacteria to successfully make a meal of him. Further, the story of Augustin, as remembered in a very popular, classic drinking song. It includes aspects of a "such is life" or a "live and let live" swagger. The song is sung with resonance, such as is a hymn, prayer or parable. Dear Augustin lost every material possession possible and still walked out of a communal grave. This bareness, perseverance and humorousness, is considered by the Viennese to be one of their most beloved character traits. The qualities are often acted out, dramatized by a comedian, or any citizen, pretending to be "Vienna." A drunken charmer. Moving slow with a sentimental lilt. Languidly talking with a whine, or in a stupor. Pure martyrdom. Augustin represents a continuum of life, love, land and spirituality. These qualities are also known collectively by the term "Vienna blood." Icons in Celebration In the vineyards, wine cellars, taverns and pensions, medium and small sculptures are placed to line the paths, stairways and walls. The often rough-hewn wood icons are typically placed in a fashion that rounds a room's corners. The gures are of crop planters and harvesters. 162

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Sheep shearers, spinners and tailors. The bakers and apothecaries. The coopers and cobblers. The pig and cow farmers. The herders and butchers. The wine makers and tavern keepers. So on, without limit. Another styling of the general theme are musicians, dancers and drinkers. In Vienna, an appreciation remains for humankind's laboring to live and savoring of life. A memorialization of us making a basic life, from necessarily living it within the land, thrives presently. Many of the same images of workers in their social and environmental roles are regularly seen in advertising. Especially for privately owned agricultural businesses in and near Vienna, such as vineyards, orchards, dairy farms and guest houses or inns, some known as pensions. From the street corner perspective, Austrian businesses are frequently owned and operated by an extended family. The family becomes the focus of advertising imagery. Them, their home and its operation are shown to resemble the ancestral, historical and mythical tasks and accomplishments. They are often made to appear in timeless costumes, setting and poses. A gathering on a mountain meadow. Or, a collective controlling of machinery. Or, sitting around a table, glasses raised in making a toast. This seems to be considered a most dignied and honorable pairing of people in the land. Evidently Viennese traditions, communicated in all sorts of media. Shared intergenerationally. The Viennese collectively and actively express an interest in ecology, although usually indirectly. Not as a modern science or a political agenda, but as a rst-nature, inherited, best practices, traditional lifestyle. Vindobona The question of who is a Viennese may never be resolved. For every claim and denition there are detractors. The Danubian region has been inhabited far beyond the reaches of 163

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contemporary culture. Long out of historical memory. Archeologist have presented facts to support the claim that there were ancient waves of people migrating and intermixing. Now, Vienna is associated with a sprawling region. At times it is made to reect the cultures of its south, east, north and west. Since Viennese museums house many of the most ancient and impressive artifacts taken from across Eurasia, Vienna is made to be a part of all things. The Ephesus Museum, for example, holds antiquities from Asia Minor. The Viennese ofcials, the curators and publicists, assert rights. Building Vienna's identity on all congurations of somewhat factual stories. For example, Vienna is in recent decades the protectorate of the Venus of Willendorf gurine. By association with it, Vienna is connected with ancient Hallstat, the La Tne Celtic culture. With the Celts, the name Noricum is introduced for a king and a territory, which was nally overtaken by the Romans. These names are often used today. Noricum is variably referred to as a historic, climatic, topographic, agricultural and cultural region. Here, too, Vienna is associated with the Roman Empire, as it has been developed upon the ruins of a military camp named Vindobona. It was on route from Rome to and from Carnuntum. What was another Roman camp and large antique city to the east. In effect, Vienna does not stop at its mapped political boarders. The award winning Rubin Carnuntum, a Zweigelt grape wine, is produce in another region of Austria, Pannonia. The region surrounding the ancient military camp's ruins. It has its own unique soil structure and climate. Pannonia is an ecotone, uniting the political boundaries of southeast Weinviertel and northwest Burgenland. It is more rural than Vienna proper. Entirely crop land and villages. Not a major cityscape, as is Vienna. However, the Viennese culture seems to greedily hoard every possible achievement 164

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made in Central Europe. Especially south of the Danube. Culturally, memorially, Vienna remains the seat of the Holy Roman Empire, Habsburg-Lorraine and Austro-Hungarian Empire. Uncertain limits proliferate in Vienna's stories about what is Viennese. Until, this boisterous, decidedly Austro-Bavarian leaning culture, is nearly butting in the northwest against the reputedly pragmatic Swiss. Of course, the present geographic demarcations are a fraction of pre World War One Habsburg holdings. An identity lag is said, by the Viennese, to exist in Vienna. A self-image hangover remains from the monarchal times. A sort of mental trap, said to be similar in Vienna and Moscow, Russia. In fact, an ascendant Russian inuence among the Viennese is uncanny. A simplistic example of this is the Viennafair 2012, an international art market event. It is said on the streets in Vienna that the co-directors (possibly art dealers, brokers) Christina Steinbrecher and Vita Zaman have Russian nancial backing. The art and advertising seen in Vienna, daily, appears to claim for itself all the surrounding land, produce and customs. As the identity constructors and cultural creatives see a need. For these reasons, Vienna is a Celtic city. It is a Roman city. It is a wine capitol of the world. It is a German city and it is not German. It is Turkish and it is not Turkish. Vienna is Western and not Western. It is Southern and not Southern. Vienna is cosmopolitain and provincial. Memento Mori The street corner perspective on the Viennese ecosystem which I have taken for this research project is lined with museums. Actual and metaphorical. The research ndings run between art and history museums. The anthropological and nature museums. Also, concepts found from investigating unofcial museums. The ones without formal exhibit halls and building 165

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walls. My view is sometimes from the informal museums. Ones without archived collections. For me, in this research project, the Viennese landscape is a museum. For example. Also, the taverns. In Vienna, art history is the common parlance. Formal museums are possibly the strongest anchor of the entire society. The formal, material collections, exhibited in these historically representative, monumental structures, the so-called houses, are the proverbial touchstone for the Viennese culture. In its museums, the public sees its politicians and politics. Its geniuses. Its successes and failings. The Viennese art history mindset is active outside of the formal institutions. It carries' on in private homes, where families cherish the own photographic archives and library collections. The Viennese refer to famous artwork in their conversations and lessons. Art terms, arts' issues are the conduit for meaning-making. It is impossible to imagine a Vienna without art and art history. Art terms give the Viennese a way to talk about nature. Art is their primary way to communicate about life, living, biology, natural resources and environmental management. Physical science books are illustrated with the ne art images. Often small reproductions of paintings take more of the pages than text. The large originals can be viewed, wall size, in person, at the cultural museums. The museums are usually lled with people. As are the city cafes and suburban taverns. The urban streets and the vineyard pathways. The Viennese go out into their ecosystem. What they normally read and learn and speak about, actually surrounds them. The work they may do is seen in gallery images. The vintner's craft, for example. Or, the innkeeper's routine. It seems the landscape of Vienna stays the same. Similar images, nearly exact content, usually appears in photographs made a hundred years ago and today. The images are published in 166

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artistic technical and advertising book. The difference in quality is not reduced by market segment. Winery architecture is showcased and critiqued in the same texts with viticulture. A person can stand in the mud and observe in front of them the same monuments, the same plants and animals, as they can hold in their hand-sized guidebook. Or, a person can see the clumpy mud in a painting on a palace wall, while standing on polished marble checkered pattern, or on oak parquet herringbone pattern oors. Other senses besides sight are necessarily included in Viennese appreciation experience. Recall, for example, the smell of mildew and mold. It would not cause much of a shock for a Viennese to taste some paint or some mud. Both could give clues as to which elements are present in a famous composition. Techniques of painting and of wine making are commonly paralleled. Including the natural elements. Including aspects of science and art, talent and risk. In Vienna, ne art and agricultural science are gloried. Vienna has a paper culture. Meaning that it is paramountly a culture in print. Frequently what is published is more intense than the reality of the phenomena pictured. On occasion the Viennese tell grandiose stories about themselves, their culture and their environment. For example, a palace or villa may be lilliputian. In print the scale is not given. Information is often quoted, its source rarely cited. This is widely accepted behavior, a sort of Viennese nonchalance. However, the sheer quantity of analog, printed textual and graphic media, recently including digital communication, eradicates the signicance of any one painting, any one book, any one story, any one author, any one building, any one sauna and any one wine. I suggest most Viennese would agree that Vienna is in the mind. Viewing Vienna, sensing it as an ecosystem, is best accomplished in respect of homeostasis. Noting the ows and their ux. This research project illuminates that key factor. An 167

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urban ecologist ought to notice what is happening between the facts. It is complicated, but the research methods ought to be made obvious because they impact what is measured and ignored. As an example, the contemporary Viennese paper culture may be correlated with Austrian forestry. Post World War Two national redevelopment was led by the paper industry. Most of accessible, tangible Vienna is visual media. On paper. Similarly, paper packaging is more the norm, say at a bakery or delicatessen, than is plastic sacks or metal foil. "To go" packaging for coffees and cakes is relatively rare and pushes against the Viennese norm. Ask for a "doggy bag" and the Viennese will laugh in bewilderment. The appearance of taking extra and wasting any is antisocial. A faux pas. In one aspect, worth a note, the sit-down coffee culture, with porcelain cups, is clearly meant for leisure. Also, environmental frugality is given as a justication for traditional "break time." In respect of the resources shortage in the past century or more, the Viennese remain uncomfortable with making waste. Porcelain and glass remain iconically Austrian. Rather than a barrage of plastic containers and electronic gadgets, Viennese prefer glass packaging and palatable treats. Wine, owers, fruit and chocolate are the main gifts. Gift giving is done in Vienna as frequently as are the cheek-to-cheek air kisses. Gifting is more usual than the usual handshaking and hand washing (my informant said, but later retracted). Anyway, I observed a habit of naturalness prevails. "Codependent" and "non-fussy" are essential qualities to recognize when attempting to understand how the Viennese think of and express ecology. The Viennese say Americans are too "hygienic." American children ought to play in the dirt more. Raw contact. Increasing immunities and lifelong health. Gifts, like wool clothing, such as hand sewn gloves, may be given. Quite possibly produced in an experimentally oriented Viennese fashion boutique. Loden 168

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remains iconically Austrian. Tiny, destructive, wool eating moths ( Tineola bisselliella ), included as un-permitted stow aways within garments and dry goods, possibly arrive with gifts, too. It follows, not every interjection a Viennese makes about "nature" is complimentary. These may seem to be trivial facts, as not worth noting, except for the acuteness of the environment and culture these bizarre occurrences do manifest. Decorative paper napkins are shared as naturally as criticism is in homes. Just like candy and cash. But, plain paper napkins, useful in cafes or restaurants, are a very rare nd. Loose, selfserve paper napkins seem to be against the Viennese environmental ethic of bare simplicity, known as GemŸtlichkeit More than meaning pleasant, the term "cozy" means "uncomplicated." This is in contrast with North American practices of "more is more." Nearly every material passing through Vienna is diligently recycled. The Viennese express ecology through sharing resources, such as their homes and transportation. Through a sort of keep and save mentality, or a reduce and reuse ethic, they keep themselves free of excess. By almost always pre-cycling the Viennese keep for themselves open space, time and potential. The Viennese ecosystem can be seen in locally produced art. For example, in WaldmŸller's painting, The Adoration of Saint John circa 1850, we can see the iconic "Saint of Sievering." When I see it, I think of Severinus of Noricum, circa 450. The Sievering church of the former Sievering village may be dedicated to his memory. Either way, the statue, as depicted in the painting, remains standing, in reality. It is near the church and archetypal landscape. Although, today, the statue is surrounded. Noticeably by more concrete buildings, paved roads, automobiles and advertisements. 169

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! In the painting, the villagers are gathered around Saint John in some sort of event. Perhaps singing a hymn. The people mostly wear traditional work clothes. They have a few agricultural tools, such as a basket. The visual composition suggests a lingering. An expectation. WaldmŸller painted the richness of earth. His style gives scenes movement. An impression of life living. His painted plants seem to grow. The babies seem to cry. Communities struggle to survive. WaldmŸller painted the hinterland of Vienna. Once valley communities were separated by hills, which have since all been developed and incorporated into the city. The crop land he illustrated, the vineyards, are now all famous destinations for Central European natives and Chinese tourists alike. Arguments can be made about WaldmŸller's artistic school of thought. It could be he painted as an Impressionism. A sort indistinguishable from a Realism, Naturalism, Primitivism, Romanticism, Idealism and Symbolism. They are, at some subjective viewpoint, one in the same. Whichever, or with all, WaldmŸller's oeuvre is one example of a Viennese environmental record. Urban ecologist must conduct research beyond so-called natural environmental processes, such as when testing for acid rain damage and in counting tree rings. An urban ecologist must walk through museum galleries and interview the collections' curators. For example, WaldmŸller can be positioned to exemplify a Viennese pastoralism. Possibly explaining a cultural sentiment for the picturesque landscape. A current pastiche for cow bells and well buckets. Vienna is, in part, a timeless arcadia. In today's environmental jargon, many Viennese are emotional, lifestyle and political "greens." This could be an effect from how Viennese live among idealistic remembrances. The rugged life painted by WaldmŸller, for example, his rendering of thick ground, deep shadows and dark expansive edges, suggesting the indivisible cosmos. Eternity is also on stage, which reminds 170

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audiences of their own deaths. WaldmŸller and many other Viennese artist of all the arts portray a classical theme, memento mori. The notion, "you too will die." Carpe Diem Body parts, stone skulls and thigh bones, for example, decorate Vienna. As do vaults containing royal mummies, heads, hearts and livers. I briey refer to the Imperial Crypt, found at the old center of the city. Even here, in thick, dank cofns, in sarcophagi, the historic rulers of the land and its people -those few entitled by divine birthrights to lead civilization -still model the heights of Viennese culture. Remember death. Life is a part of death. Live today. Live now, while you can. Taste life. That is their main message. A trite, but true, "seize the day." The Viennese do. They indulge. That is their cultural norm, to consume the fat of the land. The fat of the pig, or greasy goose, also. To be hungry. To eat what nature gives. To enjoy what people create. This is a stereotypical Viennese romanticization for making the most of our mortal predicament. Likewise, making the most of the environment's nutritional and pleasurable potential. This attitude and behavior is substantiated by the poetry of Josef Weinheber. Particularly one poem, "Der PhŠaken," which translates to a concept similar to "The Bird Leg Eaters." Fried chicken ( Backhendl ), more precisely. The story goes: In an earlier era, when Vienna was widely prosperous, the common people preferred to indulge themselves in pleasure, eating and drinking, in general merrymaking, making love and music, rather than involving themselves critically in politics. It is the classic lotus eater story, recast in the dope of Vienna. This lackadaisical stereotype of the Viennese is as common now as it was in the mid twentieth century. Comedians and ironically politicians assume this somewhat gluttonous, greedy 171

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character. To be more Viennese than average, people act the sot. Men lean and swagger. Act slightly more lecherous. Wear bright crumpled neckties. Women go ossy/owery. As if in tilted white wigs, they act oozy. The Viennese word is "tussy." The behavior indicates that the Viennese value glamor. These are timeless Vienna types; poetic characters. Caricatures lived now. These roles suggest that the Austrians take and make the most fun possible from their chance at life. The Viennese attitude makes Vienna a fun city. The stereotypical roles suggest glee. The joy of living. Also, a melancholy. From either an under-indulgence, as if a person is sad by plain weakness of spirit. Or, by overindulgence. Where upon a person has found, by trial and error, of course, their farthest reach. Finally, they face Chronos. The impossibility of their physical immortality. This depressing moment, when the idea of mortality gains in its inevitability. It is said in Vienna that the Viennese always need nearby nature. Such as the Vienna Woods. Nature is the source of life's pleasures and along with making love it is the panacea for life's losses. In Vienna, people take the nature cure. That is the way they phrase it. For example, to walk in the forest is therapeutic. Synonymously, "nature cure" seems to mean gardening. A curing of the earth. It is worth a mention that Josef Weinheber became a National Socialist. Although, much of his published writing, circa 1935, had preceded the onset of the precise war era, circa 1938. In common knowledge, it is said, he at once wrote most insightfully about the Viennese character and had been regarded as a most inuential Nazi Party poet. Historiographically and ethnographically and mythographically, it remains difcult, if possible, to separate National Socialist and Viennese qualities. The attitudes, politics and behaviors have been entangled. However, I suggest that in the contemporary era the stereotypical 172

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character of the Viennese is much larger in scope than that of a past or present Nazism dogma. To be Viennese is greater than the National Socialist's anti-Semitic and fascistic ideologies. As an example, I suggest that a Viennese expression of ecology is now far more expansive than the environmental policy the Nazis had assumed. Some authors associate ecology and fascism. My research explores and presents a Viennese ecological attitude unhindered, halted by extremism, fascism and hate. I purposefully sought to learn aside from and beyond those limiting topics. Typically, today's Viennese are not making outright totalitarian or militant claims. They express ecology through regional products and especially through social services. Today, their human ecology is oriented to advantageous lifestyle choices. The provision of and selection from an alternative infrastructure, unique in the world. For example, outdoor ping pong tables, in public and private areas, are found in every neighborhood. In social housing plazas and pocket parks, the tennis tables may be built into the place. Made of bÂŽton brut concrete. Or, the more common metal frame and wood top tables can me found. People may supply their own nets, paddles and balls, when they decide to play. Or, in the case of a wine tavern, having table tennis in their garden, they may offer the additional equipment to regular customers to use. Tu Felix Austria Nube A common phrase known in Vienna is "for every Austrian his crown." It is an advertising slogan for a leading news publication, named something like The Crown News ( Kronen Zeitung ). The phrase is an innuendo, suggesting that the Viennese each feels like they are royalty. Each having a castle and crown, no matter how small. A sort of arrogance is the cultural norm. A 173

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sense of ownership. One own's his or her family. He or she owns his house. It is his city, his dinner, his wallet and his journal. By association, one owns the empire; the imperial land. That is the connotation of the phrase. Dominion over nature is not necessarily an existence apart from nature. The Viennese regularly express a sense of gratication, seemingly experienced from a reverence for and domination of the elements. This is a certain attitude for an unending wrestle with the achievements and disappointments of making their situations in emergent life. Such a feeling of reward, as is possible when the grapes have been harvested and the wine cellar is full of bottles. In another year, perhaps too many days of clouds and rain will result in big, juicy, but avorless grapes. These are so common of themes in Vienna that they are often presented in media. Another motivating phrase is, "think of the war." Once that sentiment is expressed, it seems to instantly motivate everyone to undertake seless action. The simplest comfort provides sufciently. Also, insinuating the recurring notion of solidarity, which seems to effect the way a majority of the pedestrians modestly share the urban ecosystem. Such as when a crowd gathers around and enters the public transportation system. A surprising disposition of dignity is observable. A patient cultural trait is typical, especially within stressful conditions. A quality nearly indistinguishable from aloofness. There is another common phrase, probably imitated by the one already stated, about having a crown. This one also supports this archetypal Viennese attitude, approaching hubris. It is, "Austria, be happy and procreate." The legend behind the phrase is that Maximilian I, when establishing the Habsburg dynasty, made it his and all his relatives motto to make love, not war. The edict serves to bind property owners in marriage. Reduce loss by destruction. This is thought of as a sort of Viennese secret for material success. A benet for the people's psyche, too. As in, 174

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"the power of positive thinking." Culturally, the Viennese appear to do things with ease, once they decide upon the doing. Perhaps positiveness is less visible in the often cranky, overcast day-to-day lives of the individual people. Those who are currently inhabiting the city. Assuredness is less visible now, when observing people in the old cafes, than it is when taking a historical lens to view the immense built wealth of their inherited city. As it shelters them. For many people, Vienna is a waiting room. Alternatively, Vienna is a cultural epicenter. Another Viennese legend is that Rudolf IV made it so, when he expanded Saint Stephan's Cathedral. An extra effort was made, so the story goes, in rebuilding the church as the indisputable regional cultural attraction. The city was also developed in support of the church and its attractiveness mission. Its reputation, most importantly, had to be more grand than that of the church in Prague. The fame of Saint Stephan's would give Vienna an elevated signicance in the world and more political clout in Central Europe. That was Rudolf's desire. His aim. Therefore, "Old Vienna" as the Viennese say, the inner city we know today, has been almost exactly the same conguration, the same fundamental infrastructure, for no less than a thousand years. It has been, all this time, a destination. A cultural importer. Also, an exporter. A museologist's proverbial paradise, for example. An ecosystem purposefully made as a human's pleasure garden. The Viennese express ecology through a decisive penchant for cultural endurance. Vienna is entirely pastiche. In this way the Viennese people express a preference for things old and organic. Non-elitist, antibourgeois picnic tables are one example. Efciently designed bentwood chairs are another example. 175

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! The type of chair has a reputation. Occasionally referred to by the name of the designer, as in "Die Thonet Stuhl." Their origin, circa 1850, is the application of regional materials. An early industrial process, eventually achieving mass availability and affordability. These contemporary artifacts represent, through an act of historicity, Viennese values. Similar objects are present nearly everywhere throughout Vienna. Easily heralding "ambiance." Especially of cafÂŽ environments, preserved much as they were, perhaps 150 years ago. Everyone knows the image of this chair. Today, people pass them. Thousands of simple, not necessarily comfortable or sturdy remnants. Nonetheless, they beckon us to discourse. A conversation about cultural, urban and ecological sustainability and resilience. Vienna, a contemporary example of the possibility for maintaining a large-scale culture that is accepting of the notion, "less resource consumption." The possibility to see how it is when people actually have a lifestyle in opposition to the otherwise plight of waste accumulation. The people in Vienna actively oppose this intolerable result, which would be an unhealthy, uninhabitable type of landscape. Autonomy as an Ideal A companion to the already mentioned Viennese cultural quality of arrogance is their cultural quality of autonomy. It appears that one of the highest Viennese ideals is to live in their own way, by their own means. It can be assumed, based on an examination of past and present events, that the Viennese prefer to keep their more or less cultural authenticity. Re-establishing the Austrian Republic after World War Two is an indicator of their separatist spirit. The debates about how to dene Austrian identity has persisted from at least since the end of World War One. Whatever the identity, it is kept distinct. The ideal of autonomy seems to be 176

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an aspect of the self-made man concept. The image is of a cosmic man, who emerges from nature. An autochthonous manifestation of willpower, in human form. Human kind, to write about the concept quite generally, all struggles to become as they wish to be. An autonomous human is in control of their own destiny. This is a Viennese ideal that delineates their pursuits form other ethnicities. The Viennese culture evidentiates a community that insists on conscientiously creating itself. In Vienna, the constant topic of conversation is about Vienna and being Viennese. It is said, without end, "this is Vienna." Or, without a pause, "this is Viennese." The people are constantly scripting themselves. The museums write what we know as Vienna. The government tells the people who they are and what they want. Of course, in the institutions, administrators enact biases. The mesmerizing romantic culture is actually formed for political and economic objectives. Under the cultural decor are investment strongholds. Links from public to private gains. Nonetheless, it is demonstrated, Austria always seeks to be self-reliant. Within the nation, the same political and economic value for self-reliance and self-governance, known as autarky, establishes the identity of each region. This is true for Vienna, the Viennese ecosystem, as it is for every other Austrian region's ecosystem. Meaning that the Viennese express ecology through their politics and economics. They set themselves apart in the world, somehow, based on what they can bring to life from their environment. I observed that their identity is based on what sustains their living and is plentiful enough for trade with their neighboring regions and beyond. With the world at large, the Viennese readily assert their own rules for business engagement. They appear to seek economic gains and then withhold them. Viennese men tend to deal with Viennese men. They seem to privilege themselves in this way. For example, it is 177

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common to see in the service sector, such as at certain conservative restaurants, only men working. They say it is because the labor they do requires suffering. Implying the men are chosen for physical strength, as if this is a normal benet to society. I say the all male work crews are an aesthetic. The traditional role of masculinity and its associated virility are put on display. Obviously, however, from this mentality, Viennese women experience economic, political and social discrimination. Women are often underemployed, it seems, to favor of placing men in leadership roles. I heard many women speak of their terribly precarious jobs. All, the single person responsible for their families. Many women work outside the home and care for aging parents, their young children and for emotionally or behaviorally troubled men. They support men who do not have jobs, the "dis-occupied." Nearly 69,000 more women than men live in Vienna, according to Vienna in Figures 2012 statistics. Socially and nancially established Viennese families tend to deal with socially and nancially established Viennese families. This indicates that the astounding wealth in Vienna is held among a fortunate few. When sensing how life is lived beneath the touted traditions and colorful advertising, considering most people in Vienna, the society does not feel liberal, open or mobile. The urban environment can seem entirely drab and dilapidated. As if void of nature. This is the sort of paradox, or parallax, typically experienced in Vienna. From moment to moment the scenario's details change. Vienna cannot be made to provide everything materially possible for the Viennese. Although the physical region is limited, usually the wants of people are not. However, the Viennese tend to want and need less material possessions than other western ethnicities. Their "do it yourself" and "do without" traits may be political and economic conventions. A means by which the Viennese preserve their value of self-reliance. Most Viennese appear to live a rather 178

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ascetic lifestyle. Modeled for them in the images of the regional and ever present heroes, saints and gods. The Viennese culture seems parsimonious. That is, having less private possessions. Less private space. Less xtures and furnishings. Less variety of clothing, for example, in comparison to many North Americans. Businesses in the United States of America, presented here as another Western civilization, yet as a contrasting example to Central Europe, agreed in the 1980s to a trading dependency on Mexico and China. It seems the common people merely gained larger wardrobes. Although, like the North Americans, the Viennese value system may be seen to be in a state of compromise. If viewed deeply enough, Austria's real entanglements with other nations are exposed. Austrian politicians, synonymously the nations socialites, have often been seen in double-dealing scandals. Recently, an interesting fact has been reported. Austrian Telekom has a majority of its stock held in a Mexican-based investment portfolio. For this reason and many along the same lines of logic, Viennese cultural ideals can be called myths. Everything the Viennese say about themselves can be doubted. Generally, traditionally, it has not been, or is not now considered to be an indigenous capacity: Viennese self-questioning. Skeptically and cynically, traditionalist voices say the Viennese do not have a self-analytical or reexive culture. Other critical, analytical voices say it is more often the business of the so-called foreigners to investigate Vienna. Without compromise or hesitation, the Viennese stay proud of what they do and where they are. The Viennese identity is land-based. The Viennese culture is formed upon a land ethic. The Viennese conscientiously, carefully speak of their ecosystem. They steadily go about environment and resource management. Children are guided to an awareness of their habitat. The 179

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fresh water delivery system, for example. Seasonally harvested meals, another example. White asparagus is available in the spring. Yellow carrots and pumpkin are in the fall. The city's waste is carefully burnt for fuel. When it burns, it heats water and the steam generates electricity. The procedure's gaseous exhaust is "scrubbed" to very "clean" standards, before it is allowed to escape the biomass facility, as a nontoxic emission. The same attention is given to the facility's water and solid emissions. The Spittleau Thermal Waste Treatment Plant, for example, is one of the most efcient incinerators in the world. Similarly, busses are labeled for operating on a biofuel made from regionally grown rapeseed. Some swimming pools are heated by solar collector panels. Adults have learned or are learning about the interconnectedness of nature and culture in the process of teaching the children, if not in their other endeavors. Adults are at least implicated in making ecologically careful political decisions, by their party afliation and in voting, if they are not environmentally active in their businesses. Urban medics and machine shop operators have immediate interests, not much like the botanists, zoologists, wildlife and range managers. Nonetheless, Viennese culture is inescapably earthy. Mothers and children keep container gardens. Children and fathers go camping and exploring along the water's edge. Lovers take holidays in spa resorts, or in rustic cabins that accent nature park preserves. No day in Vienna, it seems, is entirely void of naturalness. Or, of a reverence for nature's wonders. Tradition is a major aspect of being Viennese. I suggest it is the practice of ancestor worship. Tacit and explicit. People say in Vienna that we do something a certain way because it is our tradition. But, they do not explain why a tradition is something essential. Or, why people chose to follow along in old patterns, rather than to enact change. Offering new creations. 180

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! I suggest it is that individuals and families live among their dead relatives. In a transient culture, like North America is said to be, the graves are left behind when people move west. That is a usual passage. Many Viennese stay in Vienna. Similar to living among the ancestors, Viennese tradition is the enduring, widespread story of a person's innate, primal interconnection with land, home, family and society. If the story is not primordially true, at least it is routinely enacted. To the same effect. Young people in Vienna are often traditional. Not always, but enough so to be noticed as such. In Vienna, people who live a traditional lifestyle often act a bit haute. They assume a higher status based on being born in the city and by knowing the traditions. This is not as usual an attitude outside of Vienna, where many people are genuinely tied to the land and living in repressive rural situations. The people in the second case appear not only simple, but humble. However, this is a minority of the population. Overall, the Austrians are gregarious. For example, in rural areas motorcycle touring is a very popular activity. The motor bikes can easily swerve on narrow roads and climb the rugged topography. They are more economical to fuel. Separate subcultural groups of motorcycle people meet for roadside refreshments. Variations on motorcycle brands, styles and rider clothing signal their ideological distinctions. Sometimes the touring groups interact. In Austria, gas stations often have large eating and drinking areas. They are one example of a crowd social condenser. Another example is the central urban streets, where people typically walk. Clothes and accoutrements are invariably used to promote a sense of belonging. People appear right or left, well or ill, afuent or antagonistic. It appears that the Austrian play with status. It binds the people. Something like a comparative sport: look who has what, how they appear and what they do. Titles, attributions are 181

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a constant aspect of perpetuating social hierarchies. Suicide happening within the society is talked about often. Traditions, all the same. A lot of people in Vienna do not choose traditional rural style clothes. Some people refuse any association with this extensively promoted, sentimental, kitschy style. Such as the typical farm maiden affect. Cheery in a bodiced, aproned dress. Likewise, a working man in a blouse with deer skin shorts and tall wool socks. These clothes are known as a Dirndl and Lederhosen. This style is known as Tracht. Possibly more now than ever, when traditional clothing is worn in Vienna, it is to speak out for the Viennese's naturalistic ideals. The clothing is mostly seen in all sectors of Austrian advertising and in tourist provisions. Occasionally people wear traditional clothing on holidays and when spending the day on an outing with family. A Sunday brunch, for example. A birthday celebration. This is a standard way the high status Viennese express a respect and perpetuate their family heritage and cultural legacies. Whereas Trachtenmode clothing is entirely a traditional notion, an expansion and slight alternative style is known as Landhausmode. The term means something like farm or ranch wear, or rural fashion. A sort of landscape style. Landhaus is a revised, contemporary Tracht. More tting to the variety of conditions and moods in current reality. Further, it is a popular aesthetic with older "holidaymakers." Often seen on the most successful Viennese vintners, who also have a penchant for showy cars. Land Rover and Bavarian Motor Works, primarily. An aspect of the Trachtenmode and the Landhausmode which is used without restraint is the small two-toned checkered pattern. Mostly, when it is seen as made into a button-up shirt. This indicates a vintner. Or, a fan of vintners. Perhaps a family member of a grape growing family. As well, an avid visitor of wine taverns would wear such a shirt. 182

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! The shirts appear frequently in advertising for wines and wineries. Also, in promotions for the so-called Viennese lifestyle. Whereas in past eras, the pattern would have been made into material of undyed wool. Blacks, browns and tans. This continues to be seen in contemporary jackets that are worn in wine cellars. The contemporary cotton cloth for shirts is made in bright colors: red and white, pink and white, dark or light blue and white, dark or light green and white. Perhaps yellow and white. Whereas these were once men's shirts, contemporary women also wear the pattern. A similar trend includes women wearing the old-style leather shorts. Women wear an unlimited variations on the iconic aproned peasant, milk or barmaid style dress. This array of clothing is quite expensive to purchase. Almost always handcrafted. Not all wine makers t themselves into old fashioned stereotypes. Plus, many it seems, more and more people, prefer to play with reinterpreting traditional Viennese themes. Not only in the grape growing and wine making processes, but also in their clothing, lifestyles and advertising. It appears that a certain pleasure is gained among the Viennese who share an awareness of Vienna's history and its traditions to make humorous gestures with the design of their bottle labels and personal attire. Successful wine makers are often wealthy land and property owners. They are, at least by face and name, involved at the center of contemporary Viennese politics, as socialites. At least as the fashion elites in a reputed horizontal social structure. So far, in the twenty-rst century, wine makers are presented as a cultural ideal. An interesting twist on the image of wine makers is that of Jutta Ambrositsch. She is noticeable for being a younger than usual woman in the winemaking trade. She also dresses down, in many aspects, for her celebrity prole. 183

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! She brings into the image of Vienna a simple, dedicated, loving vineyard laborer. An effect accomplished by wearing, for example, a contemporary, muted tone camouage. Wool work pants. A sort of army sweater, or hunter jacket. Its bulk narrowed for her female gure by an idiosyncratic double wrapping, outside the gear, at her waist, of thin girly belts. Also on her tawny, freckled face, are Ray Ban pilot style sunglasses. She wears her hair wind tossed and carries cotton gardening gloves. This illustration of her personal style is important because in Vienna Ambrositsch's image is promoted in magazines and websites. She is billed as an attraction at events. Her name and prole are included along with those of politicians. She has their support and is one of Vienna's most recent expressions of ecology. Collective Narcissism It is often said by the Viennese that Austria is a small country. By repeating this clichÂŽ they excuse their narrow interests. The Viennese are focused on Vienna. It is a political and economic, cultural and environmental microcosm. Rudolf IV (circa 1360) claimed "the greater privilege" in a set of forged documents, known as the Priviegium Maius By starting the hereditary usage of particular rights, titles and insignia, he caused an imperial cult. It bound the wider territory of Austria with the established Holy Roman Empire and it with the political House of Habsburg and to the city of Vienna. Questioning the documents' authenticity and legitimacy was forbidden. Later, Frederick III (circa 1450) claimed that all the world is subject to Austria. Since then this sentiment has become a commonly known Viennese epigraph, AEIOU ( Alles Erdreich ist Â…sterreich untertan ). These historical anecdotes demonstrate aspects of a contemporary Viennese identity. In general, the people have a prevailing local attitude and behavior of decisive, 184

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assertive condence. A cultural norm. The monarchs traveled. Now, if a Viennese travels, likewise, it is for conquest. The tradition is to return to Viennese society with knowledge. Stories to share. The Viennese go out into the world and import advantageous achievements from other nations. Not indigenous. Nonetheless, intriguing innovations. Mostly, traditional Vienna is altered by advanced technologies. Especially fresh ideas. The Viennese love to use English for catchy headlines. They trade among themselves in novel language and words. Their telephones, cameras, computers and cars are international products. The well-to-do keep themselves on the leading edge of global progress. As far as know-how in representation, communication and information tools. The knowledge of foreign visitors is devoured like a cake. Prestigious guests are especially welcome. Greeted with a bevy of inquiries, especially of when they intend to depart Austria. The Viennese vigilantly keep Vienna Viennese. This means that they actively limit outside inuences. Primarily, accomplished by propagating this closed-society reputation. Secondarily, the change repellant is to eternally turn inward and backward. Purposefully reaching for historic customs as recognizable directives. That is the leading Viennese cultural quality and it effectively maintains the established power structure, if nothing more. From the street level, Vienna appears to be a vibrant mixture of the worlds people. Although, this is said to be an illusion. The people are actually living in "parallel worlds." From my experience, the society is slightly tolerant of the unfamiliar updates. People usually go along, day to day, in their own circles, rather than grandstanding. There are frequent political events. This disposition for organized protests, rallies, happenings and festivals seems to be a strong custom. At these times, automobile trafc, more than usual, is jammed. I can recollect attempting to commute across Vienna during an equal 185

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rights march. On another day, I remember an anti-totalitarianism sit-in. Another day, an anticapitalism occupation. Some actions are in sympathy with revolts taking place in other nations. Animal rights infractions, technological and bureaucratic alterations rile the Viennese to speak out. A portion of the Viennese I spoke with said they would like to be in a place like the United States of America, where change is made rapidly. This mentality is the antithesis to being Viennese. Relatively quick building construction is one example given to me by people who want to leave Austria. Educational liberty and business ambition are other examples of a person seeking a changeable culture, atypical of the Viennese culture. A changing or no culture is thought of as an American trait. Likewise, North America's demographics, showing immense population migration, is reason for intense Viennese suspicion. An overstatement, maybe, but to make the point: any concept of change posits a threat to Viennese identity and the ideal known as Vienna. Therefore, "Tradition is everything in Vienna." That is a typical expression heard there. The Viennese are in love with their own creations. In love with their own image. This sort of self-adoration is a Viennese social trait. Further, it binds the Viennese community. The effect of this Viennese high self-esteem positively impacts their political and economic success. They present themselves as enviable. As knowing leaders to be emulated. Also, the grandiose attitude is a point of humor between the Viennese. A mainstay of Viennese criticism. A usual political satire is, for example, the fall of arrogance. Another tradition, merciless admonishment for hubris. 186

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CHAPTER VII ECOCENTRIC POLITICAL ECOLOGY Social Benets While on the streets, meeting and speaking with many Viennese, the conversation regularly turns to local interests about employment and housing. The Viennese are overwhelmingly proud of what is, in Austrian-English, termed "the worker's associations" and "social housing." It appears the average Viennese could live in a rent controlled complex, or subsidized apartment building. Such structures appear to be frequent in the city's infrastructure. Access to many of these facilities are known to pass from one generation to the next. A preference is given to continuing existing contracts and maintaining cost of living fees at a basic, historically set level. The Viennese are accustomed to a rather leisurely lifestyle because many fundamental concerns are standardized and managed collectively as an aspect of ordinary government. The concept of welfare does not seem to be under dispute in Vienna. Not presently a point if contention. Except by extension to issues of political corruption, immigration and tax benet allocation. Regularly, the Viennese are not disgruntle about high income taxes (around 50 percent) because they take advantage of the system in which they contribute. Welfare is not stigmatized. It is regarded as necessity of life, since humans are vulnerable to variations in health. Our lives consist of active and passive phases. In Vienna, most people share the burden and the benets of their laws. Such as to do their shopping within limited hours and days per week. This escalates congestion. The advantage is, perhaps, some energy savings by sharing resources, such as lighting, heating and transportation. 187

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It is said, the clearest benet is to the employees of retail corporation because they have reasonable work schedules. Their families can also be honored and in that continuum of work to life balance the whole society is said to be healthier. A Viennese person would say that Vienna has a low crime rate and is a very safe place to live. Having plenty of rest is a prime aspect of the traditional Viennese health consciousness. It is generally known that in Vienna most people have paid holidays and medical benets. The people appear to enjoy this cultural arrangement and make the most of it. Vacation days are usually spent simply by gathering with family and friends. Vacationing locally is a frequent occurrence. A Viennese trait is enthusiasm for travel. Health maintenance visits to medical practitioners are a common practice. Psychology is an accessible welfare service. The Viennese widely appreciate the availability for mental and lifestyle analyses, therapy and coaching. Younger generations indulge without serious stigma. However, older people may humorously chide and belittle any affect of emotional weakness. The traditional Viennese character is reputedly stoic and self-reliant to a fault. This social construct may translate into an expression of ecology as an overall culture of efciency. Although on a case by case basis their may be abuses to and redundancies in the system, for example, when the practices are spread across nearly two million inhabitants, the order tends to be secure. The Viennese society is known to be an example of productivity. It is said that their output exceeds hours on the job to a greater degree than in some other societies, such as when their statistics are compared with those of North American cities. 188

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Life Reform Era Overwhelmingly signicant to the Viennese identity is the concept of life reform. Primarily as a historical era, having taken place in Vienna, among other prominent cities, during the late nineteenth century. Secondarily, life reform is a precedence for Vienna's contemporary society. Past issues continue to be examples of critical cultural concern. Variations of some issues are debated now. Other variations of reform era triumphs are mainstays of being Viennese, especially in the post World War Two era. As the Viennese progressed through the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, in addition to physical and economic reconstruction, a regional type of liberal lifestyle norm took hold in the popular will. The post world wars liberal tendencies outstripped much of the formalism associated with the aristocratic, military and religious pre world wars society. By the 1980s and 1990s the socialist era of Red Vienna was applied as a historical justication, a rationalization for social and environmental political protests, for building occupations and squatter settlements, within and around Vienna. Further bolstering the political activism of the late twentieth century activism was reference to the reform era land reforms and cooperative styled achievements. As an example, the public had won a garden cottage tradition in the early twentieth century. Later, once the Viennese regained political and economic stability, the garden cottage aspect of their society was revived and is thriving. Now, as the cottages are continuously occupied, they become established as tiny primary residences by use. In this case, the land use regulations follow popular will. Typically, contemporary Viennese believe in extending tolerance. This can be dened and practiced in varying manners. Recurring reform era attitudes, a back to nature ethic, for example, opens a way to understand many Viennese cultural traits. 189

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! A secular asceticism, or lifestyle simplicity, may be seen as a naturalism. The Viennese tend to prioritize an involvement with their nearby nature over meritism or materialism. Natural elements are incorporated into a traditional practice of self-healing. The Danubian environs and climate have from time immemorial supported a practice of naturism. The topography is spacious and easy to tread. Temperatures, especially in summer, remain mild. So, in the sometimes known as a clothing-optional lifestyle, or free body culture, air baths are thought to match the given ecosystem. In Austria and in the German-language the Free Body Culture ( Freikšrperkultur FKK) is a politically organized, represented entity. Already, in the late eighteenth century, a protective "bathing ship" was made for swimmers in Vienna's Danube. The idea is attributed to a medical doctor named Pascal Joseph de Ferro. An early example of a very long bodily trend that is in use today. There are swimming and other types of "boats" offering various recreational opportunities. Many anchored to the Danube's shoreline. After a century, in the early twentieth century, another swimming facility was started by a nature therapy proponent, Florian Berndl. The GŠnsehŠufel is basically a riverbank swim zone. In the late twentieth century, Vienna had its own nudist character. An uncanny, entertaining hero, god or saint type activist. Self-named named Waluliso. A mystical acronym representing the fundamental elements of nature (his legal name, Ludwig Weinberger). This validation of nudism is also accomplished by reference to the human bodies requirement for ultraviolet radiation from the sun, which is often in short supply from the sky above Vienna. The city sits under the humid gray sky of the damp Danube valley. It is also along the pattern made of rain, which regularly moves south across Central Europe. Much of Vienna's precipitin originates from the North Sea, its evaporation and condensation. 190

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! Dress reform, as it is said in Vienna, has been a decisive aspect of the liberal and tolerant Viennese society. The story of a "live and live sentiment" is told in this way. A revolt against cumbersome, restrictive and dangerous clothing norms began. It was against the pervasive expectations set during the eras of aristocratic trendsetting, such as for wearing the debilitating corset. The morals were ultimately transformed into a societal appreciation of what is known as free association, meaning gender and sexual integration. As well, women and men began to practice outdoor activities, such as trekking through the Vienna Woods and among the suburban agricultural elds, hills and villages. People established sports clubs. Cooperatively conducted coordination and strength training. Commonly doing gymnastics and expressionistic dance together. Females and males now maintain the option to share Vienna's saunas and solaria. Gender segregation, differing from sexism, is currently unusual among the Viennese. The Viennese inclination toward natural healing practices is known as naturopathy. The Austrians have developed an abundance of natural healing centers throughout Austria. These are many of the nation's main cultural attraction, no less so within the densest conurbation -Vienna. Vienna has a long list of famous names associated with it. The people that can be listed somehow lend their personas to the reputation of the city. Many of the historical gures came to Vienna from various birthplaces within the Habsburg Empire. Still, they are referred to as Viennese. Similarly, if their reputation has been at any time controversial, in contemporary media they remain claimed by Vienna. More than most cities, it seems, Vienna has had social, political, economic, artistic and cultural reformers. Most of these people who have an iconic prominence lived alternative lifestyles by some standards in their eras and ours. Many adopted communal living situations. Bringing together a collective or cooperative sort of family or school. They 191

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adopted housing arrangements that supported their creative endeavors. The environments they inhabited were, likewise, important factors related to their notable and varied missions. With these personas and their agendas, the Viennese ecosystem also become iconographic. It has often been depicted as lush and rich. Sometimes as a contrast and other times as complimentary, the depiction has been of depravity. Many of the names that represent Vienna are of men who intended to change social expectations. A survey of some can serve to pin point how the Viennese express ecology. Karl Wilhelm Diefenbach, for example, broke an astounding number of conventions. He was an advocate of vegetarianism and whole foods when these were an unfamiliar concern. Along with him, were other reformers, such as Gustav Grasses, Rudolf Steiner, Vincent Priessnitz, Sebastien Kneipp and Florian Berndl. All effected Viennese culture in some sense that remains there today. Diefenbach is pointed to as a forefather of the modern ecology movement. He sought escape from the industrializing and commercializing norms in German society. For some while he acquired accommodations in Vienna, a place named the Heavenly Farmyard, or alternatively Sky Garden ( Himmelhof ). He is a famous example of the alternative ambitions and art communal living that has taken place in Vienna. For their abnormalities, his group was pressured to move away from Vienna. They went to Capri and Germany. Many men in Central Europe, in his general era, demonstrated similar aspirations and fates. After knowing Diefenbach in Vienna, Grasses founded a different social group. His people shared the aim of lifestyle and artistic experimentation. Eventually they established an artists colony in Switzerland, which became a reference for alternative cultures in the following eras. 192

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! Steiner, no less experimental, urged environmental and transcendental ethics. He formed ideas from his early life in Austria. He organized his perceptions into a school of thought. He also developed a group living arrangement in Switzerland. He also faced many trials for going beyond social norms. Eventually his admirers spread the knowledge he professed throughout the world. It is viewed, by some people, with severe suspicion. From other eras, Priessnitz and Kneipp, like those people already mentioned, claimed a revolutionary stance affecting personal and public health. The collection of names I have provided are unied by a concern for the continuum between human nutrition and environmental integrity. Although, unlike the others, Priessnitz and Kneipp emphasized water as a healing property. Entire medical philosophies and practices, to this day, are built upon their life's histories, including aspects of Vienna. Priessnitz career is monumentalized by a fountain dedicated to him in Vienna's TŸrkenschanzpark. He had established a children's pool in the area, which in its era was much like a healing spring bath. Kneipp rst learned this sort of medicinal practice from Priessnitz and then extended it. His remedies started with cold water treatments and wading routines. Now his name represents a discipline including herbal and dietary treatments. There is also a fountain dedicated to him in Vienna's TŸrkenschanzpark. In Vienna and throughout Austria, contemporary resorts, known as thermal baths and saunas, incorporate extensive menus of spa services. They provide healing arts and medical practices as these life reformers had prescribed. These so-called folk medicine traditions are now considered normal. On a society-wide basis, so-called alternative medicine is regarded as complimentary to -not as being in conicting with -conventional surgical and pharmaceutical type treatments. 193

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! Further, Berndl advocated a fun, outdoors, naturalistic and even nude style of recreation in Vienna. For health, like the other reform thinkers. Berndl thought the Danube water and river banks offered the city dwellers ample opportunities for physical tness and an arena for benecial socializing. He organized a community of bathers and demonstrated the lifestyle. After facing many political battles, Berndl alas won in establishing the swimming culture and infrastructure we see existing in Vienna. However, the success in his lifetime was made of ts, starts and falls. Like many other proponents of a carefree lifestyle, he was prosecuted as immoral. All together, the names mentioned, the people's biographies and the result's of their life's work illustrate aspects of what it is to be Viennese and how the Viennese express ecology. From before them and from them, folkish (ordinary), folklore (traditional) notions of health and healing persist. These stories are, among others, to often partake in swimming and sunning. Frequent self-exposure to fresh air and socializing. Drinking water and wine. Expressionism It is useful to consider the art of Gustav Klimt and Egon Schiele when characterizing the Viennese. These two visual artist may epitomize the idealized cultural milieu of Vienna more than any other characters eternally present there. A possible reason that their identities are so critical to making meaning of the Viennese culture is that as visual artists Klimt and Schiele produced extensive collections of work now kept in the city's museums. The art work is continuously reproduced in every visual format possible. It is used to promote not only the art itself and its artist, but also to promote the museums, the city and its stereotypical lifestyle. Its so-called traditional culture. 194

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! Klimt and Schiele created recognizable styles of imagery. Also, recognizable are their artistic themes. The themes seem to be an emergent phenomena from their Viennese involvements. Their biographies are as iconic as their art. They were known as transgressors of respectable social boundaries. Each in their own way delved into alternative lifestyles. Klimt adopted communal living and reform dress. Schiele apparently spent an extensive amount of time living among women who worked in brothels. They both broke conventional art school taboos. Once their careers matured, the subjects and styles they practiced were considered controversial. However, now they represent Vienna's glory. That is a sense of respect for independent genius, or at least for individuality. This contemporary Viennese attitude is extended, somewhat quietly, across Vienna and to encompass the world. People who are contributing something outstanding to humanity are, if somehow in Vienna, good for publicity. A monarchal idea. The Klimt and Schiele art are symbolic and expressive. Examining these communication techniques also aids in making an understanding the Viennese society. Things mean something to the Viennese. Usually, everything is known to represent more than is materially present. Inhabiting Vienna is to be in a cloud of symbols, a multitude of double entendres. The Viennese are overwhelmingly expressive, although on the surface appearing reserved. Within a traditional structure exists a ood of traditional emotion. The Viennese are often "warm," it is said. Romantic and sentimental. Partially nostalgic. Klimt and Schiele's gave us disturbingly hot paintings and drawings. Their lives are known to have been and can be imagined to break social constraint, as if electrical storms. A downpour could be phenomena or term used to characterize Vienna and a Viennese inclination. The moodiness of Klimt and Schiele images tells much about what is not ordinarily said in words. Rather, we catch a feel for 195

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what people may do in more or less private circumstances. In Klimt's work a context is without fail present. In Schiele's work the absolute absence of context is evidence of its essential presence. Both artists convey a sense of the Viennese ecosystem. They interpret Vienna as magical and mysterious. It seems neither artist's work would be as it is if they were from, or expressing another, culture. Consociationalism My contemporary anthropological eld research in Vienna has revealed at least two layers possible of cultural understanding. The surface layer is comprised of mostly advertising. Especially made by government departments and institutions. In it is a repetition of historical traditions. Much information about Vienna shared in street corner conversations is unreective, merely repeating these propagandistic stories. By my experience, the Viennese are prone to speak in clichÂŽs about their ecosystem. For me, another, deeper layer of understanding about the city, its infrastructure and residents, arose through attentive interaction with the environment. Through critical observation and critical questioning. At this layer, Vienna's government became the center of my investigation. The reason is that Vienna felt to operate far differently than any other city I have known. Unlike Los Angeles, Denver, Manhattan, Paris, Zurich or Berlin, Vienna's governmental system appears to be connected with and to animate all the surface level components of the society. For example, in Vienna is the boy's choir. The people's opera. The palaces and villas. The city's museum and the free bicycles. All are sponsored by the government to some degree. Generally, a tourist on a leisure trip to Vienna is there to be entertained. Classical music and sung dramatical performances, hardy food and glamorous shopping are the prime, standard 196

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attractors. Next, solemn church visits. Either genuinely sacred, or similarly, to secular pilgrimages. Historical monument walking tours, art museums and resting in cafes are third tier attractions. Typically, bus loads of tourists experience Vienna together in this fashion. They briey see remnants of baroque and Habsburg lives. They take the city based on its reputation and leave in a few days or less. The government actively cultivates this pattern of incoming trips. These old images. Tourism is controlled and has not wavered much in several generations, if not a longer time than that. Tourism and tourist marketing is not new to the Viennese. It is their main industry. Updates to the pre world war idealizations of Vienna may be indicated by tourism based on Sigmund Freud's biography (circa 1900), The Third Man lm (circa 1950), the city's current architecture, design and planning (circa 2000) As a newer expansion of the city's marketing, wine drinking has debuted in recent decades. Rumor has it, beer was once more prominent in Vienna, but it became associated with rowdies and lost favor with the society's political and economic goals. However, beer drinker mentality has changed and beer marketing in Vienna is a tend on the rise. Now wine, what was possibly an ordinary regional beverage, has been rebranded with an aura of gold. Similarly, the local swimming facilities have been relabeled as silver. Such as the city's silver lining on so many of its cloudy days. These are the present two most valuable representatives of Vienna's alternative infrastructure. Not the usual fresh water delivery system. Nor waste water and sewage treatment system, but a less familiar look into a city. Rarely possible as it is in Vienna, a perspective through vineyards and sunbaths. From here I began to examine how these amenities are marketed to Vienna's tourists. It appeared they are simultaneously marketed to the Viennese. 197

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! The reason for so much regional marketing appears to be from the local tradition of a political and economic hegemony. Simply, to keep in place the existing order by continuously inuencing public opinion. As if the politicians and the governmental philosophy are in a perpetual campaign. Plus, the business of producing the advertisements is protable. The existing political, economic and cultural order is a product. Is reproduced. I cannot guess how frequently people visit Vienna as "governmental tourists." Possibly often, but most people appear to be there with a socializing interest. And, with an interest in material artifacts, rather than in policy. For tourists, the Viennese government seems to be the metaphorical elephant in the room. An unavoidable reality of the presenter, which does not actually match the idealized illusions being presented. For example, the monarchy is the main attraction, but it has passed and its achievements are increasingly irrelevant. The social democracy, although somewhat concealed, is, in Vienna, the real important story. The Viennese see Vienna as tourists do not. The Viennese who look may see the governmental mechanisms and explain them to an otherwise unaware visitor. As in my case, upon my arrival in Vienna, all democracies were the same to me. Western nations were the same. Their cultures were similar. I sought to see the nation's power or transportation grid and to drink beer. My presumptions were uninformed and upon arrival the Viennese made this clear. In Vienna I became informed about the social democracy's intent. It is the people's will to collectively balance the gross errors of capitalism. Most people, the public, are social servants. With this mindset: we serve each other in some way. A society ought to support itself, the mass of workers. The story told to me in Vienna about social democracy is of communalism before egalitarianism. "Solidarity" is the third most popular word in Vienna, after "tradition" and 198

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migration." Solidarity is, by my experience, in contrast with the popular words "liberty," "freedom," "independence" and "individuality," as used in the United States. The Austrian social democracy, seated in the capitol city of Vienna, is seamless with the social market economic system. The evident Austrian preference for solidarity policies motivates prominent taxation and welfare spending. It appears that for environmental issues, in tandem with each social issue, there is a parliamentary representative and a governmental department. Ideally, special issue lobbying occurs transparently within the parliament, rather than from without the government, by hidden interests groups. The departments interact between the democratically elected negotiators and public need. As well, departments apply the policies. These are leveling mechanisms. In the social democracy, in the parliamentary system and social market economy, political issues interest silos have long been established. Advocates gather into these political collectives, becoming party politicians. Their role is to maintain the prominent boundaries of the party's political, always somehow economic, interests. The interests silos are also known as interest storehouses. Or, possibly, houses of parliament. According to the book, Politics in Austria: Still a Case of Consocialism? (1992), edited by Kurt Luther and Wolfgang MŸller, the German word for storehouse is lager Political scientists and economists have referred to Austrian government as a lager system and more or less equated "lager" with "consociationalism. Both terms refer to a political system motivated by group interests. Lager indicates clarity, a transparency or opaqueness. The explanation's idea and its relevance, truth value or not, is contested because ideal political systems and actual politics are not directly connected. There are private interests pressuring the social democracy from inside it and out, seen and unseen. Parts of the lager system may be publicly known and other 199

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parts function secretively, perhaps against the laws. A government may be swayed against enacting its democratic principals when strongly established private interest groups carry more inuence than the voters. Austria is known for political and economic corruption in this manner and its commitment to being a democracy is often criticized. An ongoing, active interrelation between all sorts of established interest groups is a governmental or political system known as consociationalism. Critics of Austrian politics have argued that Austria is a consociational system and that it is not. The topic is not likely to be resolved because the labeling is dependent on how differing arguments are constructed. How the term is variously dened and the supporting evidence either includes or excludes particular examples. For me, it is useful to think of Vienna as consociational and to examine the Viennese culture from both sides of a corruption midline. From my street corner perspective, an example proving Vienna is a corrupt political ecology is the prevalence of state monopolies. Also, nepotism and cronyism. I must admit saying this from a North American educational, United States citizen, perspective. Monopolies, nepotism and cronyism are the antithesis to democracy, because democracy is dened in relation to capitalism, which in turn is related to merit, private competition, decentralization and deregulation regulations. A contrasting example disproves the claim that Vienna is a corrupt political ecology. The example is corporatism. The term denes a prevalence of and perhaps preference for the same phenomena as already mentioned, state monopolies. If Austria is in fact a democracy and the voting public favor government owned monopolies, then this system of business cannot be called a corruption. I suggest the political will would then be known as cooperativeness and to recognize these junctures is essential in making meaning of my eld research in Vienna. The 200

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Viennese express ecology as a political ecology. Another way of saying, an ecological logic, or "ecologism." Again, I repeat, the Viennese apparently prioritize social issues and environmental issues, rather than freedom, change or prot issues. They keep a certain concept of democracy, of politics and economics in mind. Not a denition assumably equal to that seen in the United States. The world has not shrunk so much with technological and nancial innovations that Austria is indistinguishable from America. It follows, contemporary Vienna is an impressive case to study, especially for English-language urban ecology and ecological urbanism. In which bodies of knowledge Vienna is so far under represented. Gewista and Perikles A walk through inner city Vienna, where stucco faced buildings, many oors in height, narrowly line streets, requires a lot of turning and to often hop a protruding cobble stone. The sight of a bicycle for free stand is intriguing. It references the narrow and broken bicycle lanes. The hazardous drivers and pedestrians. The chaos among a multitude of transportation types: trams and busses. The Citybike stands also reference the welcoming generosity of the Viennese. A visitor may have a free bike for an hour and after a 15 minute rest may take it or another again. Citybike stands mark an infrastructure existing across Vienna. Not as it rst appears, as just the bikes and cyclist amenities, but more importantly Citybike reveals Gewista, the state owned advertising monopoly. Gewista is the key to my understanding of the Viennese ecosystem and my meaning-making research project. Whereas the Citybike logos are big and yellow, the Gewista logos are smaller and red. Once I began to look around at all the transportation amenities, like bus stop passenger shelters, I started to see the Gewista infrastructure, which by 201

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far exceeds that of Citybike. Although a smaller logo, Gewista is everywhere in Vienna. Not only the hardscaped inner city, but throughout the city's transitioning belts of land use development. Where it goes from hard to softscape. From gray stones to green foliage. Gewista's advertisement structures are ubiquitous Vienna. So present, so purposefully ignorable, they become in some ways invisible. Just as the common presence of spray painted grafti and piles of dog waste in Vienna. The advertisements mounted onto the Gewista structures are changed weekly in busy locations and bimonthly in less trafcked zones. The advertisements themselves are often huge and bright imagery. Advertising styles can be magical and lucky events, cartoon sarcasm, closein political and celebrity proles, country kitsch, outdoor paradise, risque but practical home and love making, concerned and devout neighbor, children's beauty and safety, mainstream political party revolutionary claims, standard Viennese art history, standard grocery store deals. Other advertising is all about events. Musical and theatrical performances. Hundreds, thousands of continually changing museum exhibits. Rarely for small, private restaurants or products. In short, Viennese advertising is different than in other cities. A different aesthetic than in the United States, for example. Color schemes and sales themes are of a different type. The faces and phrases mimic the Viennese, their mentalities. Workers are often shown in their uniforms. Extended families are shown together. Politician eye color is of main concern, shown as if blue is better. In much of the advertising meant to express condence and pleasure, more skin and physique is shown. Products are sold by their proximity to healthy bodies and political norms. This media sphere, exemplied by Gewista, is inescapably Vienna. Taking serious notice of Gewista's presence points to similar media franchises in the city and to the Austrian preference for state monopolies. 202

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! Some of the monopolies are broken. Some of the broken monopolies are reconstituted. To make sense of the exact details is beyond the scope of this research project, which has been conducted as a eld reconnaissance. A gathering of baseline data. An introduction to Vienna and the Viennese from a position on the ground, looking at how life is actually lived. A survey of impressions gained through cultural immersion. In a rst-person experience of the phenomena, rather than through a detailed analysis of it, which may be conducted later as an extension from the nished project in hand. A Viennese state monopoly that has either been broken or is reconstituted is Perikles Bestattung The business, or service, is similar to a mortuary, undertaker, burial or crematoria. They specialize in dignied deaths. This somehow translates to comforting the bereaved with ceremonies and memorabilia. I am not certain if the facilitate the contracting of tombs, crypts, cenotaphs or urns. In 2003, the Perikles Bestattung -rst private burial service -was opened in Vienna. The service's logo, the face of the famous ancient Greek emperor and hero, is presented on Viennese signs similar to those for automobile trafc directions. Although, the Perikles sign is memorable. The effect is different from the often playfully appearing popular advertisements. He appears dignied. However, recently Perikles Bestattung have not remained nancially solvent, resulting in the services becoming reabsorbed into the Viennese government's functioning again. The economic understory here may be that the Viennese are in the habit of controlled, state subsidized, not vague, privately consumed, funeral services. It is worth noting, in Vienna, the events surrounding a death are extravagantly ritualized and therefore complex. Probably expensive on the free market. The Undertaking Service of Vienna ( Bestattung Wien literally "Vienna Funeral") was for many generations, if not still is the only, or the most prominent of a precious few burial services in Austria, for the many millions of lives lost over the decades and 203

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the generational renewal. As I understand it, there is a base burial service, with a low fee offered, for everyone who cannot afford more. In Vienna, it is common for a family to keep the same grave site, shared among its many family members and through many generations. Every district has at least one graveyard. Some parks were burial grounds in prior eras. At rst glance they all appear as if historically lled to capacity. However, burial spaces are reused after a time. A government department oversees the operations of all the graveyards. It remains uncertain to me how the possible monopoly Bestattung Wien and Perikles Bestattung interact, also with the municipal departments, Graveyards Vienna and Vienna City Works ( Friedhšfe Wien und Wiener Stadtwerke ). The Viennese know of the state monopolies. There does not seem to be an antitrust or trust breaking mentality in Vienna, among ordinary citizens, currently. It seems if state monopolies are broken and privatized, the action arises from within the Viennese and Austrian political leadership as an effort to create capitalistic competition within Austria and among Austrian rms. In other words, to make their political and economic system more efcient and effective, in terms of a somewhat more liberal, more competitive market. A cautionary note is a recent scandal, which came to the media's attention. It has been noticed that a Viennese politician and his cooperators, outside and in the government, had somehow privatized a lot of public housing for personal prot. Whichever way, an illegal act. This is the talk happening among people on the streets. Some Viennese say, ironically, this is typical Vienna. Typical Austria. Wien Holding, Oberlaa Therme The term "state monopoly" is somewhat pejorative and not used as frequently within acceptable, formal government speak, as is the term "state corporation." Vienna Holding is a successful state corporation. It was established within the recent couple of decades as a venue for 204

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partially privatizing the Austrian government. Many prior government departments, institutions and administration facilities were assigned new legal status and from then forward have been operated more as not-for-prot enterprises. Explained again, these institutions are accountable for generating an income that sustains their missions. A few performance venues and museums have become directed by this strategy. Vienna Holding is operated as an umbrella corporation and makes investments in real estate and property development, beyond the management of priorly established cultural facilities. The Vienna Holding logo is seen on countless publications. Their state corporation promotional brochures are distributed throughout the city along with national museum exhibitions advertisements and state organized housing development pamphlets. Their logo is visible on annual event schedules, such as dance, lm and bike festivals. They managed Gewista for many decades. Another product and responsibility of Vienna Holding, at least in part, is the redevelopment of Oberlaa Therme. A warm sulfur spring, historically established as a public bathing facility and day resort. Now, in its new form, known as Therme Vienna. It is a massive facility, spread over a considerable suburban, relatively low density, park-like territory. Built in a contemporary or postmodern architectural style. The complex shelters indoor and outdoor pools that cater to visitor fancies, such as hot and cool, calm and active. Much space is allotted for refreshments, entertainment and lounging. There are expansive locker rooms, showers, dry saunas and steam rooms. There are cedar walls and decks, concrete edges, brushed stainless steel pools, along with glass tile and other porcelain xtures. Some areas are wide and enclosed by large vaulted ceilings. Other areas are linear, have a low, horizontal or compartmentalized feel. Included in the complex are grassy lawns and foothills, partially forested. Everywhere are web 205

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surfaced reclining chairs for swimmers, bathers, sunners, sleepers, chatters or readers to claim as their visits landmark, or base station. Aside from these more or less leisure facilities, the complex is also the location of health care services. Such as physical therapy and massage. There is a hair salon and swimsuit shop. Nearby is a pharmacy and diner. Public transportation, a tram stop, is just a few minutes walk down from the entry plaza. Every year since its redevelopment, opening in 2010, more visits are counted to Therme Vienna. Generally, while in the research process, I was told about and shown directly a Viennese lifestyle. Not to represent all citizens, but at least make some understanding possible about how a regionally and historically determined portion of the local population lives. These Viennese within my research scope, may be from the Vienna area by birth. Or, by ancestry. They may be land or business owners. Politicians, professionals or socialites. Museum workers. More than any other common trait of the Viennese I have talked and walked with, they are Viennese by interest. A civic community. The city is their common denominator. Its history and amenities. Also, Vienna's past and present politics. How do the Viennese express ecology? Through political persuasion. The Viennese say they are tolerant, however, Vienna is not in the least a value neutral zone. Vienna is a political ecology. It is an atmosphere of competing and interacting political messages. Social welfare and environmental health are distinct and leading political positions communicated in Vienna. Global concerns permeate the local Viennese political discourse. Such issues as human rights, social justice, peak oil and climate change. The local concern is for exposing political, religious, business and nancial corruption. For fair political and economic ethnic, gender and sexual orientation representation and participation in mainstream society. 206

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! Viennese struggle to overcome the deadening effects of traditionalism and conservatism. At once the Viennese uphold and disparage their traditional cultural taboos. This is apparent when reading their city government's website and when reading local news, the posters and the journals. When talking with citizens. When considered from the position of standing on the ground in Vienna, the Viennese appear to be slowly progressive. More than the physical sciences approach to environmental politics, the Viennese emphasize the human sciences approach. Their ecological logic is material, social, cultural and personal. Austria has made space for a biocentric political ecology, an ecologism. First, they have a political party that represents the ecological movement. A political party as a storehouse, or silo for keeping up to date and in debate a vanguard on environmental issues. The Austrian Green Party is active in Vienna. The Viennese express ecology by political participation in their national government. The fact that the Green Party is established attests to the factuality of a Viennese human, cultural and social ecology ethic. A politically aware environmental ethos, beyond the emotional attachment to their environs. Already, after World War One and before World War Two, a socialist movement existed in Vienna. It was a political and lifestyle reform era known as "Red Vienna." There was a civil war and the socialists were outlawed by the winning conservative, fascistic government. The Austrian fascists were at odds with German fascist, until they were outlawed by the Nazis. Once the German National Socialists were outlawed, the Viennese established a socialist government. That is, after World War Two and as the occupation by allied forces ended. The Viennese citizens have voted into ofce a socialist government in nearly every election since. In Vienna, it is necessary to understand that political and social history. By it, almost every conversation is contextualized and positioned. Especially about the urban ecosystem. It is 207

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one of a few key frames of reference for understanding most of the recent activities in the city that are visible now. The political history is a synopsis of stereotypical Viennese values and expectation, attitudes and behaviors. The Viennese "red party," the Social Democrats (SPÂ…), has overseen, since the late 1960s, the establishment of the most modern aspects of Vienna's so-called "bathing culture." The swimming, sunbathing and sauna facilities, the reverence and frequent visiting of mineral and thermal springs, are expressions of Viennese political, human and urban ecology. Viennese urbanity is local participation in the traditional Finish sauna ritual. Stadt Wien, Weingut Cobenzl The city government of Vienna holds its own corporations. For example, the vineyards and winery named Cobenzl belongs to the city of Vienna. Cobenzl was once a palace or a villa on the northwestern edge, just out of the inner city. A Viennese diplomat had acquired the land as a reward for service to the monarchy. After some generations, the family was not able to maintain it as private property. They made an arrangements to operate it as a hospitality business. More time passed and prots were insufcient. Another arrangement was made for the city to operate the hospitality business. Now the operations are diversied. On the property are formal and informal events venues. Along with the semiformal wine business there is another restaurant, very casual. It is special for its 1950s ambiance and scenic view. There is a Cobenzl demonstration farm and petting zoo. Used primarily for children's education and family entertainment. It is frequently promoted in governmental literature that is circulated publicly, in the every day Viennese society. Cobenzl vineyard and its villa are used for wedding parties. Its wine cellar is open for public tours and the facility is accessible by public transportation. The wine produced in the 208

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Cobenzl cellar is bottled and labeled Cobenzl Stadt Wien (City of Vienna). It wins Viennese government sponsored wine tasting awards. It is for sale at an average price among locally produced, privately owned vineyard wines. Cobenzl wine bottles are visible among other wines at events throughout the city. It is not yet clear to me how the prots from the city's wine sales and event space rental fees are counted in comparison to the city's tax revenues. Or, how the city's competition for wine buyers sits against the private wineries who's business incomes are their exclusive, direct and immediate means of survival. I do know that the Cobenzl landscape, its vineyards and wine, its logo are becoming central in Vienna's city marketing of itself as a so-called "wine city," as said in Austrian-English. The city of Vienna, through the business Cobenzl, is expanding its vineyard properties on a separate Viennese hill from where the Cobenzl villa stands. The city is accumulating what are now fallow elds across the Bisamberg, that were probably small scale private vineyards. It appears the city of Vienna will be able to establish a large scale agricultural operation. Probably vineyards, as the new Cobenzl billboard on the Bisamberg suggests. I heard from a Viennese, in passing, that the Bisamberg is the largest, uninterrupted expanse of agricultural land within the city of Vienna proper. Located north of the Danube and Vienna Woods, a seemingly sunnier terroir than hills south of the river. Already, its main crop appears to be, historically, wine grapes. Viennese humor is famous. Tourists to Vienna are warned by friends and guidebooks about the word games the Viennese play. They make puns and banter as jest and a test of wits. They have an immense quantity of clichÂŽs that gloss troubles, serve as conversation in the absence of substance and to keep up with insiders at the expense of outsiders. An overriding quality assigned to Viennese is charm, which when translated into American-English means attery. The point to be made by this description: Viennese society is 209

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imaginative. Their urbanity is dubious. When lacking malcontent, a lot of fun is generated. The play on words, an associated reality, can be entertaining. The Viennese appear not to be entirely committed to reality. Within tradition, a creative mentality wins praise. The indenite, or indeterminable, qualities of reality allow the Viennese to create idealized versions of reality. As if an implicit game of "let us pretend." Do not mention it if you see falsity. It is better to play along in Vienna, because to have half of an ideal is better than all reality. So it seems. The Viennese wine culture and the grape growing industry may be over-the-top idealizations. These phenomena are certainly presented in media in a fashion that overtakes bland reality. However, the business of wine in Vienna may be overkill. People cannot consume, nor do they need to consume, the immense quantity of wine promoted in Vienna. Though wine may be stored and shipped, it is conceivable that the promotion of the Viennese wine industry is too much. Without more agricultural diversication, Vienna may be considered unsustainable. Most of its wine production is locally consumed. It seems a market expansion is needed to match any planting and manufacturing expansion. Underpinning these third-order concerns lays a second and rst order. Political and cultural will to further engage in global trade and economics. An ability for the local ecosystem to provide enough nutrition for the Viennese, aside from wine. Anyway, the concept of a contemporary Vienna without wine tasting leaves only a vacancy in mind. Much print media seen now would not exist. If the wine industry were to instantly disappear, only museums would remain as large, as prominent, a subculture presented in Vienna's media. That is: the museums and sex, then politics. Art and history. Then shopping and eating. Vacations, traditions, families and gardens. Swimming and the Danube. Romans, Celts, all about antiquities and wars. Breads and pastries, coffee are subcultures, too. Brothels and the Prater Park are other cultures. The list could go on 210

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much, much further. The fact is, Vienna is an incredibly complex, human-dominated ecosystem. It is a rich human ecology. Wine drinking and sunbathing are important Viennese expressions, but not the only ones. From on the street level, the Viennese are seen as having a myriad of interests, activities and investments. They have a sense of doing business and of limiting business. Of being on and off the clock. Perhaps it is the expansive establishment of an Austrian wine industry itself that is the most impressive Viennese expression of ecology. Similar to their contribution in establishing the Austrian Green Party. The basic presence of these distinct facts actually existing among world nations and capitol cities is an afrmative expression of ecology. Afrming the existence of ecosystem. In the same order of thinking, that of these distinct establishments, with the wine culture, the environmental or ecological movement, state welfare, including health facilities, such as swim centers, can be seen as afrming ecosystem. The Viennese ecologism combines environmental politics and human health. Also, the Viennese ecologism combines environmental health and human politics. The mythic aura of Vienna is especially presented in the media. Generally, Vienna is this same idealization in the minds of the Viennese. The actual Vienna, visible and audible at ground level, is more varied, stratied, contentious, compromised and cruddy than visible or audible in the media alone. The Viennese tend to glorify, rather than criticize, Vienna. They seem to often be detached from ugly reality and attached to mirroring their traditional myths. Such as, the assumed pleasure of dining among the grime at the Naschmarkt. Perhaps it is the primacy of the tourism industry that enables so much Viennese theatrics. They play and still get paid. Imagine, at work you deal in grapes. The Viennese do. No one in the grape trade can be angry because grapes are a funny fruit. Round, fat, juicy, sweet, refreshing, jiggly, squishy and 211

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bright grapes. Millions and billions of them grow every year, from nearly nothing. From dirt. This is Viennese business. Their work is nearly child's play. They guiltlessly indulge in it. Work assumes a mythical aura of cheeriness. To be working in the vineyard, the wine cellar and tavern is granted a heroic aura. Same for the images of vines, presses, barrels, grape seed extract and picnics. Viennese work is heroic and fun. This encouraging image illustrates a stereotypical mythicization, the iconic images made of many industries, businesses, labels and faces in Vienna. This mythicization process is a Viennese cultural trait. To see through it is most savvy. Off work, the Viennese are often laughing. Mostly about what happens while they work. In this scenario, Viennese solidarity is totally obvious. It appears Vienna operates like a small town. Everyone knows everyone. Everyone knows everything about everyone. Further, changeover is minimal. The whole of Viennese culture progresses like a slug. Together they inch along. Not losing a bit. Not missing a morsel. Much Viennese humor is sarcastic. Also, directly rude. Since humor is a type of play and Viennese humor is about work-life, I make a correlation from it to the emotional venting of frustrations. Joking and laughing as a release of anger. A means to overcome mishaps and futility. This seems to be a recognition of a critical trait, because the Viennese do not seem to leave Vienna or each other. They live solidarity and respect solidarity. In their ecosystem, people stay. By extension, their ecologism is a venting. A shared commitment to airing concerns. All this is Viennese urbanity and Viennese urbanity is an expression of ecology. Taking the Cure "The cure" is a Viennese phrase. It means something like a holiday or vacation. For example, in the Viennese dialect they say: "Kurort," "Kurtherme" and "Heiltherme." In the past, when the city was smaller, a mineral spring existed at the outer edge of the city. The monarchs, 212

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especially, went there to drink the water and a resort was developed, welcoming more of the Viennese society. As the city expanded, the resort became small in a large urban park. Since then, much of the land has been developed as cityscape. However, some structures remain and are used for events. They are known by the old name for the spring and hillside, which is Water Slope ( das Wasserglacis ). It is the tradition of water as a healing agent that is central to "taking the cure." Also, outdoor air, exercise and relaxation. Sunning the skin. These are essential, traditional aspects of Viennese medicine. Red and Green Coalition Overall, in this dissertation I can make one claim that unies my many other claims. I provide extensive evidence to support the observation that the Viennese government is purposefully in a trend of environmental mainstreaming. Viennese society is being transitioned toward an ideal of ecological sustainability. The mayor and vice-mayor, Michael HŠupl and Maria Vassilakou, represent the social and environmental parties. The have formed a coalition since the 2010 election year. To date, a notable results from their combined leadership has been that inner city parking rates were increased, the public transportation yearly pass rates were reduced and where possible the bicycle lanes are widened and extended. All these trends in Vienna are controversial. No consensus without detractors. No new solutions to old problems without new problems. The Viennese media does present stories for and against. State oriented journalism exists, such as all that is produced by the Austrian Broadcasting Corporation. Its acronym, ORF, is known by every Viennese. It is a state corporation, or synonymously a "public foundation." 213

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! More of a critical style journalism also exists, such as that produced by the Prol magazine. Where the ORF becomes entangled in scandals, the Prol reports analyses of them. It is worthwhile to point out that ORF staff and politicians -Austrian journalism, political parties, cultural institutions and private investors -mix in Viennese society. The knot of high-power cross-inuences among the people and their organizations are possibly un-chartable. It is enough here to recognize this type of precondition is real. My point is that most Viennese media types are employed in a pervasive environmental mainstreaming trend. Other interests are not necessarily eradicated. For example, racism and human migration appear to be a more volatile issues in Vienna than are habitat preservation, species protection, animal migration and biodiversity. The blue and black parties exist along the side of the red and green parties. However, the social and environmental messages are explicitly published, far more extensively and distributed universally than are any hateful and elitists messages. Social and environmental brochures are provided along with high and popular culture brochures. Increasingly, these types of publications seem to circumscribe for the Viennese their norms. Politically reifying contrivances, or not? The Viennese express ecology as a seed of truth in each myth sown. Cultural Ecology From the street corner perspective, through the recent years, it is becoming more easy to see a rising political and lifestyle wave in Vienna. The city is apparently a home base for some people tending to establish a strong, present and future, culture of ecological prioritization. The trend pushes beyond the historically validated cultural traits. Where once it was only possible to see smokers sitting at cafes, now runners share the streetscape. An example that up-to-date health 214

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maintenance, tness and nutrition concerns are impinging on a portion of the Viennese's' psyche. Possibly combining nutrition with an increased interest in organic urban farming. Other new sustainability topics in the western United States have long been ordinary living in Vienna, such as dense mixed-use housing complexes, mass public transportation systems and an associated pedestrianism. Grocery stores, for example, available within a ve or 15 minutes from anywhere. A bus ride available, or train stop's frequency of about 10 minutes, within a two block walk. Further, many such qualities of the Viennese lifestyle are promoted, especially by their government, as being for human and environmental health benets. Although, in actuality, the establishment of most infrastructural patterns predate the contemporary rhetoric. Concerns with preservation and conservation do trend back in centuries. Energy and other resources have probably not ever been regarded as wastable in Central Europe. The character and cultural trait of resource asceticism (frugality) is famously attributed to the Germans and Swiss. Also, most Viennese appear to express a habit of, to some noticeable degree, thrift. A cultural ecology trait of the Viennese is a disapproval of frivolous obsolescence. The Municipal Department 48 (Waste Management, Street Cleaning and City Vehicles) control's the norm of "salvaging," also known as reusing and recycling all sorts of product and materials. It is another example of how the Viennese express ecology. Social Ecology There are many schools of higher education in Vienna. A few have long histories and some shorter. A rather recent institution specically dedicated to research and teaching, in regard to ecology, is the Alpen-Adria University Klagenfurt/Graz/Vienna. Its Institute of Social Ecology ( Institut fŸr InterdisziplinŠre Forschung und Fortbildung ) acronym is IFF and is a familiar brand added to all sorts of documents, which indicates the orientation of the subject being presented. 215

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Sometimes referred to as "Klagenfurt," it is social ecology research and teaching university, also emphasizing its practice. In the United States, for example, almost no schools have this emphasis. The reason is probably that social ecology is by denition a radical program. The idea of social ecology was formalized by an American citizen, Murray Bookchin in the 1960s and 1970s He was a socialist and environmentalist active in the northeast United States, where some liberal, alternative private schools may now offer a curriculum in his philosophies of social ecology. His is a radical anticapitalistic, pro-environmental, activist agenda. Not at all a mainstream educational platform in the United States. By contrast, in Austria this basis of a radical environmentalism is normal. Meaning, the majority of Austrians see environmentally centered politics as a real and necessary concern. Not as a mere fringe issue. Since Austria is already a social market economy, not as extensively capitalistic market as is the current political United States case, the political messages of people like Bookchin are not seen as deviant in Austria, but rather as smart. An imperative. As well, the IFF is an important institution interacting with the nations northeast, east, southeast and southwest of Austria. Frequently in Vienna the university will sponsor conferences on geographic and economic themes, inviting participation from scholars in Romania and Dalmatia, for example. The environmental issues discussed are often of an unknown type in the United States. Often the issues arise from boarder and ethnic disputes, as well as social and environmental issues remaining from many wars. The IFF and BOKU curricula are noticeably advanced. Teaching many of the same ecology theories as are taught at renowned North American universities, such as Yale, Harvard and Massachusetts Institute of Technology. In 216

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Vienna, a professor Verena Winiwarter has published extensively in the German language. Her work is an exceptional example of how the Viennese express ecology. University of Natural Resources and Life Sciences (BOKU) The letters BOKU are an immediately recognizable acronym in Vienna. The Viennese know this a short form for saying UniversitŠt fŸr Bodenkultur. A local university, referring to "soil culture." The school was established by the monarchy in Vienna during the 1870s. It offers classes in agriculture and forestry, earth and atmospheric sciences. Now they advertise, more specically, for sustainable agriculture, viticulture, soil science, horticulture and animal husbandry. Also, studies in spatial design, landscape and infrastructure, environmental sciences and civil engineering, water resource management and food sciences. They emphasize research and practice. Having an agriculture school in Vienna reafrms a naturalist Viennese identity. Their contemporary expressions of ecology is often seen in a biologically inspired landscape, architectural and engineering aesthetic. Sometimes a seen as biotechno ideal, indicating a Viennese appreciation of intelligent responses to environmental challenges. Biological Aesthetic How do the Viennese express ecology? Through a biological aesthetic. To visualize the aesthetic, I must rst create a stereotypical denition of the Viennese character. The Viennese express ecology through a biological aesthetic. This fact is visible when walking in Vienna and talking among the Viennese. Their infrastructure consists of healing springs, swimming pools, saunas and sun baths. As well, it is of wine presses, barrels, bottles and picnic tables. These artifacts represent a political and emotional attachment to their region and its traditional culture. 217

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Their ecosystem is water and sun. Further so, it is grape vines and a partially agricultural landscape. In the past, perhaps a monarchical and militaristic aesthetic communicated a Viennese identity. In contemporary Vienna, environmental and biological imagery communicates sociocultural messages and preferences. To be a Viennese requires local savvy. The ability to, if not see, live between truth and illusion. For example, the magical and fantastic advertising is partially, but not totally realistic. A similar principle applies to the nations democracy, market economy, position of neutrality and tolerance. These notions seem more real as ideals on paper than when life is being lived among the people and events on the streets. Savvy Viennese are not caught-up in anger about such scandals. Nor are they disgruntle about paying a high percentage orf their incomes in taxes. They feel fortunate to have universal health insurance coverage and frequent paid holidays off of work. They take the time to be well rested and to act charming. To be Viennese requires a knowing of what is what. And, of what to do when. For example, in the Viennese culture, between 11 AM and 1 PM during weekdays, to say "meal time" in Austrian-German means something more like, when said in American-English, "we are all happy it is break time, let us go out, enjoy eating, drinking and socializing." In other words, to say "Mahlzeit!" is Viennese urbanity. By doing so, people create solidarity and cheer. Civilized behavior is drinking water in wine. Uncivilized behavior is wearing a bathing suit into the sauna. Civilized behavior is to smoke cigarettes during a meeting and knock knuckles on the table at the meeting's end. Uncivilized behavior is to not meet. Civilized behavior is to push the line forward. Uncivilized behavior is taking a coffee to go. The Viennese tell their frustrations. Out loud, in conversation. The Viennese vent. They vent at lunch time. They vent on holidays. They vent while sitting under sunshine and when 218

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wandering over green rolling hills. They vent at the tram stops. Usually, they are venting to someone, not merely talking to themselves. It is possible they would talk to the birds as they do dogs, to the plants as to a house. There is no shame to anthropomorphize. The environment is an explicit aspect of Viennese society. Nature is treated as one member of the social group. The Viennese socialize continuously. When not doing it in an art, history or science museum, they often appear outside, doing it in naturalistic settings. Having a biological aesthetic is an expression of an ecological logic, a political ecology or ecologism. A biocentric reasoning. Some people, such as Martin Kemp (an art and science researcher, writer, editor, curator and professor), argues for a neurological pattern recognition. Matching it, a human preference for a sort of environmental nature, based on our so-called psychosomatic nature. This argument emphasizes human genetics, physiognomy, biochemistry and habitat. Conceptually, I agree with Kemp, this "structural intuition" theory of his, but I want to go further. I want to add my own original observations and an analysis of the biocentric preference pattern to human knowledge. Therefore, in this ethnography, I have made a story of the Viennese human ecology, of their environmental and ecological experiences, apparent preferences, biological imagery and nature themes. My argument, following this line of thinking, is that the Viennese repeat, create and teach a biological aesthetic. It is how they express both a political and emotional ecology. Like Kemp's Seen and Unseen notions, which is a holistic argument, as an example background for my research, molecular biologist and activist Lynn Margulis' work is an example foreground for my work. I mean, a possible orientation for me, going forward, in research as an ecological scholar. Toward investigating her and her associates theories. Specically, the book 219

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Ian McHarg: Conversation with Students which she helped to edit. The editors and contributors are, in one way or another, environmentalists. They research and practice biological aesthetics, among other subjects. They are leaders in urban ecology, landscape architecture and ecological urbanism. Margulis and her associates have not studied Vienna as I have. I add to their environmentalist discourse the Viennese lifestyle. Knowledge of the Viennese ecosystem. Including Viennese values, attitudes and behaviors, choices, purchases and votes. A documented survey of Vienna's alternative infrastructure. Some of Margulis' work emphasizes microorganisms, plant and animal species, their ecosystems in relation to the processes of thermodynamics. For her, identities and roles, attraction and cooperation are a product of, or result in, a planetary wide organism. Her ideas are present in books such as the Gaia: A New Look at Life on Earth and Cosmos (circa 1980). The authors James Lovelock and Carl Sagan are in her intellectual peer group. Like Kemp and Margulis, I recognize that biological aesthetics consist of tangible and intangible components. For example, the material world, plus the perception of one's own sensations, the mental concepts and emotions. Form them, feelings of connectedness and of transcendence are possible. The provocation of an evocative effect can occur as a result from mechanical, inorganic, as with natural, organic and biological phenomena. A sunrise across a green hill side, a valley view, a farm family shown aside an old red tractor, can be emotive imagery. A traditional basket, a basket of grapes, the abiotic and biotic imagery, can be emotive and motivational. Like the Viennese and Vienna's government, I recognize that biological aesthetics are attractive and inuential marketing brands and marketable products. Viennese 220

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artifacts and environmental phenomena, both non-living and living components, have cultural currency in Vienna. These items and others speak to the Viennese community without words. Old wood wine presses are kept in social spaces. They seem to communicate many messages, such as an honoring of ancestors. Of craft and cooperation. For the bounty of nature and for victorious harvests. Many old wine presses are huge, kept in the landscape as if they are triumphal arches. They communicate productivity and economic vigor. Wine presses in Vienna are political symbols. They are simple reminders of the complex Viennese culture. As are the grapes and grape vines. The bottles of wine and wine cellars. As are the poolside lounge chairs, bathing suits and shoes, towels and robes, the nudity of sunbathers and sauna patrons. The sun's aura and saints' halos. All these images are a show of Viennese vitality. They are biological aestheticizations. Pleasure Region Usually in Vienna, what appears at rst glance to be a private business' advertising campaign, is instead a governmental department's public service message. Of course, this reveals an inherent perspective of a visitor to the Austrian social democracy, rather than an observation made from a native of it. The perspective mentioned (mine) is already familiar with the appearance of a mixed-market economy, as in the United States. A worldview, unable at rst glance to distinguish the unfamiliar intricacies of the Austrian social market economy. Although, given enough time to unravel misunderstandings, the naive observations made as a foreigner can actually propel the originality of eld research ndings. That is, a researcher's aggressive quest to explain uncomfortable oddities. Anyway, Viennese and Austrian governmental departments can be construed as demonstrating public values, since Austria is a 221

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parliamentary democracy. The parliamentarians and their political parties are elected into representative existence by the whole nation's populace who are legally eligible to vote. Therefore, a correlation can be made between the so-called stereotypical Austrian mentality and the active presence of an Austrian Life Ministry. The German word for "life" serves as a link between public and institutional values. Primarily, life in the biologically functional sense of the word, as in "alive" or "living." Also, in the phenomenological sense of the word. Qualitatively, in essence meaning "the good life." These notions represents Austrian values and attitudes, as much so those of the Viennese. Eventually leading to an interpretation, if not a correct understanding, of Viennese choices and behaviors. Taking the opportunity to construct an interpretation of the Viennese ecosystem. Recognition of the mundane facts which emerge in an experience of Vienna, makes possible a marking-off of the Viennese cultural landscape. The Austrian Life Ministry occupies a specic role in Vienna. Simply, it is to promote a best way for the Viennese to live. The Life Ministry supports individuals and business that contribute to this way of being, which apparently enriches Austria and the Austrians livelihood. For this reason, it is possible to assert that biological processes are Viennese cultural artifacts. The organic image typical of biology, of ecology, is representative in Vienna of a person's being alive. Of their interconnectedness with the lives of other people, other animals and plants. The popularity of organic imagery, such as an edible plant growing, or a person laboring with nature, perhaps tending a cow or a pig, is an expression of the rather common Viennese ecological conscientiousness. The Life Ministry's method to inform decisions and inuence actions is a modeling of a best possible lifestyle. The role model information, illustrated with bright and clear healthful 222

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nature and culture images, is published in countless media, such as on product packages, in magazine articles and advertisements, on their home website and its subsidiary sites. Their logo is applied nearly everywhere as a seal of Austrian quality. It is a label of approval "for life" and by association "for health" or equally "for well-being" from an authoritative leader: the Austrian government. By contrast, in the United States, the government does not play as active a role in the public's wellness identity formation. Overall, the Viennese are more accustom to expressing a general concern for general welfare, health and environment care, as much as for expressing an enjoyment of daily life. These concerns are evident in their cultural expressions and in their cultural traits. For example, a subsidiary organization and publication of the Austrian Life Ministry is the Genuss Region Austria organization and informative media. "Genuss" is a frequently used German word in Vienna to express sensory pleasure or sensuous enjoyment, especially in relation to high quality food and culinary products. Genuss Region Austria is a governmental organization of food producers, such as farmers and shers. In tandem, the hospitality industry is involved with the organizations, as the interface between producer and consumer. The Austrian Life Ministry monitors and certies high quality organic produce through the Genuss organization. It resembles a nationwide cooperative, based on the division of regional specialties. Each region of Austria is characterized as contributing unique goods and Vienna happens to be the largest market place where contact can be made with an extraordinary variety of homegrown, per se, luxury items. The delicacies are not only available in Vienna. The Genuss Region Austria media informs the Viennese about how and when to go where, throughout Austria, for partaking in certain feasts. The Genuss website, in effect, is a geography of Austrian 223

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avors. From the street corner perspective, it is evident that the epicenter of Viennese culture is sociable food and drink. In this conviviality, the Viennese also express a sense of ecology. Cultural identity appears to be of supreme importance in Vienna. After all, it is the sharing of identities, recognition of important issues and artifacts, that makes a person Viennese. Austrian law affords equal rights to any person, a citizen, born in the national boundary. On the streets, in practice, by ordinary experience, this democratic ideal seems far from true. There are many normalized characteristic Austrians and fringe or marginalized subcultural groups. By a politically recognized contemporary convention, an Austrian is a person who's family has inhabited the region for a few generations or more. However, it is frequently noted in Austria that someone like a Tyrollean has a very different culture from a Viennese. Also, within Vienna a sort of hierarchy of cultural prestige exists. The cultural preoccupations and customary traits I have collected and present in this document as Vienna comprise a signicant portion of core political and economic values. The reason to say so is for focusing on the collective validity of my implicit to explicit experiential descriptions. All sorts of phenomena are stereotyped and expressed by people. These moments, events, or otherwise symbols are components of the cultural milieu serve as an ambient, atmospheric language, if an inhabitant pays attention to its possible existence and engages with other people in communicating by referring to it. A Viennese does, to a fault, speaks the so-called Viennese dialect. One must because utilization of the supposed language confers overwhelming rewards, in daily reality, for them in there habitat. Group and product labeling and branding are constantly in view. Personal grooming and clothing styles are often meant to be read by the miasma of urban onlookers. A young man with a shaven head, necklace and tee shirt, for example, announces a different personality than another 224

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young man with shoulder-length hair, in a tie and suit jacket. Both proles are frequently seen in Vienna. The rst is perhaps an apprentice bricklayer and the second a music student. Their attire and personality could lead to further speculation about their cultural and political afliations. In the pedestrian oriented city, its social venues, such as historically established cafes and taverns, are also said to hint at the patrons' political attitudes. Although both could be culturally conservative, a crowd of people in a beer tavern is expected to be a bit more boisterous and slightly less afuent, less intellectual, than the crowd in a wine tavern. This is where attention to the plethora of labels arises. Everything in Vienna has some sort of seal of approval. Usually more than one is stamped on a package. Perhaps this is a cultural norm held-over from monarchical bureaucracies. Although the hodgepodge of fashion signals and wrapping graphics can be confusing upon rst sight, once the imagery language is extensively studied, Vienna as an ecosystem and the Viennese preferences can be inferred. The labeling, when examined, appearing similar to a statistical scatter plot, demonstrates a Viennese reality and their environmental concerns. Regularly seen are labels favoring local and global social justice issues, for ecological care and animal rights. Additionally, the labels on products and in advertising frequently assert Austrian creativity and sponsorship for regionally-based arts and science organizations. In ecological literacy or ecology scholarship, already research emphases have been focused on ecolabels. One example, to start, is the green dot label which had been a part of mainstream German packaging between at least 1990 and 2000. Similarly, the biolabels in Vienna. Especially note worthy is the label design by Friedensreich Hundertwasser. It is a signicant example because of the involved, telling context with which it has come into existence and regular use. The label is contiguous with the visual art and architecture made by 225

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Hundertwasser. Included in a study of this mark of approval for regional organic produce is an essential awareness of Hundertwasser political activism within Vienna and beyond, taken afar through his travels and publications. He stood for biological harmony and his message is evident in his designs for buildings, complexes and their purposeful functioning. The bold, elementary and amorphous style of his drawings and paintings are unmistakably his. More so for their antithesis to traditional Viennese colors, patterns and lines. Hundertwasser's biolabel is memorable for holding a precarious position in Viennese culture, which is a balancing of the unresolvable tension there between established and alternative values. The biolabel presses against the sensibilities of socially conservative types of skeptics because, although Hundertwasser was pegged as an outsider, his environmental activism brought-on increased empathy from the mainstream Austrians. A point of unquestionable shared concern. Further, in the 1970s Hundertwasser gave a series of public lectures in the nude, which possibly served to ally his activism with his contemporary Actionists and his predecessors, such as Karl Wilhelm Diefenbach or Florian Berndl or Rudolf Steiner. All examples of the controversial social and environmental reform gures, more or less eternally beloved by Viennese society. Back as far as the 1920s, organic agricultural practices were being asserted in Austria as a contrast to industrial agribusiness. At that time, Rudolf Steiner was developing and promoting his version of ecologically sustainable practices. Biodynamic lifestyle and farming techniques. He was cautious about the loss of traditional, self-reliance type, knowledge and about soil health. Biodynamic as a holistic concept and the myth of Demeter, as a trade association logo, were already in use as early as 1928. 226

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! A legend about Steiner is that in his youth he was inspired to experiment and write about lifestyle practices based on a chance encounter with an old-timer who shared vanishing wisdoms. Although many skeptics and detractors advocate against the philosophies of Steiner, a feel for the situation from on the streets indicates his inuence remains huge in Austria and internationally. University curricula have been structured to present Steiner's farming concepts. At the University of Natural Resources and Life Sciences in Vienna, for example. Also, worldwide quality standards are set to his organic growing and farming lifestyle criteria. The Demeter International label (1997) is now frequently applied in Austria to assert a product is made by people having an ecologically sensitive intent. One association commitment is to holistic agricultural research. Multitudes of contemporary farmers live and operate by the lessons Steiner professed and published. On Josef Umathum's wine grape farm, he practices at least the soil and crop nutrient and harvesting regimes tried and documented by Steiner. The Umathum winery in Burgenland is to the east of Vienna. To the west, along the Danube, Mantlerhof und Nikolaihof wineries also represent variations on biodynamic grape farming and wine making, or what is held to be the best current practices of sustainable agriculture. In Vienna, these wine makers and other celebrities like them serve as modern-day cultural heroes. All of these business owners use self-promotion media, as well they are conscripted by others as the poster-perfect image of Austrian culture, with Viennese society as its crown jewel. Sepp Holzer has been an international star, albeit for an alternatively minded crowd, for many decades already. His agricultural career, made on his mountainside farm in the Lungau region of Austria, a few hours drive southwest of Vienna, is a source of inspiration for the 227

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emerging Viennese sector of organic farming, or urban agriculture. Holzer's family makes their prosperous living by modeling and selling an idea known as permanent agriculture. Some enthusiasts say it as "permaculture," when describing the lifestyle choice made by people for tting their interests and actions within a perceived environmental carrying capacity. Holzer makes his decisions based on this base criteria, accounting for the climate, elevation, acreage, geology, hydrology and so on, of his intergenerational subsistence type property. Sepp Holzer's son, Josef Holzer, who is taking charge of managing the operations, says much of what is Holzerian permaculture is basically agro-forestry and further experimentation with traditional private-holding farming practices. A remembering effort to counter industrial forestry that has threatened Central European ecosystems for at least a century or two. The mountainside tours, international presentations and approximately 40 years' worth of publications have all been sold by the Holzer family to consumers, along with their other products, such as Gentian root, wildower honey, beef, pork, poultry and trout. The Holzers produce and consume their own cereal grains, some hay and straw, pine tree schnapps, other fruits, vegetables and owers. Plus, they have built-up an extensive riparian system. The heavenly, utopian, arcadian, picturesque terrain is punctuated with a series of sturdy wood houses, including a lumber and grain grinding mill. Additionally, cave like storage cellars for a stock of canned goods and other preserved products. The Holzer's advocate holistic agricultural research and innovation. Meaning that their type of farm is to be exible, diversied, self-sustaining and resilient. The purpose in my description of the farming practices occurring in the surrounding territories of Vienna is to illustrate the types of inuences impinging on contemporary Viennese agricultural expectations 228

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and capabilities. Urban agriculture can be expected to emulate Steiner and Holzer more as it the practice increases. In various mainstream Viennese grocery stores, such as Spar, Merkur, Billa and Hofer, a multitude of Austrian product brands are offered that promote their healthful benets. From environmental and social health, to that of the individual end consumer. Although the stores may have many small walk-in locations near public transport, within dense, multiunit urban housing districts, the grocery locations are most often the interface of mega corporations. Each store's brand signals a peculiar market segment to the consumer, relevant to economic status, spending power and lifestyle trends. For example, Gourmet Spar offers elite items, whereas Hofer provides bulk. For some decades in the recent past, an exclusively Billa brand has been "Yes, Naturally" ( Ja! NatŸrlich ). It is used to market an expansive array of dairy and bakery goods, such as milk, cheese, vegetable spreads and bread. Also, small serving or proportioned berries and a selection of grab-and-go food, like yogurts and fruit beverages. The brand is pervasive in Vienna and its images are an aspect of most everyone's daily existence. More peculiar to Viennese, or Austrian, culture is the way the stores, the product, the government and the idealized regional traditions are continuously intermingled and present in routine street activity. The brand is promoted on the block-by-block Gewista billboards. Promotions are renewed weekly. Promotional campaigns run for months, at least. The campaigns show urban dwellers their tie to the hinter land. With humor, the urbanite geeks and the heathen stewards are twined. As if the necessary town and country laborers are clumsy reections of one another. The brand gives a sort of honor to producer and consumer, some times showing the people in urban or rural style clothing cooperating in a task, such as 229

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milking a cow. Or, sitting together at an outdoor feast. The point in describing so much of this brand and in mentioning its newer replica, "From the Original Spring" ( ZurŸck zum Ursprung ), is that they both not only sell a product line, they aggressively perform social values marketing. First, they promote Austrian agricultural products. This translates into visualizing the normalized eating habits of a nation. Cheese and bread, most commonly. Second, the brands assure the Viennese that a frequent holiday on a farm is in proper order for all Austrians. Similar to ski holidays, the "vacation on a family owned farm" are in-group cultural activities. The advertising shows that this is what a Viennese, Austrian, does. Plus, the tourist, too. Especially from nearby, densely urbanized, relatively at Great Britain. On vacation, "Auf Urlaub" as it is said in Viennese-German, the holidaymaker learns where their food is from: a chicken coop, for example. The farm vacations in Austria are shown to be "down to earth" and "back to the land" in emphasis. For fresh air and exercise. This contrasts a similar agenda in Italy, which is an agricultural experience to typically convey craft, industrial and culinary renements. Returning to the Austrian organic brands that structure the grocery shopping experience in Vienna, the above mentioned brands' inventor is an activist. Werner Lampert started the business concept of marketing his nation's farm products from a scientist's and an environmentalist's perspective. Also from a romantic attachment to his native natural and cultural landscape. Although he has a somewhat amboyant, debonair or liberal air about him (a suave worldliness, the standard display of so-called Viennese charm), he includes in his work cultural conservatism. Or, cultural conservation. He regularly employs traditional memes, as these possible relate to ecosystem sustainability. For example, in his video spots, conscientious human participation is key in managing the food cycle. For him, it may best occur in a variation 230

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of traditional clothing, known as "Tracht." A message "this is Austria" is sent by leather shorts and checkered shirt. Lampert acts as the elvish protagonist: delivering carrots and owers by bicycle, wrestling through the mud with small pig and jumping off a row boat, to skinny dip in a sh pond. To this identity forming end, for a healthful environment and community, under the banner of the brands he invented, he hosts presentations, such as walking tours of orchards. His corporation distributes deeply informative publications that teeter from non-expert to expert land manager content. Lampert portrays the archetypical Austrian activist. His physical and professional prole are ideal characterizations for an organic movement's leader. Urban Agriculture Products From walking through Vienna, making a concerted effort to notice what is present and taking the time to assemble stories that explain what is to some degree visible, it becomes plain that the city and its people continues to thrive, in part because of the historic and contemporary central and dominating presence of agricultural products and cultural identity. By casually visiting with people, who's families have lived there for several generation, gives clarity to why whatever is seen is as it appears. Such eld research ndings are further validated by in-depth scholarly factual cross-checking. Reading several published reference texts and inferring plausible, if not exact interconnections between the empirical and interpretive ndings. First, second and third-person perspectives are taken into account. Not only can a pedestrian see produce markets on the street, product labeling that asserts the local-grown freshness, also the residents speak of the seasonal menu and the origins of certain items. Ordinary fruits and vegetables, cheeses and meats, for example, are continually cherished aspects of daily life, in most every conversation, as well as when acquired and savored. 231

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It is customary to socially revel with delight at the wondrous food and beverages available. Displaying pride in the products of Austria and especially of Vienna. Showing and sharing the "Manner" brand, an advertisement for locally made wafe cookies, is one way to indicate a local and traditional Viennese identity. Although these are not related to the image of organic farming, in Vienna people do know of the long-established cooperative of regional vegetable farmers (LGV-FrischgemŸse). This has been a somewhat humble organization meant to promote the interests of what seems to be a kin to truck farming. Smaller scale producers of sometimes unglamorous essentials, such as tomatoes or red peppers or salad greens. The organization seems to have begun as a way to ensure nutrition during or after World War Two. Now it is gaining prestige as a Viennese ecolabel. Authenticating the high status of Vienna among worldwide representatives of alternative expectations and practices to consumerism, capitalism, globalism. Each of these harbors the potential for its own sort of injustices; problems of totalitarianism (oligarchy and kleptocracy). 232

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CHAPTER VIII EPILOGUE Vienna "as if an" As a quick review for my readers, here I provide a quick "tabulation" of the qualities I found in Vienna. These are all about how the Viennese express urban ecology. The main six resulting points are features that I suggest bridge the gap commonly existing between any peoples' attitudes and actions. For my conclusive, objective evidence, I recall a few mottos the Vienna city government uses in its self-promotions: "Vienna is different," "Vienna is slow" and "Vienna for you, friend." The simplest way to see how the meaning of these clichÂŽs are lived in Vienna is to look at the motif of human nudity. The image of a naked person in Vienna expresses that (1) the Viennese are interconnected with their environment. Nudity, as a mere concept, is a local and regional attitude. It means to embrace living through the body's biological function. The body signies a continuum of work, leisure and play: going to museums, swimming and vineyards. The naked body is an aspect of identity; of family, as much as it is sexuality. The emblem of a body (our struggles and pleasures) exposed within the ecosystem is (2) a politically active statement. The expression of biological unity, its oneness, is popularly valued for (3) ecological healthfulness. I further summarize these qualitative cultural characteristics as evidence of a Viennese (4) biological aesthetic, (5) their city's ofcial biologically centered political discourse and the wide-ranging societal effort presently made toward (6) environmental mainstreaming. That is, the Viennese are making the local, regional and planetary ecosystems culturally paramount. Plus, Vienna is presented as if it is already a success in these causes. 233

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! To the Viennese a sense of belonging is most important. The Viennese have their own very distinct cultural "language" as an overall life reference. It is signicant that I have brought this culture's patterns into the annals if public and academic knowledge, as it is especially interrelated with environmental social science research. Further, knowing of the Viennese culture I have described and interpreted is useful to achieving the mission of ecological urbanism. Doing City Research In this case, the methodologically and interdisciplinarily typical "ethnographer being reexive" ending to a research project is meant to briey inform readers who are unfamiliar with reviewing an ethnography (Creswell Qualitative 9). Psychology and medicine, as examples, have established the use of qualitative research to generate understandings of how humans empathically function in the world. For this reason, ecological psychology and medical humanities share narrative as a research and communication method. By appreciating the narrative approach as it is expanded in application from research at the individual health scale to the wellness of cultural groups, we can evaluate the crux of interdisciplinary humanities and sciences. A Canadian professor, Laura Krefting, has written "Rigor in Qualitative Research: The assessment of trustworthiness," published in The American Journal of Occupational Therapy (1991). In it she presents examples that clarify how different research aims are associated with different disciplines and therefore, standards of assessment differ. In her words: In the past, many qualitative researchers have claimed neutrality and even invisibility in their eldwork, much as the objective scientist does in the quantitative approach to research. The focus on reexivity is a recent trend the researcher's background dictates the framework from which he or she will organize, study, and analyze the 234

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! ndings. This background is made up of all of the resources available to make sense out of the experience and is often reected in multiple roles the researcher plays while engaged in the research . the qualitative approach is reexive in that the researcher is part of the research, not separate from it. Research situations are dynamic, and the researcher is a participant, not merely an observer. The investigator, then, must analyze himself or herself in the context of the research. On entering a new culture, the researcher must continuously reect on his or her own characteristics and examine how they inuence data gathering and analysis (218). In various eras throughout the history of conducting original research, interpretive and ethnographic methods have been assigned to both the sciences and to the humanities. Presently, case studies and ethnography are used to bridge disciplinary domains. The enabling feature that interpretation and description share is analytical meta-narrative. In rhetorical studies the metaphysical presence and process analysis is known as "a controlling idea." Meaning one story encapsulates many other nested stories. Rhetorical strategies in research and writing are suggested by ethnography methodologist (Creswell Qualitative 171, 199). A narrative is often written about, around, other narratives. In fact, all sensory description is a product of meaning interpretation; the artistic practice of all story telling. The stories communicating natural (material), social (collective), cultural (traditional) and human (personal) sciences are all subjective constructs. My research project and this dissertation have been created upon this basic assumption. This narrative describing and interpreting Vienna and the Viennese is my view. In my words. I own the rancor and adulation. A specic portrayal, not necessarily "accurate." Nor "generalizable." Nonetheless actualized and accessible (Cresswell 172, 183 185). A coherent 235

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and comprehensive scenario. I have assembled many real details. That is a main signicance of the ethnographic, mythographic research report. Each reader is let to make their own relevances of my work. I assert the work is factual, in that the details are formed after empirical observations. Phrased another way, for emphasis, the details provided in the narratives are concrete facts which may be independently veried. Found objects, per se, located in the world we may share, if we try. These facts, however, may be ctional. Scholar Merryl Davies has written a popular book, Introducing Anthropology (2005) to explain the history of anthropology. She criticizes the disciplines past and provides the contemporary theory for the practice of ethnography. Davies explains that ethnographers cannot believably deny the role of imagination in doing writing work. My imagination inuences the product. The role of imagination is already in the world, as reality is created by me and the other people, which I have set-out to explore and document. I recognize the possibility of misleading eldwork, shown in many infamous precedents; such as the allegation that Margaret Mead's inuential report, Coming of Age in Samoa (1928), had been made from an erroneous informant (Davies 152). Unavoidably, inaccuracies may permeate a cultural interpretation. In this dissertation no less than others. For these reasons an ethnography is ultimately an invitation for a reader to be entertained (Davies 144, 162, 169). Similar to the "rigor," "science" and "truth value" of documentary lms and museum exhibitions, as these products have been analyzed in lm and museum studies. Cultural studies includes the ethnography method, as well as lm theory and museum studies. These interdisciplinary research approach and disciplines share a research interest in people's habits of mind. For example, questioning a person's beliefs about an experience they have as being "real" when they encounter a phenomena. This is studied as a habitual human 236

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behavior and is sometimes referred to as "cognitive distance." Semiotician Edward Small writes about it in the article "Introduction: Cognitivism and Film Theory," published in the Journal of Dramatic Theory and Criticism (1992). Similarly, museologist Sharon Macdonald writes about the notion of "critical perspective" in the book A Companion to Museum Studies (2006). The purpose of mentioning mind and thought in lm and museum studies (much like emotion in ecological psychology and medical humanities) is to recognize the element of human fallibility in research and its interpretation. Establishing a way to cope with humor and ction, rigor and worth in qualitative research and information communication. For a critical reader, all research is vulnerable to dispute. Undeniably, my story, as much as any, is open to engagement with and falsication by a reader's own studies and publications. The ethnographer, an interpreter, has no obligation to be absolutely truthful or "honest" because these are misdirected and illusive goals (Creswell Qualitative 198 200, 202). A postmodern acknowledgement of reality's prevailing chaos has washed away purist notions in anthropology and sociology, such as positivistic scientic standards (Krefting 7). This is how doing social science became an intersubjective application and how ethnography became a humanities method (Krefting 222). Intricate falsities move people, as much as do un-convoluted confessions. A grin and a sneer equally inspire. Such as seen in another infamous precedent; the controversial claims against Napoleon Chagnon's manipulative, corrupt, destructive and no less thrilling eldwork for Yanomamš: The Fierce People (1968). The story of Chagnon and his research has been written about by Emily Eakin in "How Napolean Chagnon became our most Controversial Anthropologist," an article published in The New York Times (2013). In our postmodern, postpositivist era, truth, science and rigor are illusory concept when mentioned without specifying delimiting criteria (Krefting 2). For example, we know it is futile to measure physical and 237

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emotional gravity with the same notched stick. Such lazy calibrations do not yield useful knowledge because they are illogical mismatches between the intentions, methods, objects, results and applications of a study. Fieldwork is innitely complex. For example, it is tangible and intangible; explicit and tacit. Each research project (each researcher's aims, perspectives, the days and the settings, for example) are unique and distinct. Therefore, the main achievement in ethnography and mythography is the manifestation of a lived experience, the cultural description and its story telling. Again, any so-called "burden of proof" then falls upon the reader. A reader ought to be skeptical of a work in proportion to their need for making use of the given narrative. Appreciating the ethnography in whole, as delivered, is an available option (Creswell Qualitative 200). This is the lesson for us in the image of Hermes (Mercury) and in hermeneutics (the method and theory of exegesis). The theory of hermeneutics is practiced as text (resource) interpretation and is the essence of both creative (humanities) and empirical (sciences) knowledge. Applicable to communication as well as denitions; to the subject as well as the object of a study. Every case of interpretation, every cultural description, like this one, remains useful for any and every reader to start seeing something otherwise invisible (Creswell Qualitative 198). View an unfamiliar people, an uncommon lifestyle, a distant landscape. A descriptive story, progressing vignette-by-vignette, may, nonetheless, be a catalyst for its reader's own research trajectories. Thereby setting in motion a scholarly discourse. My aim in this study has been to advance from my readings of Rem Koolhaas and Sanford Kwinter, who describe ecological urbanism as if it is an ecologism. My aim has been to understand theories and practices associated with their intellectual products. 238

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! It now appears to me that ecological urbanism is, theoretically, a social ecology. Whereas Vienna is an actual social ecology. My perspective is that an ecological logic is the analog -a functional projection -of humanism's call to reason (although now based on human biological nature as we are interrelated with our environment). In closing, I have modeled Vienna as a human-dominated ecosystem and the Viennese culture as a biocentric political ecology, to impart a starting concept of contemporary Vienna into ecological urbanism discourse. This dissertation is meant as a synthesis of points from which to begin further research. A stage set today for tomorrow's performance. Locus Terribilis As I have portrayed Vienna and the Viennese, the place and people have bad and good qualities. I use drama to prod sore spots. My approach is in documenting traits otherwise left unsaid. I have attempted to be hypercritical about the Viennese ecosystem; as far as the environment includes culture. In the terms of concerned academics and experiential poetics. Here is an example, Viennese students are told to not speak negatively of their school. Likewise, the Viennese usually speak favorably about Vienna. I am making a simple point. In Vienna the media slant promotes and does not detract from the city's iconic faade. The media and people retell glib stories. If a researcher, like me, seeks original stories, the so-called Viennese traditions must be, metaphorically, ground down, sifted and resorted. I did this conceptual work. The challenge is to look for what is not said. Not shown. 239

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(Dis)Honest Insights Reading over what I have written, my own expression of frustration in understanding the Viennese milieu is visible. The "terrible" Vienna is an experience of difculty. Its ugliness is readily seen. In opposite to the "pleasing" Vienna. Experienced as the usual, which often remains unseen. My portrayal of Vienna is sometimes repulsive. Mostly on purpose because I am scratching for informational "bugs" under the ofcially approved surface. Nonetheless, actual "insights" are revealed. I found each nasty mention I have made, for example, has been orated by at least one other critic. Assured by a scrutinizer's consensus, I continue to point out the possibility of Vienna's dark understory, rather than self-censor my angle. Further, by provoking the Viennese with doubts about Vienna, I was able to stir up more information than offered. For me, to be irritating was an especially successful tactic when I did not know which questions to ask. Or, what words were appropriate to use in a particular context. (Un)Humorous Language Through interpretive and ethnographic means I have brought to life a conceptualization of the contemporary Viennese culture. For the specic purpose of understanding something about a human-dominated ecosystem. The regional and local environmental values. The research project progressed through an examination of my ethnocentrism in engagement with my informant's ethnocentrism. A contrast between North American and Central European social norms became crucial in making meaning of a lived experience in Vienna. Especially for recognizing and communicating the whirlwind of distinct qualities found there. Unlike anywhere else. The described characteristic Vienna and Viennese caricatures constitute an overwhelming proportion of the actual eldwork site. By concentrating on the fabrications I tell, my readers and 240

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I can learn, somewhat empirically, a variety of the existing stereotypical environmental attitudes. For example, Viennese humor. It is a complex of teasing, tantalizing and taunting. Gestures and language are the local society's vital cache. They invite "communication" with relentless punning. Dodgy phrases are a hallmark of Viennese tradition and therefore of Vienna's ecosystem. The style of thought is eventually built. Often, the "insider's" humor has the effect of stonewalling "outsiders." Actually blocking cross-cultural communication, due to a constant insular, circular joking. "Nerve" and "wit" are delivered in habitual patterns. Routinely veering off any serious topic. They say this is "charming." The Viennese pander to "tradition." Polite lies and mock thoughts are frequent in commonplace "conversation." Rather than any insistence on sincere interpersonal connection or personal growth. The Viennese act as if they cannot hear and do not believe unpleasantries. Their culture is often impenetrable, indomitable and obstinate. The Viennese and Vienna can be opaque. Obsequious blank faces. No expression at all. Wandering with unapparent aims. Quite like Vienna's wide at walls, closed doors and empty streets. In Vienna there is always photography, wherever. Presently, people taking photos in an ongoing basis and historical examples. Showing the people and environment, culture and city. New styling often mimics the old photos. Culturally, energetic play is equated with beauty and youthfulness. A lively spirit is modeled as the ideal type of personality and of a society. Alcohol consumption is widely condoned within a gregarious and joking camaraderie. Culturally, a bit of drunkenness and irtation is a norm. Seen as being natural. A sentimental attachment to Vienna. Donning a heroic and angelic merit. Problem drinking behavior is a frowned upon "matter-offact." The Viennese do not mention birth control, sexually transmitted diseases, birth defects, poliomyelitis or recreational water illnesses. Whereas sexual indelity, incest, bestiality, rape, 241

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kidnapping, suicide and abortion are themes the Viennese do discuss, in serious and in jest. Mentioning these themes shows Viennese proclivities (their metaphors, analogies; habits of mind, attitudes). To mention physical illness in Vienna is somewhat taboo. Corporal trouble is regularly ignored. If dealt with to any degree, it is done directly and it is trivialized. Managed without serious verbalization. By combining qualitative research methods (critical discourse analysis, interpretation and representation, ethnography and mythography, participant-observation, and semi-structured interviews), my understanding of Vienna was born. The Viennese express ecology in banter and allusion. In politics and aesthetics. Ecological concern is at once articulated and enacted. Healthfulness is a conviction. A projection and practice. Locus Amoenus While in Vienna, I also recognized a bright side of the society. An ecological reasoning and a care ethic. These are ordinary Viennese traits. Both expansively and extensively. Most interesting, from my Western perspective, is the governmental role in social-values and city marketing. Therefore, my dissertation foregrounds Austria's "social democracy" and "social market economy." A seemingly exotic "political ecology" structure. A thing practically unknown in North America. Especially when centered upon an "bio" or ecocentric social ethic. An environmental, or ecological, political party ("The Green Alternative") has been established in Austria for decades. This sole fact attests to the nation's hands-on environmental orientation. In the recent decade a Viennese "red" and "green" political party coalition demonstrates effective, what I have termed to be, environmental mainstreaming.' Further west, in the United States, we have none of this. In America, people and environment are separated by 242

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social institutions, such as network media, conservative belief systems, capitalistic corporations, career politicians and entrenched government bureaucracy. So far, mainstream contemporary North Americans do not have or share a holistic mentality or vocabulary for expressing our innate, inherent, position within the biospheric processes. If we had, it would have possibly gone unrecognized by conservative institutional authorities. Perhaps past generations of Americans once knew a land ethic, in some form or other. Economic and political drivers, free market prot seekers, have certainly dismantled ancestral and indigenous wisdoms. My formidable lesson from this project's eldwork is that Americans and Austrians have mostly unrelated cultural paradigms. The segment of the Austrian population that I studied do not exhibit a wide ecological values to action gap. The Viennese cultural traditions embody environmentalism. I mean, exactly, human bodies are valued in Vienna as planetary life. People are a part of the environment, along with other animals and plants. With other elements, such as wine and water. Intimate involvement in living, attentiveness to being alive, is the prime Viennese expression of ecology. Quite obviously, this is their denition of well-being, wellness, health and sustainability. A culture purposefully directed toward sustaining each body's individual soul and social spirit. In respect of collective, intergenerational knowledge, skills and efforts. An ordinary, every day acknowledgment and harmonization with their ecosystem's carrying capacities. Viennese society revolves around the notion of caring and healing. Known as "the cure." Workweeks are made brief, easier in Austria. Holidays are more frequent. Expectations and recreations are kept "down to earth." Such as time available for walking and sitting in the garden landscape. Simply visiting with family and friends. 243

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Values (In)Action For the Viennese, Vienna is a "locus amoenus." A lovely, idyllic place. For example, many Viennese wear more or less long hair. As in Romantic portraits from the past. It is an expression of their Vienneseness. Long hair for its beauty. Its youthful, healthfulness and its ease. At best, Viennese hair appears tousled. As if strained by a Baroque orchestration. Twirled by an illicit affair. Or, dashed by the Danubian wind. Similarly, the Viennese wear eye glasses. The colorful frames, sometimes artsy and at other times sleek, expresses their societal norms. By contrast, people in Denver wear short, neat hair and contact lenses. By these habits of up to four million people all combined, causes these two landscapes to appear very different when sorted out. The point in mentioning it is that Vienna has a distinct, often immaterial (as in "reasoning" and "choices"), but perceptible, culture. Vienna is comprised of Viennese "habits" and "trends." For a North American person (someone from Denver, for example) to understand Central European environmental attitudes and behaviors ("other ways") requires immense cross-cultural communication. Similarly, for humanities scholars to understand environmental science requires cross-disciplinary -a cross-cultural -communication. In vice versa, the same effort to "listen" (not merely hear) must be made. When a shared "understanding" is accomplished, it is no small feat. In the Austrian-German language and culture, this research project could be described in terms such as Umwelt Gesundheit Bildung and Verstehen The non-verbatim translation of Austrian into the North American English-language and its cultural currency is "environmental perspective," "strong health," "personal development" and "empathic understanding." Viennese cultural patterns are of "monumentalism" and "resemblances." I briey borrow the two notions (theoretical assertions, made more or less a hundred years ago, by the Viennese 244

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Alois Riegl and Ludwig Wittgenstein), to make a comparison. Denver's culture is not like this. It is not about monumentalism and resemblances, as is the Viennese culture. Denver and Vienna contrast. Denver is a desert prairie and Vienna is a drained swamp. The Viennese ecosystem is different and the people living in it express "ecology" distinctly. Vienna is built by imagery. Pairing social features with cultural values. An experience of Vienna includes suggestive innuendoes, double entendres, truisms and spoonerisms, stammers, hems and haws. The Viennese play cunning word games: intimations, insinuations, dysphemisms, euphemisms and hyperboles. They routinely make grandiloquent expressions. The Viennese thrive on extraordinary stories. Creating in the hearer's mind conspicuous pictures, upon an otherwise (sometimes) indecipherable, profuse, city scenery. This communicative spirit of competition and playfulness forms and moves Vienna as a human-dominated ecosystem. A culture and landscape made for enjoyment. Facilities for recreation time. Objects in the landscape are of shared interest to the Viennese and visitors. Conversational triangulation is possible in regard of ora and fauna. The urban open space is free for public gatherings. Here is another example about Vienna, starting as an analogy of when a writer is writing. A "narrative distance" exists between an author's intentions and their words written. Between the author, editor and reader mentalities. A dis-alignment in reading the printed words and in imagining an experience of what is described sometimes happens. For me, the narrative distance is sensed and recognized much the same as the distance between the experience of a place and the myth of it. In Austria, I was told, it is unlawful to eat songbird eggs. In Vienna, it is said, the dogs are an urbanites connection to wildlife. My perspective is that these statements are important mythical expressions of regional ecological thinking. They may or may not be distant truths of the facts they claim. 245

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! An interest, love and passion for something, like art, wine and swimming, can be translated into an environmental conscientiousness and into conservation behaviors. Mentalities and activities related to reading, walking and bicycling, for example. Furthering cultural traditions surrounding nurturing and nutrition; gardening, horticulture and urban agriculture. More examples, to raise the topic that the Viennese (Central European) aspirations are not just in ethical product consumerism, or post-consumer recycling. A further example, the Viennese appear to be mostly motivated by socializing. Austria to Colorado Upon leaving Austria, I began to see that ecological urbanism is, in all but name, a social ecology. These are equally biocentric political ecologies. Although the ecological urbanism theorists advocate built environments, far more dialectics are actually constructed. Urban ecology researchers and ecological urbanism activists are making efforts to overcome societal barriers to our (North American) sterile options for environmental recreation, sense of biological and ecological affection. We too may aspire to generate a conservation or sustainability on the more personal/cultural level. Where it is less about "the market" and "the law." We may pursue more transdisciplinary environmental social science research about a variety of "informal" and "leisure" topics; looking behind social planning (that objecties people) and beyond sports (all about buying gear). Go into examining free time, visits with friends. Having pleasurable experiences. A fun life, just being, living, full of joy in relation with our ecosystems. I assert ecological urbanism is a means to make a scholarly turn toward researching success stories. The legitimization of optimism. The useful provision of inspiration and encouragement. Concepts for doing well. Increasing apparent options for living within 246

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biospheric capacities. Gaining force from emergent human desires to play and rest. Alone, collectively and in common. Researching stories about how the intangible (mental, abstract qualities) leads the tangible (physical, concrete materials). In my work, I noticed the expectations for my results were continually moved by my critics and readers. They may be interested in Vienna. While I am interested in theory, theorists, the approaches to and process of research. Apart from where and what I had accomplished, based on earlier goals. The end target was illusive. In motion. The results were drastically effected. Technological capacities also changed and therefore the work process was altered. As I investigated Vienna, the Viennese were publishing the statistical, historical, political and environmental details about their city and its culture on the Internet. Therefore, I made my eldwork and dissertation preempt and wrest so-called common knowledge sources. Ethnographic studies change emphasis with time because the people and their culture are in the constant transition of living. The researcher changes and the research methods are constantly in ux, too. Ethnography often ends with the researcher "going native." The ethnographer abandons their native culture for the one they have researched in depth (Creswell Qualitative 61). They adopt a new home and family in the eldwork site. A discussion of the reasoning behind the researcher's decision to expatriate is meant to reveal their motivating biases and the push/pull factors of the compared cultures. In my case I have reected on my stay in Vienna. The lifestyle there in contrast to in Denver. My many thoughts have retraced through the cultural features I have interpreted and described revealing the Viennese low values to action gap. The human body in continuum with, rather than as opposed to, the emergent ecosystem. The environmental, social, economic, political and belief systems that support that ideology. The culture's trajectories 247

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and trends. As I nish writing about the research project in Denver, I can think of and offer my readers several reasons why I am not still in Vienna. To do so compacts the lessons learned from the eldwork. A street level reconnaissance of Vienna brings into view discrepancies. The real personal, physical and social discovered experience does not match the ofcially provided analog and digitally mediated experience. Economically and politically Vienna is structured to usher through its ecosystem visitors. The inviting qualities of the Viennese culture are a narrow slice among the world's harsher diversity. Therefore, genuine ownership at the wealthy base of the society appears to be rarely available to new arrivals. In essence, for me to attempt going native in Vienna would position me as an outsider living in the city. Most people in Vienna do not live the bold and beautiful green and vibrant lifestyle advertised. It is not free. Most people in Vienna appear to live and work in small, densely populated spaces that are hard, damp and cool. The sky is often overcast. The city's trafc is often difcult to negotiate. People seem to be segregated into ethnic neighborhoods, including economic classes and lifestyle oriented status. The inclusive museum, sun bathing and wine drinking is a mere segment of the wider society and it is for this I presented these aspects of Viennese culture in a larger context. To this day, entering Vienna holds severe risks of racism, agism and sexism, along with the economic and political battles of Central Europe and globally. The Viennese ecosystem and its panacea of environmental mainstreaming remains an option and opportunity, but not yet a solution to typical environmental and social conicts. Therefore, to live in Vienna appears different than it does in Denver and the problems or resolutions vary in kind and intensity. In sum, to go native in Vienna would be merely trading old for new issues. Simply, escaping the milieu of so-called "new world attitudes" for the complexity of "old world attitudes." 248

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