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Historical studies journal, volume 30

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Historical studies journal, volume 30
Portion of title:
University of Colorado at Denver historical studies journal
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UCD historical studies journal
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Hist. stud. j.
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University of Colorado at Denver
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Denver, Colo
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University of Colorado at Denver
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Annual
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English
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v. : ill. ; 26 cm.

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History -- Periodicals ( lcsh )
History -- Periodicals -- Colorado ( lcsh )
Colorado ( fast )
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History. ( fast )
Periodicals. ( fast )
History ( fast )
Periodicals ( fast )

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University of Colorado at Denver.

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Auraria Library
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Auraria Library
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1085-7699 ( ISSN )
ocm29686319
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909 ( ddc )

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UCD historical studies journal

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Full Text
Spring 2013 Volume 30
EDITOR:
Craig Leavitt
PHOTO EDITOR:
Nicholas Wharton
EDITORIAL STAFF:
Nicholas Wharton, Graduate Student Jasmine Armstrong Graduate Student Abigail Sanocki, Graduate Student Kevin Smith, Student Thomas J. Noel, Faculty Advisor
DESIGNER:
Shannon Fluckey
Integrated Marketing & Communications Auraria Higher Education Center
University of Colorado Denver


Department of History
University of Colorado Denver
MarjorieLevine-Clark, Ph.D., Department Chair
Modern Britain, European Women and Gender, Medicine and Health
Christopher Agee, Ph.D.
20th Century U.S., Urban History, Social Movements, Crime and Policing
Ryan Crewe, Ph.D.
Latin America, Colonial Mexico, Transpacific History
James E. Fell, Jr., Ph.D.
American West, Civil War, Environmental, Film History
Gabriel Finkelstein, Ph.D.
Modern Europe, Germany,
History of Science, Exploration
Mark Foster, Ph.D., Emeritus
19th and 20th Century U.S.,
U.S. Social and Intellectual,
U.S. Urban and Business
Marilyn Hitchens, Ph.D.
Modern Europe, World History
Xiaojia Hou, Ph.D.
China, East Asia
Rebecca Hunt, Ph.D.
American West, Gender,
Museum Studies, Public History
Pamela Laird, Ph.D.
U.S. Social, Intellectual, Technology, Public History, Business
Thomas J. Noel, Ph.D.
American West, Art & Architecture, Public History & Preservation, Colorado
Carl Pletsch, Ph.D.
Intellectual History (European and American), Modern Europe
Myra Rich, Ph.D.
U.S. Colonial, U.S. Early National, Women and Gender, Immigration
Alison Shah, Ph.D.
South Asia, Islamic World,
History and Heritage, Cultural Memory
Richard Smith, Ph.D.
Ancient, Medieval,
Early Modern Europe, Britain
Chris Sundberg, M.A.
Africa and History Education
William Wagner, Ph.D.
U.S. West
James Walsh, Ph.D.
Immigration, U.S. Labor, Irish-American
James B. Whiteside, Ph.D.
Recent U.S., Vietnam War,
U.S. Diplomatic, Sports History
Greg Whitesides, Ph.D.
History of Science, Modern U.S., Asia
Kariann Yokota, Ph.D.
Colonial and Early U.S., Pacific Rim


Table of Contents
Preface.....................................................v
Blending Gender:
The Flapper, Gender Roles & the 1920s "New Woman"............1
Kayla Gabehart
Desperate Letters:
Abortion History and Michael Beshoar, M.D...................9
Michele Lingbeck
Confessors and Martyrs:
Rituals in Salems Witch Hunt...............................19
Shay Gonzales
The Historic American Building Survey:
Preservation of the Built Arts..............................29
Douglas Fowler
Another Face in the Crowd:
Commemorating Lynchings.....................................39
Pam Milavec
Manufacturing Terror:
Samuel Parris Exploitation of the Salem Witch Trials.......51
Allan Pershing
The Whigs and the Mexican War...............................59
Ian Stewart-Shelafo
Notes.......................................................65
Bibliographies..............................................75




Preface
This year marks the 30th edition of University of Colorado Denvers Historical Studies Journal. The Journal has grown up along with the institution. It serves as a department-wide portfolio of our students best work and as an example to incoming students to show them how its done. The Journal is an important repository of research, and showcases the excellent work UCD history students are capable of producing. This years edition features a broad variety of topics in social and political history as well as historic preservation and other aspects of public history.
Kayla Gabeharts paper The Flapper, Gender Roles & the 1920s New Woman, exemplifies excellence in our department by placing a seemingly innocuous early-twentieth century mode of style and dress into a broader historical context. Flapper culture was by no means an isolated fad, Ms. Gabeheart wrote, but rather the result of nearly a century of female activism which allowed women to seize previously masculine prerogatives and set the stage for later phases of the fight for equality. Michele Lingbecks Desperate Letters offers a fascinating look into the reproductive health issues faced by women in the nineteenth century American Southwest, by investigating the practice of Dr. Michael Beshoar, a frontier physician who aided them with medicine, prophylactics, and abortions. Ms. Lingbecks research with the doctors original correspondence takes the reader inside the hardscrabble lives of frontier women and their struggles to survive inhospitable circumstances where medical help and expertise were hard to come by. Douglas Fowlers thoroughly researched study of the Historic American Building Survey shows how the federal governments historic preservation mission progressed from neglected bureaucratic necessity to an important, influential, and institutionalized function of our government. Pam Milavecs Another Face in the Crowd examines the American tragedy of lynching with a focus on efforts to raise awareness of this stain on our history through public commemorations. Ian Stewart-Shelafos paper thoughtfully considers the ways in which the Mexican-American War of 1846-1848 impacted the fate of the American Whig Party. Last but not least, Shay Gonzales and Alan Pershing revisit the personalities and ideologies of the notorious Salem Witch trials of the colonial period. It has been an honor and a pleasure to edit this fine collection of papers.
The Journal would like to thank Shannon Fluckey of Auraria Higher Education Center Integrated Marketing and Communications for her invaluable assistance in creating the layout and printing the Journal. We would also like to thank Dr. Thomas J. Noel and Dr. Pamela Laird for their strong support of the Journal.
CRAIG LEAVITT
Editor
V




I
America
rose out of World Wax I into the prosperity of the 1920s. The Oxford English Dictionary defines the Roaring Twenties as characterized by the optimism, buoyancy, and extravagance that followed the somber years of World War I.1 The term the Roaring Twenties attempts to capture the speed and tumultuous nature of the period, as it ushered in not only the beginnings of contemporary notions of credit and consumer culture, but also saw the birth of the 1920s New Woman. The turbulent and unbridled environment that was 1920s America, in conjunction with events leading up to the era, set the stage for the flapper to establish a new persona for women, and to revolutionize traditional notions
of femininity. Historian Kenneth Yellis affirms that in stark contrast to the feminine ideals of the previous era, the flapper could hardly have been a more thorough repudiation of the Gibson girl if that had been her intent, as, in a sense, it was.2 Dorothy Dunbar Bromley describes flappers as a generation who sought to refute the behavior and values of their perfect lady predecessors.3 These flapper women defied and manipulated traditional female gender norms and fashioned a new place for themselves in mainstream American society, while also adopting typically male roles and activities. From this amalgamation of both traditionally male and female gender roles, flappers and the culture that they built around themselves re-defined mainstream notions of womanhood.
Women of all races and classes across America adopted aspects of this flapper culture, such as the short haircuts and the wearing of hats. The more radical flappers, such as the
Kayla Gab eh art is pursuing her undergraduate degree as a double major in history and psychology with a minor in political science. Upon graduation she would like to attend graduate school to either pursue a Masters degree in history ora degree in clinical psychology.


Standing Out in the Crowd. Images ofthe Jazz Age.
Available from classes.berklee.edu/llanday/fall01/jazzage/crowdweb. Accessed September 5th, 2012.
woman portrayed above, embodied the movement not just in terms of fashion, but socially and economically. These radical flappers were predominantly white, urban, young, single, educated women of the middle class.4 In terms of fashion, the flapper women wore short skirts with exposed legs or silk stockings, had short bob haircuts over which they often donned hats, applied heavy makeup, and heavily accessorized their wardrobes, often with long strands of pearls and flamboyant brooches. These radical flappers, the women who had a hand in the redefinition of femininity, engaged in flapperism by partying with men and frequenting night clubs, utilizing birth control methods freely while engaging in promiscuous sex, often choosing to remain single past the typical marital age for women, smoking and drinking publicly, engaging as active participants in consumer culture, actively seeking a place for themselves in the workplace, and generally practicing open independence and rebellion against social norms. For these radical women, flapperism was not a fashion or a fad, but an innovative and progressive lifestyle.
Flapper culture was by no means an isolated fad, but rather the result of nearly a century of female activism. Womens movements emerged with some degree of force in conjunction with the abolitionist movement, in hopes that if and when African Americans were granted suffrage, so too would women. American suffragists first formally outlined their desire for the right to the vote at the 1848 Seneca Falls Convention. Playing on the language of the Declaration of Independence, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, a leader in the first generation of American suffragettes, declared that all men and women are created equal, and that the history of mankind was nothing but a history of repeated injuries and usurpations on the part of man toward women, having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over her.5 Even with the intense and passionate activism of
2 Kayla Gabehart BLENDING GENDER


Stanton and others like Susan B. Anthony, over six decades would pass before Alice Paul and a younger and more radical generation of suffragists would see the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment. In 1920, on the threshold of the Roaring Twenties, three-fourths of the United States ratified the words originally written by Anthony, in which she asserted female equality saying that the right to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States by any state on account of sex.6 Thus, an emerging flapper culture in which women were interacting with men in new ways corresponded with the granting of a social liberty women had never had before, putting them on closer to equal footing in the political sphere.
Also in the decade that preceded the Roaring Twenties, feminists like Margaret Sanger, advocated the idea that women should control their own bodies and promoted the use of birth control methods. Sanger, a nurse and advocate of female birth control, led the fight for reproductive rights in America. These were radical notions as the concept of coverture, the social model in which men essentially controlled and covered their wives, thrived in mainstream Victorian society. Sanger wrote and spoke widely on the topic, and empowered women by declaring that allowing men sexual control of the female body increases our degradation, and places us in ideals lower than animals, and asserting that women could become a new being, sexually awakened.7 Sanger also called for the defiance of the Comstock Law, which forbade the dissemination of birth control and information regarding it.8 In the 1920s, the idea of a female controlling her body was not new and no doubt influenced the sexually promiscuous and independent flapper.
At the same time that notions of birth control were being reconsidered, anarchist Emma Goldman condemned marriage as a hindrance to the independent woman. Goldman, a Russian immigrant, traveled widely before her deportation during the Red Scare, proclaiming that a woman pays for a husband with her name, her privacy, her self-respect, her very life.9 Goldmans idea of the single woman, in addition to ideas disseminated by Victoria Woodhull and other nineteenth century free love advocates, formed a framework that would later influence radical flapper women.
The flappers founded a famous, and some might say infamous, appearance and lifestyle. Flappers rebelled against Victorian ideals of beauty and femininity, but so too did their precursor, the Gibson girl: an embodiment of the Edwardian era ideal of beauty. Charles Dana Gibsons drawings and short stories based on his wife, introduced this Gibson girl ideal at the turn of the century.10 Camille Clifford became the iconic image of the Gibson girl in popular culture. Like the flappers of the 1920s, the women who embraced the Gibson girl persona rebelled against their Victorian mothers and grandmothers. These women flaunted their voluptuous, curvaceous figures in tight, mermaid-style dresses, and though their hemlines remained long, they were overtly and consciously displaying their sexuality. Lynn D. Gordon, a womens studies historian at the University of Rochester, asserts that magazines in the early 1900s celebrated the Gibson girl as beautiful, charming, and fashionable, praising their health, athletic abilities, and intelligence. These Gibson girls, particularly those of the upper class that embraced progressive goals, also attended college. Gordon asserts that at the turn of the century women could have both higher education and social approval. Gordon characterizes the Gibson girl as a modern woman,
2013 Historical Studies Journal 3


Camille Clifford and Leslie Stiles. Hulton Archive, 1906.
Getty Images. Available from http://www.gettyimages.com/detaiUnews-photo/
actors-leslie-stiles-and-camille-clifford-one-of-thegibson-news-photo/3301288. Accessed December 11th, 2012.
unencumbered by bustles of convention.11 The Gibson girls dealt a blow to mainstream Victorian ideals, and in so doing began re-defining femininity by defying and manipulating its accepted definitions. The flappers of the Roaring Twenties picked up where the Gibson girls left off.
By defying and manipulating traditional notions of femininity, radical flappers had only fought half the battle. The creation of the 1920s New Woman, an ideal that would influence succeeding generations of women, entailed more than just rebellion and the refusal to wear corsets and long dresses. These radical flappers also had to adopt masculine practices to truly re-define mainstream ideals of womanhood. They had to devise methods in which they could stake out for themselves an equal footing with men. And so, they smoked, they drank, they partied, and they worked.
Like the woman in the 1920s photograph, one can hardly picture the prototypical flapper without a cigarette between her lips. Today smoking is no more male than female, but for the flappers, smoking in public was radical and new, as in the 1920s a social taboo still surrounded the act. These women, at least initially, did not smoke to satiate a nicotine addiction, but rather they smoked because men smoked and there was no legitimate reason they could not do exactly the same. A.E. Hamilton, arguing in his article that individuals did not adopt smoking to satisfy an addiction but rather as a social custom, contemporaneously observed this phenomenon saying that both men and women have assumed that smoking is a masculine affair, until the picture of the flapper without her cigarette had become like a portrait of Charles G. Dawes without his pipe.12 The seemingly simple act of smoking a cigarette had much deeper symbolic implications for women in the 1920s, for the flapper took smoking and called it her own.
Prohibition and the 1920s coincided, but by no means was the Roaring Twenties bereft of alcohol. Bootlegging and moonshining flourished during the Prohibition Era, and the nightlife so characteristic of the period thrived on alcohol consumption. Radical flapper women decided that the act of drinking alcohol in public could also be theirs just
4 Kayla Gabehart BLENDING GENDER


as much as it could be any mans. That is not to say, however, that many nineteenth century women never drank alcohol, but they generally did not do so publicly. Mainstream thought among the gentry assumed ladies drank alcohol because they were depraved, prostitutes, or both.13 Female drinking threatened gender identity; alcohol consumption was reserved for men to drink in bars with other men, while women were moral angels, often suffering at the violent hand of these drunken men.14 Out of these nineteenth century assumptions emerged a strong temperance movement, and that movement coincided with the push for womans suffrage. Here, radical flapperism presents a paradox: flappers were not concerned with maintaining moral authority, but with rebellion and outright independence. Scholar Catherine Gilbert Murdock, in her book analyzing the transition from women as supporters of temperance to flappers adopting social drinking as an act of independence, asserts than many critics held a negative view of the actions of the flapper, founded in the accomplishments of feminists before her, as she appeared to snub older feminists temperance goals. Womens Christian Temperance Union members openly fretted that the girls have adopted the boys standards instead of raising them to their own, while the Union Signal, a WCTU publication, affirmed the necessity of equality with men, though lamented the consumption of alcohol for that purpose, saying, a phase of present-day feminism demands every privilege for women that man claims for himself. Concerning the justice of this demand there can be no question.15 These flappers drank publicly and heavily, despite its illegality. Again, they claimed the masculine and demanded that it could also be feminine.
Radical flappers did more than simply smoke cigarettes and drink gin. These women penetrated the night life, previously reserved for men. Joshua Zeitz characterizes the prototypical flapper as one who passed her evenings in steamy jazz clubs, where she danced in an immodest fashion with a revolving cast of male suitors. In this way, too, when flappers adopted the masculine they shrugged off their previous role as a moral authority, and members of older generations lamented their flippant attitudes.16 The frivolity and promiscuity that characterized the nightlife of the Roaring Twenties, and the smoking, drinking, and partying that accompanied it, made women a fixture amongst men where they had never been before. Women, then, entered not only the nightlife, but also the workplace.
During the nineteenth century, female work outside the home was associated with poor, working class women forced into factories or shops in order to supplement their husbands insufficient wages. Respectable elite women did not work outside the home. Single women, however, did enter the workplace out of necessity. Americas plunge into World War I accelerated trends of female employment, and essentially forced a realignment of mainstream American values. Men left their jobs in large numbers, leaving women to take over their positions in factories and elsewhere. Massive numbers of women now worked in offices, industrial settings, and department stores, making female employment commonplace. Whether or not traditional definitions of womanhood condoned this, it became necessary, and furthermore proved that women were not passive property, but capable of the same jobs and physical labor that men were. When the war ended and men returned home, many women departed from the workplace. But roughly a quarter of the female work force persevered and continued to work outside the realm of the
2013 Historical Studies Journal 5


home, as war had provided an opportunity for women to stake a place for themselves in the working world.17 Employment opportunities and wages for women remained limited. However, the war effort made the female in the workforce more commonplace and acceptable, fundamentally shattering the Cult of Domesticity and separate spheres of gender responsibility. Radical flappers, ever seeking independence, exploited this trend. Notoriously single, they worked and made money, as self-sufficiency proved the easiest way to independence from parents or a husband. A female in the workplace was no longer synonymous with working class poverty, but rather became a symbol of liberation and freedom; a symbol of equality and modernity
Had the atmosphere of mainstream American society in the 1920s been less socially progressive and less consumer-driven it is possible that the media and those with the wealth and power to motivate public opinion would have rejected the flapper in all her rebellious glory. Instead the media, particularly film and advertising, took this new persona, disseminated it, and promoted it.
Scholar Philip Scranton explains how advertising harnessed the flapper persona and influenced flapper culture and mainstream Americas consciousness of it. This process consequently established the boyish flapper as the 1920s archetype of beauty. Scranton defines beauty as a distinction between high and low, normal and abnormal, virtue and vice, and thus helps to define morality, social status, class, gender, race and ethnicity.18 When advertisements harnessed the flapper persona as the model for beauty for the time, they marketed flapperism to consumer society and flappers themselves. Lever did this in 1925 when they advertised their soap being used in boudoirs rather than simply the tub or kitchen sink.19 So, in the spirit of making money, advertisers transitioned from marketing the Gibson girl to marketing the prototypical flapper, the ideal beauty of the decade, to a receptive public.
The film industry also harnessed the consumer potential of the flapper persona. Film historian Sara Ross asserts that exploiting the promiscuous flapper identity in film had to be approached with caution, despite its massive box office potential.20 The Victorian ideal was outdated following World War I, but continued to be overrepresented in film in the early 1920s.21 To compete in a consumer driven, modernizing society, most mainstream film production companies introduced the promiscuous flapper persona, because even prior to the 1920s, sex sold. Flappers embodied sexuality, and thus lent themselves to this marketing ploy. However, films countered the radical nature of the flapper lifestyle by utilizing comedy and portraying the flapper as a young, naive comedienne.22 This reconciliation in film between the traditional and the radical helped transition society into accepting the notion of the independent woman.
Before the emergence of the radical flapper lifestyle in 1920s America, many women throughout history attempted to defy traditional notions of femininity. Rather than just confronting and blatantly disregarding traditional definitions of womanhood, radical flappers also encroached on male domains and made them their own realm in public society while media made the flapper persona widespread and profitable. This very intentional blending of gender roles, present in a societal environment fertile for new ideas, ushered in the 1920s version of the New Woman.
6 Kayla Gabehart BLENDING GENDER


It is imperative to recognize how radical the activities and attitudes of these flappers remained to older generations. Historian Joshua Zeitz contextualizes the profound risks that these women undertook, for as late as 1904, a woman had been arrested on Fifth Avenue in New York City for lighting up a cigarette.23 Murdock further explains that the flapper stereotype attests to the profound divisions between parent and child, old and new, good and bad, that marked America in the 1910s and 1920s.24 The flapper persona presented an escape from restrictive femininity and provided an alternative that meant self-reliance and independence. Many young women deeply desired this autonomy, and their old-fashioned parents often objected to their subscribing to flapper fashion and ideals. Laura Davidow Hirshbein, a psychiatrist at the University of Michigan Hospitals, describes the emergence of flapper culture as a clash between young and old, saying that when contemporary critics exclaimed over a crisis of youth, they articulated a clash between a new generation and its predecessor.25 Thus, when parents and grandparents lamented the radical flapperism practiced by their daughters and granddaughters as a crisis of youth, this older generation was demonstrating the intergenerational divergence of world views. At the same time, born into an era of consumption and progressivism, flapper women simply could not identify with the more conservative values of their parents and grandparents. Hirshbein explains that the young womans representation of the younger generation identified with the nation itself... the younger generation was doing the important business of gaining experience. There was no value in the knowledge gained by the older generation because it was of a world gone by.26 Changes in social trends ushered in by World War I, such as the emphasis on consumer culture and more liberal outlooks on gender roles, constructed a mainstream society in which the once primary role of women as the moral authority was no longer pervasive. These flapper women lived in a decade conducive to change, and the changes they wrought conflicted with the views of an older generation, and were thus perceived as the crisis of misguided youth.
Newspapers also played up this crisis between young and old. When her mother refused to allow her to leave the house donned in flapper fashion, a fourteen year-old Chicago girl took her own life when she put a rubber hose in her mouth and turned on the gas on her mothers range.27 Though this incident represents anecdotal evidence of a personal and familial disorder, headlines playing up similar tragedies were common. Such headlines served as a scare tactic directed towards parents, designed to suppress radical flapperism and prevent other families from suffering the same fate.
This younger generation of women, growing up in a society that preached progressivism, craved their own identity. Liberated by consumerism and a changing society, they did not adhere to the conservative ideals that many of their parents cherished, and 1920s advocates of modernity implored parents to see the method to their madness. One such appeal appeared in Outlook Magazine in December, 1922. Self-proclaimed flapper Ellen Welles Page beseeched parents, grandparents, and friends, and teachers, and preachers you who constitute the older generationto overlook our shortcomings, at least for the present, and to appreciate our virtues. Welles attempted to soften the flapper persona by claiming that times have made us older and more experienced, and that outlets for this surplus knowledge and energy must be opened.28 Welles appeal, and others like it,
2013 Historical Studies Journal 7


proved successful in so far as they contrasted the widely held assumption that flappers were base, unintelligent, and superficial. Well-written articles like Welles portrayed flappers as intelligent and capable, attracting young women to the flapper lifestyle, and provided a vehicle through which women could manifest their intellectual abilities.
While many of the older generation denounced the flapper movement as dealing a blow to the era of feminism that preceded it, many others acknowledged flappers for their modernity in the sense that they were re-defining what it meant to be a woman in mainstream America. In her 1928 piece on consumption of explicit material in theatre and film, Catherine Beach Ely characterized flappers as demanding the uncensored raw life, as it appeals to the restless girl, alert to bite into the wormy fruit of the moderns.29 Similarly, Harriet Monroe, quoting Vachel Lindsay, praised the flapper by saying that America needs the flamboyant to save her soul, and that flamboyance expresses faith in that energyit is a shout of delight, a declaration of richness. It is at least the beginning of an art. Within her essay, Monroe makes the claim that America refuses to be humdrum and drab, but suppressing its feelings and censoring its artists... fearing emotion as the gateway to perditionAmerica finds the flamboyant in the courts.30 The flappers, no doubt, embodied this flamboyance and progress that America craved, but they did so beyond of the courts of cinema and entertainment. Rather, they took their flamboyance and made it a lifestyle, which made them controversial in the public, but revolutionary in historical terms.
The woman in the 1920s still photograph presented at the beginning of this article is iconic today. The word flapper stirs up visions of jazz, parties, short dresses, and hats. Costume companies market flapper regalia on Halloween, allowing girls and women to adopt the beauty of another era. I always picture scenes from F. Scott Fitzgeralds Great Gatsby when I hear the term. We cannot possibly know, without extensive research, the background of that girl in the photo; but like other radical flapper girls, she was probably just a young girl caught up in a tumultuous decade, trying to stake out a place for herself in society. She probably worked and supported herself by day, and danced the Charleston with various suitors and sexual partners by night. She probably used birth control, tobacco, and alcohol. She was provocatively feminine and beautiful, but ever adopting the masculine as if to say, this world isminetoo.She made decisions on her own accord and embraced her independence. She probably had no idea that she would change what it meant to be a woman forever, and make inroads for every successive generation of females since. She lived in a societal atmosphere fertile for change and revolution, a society that bought the flapper, a society teetering on the edge of modernity in terms of challenging gender roles. By blending these gender roles, she planted the seeds of even more profound change to come.
8 Kayla Gabehart BLENDING GENDER


I I
^ Colorado has always been
I Vvi C____4_ V_\ j a stopping point for trav-
elers. Before the automobile and 1-25 arrived, folks travelled through what is now Trinidad on horseback, oxcart, Conestoga wagon, stagecoach and by railroad. Trinidad is nestled in the Purgatoire Valley of the Sangre de Cristo Range, just north of the famed Raton Pass where traders and settlers traversed the arduous mountain branch of the Santa Fe Trail. Trinidad has a colorful history filled with many notorious Wild West characters. Uncle Dick Wooten maintained the toll road over Raton Pass. Doc Holliday, Wyatt Earp and Bat Masterson mingled with Ute Indians and Hispanic settlers on the dusty streets of the town. In 1867, a doctor entered
Dr. Michael Beshoar
the Valley, took in the beauty of the scenery and decided to stay. His legacy was profound. Dr. Michael Beshoar helped to transform Trinidad from an uncivilized outpost into a large Colorado community. During his time in Trinidad he helped countless people, but none needed him as desperately as the women who sought medical advice and aid for their health issues. The letters written by patients to their trusted doctor are valuable historical proof of the hardships endured by women in Colorado during the nineteenth century.
Beshoar was born in 1833 to a deeply religious Pennsylvania-Dutch family. After graduating from the University of Michigan School of Medicine, he made his way to Pocahontas, Arkansas where he farmed and opened a medical practice, a pharmacy and a newspaper. Married twice into prominent local families, he tragically lost both
Michele Lingbeck has a BA in History from CU Boulder and a MA in Education from CU Denver. She is currently enrolled in the Public History graduate program. She lives in Broomfield with her husband and two children.


wives to consumption. With successful business ventures and deep personal connections to the region, he accepted a Civil War commission as a Confederate Army surgeon in June of 1861. During his time in the Confederate army, he cared for wounded soldiers and suffering Arkansas civilians. After being captured by the Union Army in 1863, he denounced the Confederacy and pledged his loyalty to the Union. For the remainder of the war, Beshoar practiced medicine in Missouri and attempted to convince colleagues and customers of his loyalty to the United States.
Worn out by the constant scrutiny of his citizenship and the shady character of his Missouri patients (many of whom sought treatment for venereal disease), Michael jumped at an opportunity to head west as a United States Army Surgeon. In 1865, shortly after the end of the Civil War, he enlisted and moved to Nebraska Territory where he became Fort Kearney Post Surgeon and Medical Purveyor of the Western Territories. During his year at that post, he witnessed the devastating effects of Manifest Destiny on the Native American tribes of the Plains. He documented the medical practices and homeopathic remedies of the tribes and incorporated many of these into his own practice for the remainder of his medical career. After a year in this role, Michael Beshoar resigned from military service for good and headed west into the Territory of Colorado to seek his fortune and find a new home. Following the advice of friends, he travelled first to Denver and then to Pueblo, where he was acquainted with some of the towns leading businessmen, John A. and Mahon D. Thatcher. In Pueblo, Beshoar immediately opened a medical practice and drugstore, and then worked toward providing the town with a much-needed newspaper. The Colorado Chieftain began operation in 1868 and provided a Democratic Party voice to the citizens of Pueblo. Beshoar maintained the newspaper and medical offices in Pueblo, but found his true home further south in the Purgatoire River Valley.
While touring the region, Michael Beshoar ventured south into into Trinidad and immediately began to fill a void in the community. According to his biographer,
Within a hour after his arrival, he had acquired several patients, who quickly spread the word that a real doctor was in town, bringing still more to ask for his professional assistance. In the course of his first twenty-four hours, he took care of a couple of dozen men and met most of the little towns leading citizens: Postmaster William Bransford, Don Felipe Baca, merchant Jesus Maria Garcia, Henry Barraclough, and a number of others both American and Mexican. They were unanimous in declaring that Trinidad urgently needed a doctor and a drugstore and would welcome Michael Beshoar.1
Opening up the first medical office and drug store within ninety miles, Beshoar found much work to be done in Trinidad. During his 40 years in the town, his personal impact would be profound. Eventually, his reach would extend from farming and mining to journalism and even deep into the regions political foundations. Always a public servant, Beshoar lost a close election in 1886 to become the states Lieutenant Governor and in 1904 won a seat in the state senate only to see it taken by a fraudulent election committee controlled by a corrupt Republican Party. Beshoar worked relentlessly to represent the people of Trinidad. Whether he was speaking for the Hispanic citizens during the
10 MicheleLingheck DESPERATE LETTERS


Christmas Race Riots of 1867 or denouncing the abuses of the coal mining companies against the workers, he served as a voice for the downtrodden and desperate in a region filled with hardship.
Most notably, Beshoar served the people through his medical practice. While his practice catered to patients suffering from all types of ailments including gunshot wounds, measles, addiction, dental problems, biliousness (stomach problems), pneumonia, scalpings and any other imaginable disorder, his work with the women and children of Southern Colorado and Northern New Mexico truly showcase his role as caretaker to the needs of the most desperate. Since Dr. Beshoar was the only physician to be found between Pueblo and Santa Fe in 1867, his practice encompassed Anglo as well as Hispanic patients in both Colorado and New Mexico. Before he returned to Pueblo, he made two major decisions: he would open a drugstore in Trinidad and he would learn Spanish as quickly as possible, wrote Dr. Beshoar s grandson and biographer, Barron Beshoar. He spoke German fluently and had a solid background in Latin and French, but he would need Spanish in the Southwest for the sort of close and intimate relationship a doctor must have with his patients.2 Clearly, Beshoar was successful at developing those close personal relationships because patients wrote letters to him in Spanish from all over the region seeking his advice, or begging him to send medicine. Many of these patients were women, and many were unable to pay and begged for his help sine dinero or without money. He learned to individualize his practice for the cultural differences of the Hispanic population. Early in his practice among the Mexicans, he encountered two ailments that were completely novel to him: empapelada (papering) and oxalote (salamander).2 These were actual gynecological disorders (probably vaginitis and endometriosis) that were believed to be the result of invasion by foreign intruders (literally a paper or salamander) into the bodies of the women. Beshoar learned to treat these disorders by using a powerful combination of medicine and psychological trickery. He also gained the trust of the Hispanic population of the region by his role in vaccinating children during the horrific black smallpox epidemic of 1877. His grandson and biographer remembered:
The black smallpox may have been slow wending its way from Santa Fe to Red River, but it didnt take long to hit Las Animas County. By the tenth of June it was epidemic. The odd thing was that it was pretty much confined to Indians and to Mexican children between the ages of four and thirteen; few Mexican adults contracted the disease and practically no Anglos. Virtually all of the remaining Indians in the county, regardless of age were stricken and died. Michael dropped everything to cope with the epidemic.
He and Father Pinto, traveling by buggy, went to the most remote parts of the county, visiting isolated ranches and tiny litde adobe hamlets. The physician used scabs to vaccinate on a mass basis with Father Pinto serving as his assistant.4
With the exceptions of black smallpox, epapelada and oxalote, the problems faced by Hispanic and Anglo women were very similar. Medical access was limited, reproductive choice was non-existent, and death was always on the doorstep trying to take children
2013 Historical Studies Journal 11


away from their mothers. Beshoar worked tirelessly during his medical career in Trinidad to aid women and help protect them from a number of dire threats..
Modern obstetrical and gynecological medical care has taken much of the risk out of the process of pregnancy and childbirth. But, in the nineteenth century, pregnancy was extremely dangerous especially in older women who had given birth multiple times. One of womens major concerns in the West, as it had been in the East, was finding themselves in a family way, wrote historians Duane A. Smith and Ronald C. Brown. Even under the best of nineteenth-century conditions, this aspect of the female ritual could be life threatening. An estimated one of every thirty mothers died giving birth; others suffered from depression and anxiety.5 Dr. Beshoar advertised his services as an accoucheur or male deliverer of babies. Midwives and family members had traditionally filled that role before it became a medical practice. As with all other areas of his practice, he kept meticulous records of the children he delivered. In 1886-1887, he recorded the birth of thirty-five babies. Seven of the thirty-five were stillborn or dead, one was noted as being very feeble, several required the use of forceps and one mother had to have the placenta manually removed after the delivery.6 The percentage of at-risk deliveries and stillborn infants is shocking. In 1884-1885, Dr. Beshoar recorded similarly alarming statistics in his medical records. The ages and number of pregnancies for each mother were also noted in the record. For example, Mrs. Tafoya was twenty-seven years old and had ten prior pregnancies. That year, Mrs. Clellan, thirty-three, gave birth to her twelfth baby.7
With access to contraception extremely limited, one must wonder how many more pregnancies these women had to endure during their reproductive years. It also must be noted that many women in the Frontier West did not have access to a physician when they went into labor and underwent the birthing process with the help of family members or neighboring women. If complications arose, a doctor was often far away and the results might be devastating. Mr. Cruz wrote an urgent note to Dr. Beshoar to describe the problems faced by his pregnant wife:
Dear Sir, My wife is very sick at present. She is about to have a child and has been very sick for the last four days. The child cannot be borned for it is dead and I presume he cannot be borned unless my wife has some medical assistance.8
This husband had already lost a child and feared that his wife was soon to follow. Whether Mrs. Cruz became the one of thirty who did not survive childbirth is unknown.
Many other problems existed for pregnant women and new mothers in the 19th century west. Post-partum hemorrhaging was a grave concern. One husband wrote a desperate plea for the doctor to come to the Trinchera Pass Ranch, his home at the top of the mountain to help his wife who had been hemorrhaging for two months and needed treatment for the fall of the womb.9 After multiple pregnancies, many women experienced prolapsed uterus or fallen womb. Dr. Beshoar treated this condition by the insertion of a rubber pessary into the womens uterus. He purchased these pessaries by the dozen from Chas. Truax. Greene & Company physicians supply in Chicago.10 Many babies died in the week and months following their birth from sepsis due to unsanitary
12 MicheleLingbeck DESPERATE LETTERS


conditions during delivery. Whether a baby lived or died, women were expected to return to their work and household duties within days of delivery. This alone put tremendous strain on their bodies as they were healing from the traumatic experience of childbirth. As women continued to have babies into their forties, it is no wonder that the life expectancy of women in the United States was a shocking 40.5 in 188011.
If a baby survived pregnancy, birth and sepsis, childhood disease became the next life-threatening risk for the family to face. In his study of medicine in early Colorado, Dr. Robert Shikes noted that
Childhood morality was terribly high in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and most of these deaths were due to infectious diseases. Among infants, the widely feared cholera infantum, or summer diarrhea, was due to several bacterial, and probably viral, forms of gastroenteritis. Croup, whooping cough, pneumonia and other respiratory tract infections, as well as scarlet fever, measles, erysipelas, meningitis, smallpox, and tuberculosis, all contributed to the fact the one-third of all deaths in the U.S.A occurred in the pediatric population.12
Pediatric care was a vital part of Dr. Beshoar s practice. His medical records and letters from patients prove that vaccination to prevent illness was very common. He sent vials of vaccine with instructions for use to countless mothers in the region and his patient records show in-office vaccination was a daily part of his regular medical practice. His Trinidad patients were fortunate to have the doctor close by in case of emergency. On the other hand, some patients were hindered by distance and/or financial constraints. Indalecio Valdez wrote to Dr. Beshoar in 1897 from Madrid, Colorado. Her letter describes a small child, aged one year, five months who had suffered twenty days of diarrhea and vomiting. She asks to pay in a month: if those terms are not acceptable, I will borrow money for medicine.13 Whether this child survived is unknown, but it can be assumed that the altruistic doctor treated his pediatric patients regardless of ability to pay. Sadly, Dr. Beshoar was not able to save many of the regions children from deadly infection. His patient records include a log of deaths that occurred under his care. In 1884-1885, he recorded the loss of one-year-old Burnett Holmes, and one-and-a-half-year-old Estela Sales to pneumonia.14
Because of the physical strain of pregnancy and childbirth and the financial burden of having a large family, many women sought contraceptives to prevent pregnancy. Birth control became increasingly popular among middle and upper class Americans towards the end of the nineteenth century, noted Shikes. A variety of techniques was used, ranging from coitus interruptus to rhythm methods to various prophylactic devices (condoms, tampons, womb veils or tents, cotton pledglets attached to string) and douches (carbolic acid, bichloride of mercury, vinegar, and other chemicals.15 These methods varied greatly in their efficacy and reliability.
Dr. Beshoar gained a reputation throughout Las Animas County and beyond as a medical practitioner who was willing to provide women with birth control and had the expertise to do so. Women wrote letters from as far away as Texas asking for prescriptions
2013 Historical Studies Journal 13


and devices for this purpose. The majority of Dr. Beshoar s patients were not from the middle and upper economic classes, but poor, hardworking women who pleaded for his help and for secrecy. Mrs. L. Foster Whited, a teacher of vocal and instrumental music, wrote to the doctor and asked his advice in preventing raising a family, or having kids. She implored Dr. Beshoar to tell me something sure because I will die if I get in that fix again.16 Mrs. A. W. Hearker from Florissant, Colorado wrote:
Being informed that you have safely prevented contraception by placing a gold bullet in the uterus of the patient, I write to know if it is true. I do not ask from curiosity and I shall respect your confidence as I wish you to mine.17
In one of the rare cases where a response is included on the correspondence, Dr. Beshoar advises Mrs. Hearker that it is not a gold bullet, but rather a contraption that can be purchased from him for $3 and inserted for three days at a time into the womb. This contraption will never disappoint and is perfectly harmless. He was most likely describing en early rubber diaphragm or womb veil that he prescribed to countless patients throughout his practice. The doctor also used a variety of chemicals and homeopathic remedies in combination to prevent pregnancy. His invoices from homeopathic drug companies and wholesale pharmacies include items such as pennyroyal, quinine, aluminum, zinc, sulfate, iodine, carbolic acid and potassium. While having many medical uses, these herbs and chemicals were also believed to aid in the prevention of pregnancy.18 Clearly, these methods were not foolproof because Beshoar received many letters from women who claimed that his birth control treatments had failed. Many of these women grew increasingly despondent and frantically sought a solution to the problem.
When birth control failed, Dr. Beshoar also provided abortions to women. Birth control and abortions were both illegal in the United States since the passage of the Comstock Laws in 1873. Michael Beshoar worked outside of the law to help women who often saw this as a last resort when all else had failed. Dr. Beshoar received letters from countless pregnant women from Colorado, New Mexico and elsewhere seeking his help in this matter. Few asked directly for abortion, but rather sought help for a blockage, or a return to regular monthlies, or a treatment for delayed periods. Clearly, Dr. Beshoar had gained a widespread reputation as an expert in this subject. He received a letter from H. Humprey who sold general merchandise in Texas asking his advice on journalism and newspaper advertising. In the same letter, Humphrey posed the question:
What is the least harmful treatment whereby ladies (married, of course) prevent themselves becoming pregnant, and relieve themselves of the early stage of pregnancy? Kindly give full course, and tell me how much, if any injury to health results ? And send bill of your charges.19
Women had many reasons for seeking abortions. Many women feared that their bodies could not physically withstand the rigors of pregnancy. G.W. Blethen of Hicks, Colorado wrote:
14 MicheleLingbeck DESPERATE LETTERS


We are two months past now and it is simply getting unbearable having children come so fast. It is completely ruining my wifes health and disposition also. This having a baby every year is clearly driving us both wild.
So could you possibly send something, and send enough to do the work.20
Other women were shamed by their pregnant state. A.J. Padilla writes multiple letters from Bent Canyons, Colorado begging the doctor for help. She clearly is despondent over her situation and laments:
I want you to send me some medicine to have a miscarriage. I am in a family way. I have gone 3 month now and it is commencing to show very bad and I feel so shamed of it that I cant get out of the house.21
Some women worried for the loss of a job because of their pregnancy. Mrs. Cone of Folsom, New Mexico wrote to Dr. Beshoar in 1898 and informed him that the rubber womb protection she purchased from him has failed. She stated:
I have gone several days over my time for menstruation and every morning I am very sick at my stomach and I am positive I am in a family way, and I would like to get rid of it some way because I agreed to finish this term of school here, the other teacher having resigned. I would hate dreadfully to give up this school.22
Also in 1898, a woman from Raton, New Mexico wrote a letter in Spanish to Dr. Beshoar requesting an abortion for similar reasons. She states I have a job in the kitchen which I like very much, and I would lose everything- Todo lo que pereda!23 Regardless of their reasons, the women were equally despondent and saw abortion as their last resort.
It is highly likely that the method by which Dr. Beshoar conducted a majority of his abortions involved a patient self-administering a dose of the drug ergot, which was sent to their homes with detailed instructions for use. His pharmaceutical invoices from the years 1869-1898 document the purchase oflarge amounts of this chemical. Drugs were employed to induce miscarriage, but their use involved the high risk of side effects, wrote historian Jeremy Agnew in his book Medicine in the Old West: A History 1850-1900. Ergot and quinine were two of the drugs used. Ergot, which was utilized by doctors to control excessive bleeding following childbirth could be given in large doses to induce miscarriage.24 Some of Dr. Beshoar s patient correspondents requested ergot by name and others described the cramping and bleeding they experienced as the drug produced contractions powerful enough to expel the fetus from the womb. If the ergot failed, as it often did, many women sent letters to the doctor requesting a different treatment. Mrs. Jessie East wrote:
I got some medicine from you last Friday which made me quite unwell, but it did not any good! I do not feel able to pay for that medicine unless you will send me something that will do some good and if you can, I wish you would please do so at once! 25
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Clearly, Mrs. East was becoming anxious because of the failed treatment. Another patient stated: I am in distress! The treatment did not work!26
As a last resort, Dr. Beshoar provided surgical abortions from his office in Trinidad. According to a receipt from the Chas. Truax Greene & Company Physicians Supply, Dr. Beshoar purchased of a set of new abortion snares in 1897.27 These snares might have been used on Mrs. R.B. Bracket, who sent an inquiry in 1888 asking: What is the least you charge for such operations, and when could I come over... I presume there are nice places in private families where I could find a room and perhaps meals.28
Dr. Beshoar included a record of all of the in-office abortions he performed in his leather physicians account book and visiting list. In the aforementioned birth records of 1886-1887, two of the dead were noted abortion29. In the years 1884-1885, his records show three abortions performed as part of his practice. Along with the names and ages of his patients, Dr. Beshoar noted the fetal age at the time of the termination, all of which were under three months. While women seeking to terminate pregnancies were obviously a very small part of his thriving practice, they were probably some of his most desperate patients.
Birth control and abortion were not acceptable topics of conversation during this era in American History. Not only was it illegal to discuss and promote these medical practices, but it also went against the societal norms of the prim and proper Victorian age. Women during this time often felt uncomfortable even mentioning their reproductive organs and genitalia, referring to these body parts euphemistically as that place you examined or down below. Many of Dr. Beshoars patients stressed the need for secrecy in their letters. A woman who signs her letter Judge Trujillos daughter begged for privacy:
Doctor, would you please write me and tell what to do in regards to my womb and whether I can attend to it myself or must I have a Doctor. I have left my husband and dont want him to find me so dont lay this on your desk and forget it so someone will see it.30
The state of her marriage and womb are unknown, but her condition was dire enough to cause her to flee her husband and the security of her home. Judge Trujillos daughter was just one example of the scores of desperate women who sought out the advice and medical help of the legendary frontier doctor.
The women discussed in this paper represent a mere fraction of the female patients served by Dr. Beshoar. Their struggles are typical of so many women of the nineteenth century American Southwest. Financial insecurity, death of loved ones, pain, lack of choice and fear were constant companions to these frontier women. Life was short and full of hardships, but in many ways, the women of Trinidad were lucky for they had a trusted doctor who was willing and able to help. Dr. Michael Beshoar spent his days working for these women, his male patients and the other downtrodden and marginalized people in Southern Colorado. He not only served as a champion to his patients, but his influence extended far beyond medicine into the coalmines, courtrooms and classrooms of Trinidad where he gave voice to the people through public service, politics and
16 MicheleLingbeck DESPERATE LETTERS


journalism. Because of his work providing abortion services to the women of Colorado and New Mexico, Michael Beshoar may be remembered as a hero to some, and a criminal to others. Regardless of political persuasion, it is impossible not to recognize him as a man who listened to the cries of the suffering and tried to help whenever he could.
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:ch
hunts allowed 17th century American Puritan communities to traverse their collective anxieties and interpersonal tensions. In the most extreme cases, only the ritual process of witch hunting could make threats to their community visible and expel them along with their underlying cause: the sins of the body social. Through the cathartic public performance of confession, the witch carried the sins of her accusers to redemption. Her remorse represented their own, brought into the open. Her execution closed the ritual with the symbolic reabsorption
Confessors
and Martyrs
Rituals in Salems Witch Hunt
by Shay Gonzales
Cotton Mather, c. 1700
of both her and their deviance into a new whole. In New England, witch hunting had been a ritual for both individual and community-wide purgation. In the context of Salem, confessions were cultural texts produced by the collective effort of witches, their accusers and the authorities. To be successful, a confession had to follow certain prescriptions.1 By contrasting the development and content of Abigail Hobbs and Mary Warrens contemporaneous confessions, this paper aims to show how confession operated as a cultural form in New England and how it ultimately failed to reunite Salem.
To the residents of Salem in 1692, witchcraft meant conspiracy. Witches threatened a precariously Puritan New England and so they manifested collective anxieties about community stability. Salem did not so much fear a particular witch, or even her act of malificeium (mischief), but that she was a member of a plot to undo their way of life. They believed
Shay Gonzales is a undergraduate student in history at the University of Colorado Denver. He is currently preparing to go on to law school in 2014.


that witches were heretics who joined with the devil to destroy the kingdom of Christ, therefore witches represented general instability and community strife.2 This prophetic anxiety was entrenched with any individuals sense of sin. Puritans in Salem worried that their childrens illnesses were the natural result of their sins.3 They worried they could be responsible for witchcraft because it was a judgment, or a message from God that sin had permeated their community and must be rooted out.4
Salem was divided by major ecclesiastical, legal, and personal tensions.5 As a village with limited autonomy, it had no structure or authority to handle its overwhelming number of disputes. The villages constant antagonisms were becoming notorious in the region.6 Disputes over Salem V illages ministers spanned more than a decadefirst James Bayley who departed in 1680, then George Burroughs in 1683, and Deodat Lawson in 1688. These disputes over village leadership and the division of power between families and commercial interests were present through and after the Salem witch crisis. The continual controversy surrounding Samuel Parriss ministry made the deep factions which fractured the village increasingly visible.7 These interpersonal and societal tensions caused the residents of Salem Village an inordinate amount of guilt. Their guilt also came from the complicated cultural meanings of authority as well as wealth and mobility. Puritans believed that authority came to their ministers and other leaders from God himself. They were also deeply sensitive to abuses of power. Near-constant conflict with authority gave them the guilt of disobeying God. Wealth signaled good character in the Puritan system of values, but the desire for it brought the shame of covetousness.8 In addition to factions in Salem Village, Catholic conspirators and traumatic Indian wars on the frontiers constituted tangible threats to the power of the Puritan God.9 To the residents of Salem, their interpersonal tensions and requisite guilt as well as contemporary crises in the region were seen as evidence that God imposed the judgment of witchcraft upon them. Social historians Paul Boyer and Stephen Nissenbaum relate these tensions to the oncoming commercial capitalist paradigm and its attendant individualism and materialism. The villagers of Salem experienced their divisions as evil and a sin against God. They needed to remove the weight on their souls by locating evil in the real world and violently eliminating it.10 In short, Salem needed a witch hunt.
The acts of accusation and confession formed the containing, opening and closing rites of a ritual aimed at curing the body social. For Puritan children raised to believe in community cohesiveness, accusing someone of being a witch was a socially acceptable venue for their aggressive impulses.11 These impulses were often motivated by the feelings of guilt outlined above. Witchcraft accusation enabled the accuser to both attack the witch for whatever wrongs and maintain a socially acceptable role as afflicted victim.12 The first component of the witch hunt was a fast day, or a day of humiliation. The ritual then required the invisible be made visible. By confessing her sins, the accused would deliver the community from fear of the unknown to safety and sight of sin. To the larger project of the witch hunt, this meant finding the extent of the conspiracy. The final component of the witch hunting ritual was a reaffirmation of authority. The witch would express remorse and affirm that her covenant with Satan was fraudulent and the Puritan God was supreme. Execution was the final affirmation of the strength and righteousness
20 Shay Gonzales CONFESSORS AND MARTYRS


of authority.13 This ritual was repeated until the depth of the conspiracy was discovered, the conspirators made to confess, and the threat was violently eliminated.
Confessions were joint productions or cultural negotiations between the witch, and the magistrate interviewing her as well as the afflicted, who were often present.14 Each party contributed with dialogue to determine the construction of the ultimate document.15 In her confession the witch would validate the authority of the judicial and ecclesiastical process. As a cultural negotiation, the heretical witches of New England and their accusers crafted confessions to serve as vehicles for expelling collective guilt. Confession was a feature of the Puritans regular fasts, a genre of their literature, and the highlight of the spectacle of public executions.
In Salem, the crisis resulted in a cultural shift away from the form witch hunting had previously taken because Salems factionalism proved too much for a witch hunt to heal. Witch hunting and its necessary rite, confession, failed and were abandoned. Confessions were rare because the community was so fraught. Only eight of the sixty-five accused in the Salem period of the witch crisis confessed.16 They came from the least empowered segments of society: an Indian slave, a young child, two indentured women, the mentally unstable and their relatives. Their confessions didnt contain close to the ideal amount of depth and remorse to give force to the witch hunting ritual. Salems witches did not produce adequate confessions to carry the fears and guilt of their accusers.
New Englands suspected witches nearly universally denied the charges before Salems crisis. Some confessed at arraignment, but they were still executed.17 Many of the elite started to believe that there were innocents among executed witches. In the quiet after 1663, when a witch panic in Hartford subsided, only one witch was executed in New England.18 This may explain the mercy magistrates initially showed Salems confessors. Cotton Mather advised John Richards early in the trials that in cases of lesser criminals, lesser punishments would be appropriate if they put upon some solemn, open, public and explicit renunciation of the devil. He added that the death of some of the offenders could be either diverted or inflicted, according to the success of such their renunciation.19 Cotton Mather chose confession to fill the ritual role previously given to execution. Possibly the three decades of judicial restraint in pursuing witches lead him to moderation. Salems teeming social conflict required a politicians diligence. In witch hunting, confession resulted in death, but now confession took deaths place. When Bridget Bishop was first accused of witchcraft in 1680, her denial was enough to maintain her innocence. Previously, the demand to prosecute witchcraft was motivated by common people and suppressed by the educated.20 Salem signaled a reversal. Magistrates collaborated extensively with the afflicted and the accused to produce an effective ritual.
Mary Warren and Abigail Hobbs confessed during the same period in the trials with wildly differing results. Their confessions progress through the witch hunt may trace a map of its demands. On April 19 th, the court examined Mary Warren, Abigail Hobbs, and Bridget Bishop as accused witches. Bridget Bishop was later the first to hang. Mary Warren and Abigail Hobbs are useful contrasts as they both confessed, but their confessions and later documents performed different roles for the judicial and ecclesiastical process. As case types they exemplify how confessions, which fit the needs of the witch
2013 Historical Studies Journal 21


Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division
Iw Witch Not.
hunt, were both constructed and rewarded by authority. Abigail Hobbss dry and shallow confessions, while highly voluntary, neither garnered much value in the witch hunt nor resulted in a pardon. Mary Warrens multiple confessions and graphic testimony were gradually coerced by the magistrates and served progressively greater cultural purpose. As a result, she gained greater status and was eventually released from jail to rejoin the afflicted.
Early in the trials, both the afflicted and those accused as witches wanted Mary Warrens testimony discredited. She had been among the afflicted but later suggested they were dishonest when she said that the afflicted did but dissemble. In her first examination, the afflicted claimed her specter attacked them, and in response she too had a fit. After continued hesitation and stammering, she began to confess. She was then unable to maintain composure. According to the record, the afflicted interpreted her fit as sign of an eventual confession: Now Mary Warren fell into a fit, and some of the afflicted cryed out that she was going to confess, but Goody Corey, and Proctor, and his wife came in, in their apparition, and struck her down, and said she should tell nothing.21 Her fits prevented her from carrying on, so they sent her out. Mary Warren gave nothing useful that day.
Abigail Hobbs was also examined that day. Only fourteen years old, she was a survivor of the Maine frontier.22 She began to confess immediately, I have seen sights and been scared, I have been very wicked, I hope I shall be better, (and) God will keep me.23 Abigails heartfelt confession was of a known and desirable form. She first spoke of her own wickedness and her generalized desire for forgiveness. Puritan women were likely to correlate the charge that they were witches with their own sinfulness and guilt.24 After she announced her position as repenter, it was appropriate that the details of her heresy follow in what was ritually known as sight of sin.25 True to the genre, she answered Hawthorne and Corwins questions with specific features of her encounters with the devil.
22 Shay Gonzales CONFESSORS AND MARTYRS


Mary Beth Norton and Wendel Craker both find it significant that Abigail repeatedly related her encounter with the devil to when she lived at Casco Bay during the Indian Wars four years prior. It is possible her easy confession referenced that experience. She was certainly an unruly and dangerous child. Her instability is obvious in the depositions put forth as evidence of her witchcraft. She bragged about her involvement with the devil on multiple occasions.26 She had also thrown water on her stepmother, Deliverance, and claimed to baptize her.27
Despite her cooperation, Abigail denied attending any great meetings of witches. She also denied conspiring with the other witches to do hurt, and instead only told of being spectrally approached by the devil, a cat, and Sarah Good to covenant with them. She failed to validate the depth of the Salems anxiety by neglecting to name additional witches. Abigail Hobbs confession was otherwise coherent and effective and Samuel Parris noted that, the afflicted were none of them tormented during the whole examination of this accused and confessing person.28
Curiously, despite that note and another that states the afflicted were sympathetic towards Abigail, there are three surviving depositions against her for spectral witchcraft that day. This followed the established formula of Salems trials wherein the accused were always charged with spectrally attacking a member of the afflicted during their initial examination. All of the depositions claimed that, as soon as [Abigail] began to confess she left off afflicting them.29 The contradictory record shows both Salems reliance on established ritualized procedure and the relationship between confession and the favor of the court. Confession may not have always been the viable strategic or rational option that Bernard, Rosenthal, and other historians claim it was. Not all who confessed were spared. The accusers and magistrates directed the witch hunt to produce confessions that validated their cultural and social concerns. Those few witches who conformed were rewarded for their participation.
In her later prison examination, Mary Warren gave evidence that Elizabeth Proctor had told her she was a witch. She also gave details about Giles Coreys clothes that suggest the magistrates interference with her testimony. Mary, knowing the ritual form from her time as a member of the afflicted, manipulated her narrative toward the expectations of her examiners. On her second attempt, she did much better than name the various solicitors of the devils covenant. She gave details of her actions against Ann Putnam, Mercy Lewis, and Abigail Williams. She described a great meeting in Samuel Parriss pasture [where] they administered the sacrament, the devils red bread and red wine, and validated a motivating concern of the witch hunt, heretical conspiracy.30 Mary Warren was examined again a few days later on April 21 st. On that day she stalled in the doorway of an adequate confession. She insisted, without irony, that she had only sworn herself to the devil with the tip of her finger, and that she was unsure it was the devils book at all. Although her confession lacked the solemn, open, public and explicit, qualities that would feed the spirit of the witch hunt, it served as evidence against the Proctors. Simon Willard, who recorded this examination, noted she would not own that she knew her master to be a witch or wizard.31 That day another half dozen were named as witches and issued warrants. It is unclear that any of the examinations of the day before led to these accusations.
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Mary Warren improved her confession with a statement made against John and Elizabeth Proctor sometime later in April; in that document she finally charge[d] them personally, with witchcraft.32 She then re-joined the accusers, although she remained in jail.
Both Abigail Hobbs and Mary Warren were reexamined on May 12th. At this time Abigail answered the leading question of the examiner, Did Mr. Burroughs bring you any of the poppets of his wives to stick pins into? with an appropriate openness; I do not remember that he did.33 Later in the document the examiner asked, How did you know Mr. Burroughs was a witch? to which Abigail replied she did not know, only that she herself had been a witch for the past six years. Rosenthal, in his collection of the documents cited here, notes that whenever Burroughs was mentioned on this document the letter B appears in the margin.34 George Burroughs, a former minister of Salem, had been arrested and brought back to Salem from Maine. His ministry was a point of contention in the village and testimony that he had covenanted with the devil tied the ritual witch hunt to the communitys actual ills. The witch hunt was more necessary and meaningful with Burroughs named as leader of the conspiracy.
Mary Warrens May 12th examination was rich with the detail her earlier fits prevented. During her examination, the specter of Goody Parker tormented and bit her. Even to contemporaries, Marys performance was frightening. Her affliction on record validated the necessity of witch hunt and the authority of the court that administered it. Her testimony went on to describe the specters ofwitches already accused. They described to her how they had afflicted others and one even avowed herself to a murder 8 years prior.35 Mary Warren still had a particular role in the proceedings. She was still in prison as late as May 23rd, and her examinations were from her position as a confessing witch.36 Therefore her performances carried the weight of a witchs repentance and were bolstered by her supposed intimate knowledge of the devil. Mary Warren was a remarkable actor in furnishing the witch hunt with names, detail, and most importantly a dramatic depth. She was released from jail in early June, perhaps because other accused witches Edward Bishop, Sarah Bishop, Mary Esty, and Mary English testified that she had lost her grasp on reality. They said that in prison a month earlier, Mary Warren said she could not tell what she said and that hir head was distempered.37 Her quick and diligent acclimation to the hysteria of the witch crisis was likely the result of the magistrates pressure on an extant instability.
Abigail Hobbs traumatic frontier experience and Mary Warrens mental illness were both vehicles for the court to affirm its authority and strengthen its cultural ritual. Both testified together on June 1st against a group of witches led by George Burroughs.38 According to their testimony, the feast of witches in Parriss pasture included Sarah Good, Sarah Osborn, Bridget Bishop, Rebecca Nurse, the Proctors, and others known and unknown. Mary Warrens statement that Rebecca Nurse and Elizabeth Proctor had claimed they were deacons and that their blood wine was better than our wine must have resounded strongly with the Puritan fear of conspiracy and heresy. Thomas Newton, the recorder, noted that the specter of Rebecca Nurse afflicted Warren and choked Abigail Hobbs. Mary even found a pin ran into her hand. She had been completely drawn into the necessary drama of the witch hunt. In the beginning of June, she was released from
24 Shay Gonzales CONFESSORS AND MARTYRS


prison.39 On June 2nd, Bridget Bishop was tried and convicted of witchcraft. A little more than a week later, she was the first to be executed.
In this intervening period between Bishops execution and the second trial on June 29th, no one else was accused. However evidence continued to accumulate, and the court examined Abigail Hobbs for the case against John Proctor.40 This was her last recorded examination until, despite her cooperation, she was indicted for covenanting with the devil and for afflicting Mercy Lewis on September 18th. Her confessions had produced sympathy, and she had done her job in the hunt to cleanse Salem of the heretical conspiracy of witchcraft. The afflicted had encouraged her confession and she had followed some of the judges leads to the correct results. Her testimony lacked the drama and detail needed to add depth and meaning to the trials cleansing. Abigails performance proved lackluster.
Mary Warrens level of detail and conspiratorial depth in her revised confessions expanded and strengthened the communitys ritualistic purge of witchcraft. As a confessed witch, her testimony validated the ultimate authority of the Puritan God to heal and reincorporate deviance and division. She had fallen to the devil, and despite his repeated attacks on her in open court she had confessed with an abundance of detail and drama. Her testimony remained open ended and available to coproduction with the magistrates. Mary Warren left the accused to rejoin the afflicted. Later in the trials, she bled from her mouth in the presence of the accused witches. Mary Warrens instability and her early recanting furthered, rather than inhibited, the depth and power of the ritual. Salems few confessors were precious. Most lacked credibility, and others lacked performative depth and ritualistic value. Only Mary Warren validated the procedure of the court and served as a model of the type of redemption the witch hunt ritual was meant to incur.
The Witch No2,
Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division
2013 Historical Studies Journal 25


None of those who entered and kept to their confessions during the Salem Crisis were executed. It is unclear how easy it was for the accused to see the pattern. In June, when Bridget Bishop was the first to hang, most confessors had been waiting in jail and had already been examined several times.41 After Bridget Bishops death, the court attracted scrutiny from Bostons baptists.42 The judges took pause to ask the advice of the ministry. In a letter delivered on June 15th, Cotton Mather and others advised the court to exercise a very critical and exquisite caution, and expressed reservations about spectral evidence.43 The trials took a fortuitous new direction when the afflicted began to accuse the residents of Andover. The accused Andover residents Ann Foster, her daughter, and granddaughter as well as Richard Carrier and his brother, Andrew all confessed before the second round of executions.44 This temporarily gratified the court. Cotton Mather was overcome with relief and joy when he wrote,
Our good God is working of miracles. Five witches were lately executed, impudently demanding of God a miraculous vindication of their innocency. Immediately upon this, our God miraculously sent in five Andover witches, who made a most ample, surprising, amazing confession of all their villanies, and declared the five newly executed to have been of their company, discovering many more, but all agreeing in Burroughs being their ringleader, [...] since those, there have come in other confessors; yea, they come in daily. About this prodigious matter my soul has been refreshed with some little short of miraculous answers of prayer, which are not to be written; but they comfort me with a prospect of a hopeful issue.45
The prospect of a fruitful witch hunt comforted Cotton Mather. The number of repenting witches in Andover proved the supremacy of both the Puritan God and the rule of law. Salems abundance of unrepentant witches had threatened to turn over the witch hunt by becoming martyrs. Andovers confessions were a sign for the magistrates that they would be successful and Essex County would be cleansed of both witchcraft and its underlying social division.
Cotton Mathers optimism was misplaced. The Andover confessions, despite their overwhelming volume, did not remedy the crisis. Margo Burns claims that the Andover confessions were so numerous because common speech, or gossip circulated that confessors would be spared.46 Despite the florid confessions of the Andover witches they were still passed over to prosecution. This tragically flawed strategy resulted in enough confessions as to exhaust the judges good faith.47
Salem Village was deeply divided. Some have claimed Andover suffered from similar divisions over their ministers, but the crisis manifested in Samuel Parris home because that was where the cultural catharsis of a witch hunt was needed. An ideal witch hunt would have allowed the accusers from one side of the fracture in Salem to bring their aggression toward the other into the open and to process that aggression and its resulting guilt collectively.48 The process could have reaffirmed the accusers commitment to the community and its Puritan values, and also allowed the accused to re-join them. Elizabeth Reis, a scholar specializing in US womens history and gender, asserts that the cultural
26 Shay Gonzales CONFESSORS AND MARTYRS


performance of confession could create a paradigm of perfect redemption for both the accusers and the confessing witches.49 It was necessary that the accused conform to certain prescriptions: conspiratorial depth, detail, and transformation, to complete the cycle of ritualized violence and to reaffirm authority and belief in the community. After Salem, confession ceased to be culturally salient.50 The sacrament neither renewed coherence in the body social nor validated the authorities who desperately called for affirmation. Because Salem failed to produce an adequate number of repenters, and even fewer capable of producing the appropriate form, the rite of confession functioned not to heal but to exacerbate tensions. The witch hunt in Salem could not achieve its culturally cathartic and transformative purpose without adequate confessions. Without confessors, Salem was left with martyrs.
2013 Historical Studies Journal 27


r/-


n2016, the National Park Service (NPS) will celebrate its centennial. Throughout its long tradition of preserving Americas scenic wonders, the NPS has also perpetuated programs for the American public that, though not as visible, are of equal value in preserving our national heritage. The Historic American Buildings Survey is one of those programs. The survey not only constitutes a vital resource in
documenting our national heritage but it also helps its citizens understand their past so that they may better chart a course for their immediate and long-term future. In order to plan that route, they must first look back and comprehend just how they arrived at their moment in history.
After World War I, the American economy thrived, leading to the exuberance of the Roaring Twenties. That era of prosperity came to an end on October 29, 1929: Black Tuesday. The stock market crash sent the U.S. spiraling into a Great Depression that would be exacerbated by the great dust bowls of the 1930s. During this time severe drought conditions began to prevail across most of the mid-western region due to the poor farming practices of improper crop rotation and the over-planting of nutrient-exhausted soils. These two major catastrophes and other factors plunged the nation into an agricultural, economic, and social crisis that would forever change the nation. Nonetheless, the adversity
Douglas Fowler is a graduate student in Public History with an emphasis on historic preservation.


of the Great Depression laid the groundwork for important new programs of historic preservation and conservation that would be enacted for future generations to follow. Out of the depths of poverty emerged a stronger nation and with it the beginning of a historic preservation program that would become the longest-running program of its kind in the nation, the Historic American Buildings Survey.
By 1932 the national unemployment rate had risen to over thirty- five percent. Upon accepting the presidential nomination on July 1,1932, New York Governor Franklin D. Roosevelt proposed a New Deal for revitalizing the American economy through the establishment of work relief programs for the hundreds of thousands of unemployed citizens. Within his First One Hundred Days of office he called the 73rd Congress into emergency session on March 9,1933 to propose an unprecedented initiative. Roosevelt s plan would put to work unemployed young men by creatinga peacetime civilian army and engaging them in conservation work across the nation. Initially known as the Emergency Conservation Work Act, the program later came to be known as the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC). The legislation passed rapidly; Roosevelts inauguration was on March 4, 1933, and on March 27th Senate Bill S. 598 passed both houses of Congress. It was signed by the president four days later on March 31 st. On April 5,1933, Executive Order 6101 authorized the program and the first induction of an enrollee took place on April 7, only thirty-seven days after the presidents inauguration.
To kick start and coordinate such a massive and complex undertaking, four governmental agencies were called on to administer the program: the Departments of War, Labor, Agriculture, and Interior. From the beginning, logistics were a daunting obstacle. According to one history of the CCC, [t]he bulk of young unemployed youth was concentrated in the East while most of the work projects were in the West. The Army was the only department capable of merging the two and they quickly developed plans of managing this peacetime mission of transporting personnel and materials to the Project work camp sites.1 Using regular and reserve officers, the Army ran the operations of the camps themselves, while personnel from the Departments of Agriculture and Interior staffed the camps with superintendents and foremen to direct and run the work crews. The Departments of Agriculture and Interior were responsible for planning and organizing the work that was to be performed by the CCC in the National Forests, State Parks, and the National Parks.
Horace Albright, who had succeeded Stephen Mather on January 12,1929 to become the second director of the National Park Service, represented the Department of the Interior on the CCC advisory council and put considerable effort into getting the Program started in the Spring and Summer of 1933.2 He immediately recognized that the CCC was a potential bonanza for the national parks.
From the beginning, the CCC was able to accomplish useful work in the parks because each unit in the park system had prepared a master plan for developmental and protective work. This was generally kept six years ahead of date in order to provide a full program of long-term development in the event that appropriations were enlarged in any year. These plans were
30 Douglas Fowler THE HISTORIC AMERICAN BUILDING SURVEY


quickly refurbished in early 1933 because Albright and his associates in the Washington office had anticipated that the national parks might be used for economic pump-priming public works projects.3
During this time frame, a new ideology developed within the National Park Service that would be the impetus for the creation of the Historic American Building Survey. This program would initially be linked directly with the Civilian Conservation Corps under the charge of the National Park Service.
When Albright became the new director of the National Park Service he immediately declared that his job would include going rather heavily into the historical park field.4 Until this time the National Parks had primarily been created to preserve and promote the nations natural landscapes, yet Albright wanted to build upon another aspect which had until then not been adequately addressed. According to one source, [t]he act that created the NPS was commonly known by its unofficial title, the Organic Act, and the act that created a national park the Enabling Legislation which described the particular national parks purpose, boundaries, resources and the mechanism for revisions.5 The Organic Act establishing the National Park Service within the Department of the Interior is contained within Title 16, Chapter 1, Subchapter 1 of the United States Code:
...the service thus established shall promote and regulate the use of the Federal areas known as national parks, monuments, and reservations hereinafter specified., .for the purpose of conserving the scenery and the natural and historic objects and the wild life therein and to provide for the enjoyment of the same in such manner and by such means as will leave them unimpaired for the enjoyment of future generations.6
The Organic Act not only defines the mission of the National Park Service, it also defined the purpose of the national parks as a collective system:
...the national parks though distinct in character, are united through their inter-related purposes and resources into one national park system as cumulative expressions of a single national heritage; that, individually and collectively, these areas derive increase national dignity and recognition of their superb environmental quality through their inclusion jointly with each other in one National park system preserved and managed for the benefit and inspiration of all the people of the United States.7
Believing that national parks could convey the story of an emerging national heritage, Albright wanted to conserve the historic objects as well. Later he would recall:
I had a dream I wanted to make real. For years I had wanted to get the many national military parks, battlefields, and monuments transferred out of the War Department and Department of Agriculture into the National Park Service so we could give proper protection and interpretation to these
2013 Historical Studies Journal 31


great historic and cultural treasures. It had become something close to a crusade for me...I was motivated by a fascination with history that I had felt from early childhood.8
In the early months of 1933, the National Park Service began to develop an organization to direct the activities of the CCC. These Park Service personnel were assigned to various supervisory roles to coordinate CCC work. One of these roles was given to Charles E. Peterson, Chief of the Eastern Division and Branch of Plans and Design, who would oversee all plans and designs in the eastern parks. With a strong administrative staff in place coordinating the CCC work, Albright had an opportunity to finally put the agency squarely into the field of historic preservation and development.9 On Sunday April 9th Albright had a fortuitous personal conservation with the president and petitioned him to place all Federal sites and monuments into the care of the National Park Service. His vision was that the National Park Service should be a system of parks and monuments that stressed the large patterns of American history. He believed that every park and monument had historical significance and could contribute to the publics understanding of the development of the American republic. The president s quick acquiescence resulted in executive orders 6166 and 6628 on June 10 th and July 28 th 1933. Authorization of the transfer became effective on August 10th of that year. As one historian noted, Now the service, previously most visible as a natural wilderness manager, was firmly in command of federal historic preservation activity as well.10 Using Emergency Conservation Work funds, which was the Civilian Conservation Corps, staff was hired with backgrounds in history and archeology to work in the new parks and monuments, according to historian Jan Townsend.11 This administrative unification of the governments historic sites was important to the development of a comprehensive, coherent federal preservation program, historian Barry Mackintosh of the NPS wrote in The Historic Sites Survey and National Historic Landmarks Program.12 Charles Peterson would initiate the last contribution.
On November 8, 1933 Franklin D. Roosevelt unveiled another New Deal Program that would create jobs for millions of unemployed citizens: the Civilian Works Administration (CWA). This would create mainly construction jobs that would last through the winter of 1933-1934. The CWA was a project created under the Federal Emergency Relief Administration that had been enacted on May 12th of 1933, authorizing immediate grants to states for relief projects. Working along with the CCC, the CWA projects were put under the jurisdiction of the National Park Service as well, where they were organized and supervised using as many workers as could be used profitably in connection with work in the national parks and monuments.13 Harry L. Hopkins, who had been instated as Director of the Civil Works Administration, solicited ideas for employment initiatives, including initiatives for professionals most impacted by the Depression. An epiphany came to the young landscape architect working as the Chief of the Eastern Division of the National Park Service, and on May 13,1933, Charles Peterson wrote out the ideas and concepts of that inspiration. Six months prior, when Executive Order 6133 transferred the parks and monuments under the War Department and Forest
32 Douglas Fowler THE HISTORIC AMERICAN BUILDING SURVEY


Service to the National Park Service, the number of sites under NPS management had quadrupled. Though instigated by the need for unemployment relief, Petersons idea revealed an ambitious philosophy that emphasized the danger of cultural loss associated with our American heritage. Peterson wrote,
...the plan I propose is to enlist a qualified group of architects and draftsmen to study, measure and draw up the plans, elevations, and details of the important antique buildings of the United States. Our architectural heritage of buildings from the last four centuries diminishes daily at an alarming rate. The ravages of fire and the natural elements together with the demolition and alterations caused by real estate improvements form an inexorable tide of destruction destined to wipe out the great majority of the buildings which knew the beginning and first flourish of the nation.
The comparatively few structures which can be saved by extraordinary effort and presented as exhibition houses and museums or altered and used for residences or minor commercial uses comprise only a minor percentage of the interesting and important architectural specimens which remain from the old days. It is the responsibility of the American people that if the great number of our antique buildings must disappear through economic causes, they should not pass into unrecorded oblivion... The list of building types should include public buildings, churches, residences, bridges, forts, barns, mills, shops, rural out buildings, and any other kind of structure of which there are good specimens extant... Other structures which would not engage the especial interest of an architectural connoisseur are the great number of plain structures which by fate or accident are identified with historic events.14
Peterson presented his idea to Secretary of the Interior Harold L. Ickes, Assistant Director of the NPS Arthur E. Demaray, and newly installed Director of the NPS Arno B. Cammerer. Winning quick approval from them and Harry L. Hopkins, the program was funded by the newly established CWA and operated from November 28,1933 until April 28,1934.
According to John A. Burns, author of Recording Historic Structures, this Preservation through Documentation principle which Peterson proposed recommended that
the survey should not document structures built after 1860. A logical end point, the date determined the type and style of buildings that would dominate the early recording efforts of this newly enacted Historic American Buildings Survey. The recommendation implied that buildings should be at least seventy-three years old to be considered historic, and it eliminated from consideration the huge number of buildings constructed in the last part of the nineteenth century.15
2013 Historical Studies Journal 33


These limitations would curtail the number of buildings to be documented, and narrowed the architectural style as well since before 1860, brick, stone, and wood were the predominant means used for the built environment. Thus, this position undoubtedly created a biased result. According to cultural resource historians Lisa Pfueller Davidson and Martin J. Perschler,
Buildings prioritized for documentation typically exhibited the preindustrial aesthetics and historical associations prized by the Colonial Revival movement. While Native American and Spanish Colonial structures were given special mention, the pre-1860 focus and general interest in the earliest possible structures revealed a bias towards the architecture of the eastern seaboard.16
Though slightly flawed and narrow, Petersons proposal was widely applauded and implemented. The programs success in employing architects, photographers, and draftsmen to record significant examples of the American architectural heritage was so great that when the program ended in April 1934, the Historic American Buildings Survey (HABS) was created administratively under a tripartite agreement between the Library of Congress, the American Institute of Architects, and the National Park Service in July of 1934. Each group was assigned a specific task. The NPS set the standards, organized the projects, and sought the necessary funding through congressional appropriations or private or state sources, depending upon the projects. The members of the American Institute of Architects offered counseling services, while the Library of Congress preserved the records and made them available to the public. While the National Park Service was overseeing the preservation work of the CCC through developing state historic sites and the preservation work of HABS through documenting state historic sites, both programs cut across federal and state lines involving the Service with historic properties and preservation functions regardless of jurisdiction. Yet their activities were administrative improvisations, lacking specific legal authority. To insure that it could continue its broad-based involvement, the Service needed the sanction oflaw.17
Legislative authority would come two years later with the passage of the Historic Sites Act, drafted by the Interior Department in January 1935. Secretary Harold L. Ickes summarized its purpose while promoting its legislation before the House Public Lands Committee in April of that year: to lay a broad legal foundation for a national program of preservation and rehabilitation of historic sites and to enable the Secretary of the Interior to carry on in a planned rational and vigorous manner, an important function which, because of lack of legal authorization, he has hitherto had to exercise in a rather weak and haphazard fashion.18
Passed on August 21, 1935 the preamble of the Historic Sites Act stated it is a national policy to preserve for public use historic sites, buildings, and objects of national significance for the inspiration and benefit of the people of the United States.19 The Secretary of Interior was given the power through the jurisdiction of the National Park Service to secure, collate, and preserve drawings, plans, photographs, and other data of historic and archaeological sites, buildings, and objects and to make a survey of historic
34 Douglas Fowler THE HISTORIC AMERICAN BUILDING SURVEY


and archaeological sites, buildings, and objects for the purpose of determining which possess exceptional value as commemorating or illustrating the history of the United States.20 By defining a thematic approach to historic site selection, this Act gave preservation powers to the National Park Service and authorized the continuation of the HABS Program which had come to be defined as a cooperative agreement with state and local governments, organizations, and individuals for the care of non-federal historic properties not specified as nationally significant.21 This legislation fueled the HABS program so that by the time it came to a halt in 1941 due to the onset of World War II, more than 23,765 sheets of measured drawings and 25,357 photographic negatives of some 6,389 structures had been recorded.22
After World War II, several legislative initiatives failed to reinstate the Historic American Building Survey as a vital federally mandated historic preservation program. This was mainly due to a lack of enthusiasm for the program, especially among governmental bureaucrats. Attempts at using the National Trust for Historic Preservation as a primer for the program failed. Chartered by Congress in 1949, the Trust existed to further the purpose of the Historic Sites Act by accepting and administering donations of property and money and otherwise promoting private preservation efforts.23 Created as a liaison between the public and private sectors to bolster the Historic Sites Act, the Trust was still too young and fragile to launch such a massive financial and public agenda so soon after its creation. Therefore the plan for the National Trust to help activate the thematic landmarks program never came to fruition. But a ten-year development program called Mission 66 initiated under Director Conrad L. Wirth in 1956 aimed to improve facilities throughout the National Park System in time for the fiftieth anniversary of the Service, creating a new opportunity for progress in historic preservation.24
The parks had become victims of World War II, neglected since Roosevelts New Deal era of the 1930s and in need of funds for basic maintenance and to deal with an increasing number of visitors. Conrad Wirth took over as director of the National Park Service in 1951 and found the problem of funding for new construction and facility maintenance still remained unresolved.25 Wirth became increasingly alarmed by the upsurge in park visitation spurred by the strong postwar economy, the growing popularity of automobiles, and an explosion ofvacationing Americans visiting the parks. In 1955, fifty million visitors visited national parks that were equipped to accommodate half that number.26 The solution to the Park Services dilemma came to Wirth in February 1955 when he conceived of a comprehensive program to modernize the Park Service. Wirths insight occurred once he considered the Park Service s situation through the eyes of a congressman. Instead of submitting a yearly budget, as in the past, he would request an entire decade of funding, locking in money for building projects that could last for years. Those congressmen who sought real improvements for the parks in their own districts would understand the need to secure appropriations over significant durations. With adequate funding, Wirth was able to proceed with the Mission 66 program.27
From its conception, Mission 66 was touted as a program to elevate the parks from their birth in an archaic age of romanticism to a modern, streamlined operation offering comfort and efficiency, as well as an attempt to conserve the now well-worn natural
2013 Historical Studies Journal 35


resources within their jurisdiction. A prospectus for Mission 66, sent by Secretary of the Interior Douglas McKay to President Dwight D. Eisenhower in February 1956, proposed an array of activities that the Service had previously been unable to undertake due to its limited yearly budgets. It included a proposed reactivation of the HABS. The prospectus, describing the survey as approximately half completed when terminated by the war, declared that HABS should be completed, brought up-to-date, and kept current.28 Upon approval of the Mission 66 program by the Eisenhower administration and Congress, National Park Service personnel immediately began reactivation of the Survey Program and resumed activities in July 1957, with the Department of the Interior and the National Trust for Historic Preservation signing an agreement to share in the administration of the Survey.
With the Mission 66 Program projected to last ten years, the subordinate Historic Sites Survey program was to last only four years until its anticipated conclusion in 1961. Yet, as is typical with governmental processes, once the work began in earnest it was soon realized that more time and money would be needed. By the middle of 1963, only twenty-seven of the forty planned theme studies were finished. In an effort to reassure the administration, a booklet published by the National Park Service in 1964 stated that the Survey was scheduled for completion in 1966. However, an internal memo of the same date stated that recent plans called for the completion of the major portion of the Survey by the close of the 1966 calendar year, however, some additional studies will be made at the request of the Secretary, Congress, etc., and as new information from historical and archeological research becomes available.29 New political developments would bolster the Survey and put its future on a firm footing.
President Lyndon B. Johnson praised the National Landmarks Program in his February 1965 message to Congress on natural beauty. With Johnsons firm endorsement, the future of HABS was secured; he succeeded in framing conservation as a patriotic imperative beyond criticism. Later that year another published review of the progression of the Survey failed to mention any time line for its completion and the Survey continued forward in an open-ended fashion, without a set termination date. According to Barry Mackintosh, author of The Historic Sites Survey and National Historic Landmarks Program, the institutionalization of the landmarks program meant it was no longer necessary or politically correct to speak of completing any of the theme studies, for the mindset was that if elements of the program could be completed, so could the whole program, putting it out of business.30 The passage of the National Historic Preservation Act in 1966 gave the Survey total immunity from termination and made it out-of-bounds for political attacks.
The 1966 National Historic Preservation Act broadened the National Park Services responsibilities to include properties of local, state and national significance. It authorized matching federal funds to the states to identify, acquire, and preserve historic properties. It also required that federal agencies weigh the effects of their projects on historic properties. The properties covered by the act were to be listed in a comprehensive National Register of Historic Places, initially comprising the national historic landmarks and historical units of the National Park System, and then supplemented by properties nominated by historic preservation officers in the respective states.31
36 Douglas Fowler THE HISTORIC AMERICAN BUILDING SURVEY


After World War II the National Park Service worked diligently to obtain the funding to reinstate the Historic American Building Survey Program; first and foremost to fuel its own internal program, The National Survey of Historic Sites and Buildings, commonly shortened to the Historic Sites Survey, and two decades later in response to Congressional legislation establishing the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966. These Acts mandated the surveying of properties deemed historic and the documentation was needed for several different reasons. First, they were needed by the Park Service itself to fulfill a theme-park ideology to establish a national park system showcasing the evolution of our national American Heritage. Second, the federal government needed to know if the historic properties slated for destruction were of considerably more intrinsic cultural value than the economic resource value in order to weigh the consequences of its own proposed projects that would destroy and replace them. Third, HABS was a tool being used for private, local, state, and national jurisdictions and municipalities to mitigate the negative effects upon our history and culture through the rapidly vanishing architectural landscape. Though at times seen by some as the Death Mask of America, the HABS administered by the National Park Services Heritage Documentation Program, is the nations first and oldest federal preservation program dealing with the built environment. HABS continues to create a record of endangered buildings that could not be preserved through other means. By recording the physical remains of earlier eras of our American heritage the intangible qualities of earlier American architecture and culture might not
This typical page from a Historic American Building Survey building portfolio should prove useful in the planned restoration ofthe Moffat Station at 2101 15th Street in Lower Downtown Denver. Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division
2013 Historical Studies Journal 37


be lost to the winds of progress. Structures surveyed by HABS teams are insured against complete and total loss because the documents survive even though the buildings do not. With archival documentation that is required to last five hundred years by the Library of Congress, the drawings, photographs, negatives, and written histories of our American Heritage have been preserved for future generations.
Currently at the turn of the 21st century, the Historic American Buildings Survey continues to be an active program in the National Park Services Heritage Documentation Program due to the legislation of Section 106 in the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966; but by various means, the built environment of our American heritage slowly disappears. At the Intermountain Regional Offices of the National Park Service in Lakewood Colorado, documentation of HABS sites continues to be processed and submitted to the Library of Congress. Though seen by some as an obituary on the back page of Americas historical legacy, our built heritage merits more than an honorable mention. Each successive generation is rooted in those who came before. Recognition of the past can include honoring and acknowledging the hearths and havens of those citizens who have come before us. Volunteering in the archival processing of documentation gleaned for the HABS program in the Intermountain Regional Offices has revealed the tremendous amount of work that goes into that effort. Although not a highly visible branch of the National Park Service, it deserves considerably more recognition than it receives. For preserving our heritage is not only the valuing of the natural and environmental wonders of scenic America, but it is also the honoring and preserving of the cultural resources that have helped establish and form our national American heritage. This insight into our storied past can inform a foundational vision for the future.


''"'A commonality of crowd-sounds spans mil-
I V_J lennia, the dull rumble-roar connecting the
past to the present with its constancy. Whether gathered for a sporting event, concert, protest, or celebration, the mass of humanity within any given crowd shares a camaraderie, if only briefly. Individual participants of the group share some mutual trait or goal, which adds commonality to the atmosphere. Outside the throng may be others, unable to attend, who share the crowds collective consciousness.1 When a particular group adopts immoral ideologies or practices, any failure to
Another Face in the Crowd:
Commemorating Lynchings
by Pam Milavec
oppose the crowd implies approval. Albert Einstein, a civil rights activist in addition to his more acclaimed scientific achievements, referred to this type of social consent when commenting on Americas race relations, asserting that he could escape a feeling of complicity only by speaking out.2 At the time Einstein spoke those words, hate crimes including lynching had a long history in the United States. While the popular image of lynching involves vigilante justice and assumed guilt leading to a hanging, the reality of lynching lent an air of civility to that scenario. Often performed as spectacle in front of crowds who heard by word of mouth or who read about the upcoming event in their local newspaper, lynching served as both entertainment and as a form of social control over those considered racially or otherwise inferior. Couples on dates, families on outings, young and old alike came to watch their fellow United States citizens tortured and dehumanized before being murdered. However, the crowd
Pam Milavec is a graduate student, educator and Personal Historian/Biographer at Ivoryrose Legacies.


was really much larger than the thousands who flocked to watch the gruesome display. There were those who chose to stay home, or who learned about the lynching after the fact, but the largest group by far were those silent accomplices who allowed the mobs to assemble unabated. The violence continued albeit in a less exhibitionist fashion, until the second half of the twentieth century and the perpetrators went unpunished.
Of course, not all were silent. The act of lynching and sometimes even the lynching victims themselves found commemoration in the arts. Langston Hughes wrote over twenty poems devoted to the topic of lynching.3 The crucifixion of Christ served as a common theme in lynching literature. In the 1922 poem, Christ Revisited, Countee Cullen declared that [t]he South is crucifying Christ again, whose awful wrong is that hes dark of hue. Claude McKays The Lynching, which also referenced the crucifixion, admonished that little lads, lynchers that were to be, [d]anced round the dreadful thing in fiendish glee.4
Author Richard Wright, who alluded to lynching and its effectiveness at instilling fear in several of his writings, stumble [d] upon a lynching victim reduced to white bones slumbering forgo ttenly upon a cushion of ashes in his poem, Between the World and Me. He effectively described the scene:
A vacant shoe, an empty tie, a ripped shirt, a lonely hat, and a pair of trousers stiff with black blood.
And upon the trampled grass were buttons dead matches, butt-ends of cigars and cigarettes, peanut shells, a drained gin-flask, and a whores lipstick...5
Wright reanimates and becomes one with the victim as his tormentors pass [t]he gin flask from mouth to mouth... and the whore smeared lipstick red upon her lips.... After reliving the nights atrocities, the narrator himself becomes dry bones and [his] face a stony skull staring in yellow surprise at the sun....6
Secure in their conviction of superiority, the perpetrators themselves commemorated the lynchings. Those not fortunate enough to procure some body fetish, piece of clothing, or other item that held a direct connection with the victim, purchased post cards. Images of human beings hanging, or burning, often after being cut, castrated, or subjected to other tortures, became mementos to be stored away, or sent to friends and family, the way more civilized people send postcards from places like Yellowstone or Paris. As horrific as the images of the lifeless bodies are, the faces in the crowd are far more grisly. Children smile or sneer, lovers hold hands, and men and women freeze in place, posing for the camera.
One participant at the lynching of seventeen year old Jesse Washington in Waco, Texas wrote to his parents, This is the barbecue we had last night, and pointed out his position in the crowd.7 Another postcard from an unknown lynching site wrote to whoever might come across the card, Warning: The answer of the Anglo-Saxon race to black brutes who would attack the womanhood of the South.8 The fact that such images could legally be sent through the United States Mail until 1918, evidences the silent complicity. Similarly, efforts to pass a federal anti-lynching law never came to fruition.
40 PamMiLavec ANOTHER FACE IN THE CROWD


Though the Civil Rights Movement brought about positive change, little dialogue took place to heal past wounds. The names ofvictims and the sites of their suffering faded into obscurity. As Kenneth E. Foote stresses in his book Shadowed Ground: Americas Landscapes of Violence and Tragedy, white culture [had] had two centuries to develop and mark its myth of origins in the landscape. It takes tremendous effort...to overcome the power of shame and to position the sites in interpretive scaffolding capable of challenging the one accepted by the ascendant majority.9 Antiques dealer and author James Allen confronted the lynching issue with the 2000 publication of his book and subsequent exhibit, Without Sanctuary: Lynching Photography in America. The book, a collection of postcards and photographs such as those mentioned above, brutally forces an acceptance of our less than idyllic past.
The exhibit debuted at the New York Historical Society in 2000. Since that time, the traveling exhibit has drawn record crowds, though not without opposition. Many people think it best to remain in blissful silence, rather than confront our past. When scheduled for exhibit at Atlantas Emory University, many people in the city too busy to hate found the time to express their concern against publicly airing our dirty historical laundry. Some expressed concern that the exhibition would serve to further divide rather than to unite and incite feelings of rage and resentment among black people. Many were concerned that visitors to the exhibit would recognize family members among the lynching attendees in the numerous photographs. Though much of the resistance came from white Atlantans, many Africa-Americans also rejected the need to revisit such a painful part of history.10
Mr. Umoja of Georgia State disagreed, stating lynching is etched into the memory of black people, and insisted that until you have an honest discussion, you cant have any real healing.11 Most sociologists would agree, particularly those whose field of study includes the topic of social trauma. It is only when the truth of a traumatic event is faced that survivors can begin their recovery.12 However, the central dialectic of psychological trauma is the conflict between the will to deny horrible events and the will to proclaim them aloud. Kenneth E. Foote notes, few societies seem to have the moral courage needed to confront directly a legacy of genocide and racism.13 The recent, however small, trend toward commemoration of lynching victims and sites may well mean that the United States will eventually come to represent one of those few societies. Far short of that goal, the current trend has at least propelled our country into the second of three necessary steps toward recovery, remembrance and mourning.14
Before James Allens exhibit, Dr. James Cameron founded Americas Black Holocaust Museum in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Inspired by a visit to the Yad Veshem Holocaust Memorial in Israel, the museums mission statement is to educate the public of injustices suffered by people of African American heritage, while providing visitors with an opportunity to rethink their assumptions about race and racisms.15 Dr. Cameron had first-hand knowledge of the subject, having been the near-victim of a lynch mob on 7 August 1930 in Marion, Indiana when he was just sixteen years old. He, along with two other teenagers had been accused of murdering a white man. After his friends had both been lynched, members of the mob came after him. Cameron recalled the mob chanting
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his name as if it was a football match cheering on a favorite player....We want Cameron. We want Cameron.... The crowd beat him all the way to the tree where his friends lifeless bodies hung. The rope had been placed around his neck when someone from the crowd spoke out for him.16
The crowd spared his life, perhaps having sated their craving for blood through the brutal double murder of the two young men, Thomas Shipp and Abram Smith. Pictures of the murders are among the more infamous images of its type. A postcard of the event, framed with a lock of hair, found its way into James Allens exhibit. The caption written on the frames matte states, Bo points to his niga. And, there in the center of the photograph is Bo, his extended arm pointing to Camerons friend, Abe. Abe had been stripped from the waist down, but someone from some distorted sense of decency, wrapped a cloth around his body at some point prior to the photo session. Blood stains down the center of the cloth hint at the extent of the crowds barbarity.17
Though no marker commemorates the lives of Thomas Shipp and Abram Smith, the photograph of their lynching so horrified New York schoolteacher Abel Meeropol that he wrote a poem, Bitter Fruit. The poem, published in 1937 in the New York Teacher under the pen name Lewis Allen, was adapted into Billie Hollidays song, Strange Fruit. Ms. Hollidays talent catapulted Strange Fruit to the status of anti-lynching anthem.18 Despite the fact that the teenagers who inspired the poem met their end in Marion, Indiana, the last verified lynching to occur in a northern state, Meeropol juxtaposes the genteel and pastoral self-images of the South with the reality of lynching:
Pastoral scene of the gallant south,
The bulging eyes and the twisted mouth,
Scent of magnolias, sweet and fresh,
Then the sudden smell of burning flesh.19
Holiday milked the songs effect by saving it for last during her live performances. The audience would leave and [t]heir insides burned with the song.20
James Cameron carried a piece of the rope used to kill one of his friends as a reminder of a terrible time in American history.21 House Resolution 867 recognized James Cameron as the last living survivor of a lynching until his death on June 11, 2006, at age 92 and honored his lifelong commitment to civil rights that included creating the Americas Black Holocaust Museum.22 Though Cameron received both an apology and a pardon in 1993 from the governor of Indiana, no plans for a memorial for the two young men who were killed are in the works.
Some lynch sites require no specially placed plaque to serve as commemoration; sometimes a particular landmark links the site to its past. Such is the case with Shubuta, Mississippis infamous Hanging Bridge. For years the existence of the bridge served as a form of social control, a symbol of what would happen if you spoke out, spoke too loudly, or spoke about being wronged.23 Six known people lost their lives on the bridge, though rumor holds that white mobs brought black people from neighboring states to be hung from its trellises.24
42 PamMilavec ANOTHER FACE IN THE CROWD


While the bridge served as a silent reminder, the topic of lynching remained a taboo in Shubuta until recently. Under the guidance of 90 year old Reverend Jim McRee, dialogue about Shubutas past has opened up. The United Methodist Churchs Mississippi Conference Commission on Religion and Race held a commemoration for the lynching victims on January 22nd, 2009. A conference held in February of the same year focused on the Shubuta killings. These two events are part of a yearlong series called Journey Toward the Light, sponsored by the same commission. Also part of the initiative is The Peacemakers Program, which encourage [s] relationships between those who have lived in fear and those who want to see change.25 Discussion on whether to save the decaying bridge provided mixed results; some want to restore the Hanging Bridge as a reminder of how hatred and fear can torment and terrorize communities, while others are determined to keep seeking new ground to cover and new bridges to build.26
The first known killings on the Shubuta bridge occurred in 1918. After thirty-five year old alcoholic dentist E. I. Johnston was shot, his employee and tenant, Major Clark, carried the fatally wounded Johnston to his house. Despite his efforts to assist the dentist, Major immediately came under suspicion because Johnston had fathered the unborn baby of Clarks fiancee, Maggie Howse. Johnston had also impregnated her sister, Alma. The three, in addition to Majors brother, Andrew, all lived and worked on the Johnston farm.
All four young people were arrested and placed in custody in surrounding communities. Law enforcement officers in Meridian, Mississippi, extracted a confession from [Major] by smashing his testicles in a vice.27 When the four were brought back to Shubuta for their arraignment, the deputy in charge allowed a mob to restrain him and remove the Howse sisters and the Clark brothers from the jail. From there, the four were taken to the bridge over the Chickasawhay River where four ropes were secured and placed over the victims heads. When Maggie tried to defend her innocence, a mob member silenced her with a monkey wrench to the mouth, which knocked out some of her teeth. He then bashed Maggie in the head, leaving a half-inch wide gash in her skull.28 The brothers and Alma Howse all died immediately after being thrown from the bridge, but Maggie managed to catch herself on the side of the bridge twice before dying. The mob members found amusement in the big black Jersey woman[s] struggle for survival.29
The outrage in the community had little to do with revenge for the life of a failed dentist; the four were lynched because Major Clark dared to oppose the sexual relationship that [Johnston] was having with [his] fiancee and her sister.50 Johnstons own father, former Mississippi state legislature member, thought Clark innocent and even pleaded for Clarks life.51 Most believed the motive for Johnstons murder stemmed from an affair he was having with a married white woman. As was typical after a lynching, the black community refused to claim the bodies, and the four were buried without services or markers just outside the white cemetery. Fearing more bloodshed, many black tenants fled Shubuta and the surrounding areas.52
The next known lynching to occur on the bridge in Shubuta was that of two 14-year-old boys, Charlie Lang and Ernest Green on October 14th, 1942. The two boys, charged with attempted rape, had scared a 13-year-old white girl while crossing a different bridge. When the mob came for the teenagers, the deputy sheriff took the keys to the locked
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jail cell and tossjed] them to the ground, giving the lynch mob easy access to the boys and sealing their fate.33 Langston Hughes, who dedicated his poem Bitter River to the two young boys, wrote of the frustration and hopelessness shared by African-Americans in light of the precariousness of their lives.
There is a bitter river Flowing through the South.
Too long has the taste of its water Been in my mouth.
There is a bitter river Dark with filth and mud.
Too long has its evil poison Poisoned my blood.
Ive drunk of the bitter river
And its gall coats the red of my tongue,
Mixed with the blood of the lynched boys From its iron bridge hung.
Mixed with the hopes that are drowned there In the snake-like hiss of its stream Where I drank of the bitter river That strangled my dream;
The book studiedbut useless,
Tool handledbut unused,
Knowledge acquired but thrown away,
Ambition battered and bruised....34
The perpetrators drug the two boys through town behind a truck either before or after their deaths. Their bodies again remained unclaimed and were later buried north of the white peoples cemetery.35
An article in Time magazine, written at the time of the boys murders gives credence to rumors that the bridge in Shubuta served as the site for more lynchings than those already discussed. The article states, in the last 20 years, three Negroes have been lynched from the bridge, adding that there had again...been dark passions at the bridge and the two boys lynched.36
Lynch mobs often chose bridges for the site of their crime. Ralph Ellison incorporated the symbolism of bridges and lynching in his 1952 book, Invisible Man. Ellisons narrator dreams that a mob forces him to a bridge and castrates him, I felt the bright red pain and they took the two bloody blobs and cast them over the bridge. The narrator admonishes his tormentors, [t]hat there not hang only my generations wasting upon the water, but your sun, and your moon, your world. Theres your universe, and that drip-drop upon the water you hear is all the history youve made, all youre going to make.37
A bridge also served as the site of the lynching of four people in Monroe, Georgia in 1946, known as the Moores Ford Bridge lynching. Though the wooden bridge where the lynching occurred has been replaced by a concrete span, the biracial Moores Ford Memorial Committee, Inc. in cooperation with the Georgia State Historical Society succeeded in placing a marker at the site. The Committee also searched for and located the
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missing graves of three of the four victims and properly installed monuments which they inscribed, May your suffering be redeemed in brotherly Love.38 The group continues to keep the memory of the victims alive and to work for cultural healing, racial harmony, and social justice through education and community action.39
During the 1946 attack, a mob waylaid relatives Roger and Dorothy Malcom and George and Mae Murray Dorsey, at the bridge crossroads and dragged them from the automobile of wealthy white farmer Loy Harrison, who had paid $600 to bail Roger Malcom from jail and had offered the group a ride home. No harm came to Harrison, but the mob tied the four African-American victims to trees on the banks of the Apalachee River and pelted them with a barrage of bullets. Harrison later claimed not to recognize any of the assailants. One witness who watched cars lined up bumper-to-bumper rattling toward the bridge, since relayed, I thought they were having a party down there. They were having a killing party.40
Speculation about the lynch mobs motives surround both of the male victims. Roger Malcom had been arrested for participating in a knife fight that resulted in the stabbing of a white farmer, Bob Hester. When arrested for their altercation, Malcom reputedly shouted, I aint gonna get out of this! They gonna kill me.41 Others speculate that the focus of the lynching was George Dorsey, an honorably discharged World War II veteran, home only nine months after serving in the Pacific. Rumor had it that Dorsey had secretly been dating a white woman. Regardless of the inspiration, the mob viewed the two women as collateral damage, showing no pity even for the seven months pregnant Mae Dorsey.42
In addition to their other efforts to commemorate the Malcom-Dorsey lynching, the Moores Ford Memorial Committee, Inc. saw that George Dorsey finally received a military service, complete with a flyover by a World War II aircraft, on Memorial Day 1999. More controversially, the Georgia Association of Black Elected Officials commemorates the injustice with ayearly reenactment on the anniversary, 26 July. Family members of the victims especially raised concern over the 2008 reenactment which involved the naming of Mae Dorseys unborn child, whom the group dubbed Justice.43
President Harry S. Truman ordered an unprecedented FBI investigation at the time of the lynching, most likely because of George Dorseys military record. Though several suspects were named, the FBI met with resistance from both the white and black community and no charges were filed. White people with information held to their code of silence, while people in the black community remained silent for fear of reprisal. In 2006, the FBI reopened the case and continues to pursue leads.44 The FBI searched a 12-acre area in Walton County, Georgia in June 2008 and collected evidence believed linked to the crime.45 Over sixty years after the murders, there are still those either afraid or unwilling to talk.46 Meanwhile, suspects and potential witnesses continue to die off.
Another lynching that has been recognized with a state historical marker is that of Rosewood, Florida. Rosewood actually involved a week-long orgy of violence and lynching that occurred in January 1923 and wiped an entire African American community off the face of the earth. Rosewood was declared a Florida Heritage Landmark in 2004 and the marker placed in front of the only building left standing that of the only white resident, storekeeper, John Wright. The Rosewood Heritage Foundation, founded by
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survivors, descendants and other interested parties, facilitated the markers acquisition. The foundation also supports a traveling exhibition, The Beginning that Never Ends: The Rosewood Traveling Exhibition and maintains a permanent display on the second floor of the Bethune-Cookman College library in Daytona Beach. The foundations greatest achievement came in the form of a $2.1 million compensation bill passed in 1994 by the Florida Legislature, the result of the Florida Board of Regents 1993 investigation into Rosewood.
As is the case in the majority oflynchings, events began with an accusation by a white woman, Fannie Taylor, who claimed she had been assaulted by a black man. The white community accepted her version of events, but a black woman, Sarah Carrier, later killed in the violence, claimed to have seen a white man leave the Taylor residence around the time of the alleged assault. She further claimed that she had seen the man at the Taylors on several occasions.47
Sam Carter, accused of hiding Fannie Taylors attacker, became the first Rosewood victim. Carter was tortured, hung and riddled with bullets. Whites from the surrounding area joined in the hunt and meted justice as they saw fit. The violence escalated after the death of two whites who were shot when trying to storm the home of Sarah Carrier. Newspapers further incited the violence. The Gainesville Daily Sun reported the horror of the tragedy at Sumner and Rosewood to be not the attack on innocent black citizens, but a brutish negro [who] made a criminal assault on an unprotected white girl. The article continued with the endorsement, as long as criminal assaults on innocent women continue, lynch law will prevail, and blood will be shed.48 Though the mysterious black man was never found, several African Americans were killed, as well as the two aforementioned whites, and the entire town of Rosewood burnt to the ground, the residents displaced and unable to return. Rosewood, Florida simply ceased to exist.
The better-known Emmett Till lynching elicited an apology from the Tallahatchie County, Mississippi, County Board of Supervisors on October 2nd, 2007, at a memorial ceremony fifty two years after the teenagers murder. A resolution put forth by the Emmett Till Memorial Commission was also read. The resolution stated that We the citizens of Tallahatchie County believe that racial reconciliation begins with telling the truth and called on the state of Mississippi, all of its citizens in every county, to begin an honest investigation into our history in order to move forward together in healing the wounds of the past, and in ensuring equal justice for all of our citizens.49 The ceremony also unveiled the first of a series of historical markers relating to Emmetts killing and a driving tour of related sites. Additionally, the Mississippi Department of Archives and History awarded $50,000 for the restoration of the courthouse where the trial and acquittal of Emmetts killers, Roy Bryant and J. W. Milam occurred.
Fourteen year old Emmett Till from Chicago reportedly whisded at Bryants wife, Carolyn, while visiting relatives in Money, Mississippi. Shortly after, the teenager was taken from his cousins bed, on 28 August 1955, beaten beyond recognition and his body thrown in the Tallahatchie River. His mother, Mamie Till Mobley recalled viewing Emmetts lifeless body for the first time. She related:
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I didnt want that body....That couldnt be mine. But I stared at his feet and I could identify his ankles. I said, those are my ankles. Those are my knees.
I knew the knees...and then I began to come on up...until I got to the chin and mouth...those were Emmetts teeth, and I was looking for his ear. You notice how mine sort of curls up...Emmett had the same ears...the one eye that was left, that was definitely his eye, the hazel color confirmed that, and I had to admit that that was indeed Emmett and I said that that is my son this is Bobo.50
The two men indicted by a Mississippi Grand Jury were tried and acquitted after the all-white, all-male jury deliberated for only an hour. Bryant and Milam later confessed to the killing, admitting to the murder in a Look magazine article for which the two received $4,000. Throughout the article, Emmett is referred to by his nickname, Bobo. According to the killers, their intent had been to scare the boy. In the end, they claimed, Emmett caused his own death by refusing to be scared. Milam told the reporter, Well, what else could we do....As long as I live and can do anything about it, niggers are gonna stay in their place. Niggers aint gonna vote where I live. If they did, theyd control the government.... And when a nigger gets close to mentioning sex with a white woman, hes tired olivin.51 The two claim that they were never able to scare him. They had just filled him so full of poison that he was hopeless.52 Emmett remained defiant to the end, even after a pistolwhipping, The article closes with the summation that [t]he majorityby no means all, but the majorityof the white people in Mississippi 1) either approve...or else 2) they dont disapprove enough to risk giving their enemies the satisfaction of a conviction.52 Letters to the editor in later editions seem to support the authors conclusion.
A three year FBI investigation led to a Leflore County grand jury investigation in 2007, but failed to issue any indictments. According to informants, Carolyn Bryant-Donham, one of those examined by the grand jury, had identified Emmett for his killers as the one who made a pass at her.54 Bryant died years ago from cancer; the fact that his widow chose to retain his name even after remarrying suggests that she supported her husbands actions.
The monument to three circus workers, Elias Clayton, Elmer Jackson, and Isaac McGhie, lynched on June 15th, 1920 in Duluth, Minnesota is by far the most touching and effective to date. The Clayton Jackson McGhie Memorial is the largest lynching monument in the United States, taking up the entire block opposite the corner where the lynching occurred. What gives the memorial its impact is not its size, but the three seven foot tall bronze statues of the victims. The trio are reanimated, their humanity restored through the sculpture. Another effort to honor the victims saw fulfillment with the location and marking of their previously unknown gravesites. On October 26th, 1991 granite headstones were placed on their grave, returning their identities with the additional inscription, Deterred but not defeated.
The men had been roustabouts with the John Robinson Circus. Two teenagers, Irene Tusken and James Sullivan attended the first nights performances in Duluth. The following morning, June 15, 1920, Sullivans father called the police with a report of rape. The
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claim made by the young man, alleged that six black circus workers had held the pair at gunpoint and then raped Irene Tusken.55 An examination of the girl by her family physician, Dr. David Graham, showed no physical signs of rape or assault, but in 1920 evidence was not a prerequisite if the accused was a black man.56 Six circus workers were rounded up and the news of their arrest immediately reported in the local newspaper. That evening, a mob of between 5- 10,000 people gathered, demanded the prisoners and three were selected for a hasty mock trail.57 Elias Clayton, Elmer Jackson and Isaac McGhie were subsequently, beaten, dragged to a light pole on the corner of First Street and Second Avenue East and lynched.58 Photographs taken at the scene show two of the men hanging from the light pole with the third laying beneath them on the ground. The sheer number of people crowded into the small area, all vying for a view of the dead men, is staggering.
Long after the lynching, folk singer Bob Dylan, who was born in Duluth, commemorated the event in his song, Desolation Row:
Theyre selling postcards of the hanging
Theyre painting the passports brown
The beauty parlor is filled with sailors
The circus is in town
Here comes the blind commissioner
Theyve got him in a trance
One hand is tied to the tight-rope walker
The other is in his pants
And the riot squad theyre restless
They need somewhere to go
As Lady and I look out tonight
From Desolation Row.59
In stark contrast to the impressive Clayton Jackson McGhie Memorial, the majority of lynch sites remain unmarked. Photographer and Art Professor, Karina Aguilera Skvirsky recently used this lack of community acknowledgement in the state of Maryland as a commemoration of otherwise forgotten lynch victims. The photographs in her exhibit, North East South, of the locations of lynch sites, long removed from the event, are haunting for their peaceful innocence, their beauty again perpetuating the myth of the genteel South. Each photograph is titled with the name of a lynch victim and the location.60 The label on one of the photographs, a lush, thick trunked tree in front of a graceful, Georgian style courthouse reads, Matthew Williams, lynched in Salisbury, Md., 1931. Williams lynching is also featured in Sherrilyn A. Ifills On the Courthouse Lawn. Accused of the murder of his employer, Daniel Elliot, Williams was doomed as word spread quickly of the upcoming lynching. Whatever happened in Elliots office, Williams had been seriously wounded himself. The alternative story, particularly among Salisburys black community, was that the killer wasnt nobody but [Elliots] son. He killed his father and then shot this colored fellow so he wouldnt be there to be against him.61 The Salisbury Times, played an integral role in the lynching when it posted a special bulletin announcing that
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Williams was alive and providing his location in the nearby hospital. The bandaged and straight-jacketed Williams was literally drug to the courthouse lawn. One witness observing that, his buttocks did not have Gods bit of skin left on them.62 He was hung on the majestic tree outside the courthouse and his body dragged to a bridge outside the black community before being tied to a lamppost and set on fire [s]o all the colored people could see him.65
Commemoration came quicker for more recent lynch victims, James Byrd, Jr. and Matthew Shepherd. Neither were their deaths met with silence, but rather with a public outcry. In many ways, their deaths helped to expose the ugliness of intolerance to some accustomed to looking the other way. Another contrast is the conviction of perpetrators in both cases.
In June 1998, James Byrd, Jr., a 49 year old disabled African American, accepted a ride from three white men in Jasper, Texas. The three men severely beat the husband and father of two, before chaining him to the back of a truck and dragging him through town, then dumping his decapitated body outside the black cemetery. Two of Byrds killers received the death penalty; a first in the state of Texas where previously no white man had been given the ultimate sentence for the killing of a black man, and only one prior case in the entire history of the United States. The third perpetrator received life in prison.
The James Byrd, Jr. Memorial Park serves as a memorial to his life and as a reminder of the dangers of intolerance. Byrds family also set up the James Byrd Jr. Foundation for Racial Healing to support working toward the end of racism.64 His sister, Louvon Byrd Harris, made the following statement while speaking on the prevention of further hate crimes: Hate is a disease. Hate is a learned behavior. And anything learned can be unlearned....Have open dialogue, express your feelings and let others have compassion in listening. Be proactive instead of reactive.65 Though James Byrd, Jr. was laid to rest in a cemetery for blacks only, the fence that once separated the black and white cemeteries has since been removed in his honor.66
Just four months after Byrds murder, on October 7th 1998, Matthew Shepherd, a 21 year old openly gay student at the University of Wyoming, was pistol whipped, tortured and left to die near Laramie, Wyoming. The man who found him tied to a fence at first thought the comatose Shephard to be a scarecrow. Shephard died 12 October 1998 at the Poudre Valley Hospital in Fort Collins, Colorado from severe head injuries. The two men who carried out the crime each received two consecutive life sentences.
English musicians Bernie Taupin and Elton John collaborated on a song, American Triangle, after learning of Shephards death. Included in the lyrics are the following lines:
Western skies dont make it right Home of the brave dont make no sense Ive seen a scarecrow wrapped in wire Left to die on a high ridge fence....
See two coyotes run down a deer Hate what we dont understand.
You pioneers give us your children
But its your blood that stains their hands67
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Memorials to Shephard include Chris Navarros sculpture, The Ring of Peace, located on the grounds of the First United Methodist Church in Casper, Wyoming. The sculpture is also dedicated to the victims of Columbine. The Matthew Shephard Human Rights Triangle Park in West Hollywood, California is dedicated to Shephards memory and was unveiled on December 21,1998, just two months after his death. Additionally, The Matthew Shephard Foundation founded by his parents, Dennis and Judy Shephard, serves as a memorial to Shephard by seeking to replace hate with understanding, compassion, & acceptance through its varied educational, outreach and advocacy programs and by continuing to tell Matthews story.68
Perhaps most enduring is the Matthew Shephard and James Byrd, Jr. Act, intended to extend federal hate crime legislation to include gay and lesbian people, as well as people with disabilities. The legislation was introduced in the U. S. Congress in 2007 and subsequently passed both the House and Senate before being vetoed by President Bush. President Barack Obama signed the Matthew Shephard and James Byrd, Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act into law 28 October 2009.
Even more recently, filmmaker Keith Beauchamp investigated allegations of modern day lynchings in his Discovery Channel series The Injustice Files: At the End of a Rope which aired in February 2012. Beauchamp examined four hanging deaths, all officially ruled suicides and considered closed cases, despite inconsistences and family objections.69
The exact number of lynch victims will never be known, though the total is no doubt much higher than the nearly 5,000 known victims. The number of memorials is small in comparison with the volume of victims and hardly constitutes a major movement. Still, the movement, however small, has begun and long repressed dialogue has been initiated. Efforts for victim memorials are being pursued in several cities, including a memorial for a young man, Jesse Washington, publicly burned to death in Waco, Texas, whose suffering was referred to as a barbeque in an aforementioned postcard. Other efforts, such as the University of Washingtons memorial reading of all known lynch victims during Black History Month 2008, keep the conversation alive. Truth is much harder to rebury once it has been uncovered. The real fear is not so much that we will recognize relatives in the faces of the crowds who participated in the torture and murder of fellow citizens, but that we will recognize ourselves.
50
PamMilavec ANOTHER FACE IN THE CROWD


nthe late seventeenth century, Salem Village was a cauldron of animosity steeped in insecurity and supernaturalism, the perfect environment in which a defeated and unscrupulous merchant could begin life anew. Conservative farmers and liberal merchants divided the village. In an attempt to bridge the gap, villagers, most notably merchants, petitioned for a church independent of the First Salem Church in Salem Town. In their search for a minister, the villagers looked to Boston. They needed a minister uniquely qualified to unify the divided Salem Village. In Boston, they had a nearly unlimited choice of well-qualified ministers. However, as the majority of candidates were Harvard graduates and likely conservative, only a clergyman with
Manufacturing Terro
Samuel Parris Exploitation of the Salem Witch Trials
r
by Alan Pershing
experience in both trades would suffice. This created a need uniquely suited to Samuel Parriss qualifications. He was not a Harvard graduate and, therefore, not regarded as completely conservative. And at the time of his calling to the Salem Village pulpit, he had not completely abandoned his business interests in Boston.1 Samuel Parris was an opportunist who saw the potential to profit amongst the unstable and divided population. When he accepted the call to Salem Village, the master manipulator became the catalyst for one of the most controversial events in colonial history.
Most contemporary historians argue that Parriss role in the Salem witch trials was not essential. Paul Boyer and Stephen Nissenbaum are leading authorities on the Salem trials. In their book, Salem Possessed: The Social Origins of Witchcraft, Boyer and Nissenbaum argue that Samuel Parris did not deliberately provoke the Salem witchcraft episode.
Alan Pershing is a Senior at CU Denver completing a BA in History. He plans on completing a Masters in History. Ultimately, Hed love to teach and write about history.


They attribute the witch trials to factionalization among the villagers. However, upon conclusion of an entire chapter dedicated to Samuel Parris, Boyer and Nissenbaum concede, his was a crucial role.2
Samuel Parriss own sermon notebook offers the most incriminating evidence regarding his intentions as minister of the Salem Village church. As Larry Gragg states in his book A Questfor Security: The Life of Samuel Parris, Parris was able to mingle his personal failures and the villagers frustrations and transform them into a cosmic conflict between Christ and Satan.3 Samuel Parris did not directly cause the crisis, but he perpetuated it and manufactured terror among the population. As a minister for Salem Village, he was nothing less than a fraud. His role in the Salem witch trials was more than crucial; it was deliberate.
Insecurity pervaded Salem life for over a decade prior to the trials. Massachusetts colonists, reluctant to admit that the King of England exercised any authority over the colony, enacted laws in the name of the Commonwealth and excluded the king. In June 1684, the English chancery court formally annulled the colonial charter and colonists faced the certainty that they had lost the near independence they previously enjoyed.4 Following the English revolution in 1688, Massachusetts authorities moved to reestablish the government under the vacated charter. As a consequence of the revolution, the Massachusetts colony became a front in King Williams war. Frontier communities including Salem frequently fell victim to raids organized by French and Indian parties.5
52 AlanPershing MANUFACTURING TERROR


The colonists own beliefs added to their insecurity. In addition to the societal belief that witchcraft was a credible threat, predestination was fundamental to colonial Puritanism. God determined a persons destiny before he or she was born. Under this doctrine, a person could lead a pious and just life and still face damnation after death. Only the elect could ascend to heaven. This resulted in the colonists striving endlessly for an uncertain reward.
In 1686, faced with mounting debt, legal difficulties, and economic uncertainty, Samuel Parris all but abandoned mercantilism and pursued a career in the ministry. Despite numerous obstacles including a lack of a degree and a job market saturated with qualified clergymen, Parris managed to secure a temporary position in the frontier community of Stow, Massachusetts. His decision to turn to the ministry is not difficult to understand. The ministry offered what mercantilism in colonial New England could not: economic security.
Parriss experience as a merchant was not altogether in vain. It afforded him political connections. In 1682, Parris purchased commercial real estate, thereby becoming a freeman of the colony.6 As a freeman, Parris was eligible to participate fully in political life in Boston. These political connections are likely the reason a committee of village representatives approached Parris with an offer to minister the newly founded Salem Village church in 1688.
Parriss service as a minister in Stow lasted less than one year. Brief mentions of Parriss name in friend and fellow merchant Samuel Sewalls diary indicate Parris remained active in the clergy.7 However, it is unknown if he attained any other significant ministerial positions until 1688 when the people of Salem approached him. It is also unknown why the people of Salem specifically chose Parris considering the surplus of far more qualified ministerial candidates in Boston.8
When the people of Salem Village offered the position at the head of their newly independent church in 1688, Parris employed the skills acquired during his career as a merchant in negotiating a favorable contract. It took nearly one year for Parris to supply Salem Village with a commitment. Moreover, that commitment came with stipulations. In negotiating his contract, he neglected no detail. In addition to a set salary that would adjust advantageously in periods of economic prosperity, Parris insured that market fluctuations in corn, barley, rye and other commodities had no effect on his family.9
Parriss ordination sermon was a preview of the years to come. The sermon he delivered simultaneously castigated those that put him in the pulpit, lambasted those who had not committed fully to the church before his arrival, and demonstrated his authority over the village. His sermon opened with Joshua 5:9, And the Lord said unto Joshua, This day I have rolled away the reproach of Egypt from off you.10 In this context, Parris used Joshua 5:9 as a direct affront to the merchant men who elected him. In the same sermon, Parris asserted, It is an Egyptian-like disgrace & Reproach to any people to be out of visible & Sacramental communion wth [sic] God in his Ordinances...11 Paris was giving a stern warning to those who did not attend his sermons and commit to regular prayer.
2013 Historical Studies Journal 53


Immediately after his ordination, Parris made his position of authority known, first by placing Salem Villages long-standing deacon on probation and then publicly ostracizing one of its model citizens. Mere days after his ordination, Parris named Nathanial Ingersoll to officiate in the place of a Deacon for a time.12 As a deacon, there were few better qualified than Ingersoll. He was a professor of religion, a patron, benefactor and guardian of the Salem Village parish from its formation, and had long held the title of deacon.13 Yet, despite his qualifications, Parris did not feel Ingersoll was worthy of confirmation until 18 months after he was named for a time.14
In the months following his ordination, Parris continued to demonstrate his authority over the church by publicly ostracizing one of its members, Ezekiel Cheever. An entry by Parris in the church record book states, Brother Cheevers who having in distress for a horse upon his wives approaching travell [sic] about five or six weeks past [had] taken his neighbor Joseph Putnams horse out of his stable & without leave or asking of it.15 Based on this entry alone, one might believe Ezekiel Cheever was a thief. In fact, he was an esteemed member of the community and a highly respected teacher and schoolmaster. Cheever borrowed the horse to call upon the village doctor while his wife was in labor, or approaching travell.16 Instead of allowing Cheever and his neighbor to conclude the matter, Parris saw fit to make an example out of Cheever to remind his followers of his authority and position within the community.
Parris conducted himself as minister in a dictatorial fashion. He demanded church members complete attention at all times during his sermons, which usually lasted several hours. Parris berated those caught nodding off or wandering in thought, declaring Some sit before the preacher as senseless as the seats they sit on.17 Later sermons became more menacing with threats of damnation.
By the second year of his appointment, Parriss popularity wavered. Issues arose with the contract he so artfully negotiated. He made these issues known throughout his sermons. The most conspicuous was his plea for firewood following his weekly lecture on October 8, 1691. Parris urged the inhabitants to take care that I might be provided for.18 His situation worsened eight days later when a village committee convened and voted against the collection of taxes specifically for his salary.
The most haunting allusion of things to come occurred on November 22, 1691. Following the denial of his salary, many members of the community maneuvered to have Parris ousted. Acknowledging this attempt, Parris opened his November sermon with Psalm 110, The Lord said unto my Lord, sit thou at my right hand, untill [sic] I make thine Enemies thy footstool.19 Parris bluntly stated that he would remain the minister until his enemies and the enemies of the church were vanquished. His situation was dire. It seemed Parris was desperate to maintain his position in the pulpit, whatever the cost. In February 1692, a solution presented itself in his own home. Supposedly unbeknownst to Parris, his daughter, Elizabeth, and niece, Abigail Williams, had been experimenting with techniques of fortune telling. Individuals, particularly merchants and young women, frequently sought the assistance of fortunetellers to determine their economic prospects or what trade their sweet harts [sic] should be of.20 Soon after, the girls began to act strangely, exhibiting fits and convulsions.
54 Alan Pershing MANUFACTURING TERROR


Many historians have asserted that Parris was complacent in the events of 1692 and merely a victim of circumstance. However, his sermons following the initial panic did not follow Puritan tradition and convey neutrality. Instead, they perpetuated fear and capitalized on the villagers constant anxiety of predestination. Through his sermons, he manufactured a crisis by preaching about the errors of neglecting prayer and church attendance. Parris asserted that church membership alone did not guarantee salvation. He had hinted at this in previous sermons. Now a formidable terror existed in Salem Village and the only way to defeat it was to give ones self completely to the church. In his sermon on March 27, 1692, Parris exclaimed, Our Lord Jesus Christ knows how many Devils there are in his Church, & who they are.21 He also accused members of his church of being hypocrites for professing their love for Christ but not giving in to Him completely. To these hypocrites, Parris preached, Corruptio optimi es pessima.22 That is, the corruption of the very best is the worst wickedness. This was a direct assault on the enemies of the church. Through his sermon, Parris illustrated that the enemies of the church, namely the Porters and the Nurses, were the reason the village had fallen into a war with the Devil. The intent of the sermon was to rally his supporters. This was not the first time he resorted to a direct assault from the pulpit. Only two months prior, Parris preached of the Wicked and Reprobate Men (the assistants of Satan to afflict the church) and how Christ defends his Church against three great enemies, Against inward enemies in their own souls. 23 In one breath, Parris managed to throw the Porters and their allies down the gauntlet while also chastising those who professed their allegiance to the church but failed to fully commit.24
The incident that sparked one of the most renowned and controversial witch hunts in history began in the ministers kitchen. Who would be better qualified to deal with matters of faith in his own kitchen than a minister ? Ministers were the experts, the leading tacticians, the mightiest warriors in supernatural combat.25 Parris did opposite of what was expected of him. He created doubt within the community by sending his afflicted daughter to live with Captain Samuel Sewall in Boston. While there, Elizabeth continued to exhibit fits. She later confided in Mrs. Sewall that the great black man came to her and told her, if she would be ruled by him, she should have whatsoever she desired, and go to a Golden City Mrs. Sewall immediately told Elizabeth, it was the Devil, and he is a liar and told her to tell him so if he came back.26 Upon doing so, Elizabeth Parriss affliction apparently ceased. It seems a captains wife was better qualified in warding off the Devil than the minister.
If the conversation with Elizabeth had occurred with Mr. Parris instead of Mrs. Sewall, the situation would likely have not escalated beyond their kitchen. Prominent New England preacher Cotton Mather had even suggested that any names the afflicted children called out in their fits be kept in confidence because, he argued, we should be tender in such Relations lest we wrong the reputation of the Innocent by stories not enough enquired to.27 Nevertheless, the names of the women the young girls accused for causing their affliction became public without restraint. If the names had not become public knowledge, Parris would not have been able to deliver his sermons revealing the destructive nature of the crisis within the community.
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Elizabeth and Abigail first accused Tituba, Sarah Good and Sarah Osbourne for their maladies. Under examination, Tituba also identified Sarah Good and Sarah Osbourne as perpetrators of witchcraft. However, after Titubas confession and jailing, she declared that Parris beat her and otherways abusefd] her to make her confess and accuse (such as he calld [sic]) her Sister-Witches.28
Within a few weeks, the girls named additional perpetrators of malice, Martha Corey and Rebecca Nurse. While the community considered Good and Osbourne to be socially undesirable, Corey and Nurse were known supporters of the anti-Parris Porter faction. Parris perpetuated the accusations and animosity by lacing his sermons with allegories from the witch trials. He frequently alluded to the war between Satan and the Lambs of God.29 The most provocative ofhis sermons brought fear that one of the Devils workers had infiltrated the church. Parris opened with After condemnation of 6 Witches at a Court in Salem, one of the Witches viz. Martha Kory in full communion was [in] our Church.30 He further suggested that there might be more witches in Salem Village.31 Parris continued to preach, perhaps more fervently than before, that attendance at church alone would not guarantee salvation. Only the act of prayer and strict adherence to ordinances would provide sufficient protection.32
As in the previous year, Parris zealously continued to preach warning to those who opposed the church. He abandoned mere suggestion and pursued a more direct approach by saying Caution & admonition to all & every one of us to beware of making War with the Lamb,33 and When men will not receive the Gosple [sic], this is to make war with the Lamb.34 Parris likely directed the latter statement at the Nurses and Tarbells who had ceased attending church after the execution of Rebecca Nurse.
In November 1692, Governor William Phips dissolved the Court of Oyer and Terminer and brought an end to the witch hunts in Salem Village. The end of the crisis coincides with the renewed effort by community members to oust Parris from the pulpit and a concurrent, more sympathetic tone in his sermons. In response to the changing situation, Parris changed the nature of his sermons to entice long-absent members back to the church. But as Salem Village began to slip back into welcome anonymity, the division amongst the villagers intensified. After numerous community meetings, the veracity of those that opposed Parris apparently rattled him. Throughout much of 1693, his sermons made sparse mention of dissention. By the end of the year, Parris was outright begging the dissenters to attend church. When they refused, he returned to the pulpit once again and spewed his venomous words. He sought to isolate the dissenters and absentees, and attempt to convince his supporters that the dissenters were responsible for all the villages problems.35 The dissenters countered by seeking council with officials in Boston. A bitter battle ensued over the next three years and culminated in Parriss stepping down from the pulpit in Salem Village.
The evidence pertaining to the Salem witch trials that survives today suggests that Samuel Parris acted reprehensibly and selfishly. His sermon notebook, the most incontrovertible affirmation of Parriss character, contains notes in the margins alluding to pages that have since vanished. When put into context with the accompanying pages, those notes might indicate a less sinister motive. However, based upon other evidence
56 Alan Pershing MANUFACTURING TERROR


surrounding the trials, including Titubas confession after being jailed and Parriss actions documented by other villagers, Parris appears to have fabricated a crisis. His sermons indicate that he glorified the importance of the church far beyond traditional Puritanism in a way that made it subservient to his authority, wielding it as a weapon against those who opposed him. Parris used his influence to manipulate Salem Village for personal gain. By manufacturing terror, he endeavored to maintain financial security, an enhanced status in society, and the gratification of delivering a superstitious population from the threat of a supernatural menace.
2013 Historical Studies Journal 57




Mexican American War was a divisive issue amongst Americans which initiated lengthy debate over the direction the country was developing. The war was a key issue amongst the Whigs, many of whom would form the Republican Party in the decade after the war. The war itself built upon issues dating back to the Missouri Compromise which would eventually lead the country into a civil war. To explore part of the national debate over the issue of the Mexican American War, I will be presenting a speech delivered by the fictional Whig senator Barnabas White to the United States Senate, during the debate over the Kansas-Nebraska act of 1854. This act was passed in 1854, and was
The Whigs and the Mexican War
by Ian Stewart-Shelafo
a direct response to the new territories gained from Mexico during the war. 1854 is also a useful year because the Whig Party was declining, and many of its members were joining the newly formed Republican Party.
The Whig Party was formed in 1833 by Henry Clay in an effort to enact legislation on a national level, which would result in the modernization of the United States through internal improvement projects. This party was to stand in opposition to the Democratic-Republican Party, which was led by Andrew Jackson, who preferred expansionistic agrarianism. When Jackson sought to destroy the national banking system, he gave Clay a reason to found the Whigs.1 The Whigs saw things such as the national bank as necessary for the growth and modernization of the country. The use of credit, and the promotion of business, were key Whig issues which stood in opposition to the Jacksonian ideal of all monies being in specie.2 The goal of the Whigs was to
Ian Stewart-Shelafo graduatedfrom the University of Colorado Denver with a Bachelors degree in History in 2012.


support the expansion of industrial capital and infrastructure, in order to provide a strong economic base for social improvement. The real core of the tensions between the Whigs and the Democrats is that their ideologies were part of a debate between industrialization and agrarianism. The Whigs sought industrialization in their efforts to promote modernization. The Democrats preferred an agrarian society where land ownership determined status. In order to promote internal growth within the country, the Whigs favored protective tariffs to give an advantage to American produced goods over foreign imports.3 This was also part of an agenda which would see the expansion and improvement of transportation systems, and the founding of a public school system to promote education. Temperance was another issue that many Whigs supported.4 The issue of slavery was more of a regional concern amongst the Whigs, with those in the North more likely to support abolition, while those of the South usually supported slavery. Both Henry Clay and President Taylor, who was elected as a Whig, owned slaves. The Whigs were known as the party of compromise, because they sought to limit factionalism between the parties, especially on the issue of slavery. Over time this resulted in increased factionalism as regional politics took precedence over party politics.
When the United States entered the Mexican-American War it was initially to reaffirm control of the newly annexed Texas, but was quickly expanded to include conquest of the territories of California and New Mexico. As part of this plan Santa Anna, the former president of Mexico, negotiated to return to Mexico from exile in Cuba, in exchange for selling the United States the territory in contention.5 He quickly engaged in a coup, retook the presidency of Mexico, and began fighting the US invasion. Though a costly war for the United States in terms of casualties, this war served as a training ground for the generals of the Civil War. The prominent officers on both sides of that conflict served during the Mexican-American War. Amongst those who served were Ulysses Grant, Stonewall Jackson, Robert Lee, and Jefferson Davis, who all served as junior officers.6
The major effect of the Mexican-American War was the reopening of the debate over slavery, which had been addressed by the Missouri Compromise in 1820. With the expansion of new territory, which was mostly on the southern side of the compromise line, proponents of slavery sought to extend that institution into the southwest. The resulting Compromise of 1850, with the inclusion of the Fugitive Slave Act, served to anger many who opposed slavery.7 It also deepened the tensions between the North and South. When the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 was passed, it effectively repealed the Missouri Compromise and allowed for the citizens of each territory to determine whether they would be slave or Free states.8 This led to the events known as Bleeding Kansas, where supporters of both sides moved into the Kansas Territory in order to influence the vote there. Violence erupted between the two sides which would continue into the Civil War.9
The effect that the Mexican-American War had on the Whig party was dramatic. By reopening the debate on slavery, it forced Whigs to consider the issue directly, and caused a schism in the party which resulted in the partys collapse. Members in the South either joined the Democrats if they supported slavery, or the Know-Nothings if they wanted a moderate stance on the issue. In the North, Whigs joined the Free-Soilers, or eventually the Republican Party. In addition, by trying to encompass wider platforms to attract more
60 Ian Stewart-Shelafo THE WHIGS AND THE MEXICAN WAR


votes, the party did itself harm by appearing to the public to have little difference from the Democrats on the issues they supported. The Whig party enjoyed just over twenty years of political life, during which it enacted many of its goals such as education and industrialization, which remain important today. During their time they had two elected presidents, and two vice presidents who succeeded to office after the death of the sitting president. The Whigs demise gave rise to the Republican Party.
Greetings, fellow senators. For those of you who do not know me, I am Barnabas White, the newly elected junior senator from Vermont. On this day, the third of March 1854,1 wish to speak of two related issues. The first is the Kansas-Nebraska Act which we are to vote upon today.10 The other is the forthcoming vote to ratify the Gadsden Treaty with Mexico, which is scheduled to take place next month. Why do I say that these issues are related? This Kansas-Nebraska Act has come about directly in response to the new territories that were acquired during the Mexican War, and the Gadsden Treaty seeks to further expand that territory by purchasing another piece of land from Mexico. Both of these issues serve only to exacerbate tensions between the northern and southern states of our country. The act we vote upon today will do nothing less than repeal the Missouri Compromise of 1820, and open all of our western territories to the expansion of slavery. This cannot be allowed to happen.
Let me begin with a history of how we got to this moment. In 1820, when this body assembled to discuss bringing the territory of Missouri into the Union as a state, it was unclear whether it would be admitted as a free state ora slave state. As our people expanded into the West, it was inevitable that this issue would accompany them. Eventually it was decided that no slaves would be permitted in the remainder of the Louisiana Purchase above the thirty-sixth parallel. The only exception was that area which was within the proposed state of Missouri.11 Being almost entirely above this line, Missouri was permitted slaves as a compromise for the rest of the territory not being permitted them. It is this balance between the powers of the slave and free states which the proposed Kansas-Nebraska legislation will destroy.
Henry Clay, one of the founders of the Whig party to which I belong, was chief in bringing this matter to a close. He founded the Whigs in 1833 in response to the tyranny of Andrew Jackson, and his efforts to destroy any modernizing process in this country. His destruction of the national bank was detrimental to the progress of the country.12 How are we to overtake the British as an industrialized nation if we have no system of credit or tariffs to promote the expansion of business, and fund internal improvements ? Jackson, and his disciples, would have us all believe that this country needs to retain its agrarian roots in order to thrive, but that path will leave us detrimentally weak in comparison with our competitors in Europe. This plan would only benefit the wealthiest amongst our people, those who own property, not the many that toil for wages in the factories. By promoting the growth of business and industry, we as a people will make progress towards erasing many of the ills of our society, not by redistributing the wealth that we already have, but by generating much more so that everyone has the potential to improve themselves. This is coupled with the proposal for universal education of our
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citizens. Through education this country will be able to out-produce, and out-innovate the nations of Europe.13
Around the same time that we Whigs were taking our first forays into political organization, some of our expatriates in Mexico were fighting a war to secede with the area that comprises the state of Texas. This was part of a larger event comprising a Mexican civil war.14 While this was not of a great concern to many in this country in 1836, it was an event of great importance ten years later. After the death of President Harrison, and the expulsion of Tyler from the Whig Party, Henry Clay was nominated for the 1844 election. He lost the election to President James Polk by a very small margin. Though he lost the popular vote by thirty-nine thousand, it would only have taken about seven thousand in New York to get him the electoral votes needed for a victory.15 Polk, who was relatively unknown at the time, campaigned on a platform that included the annexation of Texas, and resolving the dispute with the British over the ownership of Oregon country.16
It was precisely this kind of greedy territorial warmongering that has put us into the situation we find ourselves in today. By attempting to gain more territory below the Missouri Compromise line, we have resumed the debate over slavery that was addressed over thirty years ago. There is also the matter of Mexico stating that they would declare war if our country attempted to annex Texas.17 In 1845, with the annexation of Texas, President Polk sent General Taylor to the area to secure the borders. This led to the Thornton Affair in April 1846, where one of our patrols was killed by Mexican soldiers.18 Polk used this as an excuse to have Congress issue a declaration of war against Mexico, as he claimed that Mexico had killed Americans on American soil. Though some of my fellow Whigs voted against this action, it passed with a strong majority on May 13,1846.19 This measure had strong support from the Democrats of this body. Because of the greed of you Democrats to acquire more territory below the Missouri Compromise line, we were engaged in the deadliest war in our history in order to steal land from a sovereign nation. This war was used to gain California, and the ports on the western coast, but resulted in expanding American territory by more than a third.
Though the territories of California and Nuevo Mexico were ultimately what were gained from this war, many of you Democrats were pushing for the annexation of the entirety of Mexico.20 How much more territory is needed for the expansion of slavery? With the rapid advance of General Taylor, who was elected president in 1848 due to his conduct in the war, the northern areas of Mexico were firmly under American control. It was at this point that President Polk sent a second army, under the command of General Winfield Scott, to land at Vera Cruz and advance towards Mexico City. With the capture of the city in September 1847, the rest of the war was quickly resolved.21 This led to the treaty Guadalupe-Hidalgo.
This treaty was signed on February 2, 1848, and in it was detailed the terms of the Mexican Cession. Mexico relinquished any claim on Texas or the rest of Northern Mexico, and in exchange was paid fifteen million dollars, and our government assumed debts between Mexico and our citizens. Those Mexican citizens within our new territory were to become American citizens under the terms of the treaty. Additionally, we are required to recognize Spanish land grants to the citizens of our new territory.22 All of this because
62 Ian Stewart-Shelafo THE WHIGS AND THE MEXICAN WAR


of President Polks war of conquest to gain Texas, California, and New Mexico, which was begun under false pretenses.23 In December of 1847, Representative Abraham Lincoln of Illinois issued his Spot Resolution, to compel President Polk to show where the Thornton Affair had taken place.24 Polk claimed that this was upon American soil, but it was actually in a disputed area where the border between the United States and Mexico was not defined.
Now I wish to speak of the human cost of this war. Over a hundred thousand soldiers were raised to fight in this war, and many were undertrained and underequipped. In addition to casualties from battle, many of them died from disease.25 Ill-training and unpreparedness caused this to be the deadliest war we have ever engaged in. Nearly a quarter of the soldiers we sent to war were killed, or disabled through a combination of battle casualties and disease.26 Some of our soldiers, mostly state militia volunteers, also left less than favorable impressions on many of our new citizens in the former Mexican territory. By being unruly, and killing and looting in some of the towns we now control, the process of integrating these new populations has become more difficult. An additional factor is the increasing unpopularity of the war as it progressed, with many calling for the war to be ended as quickly as possible.27
Following the war, General Taylor was nominated for president as a Whig. Despite the ridicule towards the party, which was widespread during the 1848 election, Taylor won. Due to his war record, especially during the recently concluded Mexican war, he was supported by many from across many different backgrounds, from both North and South, Whig and Democrat. He broke away from many of the ideals of the Whig Party by not supporting internal improvements of the country, or protective trade tariffs, but he also did not support the expansion of slavery into our new territory.28 When he died after little more than a year in office, Vice President Millard Fillmore assumed the presidency. While also a Whig, he alienated many of the Northern members of the party through his efforts at reconciliation with the South over slavery. He proposed to allow slavery in the former Mexican territory, which was addressed in the Compromise of 1850, which allowed the potential of slavery in the territory of New Mexico, while also admitting the California territory as a free state.29 This has allowed the proponents of slave-holding to avoid the reintroduction of the Wilmot Proviso to Congress. This bill, originally introduced in 1847, would have completely prevented the expansion of slavery into any new territory gained from Mexico. It failed to pass a Senate vote, and an unsuccessful attempt was made to add it to the treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo.30 This compromise has given us four years of stability, as it has satisfied the South by allowing slavery below the Missouri Compromise line in the territories of the Mexican Cession, while elevating California to statehood as a free state to keep the balance. The major issue of contention, especially for my fellow Whigs, is the Fugitive Slave Act that was passed alongside the compromise. This act compels citizens of the Free states who do not support slavery, to aid in the return of fugitive slaves to their masters.31
This is why the issue that is before us today is of such importance. If the Kansas-Nebraska Act is passed it will nullify the Missouri Compromise. This cannot be allowed to happen. It threatens the very stability of our American system of governance. By
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allowing the decision of slavery to rest upon popular sovereignty of the residents of the territories, the very balance of power between the slave and Free states is threatened. If this act is passed, it will be the cause of great upheaval and strife as the balance of slave and free swings back and forth. The related issue of the Gadsden Purchase, aside from the fact that it increases the amount of territory that has been acquired from Mexico, places yet more territory in the hands of the slave-owning South.32 This, combined with the proposed popular sovereignty of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, has the potential to prove disastrous for our country.
In addition, there is the issue of the decline of the Whig party, which has been occurring on a nationwide scale, since the defeat of General Winfield Scott as presidential candidate in 1852. This has been particularly prominent in the southern states. My fellows in Louisiana have, in particular, ceased to exist in any meaningful form. Having to support the institution of slavery in the South in order to succeed, they lost much of their support due to the anti-slavery leanings of General Scott. Many of those who supported slavery joined the Democrats, and many others eventually joined the recently founded Know Nothing Party.33 This election drove a wedge between the northern and southern members of the Whig Party, which has greatly contributed to our decline over the last few years. Those who support slavery have either joined the Democrats, or any of a number of smaller parties, while those who oppose slavery are becoming more hardline about their views, with many joining the Free Soil Party.34 It has been a failure of the Whigs, the party of compromise, to keep our constituents united. However, with the southern states pushing for the expansion of slavery, the only outcome is that those who oppose slavery will attempt to push the agenda of abolition into the national arena. There have already been talks about forming a new party, the name Republican has been mentioned, which will oppose slavery.35 This will attract not only the Free Soilers, but also many of my fellow current and former Whigs, especially in the North, who will find this attractive.
If this happens, and that new Republican Party achieves any sort of national success, an irreconcilable wedge will be driven between the forces of slavery and abolition due to increased aggression on the part of the South to expand slavery, and the equally unmovable proponents of abolition pushing forth that agenda. Thus, in the interests of national unity and harmony, I implore this body to vote against the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act and the Gadsden Purchase. We must preserve the Missouri Compromise for the continued welfare and benefit of the entire country. By denying the passage of these acts we can halt the spread of extremism in the political landscape. Better than repudiating the Missouri Compromise, should we not strive for a new compromise that will benefit all?
64 la.nStewart-Shela.fo THE WHIGS AND THE MEXICAN WAR


Notes
Blending Gender:
The Flapper, Gender Roles & the 1920s New Woman
Kayla Gabehart
1. Roaring Twenties, Oxford Pocket Dictionary of Current English, 2009.
2. Kenneth A. Yellis, Prosperitys Child: Some Thoughts on the Flapper" American Quarterly 21.1 (Spring 1969): 44.
3. Dorothy Dunbar Bromley, Feminist New Style, originally written in 1927, as quoted in Catherine Gilbert Murdock, Domesticating Drink: Women, Men, and Alcohol in America,
1870-1940,(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001): 162.
4. Independence Hall Association, Flappers, US. History: Pre-Columbia to the New Millenium (2012), available from ushistory.org/us/46d.asp. Accessed September 10th, 2012.
5. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Seneca Falls Convention Declaration of Sentiments, from Milestone Document, originally written in 1848.
6. Susan B. Anthony, Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution, from Milestone Documents, originally drafted in 1920.
7. Margaret Sanger, Sexual Impulse-Part II, from Milestone Documents, originally written in 1912.
8. Margaret Sanger, The Prevention of Conception, from Milestone Documents, originally written in 1914.
9. Emma Goldman, Marriage and Love, from Milestone Documents, originally given as an oration in 1917.
10. Kenneth Yellis, Prosperitys Child, 44.
11. Lynn D. Gordon, The Gibson Girl Goes to College: Popular Culture and Womens Higher Education in the Progressive Era, 1890-1920 1 American Quarterly 39.2 (1987), 211.
12. A.E. Hamilton, Killing Lady Nicotine, North American Review 225.842 (1928), 467.
13. Catherine Gilbert Murdock, Domesticating Drink: Women, Men, and Alcohol in America,
1870-1940, (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), 43.
14. Catherine Gilbert Murdock, Domesticating Drink, 43-45.
15. Union Signal, originally published in 1920, as quoted in Catherine Gilbert Murdock, Domesticating Drink: Women, Men, and Alcohol in America, 1870-1940, (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), 162.
16. Joshua Zeitz, Flapper: A Madcap Story of Sex, Style, Celebrity, and the Women Who Made America Modem, (New York: Random House, 2007), 4-6.
17. Catherine Gourley, Flappers and the New American Woman: Perceptions of Women from 1918 Through the 1920s, (Minneapolis: 21st Century Books, 2008), 33-34.
18. Philip Scranton, Beauty and Business: Commerce, Gender, and Culture in Modem America,
(New York: Psychology Press, 2000), 9.
19. Philip Scranton, Beauty and Business, 15.
20. Sara Ross, Good Little Bad Girls: Controversy and the Flapper Comedienne, Film History 13.4 (2001): 410.
21. Stephen Sharot, The New Woman, Star Personas, and Cross-Class Romance Films in 1920s America, Journal of Gender Studies 19.1 (2010), 73.
22. Sara Ross, Good Litde Bad Girls, 410-414.
23. Joshua Zeitz, Flapper, 6.
24. Catherine Gilbert Murdock, Domesticating Drink, 5.
25. Laura Davidow Hirshbein, The Flapper and the Fogy: Representations of Gender and Age in the 1920s, Journal of Family History 26.1 (2001): 114.
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26. Laura Davidow Hirshbein, The Flapper and the Fogy, 116.
27. Joshua Zeitz, Flapper, 6.
28. Ellen Welles Page, A Flappers Appeal to Parents in Outlook Magazine (December 6,1922).
29. Catherine Beach Ely, Life in the Raw, The North American Review 226.5 (1928): 566-567.
30. Harriet Monroe, Flamboyance, in Poetry 21.2 (1922): 89-90.
Desperate Letters
Abortion History and Michael Beshoar, M.D.
Michele Lingbeck
1. Beshoar, Barron B. Hippocrates in a Red Vest, The Biography of a Frontier Doctor. (Palo Alto, CA: American West Publishing Company: 1973), 82
2. Beshoar, Hippocrates in a Red Vest, 82
3. Beshoar, Hippocrates in a Red Vest, 342
4. Beshoar, Hippocrates in a Red Vest, 186
5. Smith, Duane A. & Ronald C. Brown. No one Ailing Except a Physician, Medicine in the Mining West, 1848-1919 (Boulder, CO: University Press of Colorado: 2001), 101
6. 1886-1887 treatment log, box 4, FF22, Beshoar Family Papers, WH1083, Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library.
7. 1884-1885 treatment log, box 3, FF21, Beshoar Family Papers, WH 1083, Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library.
8. 1864-1877 Patient Correspondence Received, box 4, FF96, Beshoar Family Papers, WH1083, Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library.
9. 1881-1884 Patient Correspondence Received, box 4, FF98, Beshoar Family Papers, WH 1083, Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library.
10. 1897 Patient Correspondence Received, box 3, FF100, Beshoar Family Papers, WH 1083,
Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library.
11. Haines, Michael, Fertility and Mortality in the US. Economichistory.net: http://eh.net/ encyclopedia/article/haines.demography, accessed 4/20/12
12. Shikes, Robert H. M.D. Rocky Mountain Medicine, Doctors, Drugs and Disease in Early Colorado (Boulder, CO: Johnson Books: 1986), 143
13. 1897 Patient Correspondence Received, box 3, FF 100, Beshoar Family Papers, WH 1083,
Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library.
14. 1884-1885 treatment log, box 3, FF21, Beshoar Family Papers, WH1083, Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library.
15. Shikes, Rocky Mountain Medicine, 140
16. 1885-1896 Patient Correspondence Received, box 3, FF99, Beshoar Family Papers, WH1083, Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library.
17. 1897 Patient Correspondence Received, box 3, FF 100, Beshoar Family Papers, WH 1083,
Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library.
18. Agnew, Jeremy. Medicine in the Old West: A History, 1850-1900. (Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland & Co., Publishers: 2010), 114
19. 1885-1896 Patient Correspondence Received, box 3, FF99, Beshoar Family Papers, WH 1083, Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library.
20. 1899 Patient Correspondence Received, box 4, FF1, Beshoar Family Papers, WH 1083, Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library.
21. 1898 Patient Correspondence Received, box 3, FF101, Beshoar Family Papers, WH1083,
Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library.
22. ibid
23. ibid
24. Agnew, Medicine in the Old West, 114
25. 1885-1896 Patient Correspondence Received, box 3, FF99, Beshoar Family Papers, WH1083, Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library.
26. 1898 Patient Correspondence Received, box 3, FF101, Beshoar Family Papers, WH 1083,
Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library.
66 Notes


27. 1898-1906, Medical Equipment and Supplies: Invoices and Receipts, Beshoar Family Papers, WH1083, Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library.
28. 1898 Patient Correspondence Received, box 3, FF101, Beshoar Family Papers, WH1083, Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library
29. 1886-1887 treatment log, box 4, FF22, Beshoar Family Papers, WH 1083, Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library.
30. 1885-1896 Patient Correspondence Received, box 3, FF99, Beshoar Family Papers, WH1083, Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library
Confessors and Martyrs: Rituals in Salems Witch Hunt
Shay Gonzales
1. Elizabeth Reis, Damned Women: Sinners and Witches in Puritan New England (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997), 131.
2. David D. Hall, Worlds of Wonder, Days of Judgment: Popular Religious Beliefin Early New England (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), 189.
3. Hall, Wonders, 167.
4. Hall, Wonders, 189
5. Paul Boyer and Stephen Nissenbaum, Salem Possessed: The Social Origins ofWitchcraft (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974), 43.
6. Boyer and Nissenbaum, Salem Possessed, 51.
7. Boyer and Nissenbaum, Salem Possessed,*>7-61
8. Richard L Bushman, From Puritan to Yankee: Character and Social Order in Connecticut,
1690-1765 (New York: Norton, 1970), 187-188
9. John Murrin, Coming to Terms with the Salem Witch Trials. Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society 110, no 2. (2000): 311.
10. Boyer and Nissenbaum, Salem Possessed, 180.
11. John Demos, Underlying Themes in the Witchcraft of Seventeenth-Century New England.
The American Historical Renew 75, no. 5 (1970): 1321.
12. Demos, Underlying Themes. 1321.
13. Hall, Wonders, 168-169.
14. Reis, Damned Women, 136.
15. Katfdeen Doty and Risto Hiltunen, I Will Tell, I Will Tell: Confessional Patterns in the Salem Witchcraft Trials, 1692. Journal of Historical Pragmatics 3, no. 2 (2002): 300.
16. Margo Burns, "Other Ways of Undue Force and Fright: The Coercion of False Confessions by the Salem Magistrates. Studia Neophilologica 84, no. supl (2012): 26.
17. Burns, 25
18. Murrin, 320
19. Cotton Mather to John Richards, May 31,1692, in Kenneth Silverman, ed.. Selected Letters of Cotton Mather (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1971), 41.
20. Murrin, 325.
21. Bernard Rosenthal, Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, No. 75: Examination of Mary Warren.
22. Bernard Rosenthal, Salem Story: Reading the Witch Trials of1692 (Cambridge University Press, 1995), 43.
23. Bernard Rosenthal, Records, No. 67: Examination of Abigail Hobbs.
24. Reis, Damned Women, 124.
25. Hall, Wonders, 133.
26. Bernard Rosenthal, Records, No. 72: Testimony of Lydia Nichols & Elizabeth Nichols v.
Abigail Hobbs, No. 68: Deposition of Priscilla Chub v. Abigail Hobbs
27. Rosenthal, Records, No. 70: Deposition of Margaret Knight v. Abigail Hobbs
28. Rosenthal, Records, No. 67: Examination of Abigail Hobbs.
29. Rosenthal, Records, No. 69: Deposition of Elizabeth Hubbard v. Abigail Hobbs, 73 No. 73: Deposition of Ann Putnam Jr. v. Abigail Hobbs, No. 74: Deposition of Mary Walcott v. Abigail Hobbs.
30. Rosenthal, Records, No. 77: Examinations of Abigail Hobbs in Prison
2013 Historical Studies Journal 67


31. Rosenthal, Records, No. 80: Examination of Mary Warren
32. Rosenthal, Records, No. 101: Statement of Mary Warren v. John Procter & Elizabeth Procter.
33. Rosenthal, Records, No. 77: Examinations of Abigail Hobbs in Prison
34. Rosenthal, Records, 199.
35. Rosenthal, Records, No. 145: Examination of Mary Warren
36. Rosenthal, Records, No. 216: Census of Prisoners and Dates of Prison Transfers
37. Rosenthal, Records, No. 262: Testimony of Edward Bishop Jr., Sarah Bishop, & Mary Esty Regarding Mary Warren and No. 263: Testimony of Mary English Regarding Mary Warren.
38. Rosenthal, Records, No. 255: Deposition of Abigail Hobbs, Deliverance Hobbs, & Mary Warren v. George Burroughs, Sarah Good, Sarah Osburn, Bridget Bishop, Giles Cory, Rebecca Nurse, Elizabeth Procter, Alice Parker, Ann Pudeator, Abigail Soames, John Procter, & Lydia Dustin
39. Hill, Frances. The Salem Witch Trials Reader. (Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 2009), 292.
40. Rosenthal, Records, No. 344: Examination of Abigail Hobbs.
41. Wendel D Craker. Spectral Evidence, Non-Spectral Acts of Witchcraft, and Confession at Salem in 1692. The HistoricalJournals, no.2 (1997): 354.
42. Murrin, 339.
43. Boyer and Nissenbaum, eds., Salem-Village Witchcraft, 117-118.
44. Burns, 26.
45. Cotton Mather to John Cotton, August 5,1692, in Kenneth Silverman, ed.. Selected Letters of Cotton Mather (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1971), 40.
46. Burns, 35-7.
47. Craker, 347.
48. Boyer and Nissenbaum, Salem Possessed, 215.
49. Reis, Damned Women 136.
50. Hall, 196.
The Historic American Building Survey:
Preservation of the Built Arts
Douglas Fowler
1. Unknown, CCC Brief History. The Civilian Conservation Corf Legacy, http://www.ccc.egacy.org/ CCC_brief_history.htm (accessed April 21,2012).
2. Harlan D. Unrau and G. Frank Wiliiss, Expansion of the National Park Service in the 1930s: An Administrative History. National Park Service Online Books. (September 1983) http://www.nps.gov/ history/history/online_books/ unrau-williss/adhi.htm (accessed April 22,2012).
3. Ibid. Ch. 3, Sec. A, p. 1.
4. Fredrick L. Rath Jr., Reflections on Historic Preservation and the National Park Service: The Early Years. Cultural Resources Management. Volume 14, No. 4, (1991): Supplement, p. 2.
5. Unknown, National Park Service. Van Alen Institute: Projects in Public Architecture, www.vanalen. org/gateway/sitebrief_downloadables/Reasearch_Report/50_NPS.pdf (accessed April 21,2012).
6. Unknown, The Organic Act The National Park Service Discover History. http://www. nps.gov/ grba/parkmgmt/organic-act-of-1916.htm (accessed April 21,2012).
7. Unknown, National Park Service. Van Alen Institute: Projects in Public Architecture, www.vanalen. org/gateway/sitebrief_downloadables/Reasearch _Report/50_NPS.pdf (accessed April 21, 2012).
8. Ken Burns and Dayton Duncan, The National Parks, Americas Best Idea: An Illustrated History. 1st edition. New York, New York: Alfred A. Knopf Publishing, 2009. p.268.
9. Harlan D. Unrau and G. Frank Wiliiss, Expansion of the National Park Service in the 1930s: An Administrative History. National Park Service Online Books. (September 1983) http://www.nps.gov/ history/history/online_books/ unrau-williss/adhi.htm (accessed April 22,2012).
10. Barry Mackintosh, The Historic Sites Survey and National Historic Landmarks Program.
Washington, DC: History Division National Park Service, 1985. p. 3.
11. Jan Townsend, The Department of Everything Else, Including Historic Preservation.
Cultural Resources Management. No. 4,1999, p. 8.
68 Notes


12. Barry Mackintosh, The Historic Sites Survey and National Historic Landmarks Program.
Washington, DC: History Division, National Park Service, 1985. p. 4.
13. Harlan D. Unrau and G. Frank Williss, Expansion of the National Park Service in the 1930s: An Administrative History. National Park Service Online Books. (September 1983) http://www.nps.gov/ history/history/online_blcs/ unrau-williss/adhi.htm (accessed April 22, 2012).
14. John A. Burns, Recording Historic Structures. 2nd edition. Hoboken, New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2004. p. 2-3.
15. Ibid. p. 3.
16. Lisa Pfueller Davidson and Martin J. Perschler, The Historic American Buildings Survey During the New Deal Era: Documenting a Complete Resume of the Builders Art. Cultural Resources Management. Volume 1, No. 1, (Fall 2003): p. 55.
17. Barry Mackintosh, The Historic Sites Survey and National Historic Landmarks Program.
Washington, DC: History Division National Park Service, 1985. p. 4.
18. Ibid. p. 4-5.
19. Ibid. p. 4.
20. Unknown, The Historic Sites Act. The National Park Service Discover History, http://www.nps.gov/ history/local-law/hsact35.htm (accessed April 21, 2012).
21. Barry Mackintosh, The Historic Sites Survey and National Historic Landmarks Program.
Washington, DC: History Division National Park Service, 1985. p. 6.
22. Albert Rains, With Heritage so Rich. Washington, DC: Preservation Books Publishing, 1999. p. 161.
23. Barry Mackintosh, The Historic Sites Survey and National Historic Landmarks Program.
Washington, DC: History Division National Park Service, 1985. p. 30.
24. Ibid. p. 33.
25. Sara Allaback, Mission 66 Visitor Centers: The History of a Building Type. National Park Service Online Books. (November 2000) http://www.cr.gov/history/online_books /allaback/vc.htm (accessed April 29, 2012).
26. Linda Flint McCelland, Historic Landscape Design and Construction: Building the National Parks.
2nd edition. Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins University Press, 1998. p. 462.
27. Sara Allaback, Mission 66 Visitor Centers: The History of a Building Type. National Park Service Online Books. (November 2000) http://www. cr.gov/history/online_books/allaback/vc.htm (April 29,2012).
28. Barry Mackintosh, The Historic Sites Survey and National Historic Landmarks Program.
Washington, DC: History Division National Park Service, 1985. p. 33.
29. Ibid. p. 57.
30. Ibid. p. 58
31. Ibid. p. 60-61.
Another Face in the Crowd:
Commemorating Lynchings
Pam Milavec
1. Reicher, Stephen. The Psychology of Crowd Dynamics School of Psychology,
University of St. Andrews, 4.
2. Fred Jerome and Rodger Taylor. Einstein on Race and Racism. New Brunswick, NJ; Rutgers UP, 2005. (86 87).
3. Steven Axelrod, Camille Roman, and Thomas J. The New Anthology of American Poetry:
Modernisms, 1900 1950. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers UP, 2005 (692).
4. McKay, Claude. The Lynching. Harlem Shadows. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1922.
5. Wright, Richard. Between the World and Me. Bonetemps, Ama Wende, editor.
American Negro Poetry: An Anthology (American Century). Hill & Wang: New York, 1995.
6. Ibid.
7. Allen, James, Hilton Ali, Congressman John Lewis, and Leon F. Litwack. Without Sanctuary: Lynching Photography in America. Twin Palm Publishers, 2003.
2013 Historical Studies Journal 69


8. Ibid.
9. Kenneth E. Foote. Shadowed Ground: Americas Landscapes of Violence and Tragedy. Austin:
Texas UP, 1997. (322 323).
10. Danny Postel. The Awful Truth: Lynching in America. ZNEt: The Spirit of Resistance Lives.
8 July 2002. http://www.zmag.or/znet
11. Ibid. Also, similar information is available in Karla F. C. Holloway. Cultural Narratives Passed on: African American Mourning Stories. College English, Vol. 59. No. 1 (Jan. 1997), pp. 32 40.
12. Piotr Sztompka. Cultural Trauma: The Other Face of Social Change. European Journal of Social Theory, Vol 3 No. 4. (2000). Pp. 449 466.
13. Kenneth E. Foote. (3).
14. Piotr Sztompka.
15. Mission. Americas Black Holocaust Museum, http://www.blackholocaustmuseum.org/visitor.html
16. Clive Myrie. I Escaped Lynch Mobs Noose. BBC NEWS, http://newsvote.bbc.co.uk/mpapps/ pagetools/print/news.bbc.co.uk/w
17. James Allen. (91).
18. David Margolick. Strange Fruit: Billie Holiday. Cafe Society and the Early Cry for Civil Rights. Philadelphia: Running Press, 1000. Also, Annie Merrill Ingram, Ian Marshall, Daniel J. Philippon and Adam W. Sweeting, editors. Coming into Contact: Explorations in Ecocritical Theory and Practice. Athens, GA: Georgia UP, 2007 (95).
19. Ibid.
20. Ibid.
21. Clive Myrie, and Mission.
22. Honoring the Life and Accomplishments of James Cameron. House Resolution 867. House of Representatives, 20 June 2006. Library of Congress, http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/
23. Jeanne Jones. Journey Creates Opportunity for New Bridge United Methodist News Service. 2 February 2009.
24. Ibid.
25. Ibid.
26. Ibid.
27. Finnegan, Terence. The Equal of Some White Men and the Superior ofOthers: Masculinity and the 1916 Lynching of Anthony Crawford in Abbeville County, South Carolina.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid.
30. Ibid.
31. Ibid.
32. Ibid.
33. Ibid.
34. Langston Hughes. The Bitter River. Rampersad, Arnold, editor. The Collected Poems of Langston Hughes. New York: Vintage Classics, 1995.
35. Gayle Graham Yates. Life and Death in a Small Southern Town. Memories ofShubuta, Mississippi. Baton Rouge: LSUP, 2004.37 -38,134 135,156. Also, Jerry D. Mason. Shubuta, Mississippi:
Home of the Red Artesian Water. Self-published, 2002.101 105,152.
36. Lynch Week. Time, 26 October 1942.
37. Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man. New York: Vintage Books, 1995.
38. Moores Ford Memorial Committee, Inc. http://www.mooresford.org/index.html
39. Ibid.
40. Looking Behind Tragedy at Moores Ford Bridge: Foot Soldier of Civil Rights Era Works to Solve 60-year-old Mystery. MSNBC, http://www.msnbc.man.eom/id/13905047//
41. Ibid.
42. Ibid.
43. Thompson, Adam. Lynch Victims Family Shocked at Re-enactment, Naming of Child.
Online Athens, 28 July 2008. http://www.onlineathens.com/cgi-bin/printme2005.pl
44. Kemper, Bob. Justice Cant Just Forget Long-ago Racial Killings. Atlanta Journal-Constitution,
13 September 2006.
45. Doug Gross. New Evidence Collected in 1946 Lynching Case. CNN.com, 2 July 2008.
46. Looking Behind Tragedy at Moores Ford Bridge.
47. Maxine D. Jones, Principal Investigator. Documented History of the Incident Which Occurred at Rosewood, Florida, in January 1923. Florida State University, 22 December 1993.
70 Notes


48. As quoted in Maxine D. Jones, 106.
49. Resolution ofthe Emmett Till Memorial Commission, May 9, 2007. http://www.winterinstitute.org/ etmc/images/resolution.gif
50. Jerry Thomas. Emmetts Legacy. Chicago Tribune, 5 September 1995.
51. William Bradford Huie. The Shocking Story of Approved Killing in Mississippi. Look,
January 1956. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/till/sfeature/sf_look_confefssion.html
52. Ibid.
53. Ibid.
54. Allen G. Breed. End of Till Case Draws a Mixed Response. Associated Press, 3 March 2007. htcp:// www.boston.com/news/na tion/articles/2007/03/03/end_of_till_case_draws_mixed_response/
55. Duluth Lynchings Online Resource. Minnesota Historical Society, http://collections.mnh.org/ dultuh/lynchings/hcml
56. Ibid.
57. Ibid.
58. Ibid.
59. Bob Dylan. Desolation Row. http://www.bobdylan.com/songs/desolation.html
60. Skvirsky, Karina Aguilera. North East South, catalog. Grossman Gallery Lafayette College:
Easton, Pennsylvania, 24 January March 2008, also email correspondence January March 2009.
61. Sherrilyn A. Ifill. On the Courthouse Lawn: Confronting the Legacy ofLynchingin the Twenty-first Century. Boston: Beacon Press, 2007
62. Ibid.
63. Ibid.
64. Lili Ko. Batding Hate and Racism. Easterner, 2 March 2004. http://www.eatemeronline.com/ home/index
65. Ibid.
66. Ibid.
67. Elton John and Bernie Taupin. American Triangle. Rise Song Lyrics Archives. http: //www. risa.co.uk/sla/song
68. Our Story. The Matthew Shephard Foundation, http://www.matthewshepard.org/our-story
69. Injustice Files. Investigation Discovery, http://investigation.discovery.com/tv-shows/injustice-files
Manufacturing Terror:
Samuel Parris' Exploitation of the Salem Witch Trials
Allan Pershing
1. First Report of the Record Commissioners of the City of Boston (Boston: Rockwell and Churchill City Printers, 1881).
2. Paul Boyer and Stephen Nissenbaum, Salem Possessed: The Social Origins of Witchcraft (Camrbidge: Harvard University Press, 1974), p. 177.
3. Larry Gragg ,A Quest for Security: The Life of Samuel Parris, 1653-1720 (New York:
Greenwood Press, 1990), p. xvii.
4. Marion Starkey, The Devil in Massachusetts: A Modem Enquiry into the Salem Witch Trials,
(New York: Anchor Books, 1949), p. 32.
5. Larry Gragg, A Quest for Security: The Life of Samuel Parris, 1653-1720, (New York:
Greenwood Press, 1990), p. 125.
6. Larry Gragg, A Quest for Security, p. 31.
7. Samuel Sewall, The Diary of Samuel Sewall, (Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1878), p. 146. Parris presided over a funeral for a friend of Sewalls.
8. Larry Gragg, A Quest for Security, p. 33.
9. Samuel P. Fowler, An Account of the Life, Character, &c of the Reverend Samuel Parris (Salem: William Ives and George W. Pease Printers, 1857), p. 2.
10. Samuel Parris, 19 Sept. 1689, The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris, 1689-1694 (Boston: The Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 1993), p. 38.
11. Samuel Parris, 19 Sept. 1689, The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris, p. 44.
12. 24 November 1689, Salem Village Church Record Book.
2013 Historical Studies Journal 71


13. Charles W. Upham, Salem Witchcraft; with an Account of Salem Village, Vol. I.
(Boston: Wiggin and Lunt, 1867), p. 301.
14. 24 November 1689, Salem Village Church Record Book.
15. 30 March 1690, Salem Village Church Record Book.
16. Parker, Franklin, Ezekiel Cheever: New England Colonial Teacher, Peabody Journal of Education, Vol. 37, no. No. 6 (May 1960): pp. 355-360.
17. Samuel Parris, 1 Dec. 1689, Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris.
18. 8 Oct. 1691, Salem Village Church Record Book.
19. 22 Nov. 1691, Salem Village Church Record Book.
20. David D. Hall, Worlds of Wonders, Days of Judgment: Popular Religious Beliefin Early New England (New York: Knopf, 1989), p. 99.
21. Samuel Parris, The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris, p. 194.
22. Samuel Parris, The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris, p. 196.
23. Samuel Parris, 3 Jan 1692, The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris.
24. Larry Gragg, A quest for Security, p. 98.
25. John Putnam Demos, Entertaining Satan: Witchcraft and the Culture of Early New England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), p. 98.
26. Samuel P. Fowler, An Account of the Life, p. 8.
27. Cotton Mather, Memorable Providences, Relating to Witchcrafts and Possessions (1689), http://law2.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/salem/asa_math.htm
28. Robert Calef, More Wonders of the Invisible World (Salem: Cushing and Appleton, 1700), p. 341.
29. Samuel Parris, 11 Sept 1692, The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris.
30. Samuel Parris, 11 Sept 1692, The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris, p. 199.
31. Samuel Parris, 27 March 1692, The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris, p. 196. And so in our Churches God knows how many Devils there are: whither 1,2, 3 or 4 in 12.
32. Larry Gragg, A Quest for Security, p. 99.
33. Samuel Parris, The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris, p. 204.
34. Samuel Parris, The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris, p. 205.
35. Following a drought in 1692, Salem Village faced uncertain economic prospects and frightfully low crop yields.
The Whigs and the Mexican War
Ian Stewart-Shelafo
1. Michael F. Holt, The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 15-17.
2. Daniel Walker Howe, The Political Culture ofthe American Whip's, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), 16-17.
3. Holt, The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party, 131.
4. Daniel Walker Howe, Why Abraham Lincoln was a Whig? Journal ofthe Abraham Lincoln Association, 16, no. 1 (1995): 29.
5. John S.D. Eisenhower, So Far From God: The U.S. War with Mexico, 1846-1848, (New York:
Random House, Inc., 1989), 58.
6. James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: the Civil War Era, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 4-5.
7. Howe, The Political Culture of the American Whigs, 204-205.
8. Eric Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), 93-95.
9. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 148.
10. Senate Journal, 33rd Cong., 1st Sess., March 3,1854, 235-237.
11. Daniel Walker Howe, What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815-1848,
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 152.
12. Holt, The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party, 34.
13. Howe, The Political Culture of the American Whigs, 136.
72 Notes


14. John Quincy Adams. Speech on the Texan and Indian Wars and Slavery. The Liberator, 25 edition, sec. C.June 18, 1836.
15. Howe, The Political Culture of the American Whigs, 17.
16. Howe, What Hath God Wrought, 735.
17. Robert W. Merry, A Country of Vast Designs: James K. Polk, The Mexican War, and the Conquest of the American Continent, (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2010), 176.
18. Eisenhower, So Far From God, 65.
19. SenateJournal, 29th Cong., 1st Sess., May 13,1846,292.
20. Howe, What Hath God Wrought, 798.
21. Eisenhower, So Far From God, 342.
22. Merry, A Country of Vast Designs, 424-426.
23. James K. Polk, The Diary of James K. Polk, (Chicago: A.C. McClurg &Company, 1910), 397.
24. G.S. Borit, Lincolns Opposition to the Mexican 'War? Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, 67, no. 1 (1974): 79.
25. Eisenhower, So Far From God, 369-371.
26. Eisenhower, So Far From God, xviii.
27. Speech of Mr. Calhoun on the Mexican War. The Emancipator, 44 edition, sec. A,
February 24,1847.
28. Howe, The Political Culture of the American Whigs, 244.
29. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 70-71.
30. Howe, WljatHath God Wrought, 767-768.
31. Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men, 77.
32. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 108.
33. John M. Sacher, The Sudden Collapse of the Louisiana Whig Party, Journal of Southern History, 62, no. 2 (1999): 247.
34. Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men, 124-125.
35. Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men, 27.
2013 Historical Studies Journal 73




Blending Gender:
The Flapper, Gender Roles & the 1920s "New Woman
Kayla Gabehart
PRIMARY SOURCES
Articles in Periodicals
Ely, Catherine Beach, Life in the Raw. The North American Review 226.5 (1928): 556-569.
Hamilton, A.E. Killing Lady Nicotine. Ihe North American Review 225.842 (1928): 465-468.
Monroe, Harriet. Flamboyance. Poetry 21.2 (1922): 89-90.
Welles, Ellen Page. A Flappers Appeal to Parents in Outlook Magazine. (December 6,1922); available from citytech.cuny.edu.
Government Documents
Anthony, Susan B. Nineteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Milestone Documents. Originally published in 1920. Accessed September 23rd, 2012.
Newspaper Columns
Sanger, Margaret, The Prevention of Conception. Milestone Documents. Originally published in 1914. Accessed September 22nd, 2012.
Sanger, Margaret, Sexual Impulse-Part II. Milestone Documents. Originally published in 1912. Accessed September 18th, 2012.
Photos
Camille Clifford and Leslie Stiles. Hulton Archive, 1906. Getty Images. Available from
http://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/actors-leslie-stiles-and-camille-clifford-one-of-thegibson-news-photo/3301288. Accessed December 11,2012.
Standing Out in the Crowd. Images of the Jazz Age.Available from classes.berklee.edu/llanday/ fallOl/jazzage/crowdweb. Accessed September 5th, 2012.
Speeches
Goldman, Emma. Marriage and Love. Originally delivered as a speech in 1917. Accessed September 18th, 2012.
SECONDARY SOURCES
Books
Gourley, Catherine. Flappers and the New American Woman: Perceptions of Women from 1918 Through the 1920s. Minneapolis: 21st Century Books, 2008.
Murdock, Catherine Gilbert. Domesticating Drink: Women, Men, and Alcohol in America, 1870-1940. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001.
Scranton, P. Beauty and Business: Commerce, Gender, and Culture in Modern America. New York: Psychology Press, 2000.
Zeitz, Joshua. Flapper: A Madcap Story of Sex, Style, Celebrity, and the Women Who Made America Modern. New York: Random House, 2007.
Textbook Chapter
Independence Hall Association. Flappers. U.S. History: Pre-Columbia to the New Millenium (2012); available from ushistory.org/us/46d.asp.
2013 Historical Studies Journal 75


Scholarly Articles
Gordon, Lynn D. The Gibson Girl Goes to College: Popular Culture and Womens Higher Education in the Progressive Era, 1890-1920. American Quarterly 39.2 (1987): 211-230.
Hirshbein, Laura Davidow. The Flapper and the Fogy: Representations of Gender and Age in the 1920s. Journal ofFamily History 26.1 (2001): 112-137.
Ross, Sara. Good Little Bad Girls: Controversy and the Flapper Comedienne. Film History 13.4 (2001): 409-423.
Sharot, Stephen. The New Woman, Star Personas, and Cross-Class Romance Films in 1920s America. Journal of Gender Studies 19.1 (2010): 73-86.
Yellis, Kenneth A. Prosperitys Child: Some Thoughts on the Flapper. American Quarterly 21.1 (1969): 44-64.
Desperate Letters
Abortion History and Michael Beshoar, M.D.
Michele Lingbeck
PRIMARY SOURCES:
Beshoar Family Papers, WH1083, Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library.
SECONDARY SOURCES:
Agnew, Jeremy. Medicine in the Old West: a history, 1850-1900. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland & Co., Publishers. 2010. 264p 9 x 6" $35, hardback.
Beshoar, Barron B. Hippocrates in a Red Vest, The Biography of a Frontier Doctor. Palo Alto, CA: American West Publishing Company, 1973. 337p. notes, index, bibliography. 9.1" x 5.9" $14 hardback.
Dary, David. Frontier Medicine, From the Atlantic to the Pacific 1492-1941. NY: Alfred A. Knopf, 2008. viii + 322p. glossary, notes, bibliography, index. $30. 6" x 9 34" hardback.
Noel, Thomas J., Paul F. Mahoney, & Richard E. Stevens. Historical Atlas of Colorado. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1993, 2000 revised paperback edition. Ix + 160p. index, bibliography, maps. $29.95.11 x 14 hardback & paperback.
Shikes, Robert H. M.D. Rocky Mountain Medicine, Doctors, Drugs and Disease in Early Colorado. Boulder, CO: Johnson Books: 1986. X + 232p. appendix, bibliography, index. $34.95. 11" x 14" hardback.
Smith, Duane A. & Ronald C. Brown. No one Ailing Except a Physician, Medicine in the Mining West, 1848-1919. Boulder, CO: University Press of Colorado. 2001. Xvi +152. Bibliography essay, index, pictures. $40.00. 9" x 6 hardback.
Steele, Volney, M.D. Bleed, Blister and Purge, A History of Medicine on the American Frontier. Missoula, MT: Mountain Press Publishing Co. 2005. Xxiii + 298. epilogue, notes, glossary, works cited, index. $18 9" x 6" paperback.
76 Bibliographies


Confessors and Martyrs: Rituals in Salems Witch Hunt
Shay Gonzales
Books
Boyer, Paul and Stephen Nissenbaum. Salem Possessed: The Social Origins of Witchcraft. Cambridge, MA: University of Harvard Press, 1974.
______Salem-Village Witchcraft: A Documentary Record of Local Conflict in Colonial New England.
University Press of New England, 1972.
Bushman, Richard L. From Puritan to Yankee: Character and Social Order in Connecticut, 1690-1765. New York: Norton, 1970.
Godbeer, Richard. The Devils Dominion: Magic and Religion in Early New England. Cambridge University Press, 1994.
Hall, David D. Worlds of Wonder, Days of Judgment: Popular Religious Belief in Early New England.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990.
Hill, Francis. The Salem Witchcraft Reader. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 2009.
Norton, Mary Beth. In the Devils Snare: The Salem Witchcraft Crisis of1692. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2002.
Reis, Elizabeth. Damned Women: Sinners and Witches in Puritan New England. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997.
Rosenthal, Bernard. Salem Story: Reading the Witch Trials of1692. Cambridge University Press, 1995.
Weisman, Richard. Witchcraft, Magic, and Religion in 17th-century Massachusetts. Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1984.
Articles
Burns, Margo. Other Ways of Undue Force and Fright: The Coercion of False Confessions by the Salem Magistrates. Studia Neophilologica 84, no. supl (2012): 24-39.
Craker, Wendel D. Spectral Evidence, Non-Spectral Acts of Witchcraft, and Confession at Salem in 1692. The Historical Journal A0, no. 2 (1997): 331-58.
Demos, John. Underlying Themes in the Witchcraft of Seventeenth-Century New England. The American Historical Review 75, no. 5 (1970): 1311-26.
Doty, Kathleen, and Risto Hiltunen. I Will Tell, I Will Tell": Confessional Patterns in the Salem Witchcraft Trials, 1692. Journal of Historical Pragmatics 3, no. 2 (2002): 229-335.
Kahlas-Tarkka, Leena. I Am a Gosple Woman: On Language in the Courtroom Discourse During the Salem Witch Trials, with Special Reference to Female Examinees. Studia Neophilologica 84, no. supl (2012): 55-69.
Murrin.John M. Coming to Terms with the Salem Witch Trials. Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society 110, no. 2 (2000): 309-47.
PRIMARY SOURCES
Rosenthal, B. ed. Records of the Salem Witch-hunt. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. Kenneth Silverman, ed. Selected Letters of Cotton Mather. Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press, 1971.
2013 Historical Studies Journal 77


The Historic American Building Survey: Preservation of the Built Arts
Douglas Fowler
Allaback, Sara. Mission 66 Visitor Centers: The History of a Building Type. National Park Service Online Books. (November 2000) http://www.cr.gov/history/online_books/allaback/ vc.htm (accessed April 29,2012).
Beaty, Laura. The Historic American Buildings Survey: For Fifty Years, HABS has Traced the Shape of the Nations Architecture. National Parks Magazine. March/April. (1983): 1-4.
Bullock, Helen Duprey. Death Mask or Living Image? The Role of the Archives of American Architecture. In With Heritage so Rich, Albert Rains, ed., pp. 161-167. Washington, DC: Preservation Books Publishing, 1999.
Burns, John A. HABS/HAERMoving Forward with the Past. Cultural Resources Management. Volume 16, No. 3, (1993): 1-7.
Burns, John A. Recording Historic Structures. 2nd edition. Hoboken, New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2004.
Burns, Ken, and Dayton Duncan. The National Parks, Americas Best Idea: An Illustrated History.
1st edition. New York, New York: Alfred A. Knopf Publishing, 2009.
Davidson, Lisa Pfueller and Martin J. Perschler. The Historic American Buildings Survey During the New Deal Era: Documenting a Complete Resume of the Builders Art. Cultural Resources Management. Volume 1, No. 1, (Fall 2003): 49-69.
Good, Albert H. Park and Recreation Structures.2nd edition. New York, New York: Princeton Architectural Press Inc., 1999.
McClelland, Linda Flint. Historic Landscape Design and Construction: Building the National Parks. 2nd edition. Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins University Press, 1998.
Mackintosh, Barry. The Historic Sites Survey and National Historic Landmarks Program. Washington, DC: History Division National Park Service, 1985.
Peterson, Trudy Huskamp. The Gift of Preservation. Prologue: Quarterly of the National Archives. Volume 25, No. 3, (Fall 1993): 220-221.
Rains, Albert. With Heritage so Rich. Washington, DC: Preservation Books Publishing, 1999.
Rath, Fredrick L. Jr. Reflections on Historic Preservation and the National Park Service: The Early Years. Cultural Resources Management. Volume 14, No. 4, (1991): Supplement.
Townsend, Jan. The Department of Everything Else, Including Historic Preservation. Cultural Resources Management. No. 4, (1999): 5-10.
Unknown. Architectural Documentation & the Treatment of Historic Structures. Historic Preservation Training Center, Bucks County Community College, http://www.nps.gov /cue/ events/spotlight06/Vitanza_spotlight06.pdf (accessed April 21,2012).
Unknown. CCC Brief History. The Civilian Conservation Corp Legacy. http://www.ccc.egacy. org/CCC_brief_history.htm (accessed April 21, 2012).
Unknown. Chronology, The Making of The New Deal. The New Deal Timeline. http://xroads. virginia.edu/~ma02/volpe/newdeal/timeline_text.html (accessed April 21,2012).
Unknown. National Park Service. Van Alen Institute: Projects in Public Architecture, www. vanalen.org/gateway/sitebrief_downloadables/Reasearch_Report/50_NPS.pdf (accessed April 21, 2012).
Unknown. The Organic Act. The National Park Service Discover History, http://www.nps.gov/ grba/parkmgmt/organic-act-of-1916.htm (accessed April 21,2012).
Unknown. The Historic Sites Act. The National Park Service Discover History, http://www.nps. gov/history/local-law/hsact35.htm (accessed April 21, 2012).
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Unrau, Harlan D. and G. Frank Williss. Expansion of the National Park Service in the 1930s: An Administrative History. National Park Service Online Books. (September 1983) http://www. nps.gov/history/history/online_books/unrau-williss/adhi.htm (accessed April 22,2012).
Wirth, Conrad L. Parks, Politics, and the People. National Park Service Online Books. (September 2004) http://www.cr.nps.gov/history/online_books/wirth2/index.htm (accessed April 20,2012).
Another Face in the Crowd: Commemorating Lynchings
Pam Milavec
Allen, James, Hilton Ali, Congressman John Lewis, and Leon F. Litwack. Without Sanctuary: Lynching Photography in America. Twin Palm Publishers, 2003.
Axelrod, Steven and Camille Roman. The New Anthology of American Poetry: Modernisms, 1900 -1950. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers UP, 2005.
Breed, Allen G. End of Till Case Draws a Mixed Response. Associated Press, 3 March 2007.
http://www.boston.com/news/nation/articles/2007/03/03/end_of_till_case_draws_mixed_
response/
Duluth Lynchings Online Resource. Minnesota Historical Society, http://collections.mnhs.org/ duluth/lynchings/html
Dylan, Bob. Desolation Row. http://www.bobdylan.com/songs/desolation.html
Ellison, Ralph. Invisible Man. New York: Vintage Books, 1995.
Finnegan, Terence. "The Equal of Some White Men and the Superior of Others: Masculinity and the 1916 Lynching of Anthony Crawford in Abbeville County, South Carolina. Men and Violence: Gender, Honor, and Rituals in Modern Europe and America. Petrus Cornelis Spierenburg, editor. Columbus, OH: Ohio State UP, 1998.
Foote, Kenneth E. Shadowed Ground: Americas Landscapes of Violence and Tragedy. Austin:
Texas UP, 1997.
Gross, Doug. New Evidence Collected in 1946 Lynching Case. CNN.com, 2 July 2008. http:// www.cnn.com/2008/US/07/01/lynching.investigation/index.html
Holloway, Karla F. C. Cultural Narratives Passed on: African American Mourning Stories. College English, Vol. 59. No. 1 (Jan. 1997) pp. 32 40.
Huie, William Bradford. The Shocking Story of Approved Killing in Mississippi. Look, January 1956. http://www.phs.org/wgbh/amex/till/sfeature/sf_look_confession.html
Hughes, Langston. The Bitter River. Arnold Rampersad, editor. The Collected Poems of Langston Hughes. New York: Vintage Classics, 1995.
Ifill, Sherrilyn A. On the courthouse Lawn: Confronting the Legacy of Lynching in the Twenty-first Century. Boston: Beacon Press, 2007.
Ingram, Annie Merrill, Ian Marshall, Daniel J. Philippon and Adam W. Sweecing, editors.
Coming Into Contact: Explorations in Ecocritical Theory and Practice. Athens, GA: Georgia UP, 2007.
Injustice Files. Investigation Discovery, http://investigation.discovery.com/tv-shows/injustice-files
Jerome, Fred and Rodger Taylor. Einstein on Race and Racism. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers UP, 2005.
John, Elton and Bernie Taupin. American Triangle. Rise Song Lyrics Archives, http://www.risa. co.uk/sla/song
2013 Historical Studies Journal 79


Jones, Jeanne. Journey Creates Opportunity for New Bridge. United Methodist News Service,
2 February 2009.
Jones, Maxine D., Principal Investigator. Documented History of the Incident Which Occurred at Rosewood, Florida in January 1923. Florida State University, 22 December 1993.
Kemper, Bob. Justice Cant Just Forget Long-ago Racial Killings. Atlanta Journal Constitution, 13 September 2006.
Ko, Lili. Battling Hate and Racism. Easterner, 2 March 2004. http://www.msnbc.man.com/ id/13905047//
Lynch Week. Time, 26 October 2943.
Margolick, David. Strange Fruit: Billie Holiday, Cafe Society and the Early Cry for Civil Rights. Philadelphia: Running Press, 2000.
Mason, Jerry D. Shubuta, Mississippi: Home of the Red Artesian Water. Self-published, 2002.
mission. Americas Black Holocaust Museum, http://www.blackholocaustmuseum.org/visitor. html
Moores Ford Memorial Committee, Inc. http://www.mooresford.org/index.html
Myrie, Clive. I Escaped Lynch Mobs Noose. BBC NEWS, http://newsvote.bbc.co.uk/mpapps/ pagetools/print/news.bbc.co.uk/2
Our Story. The Matthew Shephard Foundation, http://www.matthewshepard.org/our-story
Postal, Danny. The Awful Truth: Lynching in America. ZNet: The Spirit of Resistance Lives. 8 July 2002. http://www.zmag.or/znet
Reicher, Stephen. The Psychology of Crowd Dynamics. School of Psychology, University of St. Andrews.
Resolution of the Emmett Till Memorial Commission, May 9,2007. http://www.winterinstitute. org/etmc/images/resolution.gif
Skvirsky, Karina Aguilera. North East South, catalog. Grossman Gallery Lafayette College: Easton, Pennsylvania, 24 January 1 March 2008.
Skvirsky, Karina Aguilera. Email correspondence January April 2009.
Sztompka, Piotr. Cultural Trauma: The Other Face of Social Change. European Journal of Social Theory, Vol. 3 No. 4 (2000).
Thomas, Jerry. Emmetts Legacy. Chicago Tribune, 5 September 1995.
Thompson, Adam. Lynch Victims Family Shocked at Re-enactment, Naming of Child. Online Athens, 28 July 2008. http://www.onlineathens.com/cgibin/printme2005.pl
Yates, Gayle Graham. Life and Death in a Small Southern Town: Memories of Shubuta, Mississippi. Baton Rouge: LSUP, 2004.
Manufacturing Terror:
Samuel Parris Exploitation of the Salem Witch Trials
Allan Pershing
PRIMARY SOURCES
Calef, Robert. More Wonders of the Invisible World. Salem: Cushing and Appleton, 1700.
First Report of the Record Commissioners of the City of Boston. Boston: Rockwell and Churchill City Printers, 1881.
Mather, Cotton. Memorable Providences, Relating to Witchcrafts and Possessions. 1689.
Parris, Samuel. The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris, 1689-1694. Boston: The Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 1993.
Salem Village Church Record Book.
Sewall, Samuel. The Diary of Samuel Sewall. Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1878.
80 Bibliographies


Books
Boyer, Paul, and Stephen Nissenbaum. Salem Possessed: The Social Origins of Witchcraft. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974.
Demos, John Putnam. Entertaining Satan: Witchcraft and the Culture of Early New England. New York: Oxford University Press, 1982.
Fowler, Samuel P. An Account ofthe Life, Character, &c, of the Reverend Samuel Parris. Salem: William Ives and Gearge W. Pease Printers, 1857.
Gragg, Larry. A Questfor Security: The Life of Samuel Parris, 1653-1720. New York: Greenwood Press, 1990.
Hall, David D., ed. Witch-Hunting in Seventeenth Century New England: A Documentary History. Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1999.
Hall, David D. Worlds of Wonders, Days of Judgement: Popular Religious Beliefs in Early New England. New York: Knopf, 1989.
Starkey, Marion. The Devil in Massachusetts: A Modern Enquiry into the Salem Witch Trials. New York: Anchor Books, 1949.
Upham, Charles W. Salem Witchcraft; with An Account of Salem Village, and a History of Opinions on Witchcraft and Kindred Subjects. Vol. Vol. I. Boston: Wiggin and Lunt, 1867.
Davidson, James West, and Mark H. Lytle. After the Fact: The Art of Historical Detection. 6th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2010.
Articles
Parker, Franklin. Ezekiel Cheever: New England Colonial Teacher. Peabody Journal of Education. Vol. 37, no. No. 6 (May 1960): 350-360.
The Whigs and the Mexican War
Ian Stewart-Shelafo
SECONDARY SOURCES:
Articles:
Borit, G.S. Lincolns Opposition to the Mexican War. Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society. 67. no. 1 (1974): 79-100.
Howe, Daniel Walker. Why Abraham Lincoln was a Whig. Journal ofthe Abraham Lincoln Association. 16. no. 1 (1995): 27-38.
Sacher, John M. The Sudden Collapse of the Louisiana Whig Party. Journal of Southern History. 62. no. 2 (1999): 221-248.
Books:
Eisenhower, John S.D. So Far From God: The U.S. War with Mexico, 1846-1848. New York: Random House, Inc., 1989.
Foner, Eric. Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men. New York: Oxford University Press, 1970.
Holt, Michael F. The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.
Howe, Daniel Walker. The Political Culture of the American Whigs. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979.
Howe, Daniel Walker. What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815-1848. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.
McPherson, James M. Battle Cry of Freedom: the Civil War Era. New York: Oxford University Press, 1988.
Merry, Robert W. A Country of Vast Designs: James K. Polk, the Mexican War and the Conquest of the American Continent. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2010.
2013 Historical Studies Journal 81


PRIMARY SOURCES:
Adams, John Quincy. Speech on the Texan and Indian Wars and Slavery. The Liberator,
25 edition, sec. C, June 18,1836.
Polk, James K. The Diary of James K. Polk. Chicago: A.C. McClurg &Company, 1910.
Speech of Mr. Calhoun on the Mexican War. The Emancipator, 44 edition, sec. A,
February 24,1847.
U.S. Congress. Senate Journal. 29th Cong., 1st Sess., May 13,1846.
http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/hlaw:@field(DOCID+@lit(sj037100)): U.S. Congress. Senate Journal. 33rd Cong., 1st Sess., March 3,1854.
http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?ammem/hlaw:@field(DOCID+@lit(sj 04560)):
82 Bibliographies


Full Text

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Histories Studies Journa Spring 2013 Volume 30 EDITOR: Craig Leavitt PHOTO EDITOR: Nicholas Wharton EDITORIAL STAFF: Nicholas Wharton, Graduate Student Jasmine Armstrong Graduate Student Abigail Sanocki, Graduate Student Kevin Smith, Student Thomas J. Noel, Faculty Advisor DESIGNER: Shannon Fluckey Integrated Marketing & Communications Auraria Higher Education Center University of Colorado Denver

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Department of History University of Colorado Denver Marjorie Levine-Clark, Ph.D. Department Chair Modern Britain, European Women and Gender Medicine and Health Christopher Agee, Ph.D. 20th Century U.S., Urba n History, Social Movements, Crime and Policing Ryan Crewe, Ph.D. Latin America, Colonia l Mexico, T ranspacific History james E. Fell, Jr., Ph.D. American West, Civi l War, Environmental, Film His tory Gabriel Finkelstein, Ph.D. Modern Europe, Germ a ny, History of Science, Expl oratio n Mark Foster, Ph. D., Emeritus 19th and 20th Centur y U.S., U.S. Social and Intellectual, U.S. Urban and Business Marilyn Hitchens, Ph.D. Modern Europe, World H istory Xia ojia Hou, Ph.D. China, East Asia Rebecca Hunt, Ph.D. American West, Gende r Museum Studies, Public History Pamela Laird, Ph.D. U .S. Social, Intellectual, Technology, Public History, Business 1homas J Noel Ph.D. American West, Art & A r c h itecture, Public His tory & Preservation, Col orado Carl Pietsch Ph.D. Intel lect u a l Histor y (European and American), Modern Europe Myra Rich Ph.D. U.S. Colonial, U.S. Early National, Women and Gender, Immigration A lison Shah, Ph.D. South Asia, Islamic World, History and Heritage, C u l tur a l Memory Richard Smith Ph.D. Ancient, Medieval, Early Modern Europe, Britain C h ris S undberg, M.A. Africa and H istory Education William Wagner, Ph.D. U.S. West james Walsh, Ph.D. Immigr ation, U .S. Labor, Irish-American james B. Whiteside Ph.D Recent U.S., Vietnam War U.S. Dipl omatic Spor ts History Greg Whitesides Ph.D. Histor y o f Science, Modern U .S., Asia KariamJ Yokota, Ph.D. Coloni a l and Earl y U.S., Pacific Rim

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Preface ... .... ...... ....................... ...... .... ............. ...... .... .... ....... ....... .... ......... ............. v Blending Gender: The Flapper, Gender Roles & the 1920s "New Woman" .... 1 Kayla Gabehart Desperate Letters: Abortion History and Michael Beshoar, M.D ........ ...................... g M i chele Lingbeck Confessors and Martyrs: Rituals in Salem's Witch Hunt ....................................... ....................... 19 Shay Gonzales The Historic American Building Survey: Preservation of the Built Arts ........................... .............. ......... ............. 29 Douglas Fow le r Another Face in the Crowd: Commemorating Lynchings ......................................................... .. ...... 39 Pam Milavec Manufacturing Terror: Samuel Parris' Exploitation of the Salem Witch Trials ........... 51 Allan Pershing The Whigs and the Mexican War ...................................................... 59 lan Stewart Shelafo Notes .................... ....................... ................... ................................... ....... ... ............ 65 Bibliographies ............. ............... ...................... ................................ .... ....... ........... 75

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This year mark s rhe 30th edition of University of Colorado Denver's HistoricaL Studies Journ aL. The JournaL ha s grown up along with the institution. It serves as a department-wi de portfolio of our students' best work and as an example to incoming students to s how them "how it's done." The journaL is an important repository of research, and showcases rhe excellent work UCD his tory students are capable of producing. This year's edition features a broad variety of topics in social and political history as well as historic preservation and other aspects of public history Kayla Gabehart's paper "The Flapper, Gender Roles & the 1920s 'New Woman;" exemplifies excellence in our department by plac ing a see mingl y innocuous early twentieth century mode of style and dress into a broader historical context. "Flapper culture was by no means an isolated fad," Ms. Gabehearr wrote, "bur rather the result of ne arly a century of female activi sm" which allowed women to seize previously masculine prerogative s and set the stage for later phases of the fight for equality. Michele Lingbeck's "Desperate Letters" offers a fascinating look into the reproductive health issues faced by women in the nineteenth century American Southwest, by investigating rhe practice of Dr. Michael Beshoar, a frontier physician who a ided them with medicine, prophylactics, and abortions. Ms. Lingbeck's research with the do ctor's original correspondence rakes the reader inside the hardscrabble lives of frontier women and their s truggle s to sur vive inhospitable circumsta nces where medical help an d expertise were hard to come by. Douglas Fowler's thoroughly researched study of the Histori c American Building Survey shows how the federal government's hi storic preservation mission progressed from neglected bure aucra tic nece ssity to an important, influential, and institutionalized function of our government. Pan1 Milavec's "Another Face in the Crowd" examines rhe American tragedy of lynching with a focus on efforts to raise awareness of this stain on our history through public commemorations. I an Srewarr-Shelafo's paper thoughtfully considers the ways in which the Mexican-American War of 1846-1848 impacted the fare of the American Whig Party. Last bur not lea st, Shay Gonzales and Alan Pershing revisit the personalitie s and ideologies of the notorious Salem Witch trials of the colonial period. It has been an honor and a pleasure to edit this fine co lle ction of papers. The journaL would like to thank Shannon Flucke y of Auraria Higher Education Center Integrated Marketing and Communications for her invaluable assistance in creating the layout and printing the journaL. We would also like to thank Dr. Thomas]. Noel and Dr. Pamela Laird for their strong support of the Journal. CRAIG LEAVITT Editor v

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-Am 8 r'l ca rose outofWorld War I into the prosperity of the 1920s. The Oxford English Dictionary defines the "Roaring Twenties" as "characterized by the optimism, buoyancy, and extravagance that followed the somber yea r s of World War I. I The term the "Roaring Twenties" attempts to capture the s peed and tumultuous nature of the period, as it ushered in not only the beginnings of contemporary notions of credit an d consumer culture, but also saw the birth of the 1920s "New Woman." The turbulent and unbridled environment that was 1920s America, in conjunction with events leading up to the era, set the s t age for the flapper to esta bli sh a new persona for women, and to revolutionize traditional notions of femininity. Historian Kenneth Yellis affirms that in stark contrast to the feminine ideals of the previous era, the flapper cou ld hardl y have been a more thorough repudiation of the Gib son girl if that h ad been her intent, as, in a sense, it was."2 Dorothy Dunbar Bromley describes flappers as a "genera tion who sought to refute the behavior and values of their perfect lady' predecessors."31hese flapper women defied and manipulated traditional female gender norms and fashioned a new place for themselves in mainstream American society, while a lso adopting typically male role s and activi ties. From this amalgamation of both tra ditionall y male and female gender roles, flappers and the culture that they built around them selves re-defined mainstream notions of womanhood. Women of all races and classes across America adopted aspects of thi s flapper culture, s uch as the short haircuts and the wearing of hats. The more radical flappers, s uch as the Kayla Gabehart i s pursuing her undergraduate degree as a double major in history and psychology with a minor in political science. Upon graduation she would like to attend graduate school to either pursue a Master's degree in hi story or a degree in clinical psychology.

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Standin g Ow in the Crowd. "Images oft he jazz Age." Available from classes. berklee. tdulllanday!fo!I O 1 ljazzagdcrowdweb. Accessed September 5th 2012. wo man portrayed above em bodied rh e movement nor ju s t in terms offa s hion bur socially an d economic ally. These r a dical flappe r s were predominanrlywhire, urban young, single, ed u cated wome n of rh e middle class.4 In t erms of fashi o n the flapper women wore short s kirrs with expose d legs or s ilk stockings, h a d short bob h aircuts over whic h they often donned h ats, a pplied h eavy makeup and heavil y access orized the ir wardrobes, often with long strands of pe a rl s and flamboyant brooche s These radical flappers, rhe wo men who had a h and in the r e d efinition offemininiry, engaged i n flapp er i s m b y parrying with men a nd frequenting night clubs, utili zing birth contro l methods f reel y while engaging in promiscuous sex, often choosi ng ro remain s in g l e past the typical mari ral age for women smoking and drinkin g publicly engaging as active p articipants in consume r culture, activel y seeki ng a place for them selves in the work place, and generally p rac ticing open independence and rebellion agai n s t socia l norms. For the s e radical women flapperi sm was nor a fashion or a fad bur an innov a tive an d progressive lifesty le. Flapper c ulture was b y no m ea n s a n isol ated fad bur r a ther the r esul t of nearl y a century of female activism. Women's movements emerged with s om e degree of force in conjun c t ion with the abo litioni s t movement, in hopes tha t if and when African Ameri cans were granted suffrage, so roo wou l d women. American s uffr ag is t s firs t formally outl ined their de s ire for rhe right to rhe vote at the 1848 Seneca Fall s Convention Playing on rhe language of rhe Decl aration of Ind ependence, Elizabeth Cady Stanton a leader in the first generation of American s uffr agettes, decl are d "tha t all men and women a re created equal;' and rha r the hi s tory of m ankin d was nothing bur "a hi s tory of repeated injuries and u surpatio ns on rh e part of man towar d women having in d i rect object the est ablish ment of an a b s olute t y rann y over her."S Even with the intense and pa ssiona t e acti v ism of 2 Kayl a Gabe hart BLENDING GENDER

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Stanton and others like Susan B Anthony, over six decades would pass before Alice Paul and a younger and more radical generation of suffragists would see the pa ssage of the Nineteenth Amendment. In 1920 on the threshold of the Roaring Twenties," three fourths of the United States ratified the words originally written by Anthony, in which she asserte d female equality saying that the right to vote "shall not be denied or abridge d by the United States by any state on account of sex."6 Thus, an emerging flapper culture in which women were interacting with men in new ways corresponded with the granting of a social liberty women had never had before, putting them on closer to equal footing in the political sphere." Also in the decade that preceded the Roaring Twenties," feminists like Margaret Sanger, advocated the idea that women should control their own bodies and promoted the use of birth control methods. Sanger, a nurse and advocate of female birth control, led the fight for reproductive rights in An1erica. These were radical notions as the con cept of coverture, the social model in which men essentially controlled and "covere d their wives, thri ved in mainstream Victorian socie ty. Sanger wrote and spoke widely on the topic, and empowered women by declaring that allowing men sexual control of the female body "increases our degradation, and places us in ideal s lower than animals," and asserting that women could become a new being, sexually awakened." ? Sanger also called for the defiance of the Comstock Law, which forbade the dissemination of birth control and information regarding it.B In the 1920s the idea of a female controlling her body was not new and no doubt influenced the sexually promiscuous and independent flapper. At the same time that notions of birth control were being reconsidered, anarchis t Emma Goldman condemned marriage as a hindrance to the independent woman. Goldman, a Rus s i an immigrant, traveled widely before her deportation during the Red Scare, proclaiming that a woman pays for a husband "with her name, her privacy, her self-respect, her very life." 9 Goldman's idea of the sing le woman, in addition to ideas disseminated b y Victoria Woodhull and other nineteenth century "free love" advocates, formed a framework that would later influence radical flap per women. The flappers founded a famous, and some might say infamous, appearance and lifestyle. Flappers rebelled agains t Victorian ideals of beauty and femininity, but so too did their precursor, the Gibson girl: an embodiment of the Edwardian era ideal of beauty. Charles Dana Gibson's drawings and short stories ba sed on his wife, introduced this Gibson girl ideal at the turn of the century.JO Camille Clifford became the iconic image of the Gibson girl in popular culture. Like the flappers of the 1920s the women who embraced the Gibson girl per sona rebelled against their Victorian mothers and grandmothers. These women flaunted their voluptuous, curvaceous figures in tight mermaid-style dresses, and though their hemlines remained long, they were overtly and consciously displaying their sexuality Lynn D. Gordon, a women's s tudie s historian at the University of Roche ster, assertS that magazines in the early 1900 s celebrated the Gibson girl as beautiful charming, and fashionable, prai sing their health athletic abilities, and intelligence." These Gibson girls, particularly those of the upper class that embraced progre ssive goals, also attended college. Gordon asserts that a t the turn of the century "women could have both higher education and social approval." Gordon characterizes the Gibson girl as "a modern woman, 2013 His torical Studies journa l 3

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Cam Clifford and LtJ! ie Stiks. Hu!Jon Archi ve 1906. Getty !mages. Available from http://www.getty im ages.c om/det aiUnewsphotol acror sle s lie-stiles-an dcamilk-clifford-o ne-ofthegibson n rws-phoro/33 01288. Accessed December lith, 2 01 2. unencumbered by bu s tle s of convention." liThe Gibso n girl s dealt a blow to main s tream Victorian ideals, and in so doing beg a n redefining femininit y b y defying and manipulat ing its accepted definitions. The flappers of the Roaring Twenties picked up where the Gibson girls left off. By d efy ing and manipu l ating traditional notions of femininity, radical flapper s had only fought half the battle. The creation of the 1920s "New Woman, an ideal that would influence succeeding generations of women, entailed more than just rebellion and the refu sal to wear corset s and long dresses. These r a dical flappers also had to adopt masculine practice s to truly re-define mainstream ideals of wo manhood The y had to devise methods in which the y could s t ake out for themselve s an equal footing with men. And so, they s moked they drank, they parried and they worked. Like the woman in the 1920 s photograph, one can h ardly picture the prototypical flapper without a cigarette between her lips. Today smoking is no more male than female, bur for the flappers, smo king in public was radi ca l and new as in the 1920 s a social taboo s till s urrounded the act. These women at least initially, did not s moke to satiate a nicotine a ddiction bur rather the y smoked bec a use men smo ked and there was no l egitimate reason they could not do exactly the same. A.E. Hamilton argu ing in his article tha t indi viduals did not adopt smoking to satisfy an addiction bur rather as a s ocial custom, contempora neously observed thi s phenomenon saying tha t "both men and women have assumed that s moking is a masculine a ffair ;' until the picture of the flapp e r w ith our her cigarette had become like a portrait of Charles G Dawe s without his pipe." 1 2 The seemingly s imple act of smoking a cigarette had much deeper symb olic implication s for women in the 1 920s, for the flapper took smoking and called it her own Prohibition and the 1920 s coincided, bur by no mean s was the Ro ar i ng Twenties bereft of alcohol. Bootlegging and moonshining flourished du r ing the Prohibition Era, an d the nightlife so characteristic of the period thrived on alcoh o l consumption. R a dical flapper women de cided that the act of drinking alco hol in public could also be their s just 4 Kay/a Gabehart BLENDING GENDER

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as much as it could be any man's. That is not to say, however, that many nineteenth cen tury women never drank alcohol, but they generally did not do so publicly. Mainstream thought among the gentry assumed ladies drank alcohol because they were depraved, prostitutes, or both.13 Female drinking threatened gender identity; alcohol consumption was reserved for men to drink in bar s with other men, while women were moral "angels," often suffering at the violent hand of these drunken men.l 4 Out of these nineteenth cen tury assump tion s emerged a strong temperance movement, and that movement coincided with the push for woman's suffrage. Here, radical flapperism presents a paradox: flappers were not concerned with maintaining moral authority, but with rebellion and outright independence. Scholar Catherine Gilbert Murdock, in her book analyzing the transition from women as supporters of temperance to flappers adopting social drinking as an act of independence, asserts than many critics held a negative view of the actions of the flapper, founded in the accomplishments of feminists before her, as "she appeared to snub older feminists' temperance goals." Women's Christian Temperance Union members openly "fretted that the girls have adopted the boys' standards instead of raising them to their own; while the Union Signal, a WCTU publication, affirmed the necessity of equality with men, though lamented the consumption of alcohol for that purpose, saying, "a phase of present-day feminism demands every privilege for women that man claims for himself Concerning the justice of thi s demand there can be no question." 15 These flappers drank publicly and heavily, despite its illegality. Again, they claimed the masculine and demanded that it could also be feminine. Radical flappers did more than simply smoke cigarettes and drink gin. These women penetrated the night life, previously reserved for men. Joshua Zeitz characterizes the prototypical flapper as one who "passed her evenings in steamy jazz clubs, where she danced in an immodest fashion with a revolving cast of male suitors." In this way, too, when flappers adopted the masculine they shrugged off their previous role as a moral authority, and members of older generations lamented their flippant attitudes.J6 The frivolity and promiscuity that characterized the nightlife of the "Roaring Twenties," and the smoking, drinking, and partying that accompanied it, made women a fixture amongst men where they had never been before. Women, then, entered not only the nightlife, but also the workplace. During the nineteenth century, female work outside the home was associated with poor, working class women forced into factories or shops in order to supplement their husbands' insufficient wages. Respectable elite women did not work outside the home. Single women, however, did enter the workplace out of necessity. America's plunge into World War I accelerated trends of female employment, and essentially forced a realign ment of mainstream American values. Men left their jobs in large numbers, leaving women to take over their positions in factories and elsewhere. Massive numbers of women now worked in offices, industrial settings, and department stores, making female employment commonplace. Whether or not traditional definitions of womanhood condoned this, it became necessary, and furthermore proved that women were not passive property, but capable of the same jobs and physical labor that men were. When the war ended and men returned home, many women departed from the workplace. But roughly a quarter of the female work force persevered and continued to work outside the realm of the 2013 His tori cal Studies journal 5

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home, as war had provided an opportunity for women to stake a place for themselves in the working world.17 Employment opportunities and wages for women remained limited. However, the war effort made the female in the workforce more commonplace and acceptable, fundamentally shattering the Cult ofDomesticity and separate spheres of gender responsibility. Radical flappers, ever seeking independence, exploited this trend. Notoriously single, they worked and made money, as self-sufficiency proved the easiest way to independence from parents or a husband. A female in the workplace was no longer synonymous with working class poverty, but rather became a symbo l of liberation and freedom; a symbo l of equality and modernity Had the atmosphere of mainmean1 American society in the 1920s been less socially progressive and less consumer-driven it is possible that the media and those with the wealth and power to motivate public opinion would have rejected the flapper in all her rebellious glory. Instead the media, particularly film and advertising, took this new persona, disseminated it, and promoted it Scholar Philip Scranton explains how advertising harnessed the flapper persona and influenced flapper culture and mainstream America's consciousness of it. This process consequently established the boyish flapper as the 1920s archetype of beauty. Scranton defines beauty as a distinction "between high and low, normal and abnormal, virtue and vice," and thus helps to define "morality, social status, class, gender, race and ethnicity. "IS When advertisement s harnessed the flapper persona as the model for beauty for the time, they marketed flapperism to consun1er society and flappers themselves. Lever did this in 1925 when they advertised their soap being used in bo udoirs rather than simply the tub or kitchen sink.I 9 So, in the spirit of making money, advertisers transitioned from marketing the Gibson girl to marketing the prototypical flapper, the ideal beauty of the decade, to a receptive public. The film industry also harnessed the consumer potential of the flapper persona. Film historian Sara Ross asserts that exploiting the promiscuous flapper identity in film had to be approached with caution, despite its massive box office potential.20 The Victorian ideal was outdated following World War I, but continued to be overrepresented in film in the early 1920s.21 To compete in a consun1er driven modernizing s ociety, most mainstream film production companie s introduced the promiscuous flapper persona, because even prior to the 1920s, sex sold. Flappers embodied sexuality, and rhus lent themselves to this marketing ploy. However, films countered the radical nature of the flapper lifestyle by utilizing comedy and portraying the flapper as a young, naive comedienne.22 This reconciliation in film between the traditional and the radical helped trans i tion society into accepting the notion of the independent woman. Before the emergence of the radical flapper lifestyle in 1920s America, many women throughout history attempted to defy traditional notions offemininiry. Rather than just confronting and blatantl y disregarding traditional definitions of womanhood, radical flap pers also encroached on male domains and made them their own realm in public society while media made rhe flapper persona widespread and profitable. This very intentional blending of gender roles, present in a societal environn1ent fertile for new ideas, ushered in the 1920s version of the "New Woman." 6 Kay/ a G a b e hart BLENDING GENDER

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It is imperative to recognize how radical the activities and attitudes of these flappers remained to older generations. Historian Joshua Zeitz contextualizes the profound risks that these women undertook, for "as late as 1904, a woman had been arrested on Fifth Avenue in New York City for lighting up a cigarette."23 Murdock further explains that the flapper stereotype "attests to the profound divisions between parent and child, old and new, good and b ad, that marked America in the 191 Os and 1920s."24 The flapper persona presented an escape from restrictive femininity and provided an alternative that meant self-relia nce and independence. Many young women deeply desired this autonomy, and their old-fashioned parents often objected to their subscribing to flapper fashion and ideals. Laura Davidow Hirshbein, a psychiatrist at the University of Michigan Hospitals, describes the emergence of flapper culture as a clash between young and old, saying that "when contemporary critics exclaimed over a crisis of youth, they articulated a clash between a new generation and its predecessor."25 Thus, when parents and grandparents lamented the radical flapperism practiced by their daughters and granddaughters as a crisis of youth, this "older generation" was demonstrating the intergenerational divergence of world views. At the same time, born into an era of consumption and progressivism, flapper women simply could not identify with the more conservative values of their parents and grandparents. Hirshbein explains that "the young woman's representation of the younger generation identified with the nation itself... the younger generation was doing the important business of gaining experience. There was no value in the knowledge gained by the older generation because it was of a world gone by."26 Changes in social trends ushered in by World War I, such as the emphasis on consun1er culture and more liberal outlooks on gender roles, constructed a mainstream soc iety in which the once primary role of women as the moral authority was no longer pervasive. These flapper women lived in a decade conducive to change, and the changes they wrought conflicted with the views of an "o lder generation," and were rhus perceived as the crisis of misguided yout h. Newspapers also played up this crisis between young and old. When her mother refu sed to allow her to leave the house donned in flapper fashion, a fourteen year-old Chicago girl took her own life when s he put a rubber hose in her mouth and turned on the gas on her mother' s range.27 Though thi s incident represents anecdotal evidence of a personal and familial disorder, headl ines playing up similar tragedies were common. Such headlines served as a scare tactic directed toward s parents, designed to suppress radical flapperism and prevent other families from suffe ring the same fate. This younger generation of women, growing up in a society that preached progres sivism, craved their own identity. Liberated b y consun1erism and a changing society, they did not adhere to the conservative ideals that many of their parents cherished, and 1920s advocates of modernity implored parents to see the method to their madness. One suc h appeal appeared in Outlook Magazine in December, 1922. Self-proclaimed flapper Ellen Welles Page beseeched parents, "grandparents, and friends, and teachers, and preachersyou who constitute the 'o lder generation' -to overlook our s hortcomings at lea st for the present, and to appreciate our virtues." Welles attempted to soften the flapper persona by claiming that time s "have made us older and more experienced," and that "outlets for thi s sur plus knowledge and energy must be opened."28 Welles' appeal, and others like it, 2013 Historical Studies journa l 7

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proved successful in so far as they contrasted the widely held assumption that flappers were base, unintelligent, and superficial. Well-written articles like Welles' portrayed flappers as intelligent and capable, attracting you ng women to the flapper lifestyle, and provided a vehicle through which women could manifest their intellectual abilities. While many of the "old er generation" denounced the flapper movement as dealing a blow to the era of feminism that preceded it, many others acknowledged flappers for their modernit y in the sense that they were re-defining what it meant to be a woman in mainstream America. In her 1928 piece on consumption of exp licit material in theatre and film, Catherine Beach Ely characterized flappers as demanding the uncensored "raw" life, as it "appeals to the restless girl alert to bite into the wormy fruit of the moderns."29 Similarly, Harriet Monroe, quoting Vachel Lindsay, praised the flapper b y saying that "Ame rica needs the flamboyant to save her soul," and that "flamboyance expresses faith in that energy-it is a shout of delight, a declaration of richness. It is at lea s t the begin ning of an art." Within her essay, Monroe makes the claim that America refuses to be humdrum" and drab, but "suppressing its feelings and censoring its artists ... fearing emo tion as the gateway to perdition-America finds the flamboyant in the courts."30 The flappers, no doubt, embodied this flambo yance and progress that America craved, but they did so be yon d of the "cour ts" of cinema and entertainment. Rather, they took their flamboyance and made it a lifesty le, which made them controversial in the public, but revolutionary in hi stor ical terms. The woman in the 1920s still photograph presented at the beginning of this article is iconic today. The word "fla pper stirs up visions of jazz, parties, short dresses, and hats. Costume companies market flapper regalia on Halloween, allowing girls and women to adopt the beauty of another era. I always picture scenes from F. Scott Fitzgerald's Great Gatsby when I h ear the term. We cannot possibly know, without extensive research, the background of that girl in the photo; but like other radical flapper girls, she was prob ab l y just a yo ung girl caught up in a tumultuous decade, trying to stake out a place for herself in society. She probably worked and supported her self by day, and danced the Charleston with various suitors and sexual partners by night. She probabl y used birth control, tobacco, and alcohol. She was provocatively feminine and beautiful, but ever adopting the masculine as if to say, "this world i s mine too." She made decision s on her own accor d and em braced her independence. She probably had no idea that she would change what it meant to be a woman forever, and make inroads for every successive generation of females since. She lived in a societal atmosphere fertile for change and revolution, a society that bought the flapper, a society teetering on the edge of modernit y in terms of challenging gender roles. By blending these gender roles s he planted the seeds of even more profound change to come. 8 Kay/a Gabehart BLENDING GENDER

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Dr Michatl Btshoar Trll n II dad Colorado has always b een J a stopping point for trav elers. Bef ore the a utom o bil e and I -25 arrived, folks tr avelled through wha t is now Trinidad on hor seback, oxcart, Conestoga wagon, s tagecoach and b y railroad. Trinidad is ne s tled in the Purgatoire Valley of the Sangre de Cristo R ange, just north of the famed R ato n Pass where trader s and settler s traversed the arduous mountain br a n c h of the Santa Fe Trail. Trin idad has a colorful history filled with many notorious Wild West characters. Uncle Dick" Wooten maintained the toll road over R ato n Pass. D oc Holliday, Wyatt Earp and Bat Ma s ter son mingled with Ute Indian s and Hispanic settlers o n the dusty s t reets of the town. In 1 867, a doctor entered the Valley, took in the beauty of the scenery an d dec ided to s tay. His legacy was profound. Dr. Michael Besho ar helped to tran sform Trinidad from an unci vilize d outpost into a l arge Colorado community Duri ng his time in Trinidad he helped countless people but none need ed him as d esperately as the women who sought medical advice an d aid for their health issues. The letter s wri tten by p a ti ents to their tru s t ed doctor are valua bl e hi storical proof of the hardships endured b y women in Colorado during the nineteent h century Beshoar was born in 1833 t o a deeply religious Pennsyl vania-Dutch family. After graduating from the University of Michigan School of Medicine, he m ade hi s way to Pocahontas, Arkansas where he farme d and opened a medical practice, a pharmacy and a newspaper. Married twice into prominent l ocal families, he trag icall y lo st both Michele Lingbeck has a BA in History from CU Boulder and a MA in Education from CU Denver. She is currently enrolled in the Publi c Hi story graduate program. She Lives in Broomfield with her husband and two children.

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wives to consumption. With successful business ventures and deep personal connections to the region, he accepted a Civil War commission as a Confederate Army surgeon in June of 1861. During his time in the Confederate army, he cared for wounded soldier s and suffering Arkansas civilians. After being captured by the Union Army in 1863 he denounced the Confederacy and pledged hi s loyalty to the Union. For the remainder of the war Beshoar practiced medicine in Missouri and attempted to convince colleagues and customers of his loyalry to the United States. Worn out by the constant scrutiny of hi s citizenship and the s hady character of his Missouri p a tients (many of whom sought treatment for venereal disease), Michael jumped at an opportunity t o head west as a United States Army Surgeon. In 1865, s hortly after the end of the Civil War, he enlisted and moved to Nebraska Territory where he becan1e Fort Kearn ey Post Surgeon and Medical Pur veyor of the Western Territories. During his year at that post, he witnessed the devastating effects of Manifest Destin y on the Native American tribes of the Plains He docun1ented the medical practices and homeopathic remedies of the tribes and incorporated many of these into hi s own practice for the remain der ofhis medical career. After a year in thi s role, Michael Beshoar resigned from military service for good and headed west into the Territory of Colorado to seek his fortune and find a new home. Following the advice of friends, he travelled first to Denver and then to Pueblo where he was acquainted with some of the town's leading businessmen, John A. and Mahon D. Thatcher. In Pueblo, Beshoar immediately opened a medical prac tice and drugstore, an d then worked toward providing the town with a much-needed newspaper. The CoLorado Chieftain began operation in 1868 and provided a Democrati c Parry voice to the citizens of Pueblo. Be s hoar maintained the newspaper and medical offices in Pueblo, but found his true h ome further south in the Purgatoire River Valley. While touring the region, Michael Bes hoar ventured sout h into into Trinidad and immediately began to fill a void in the community. According to his biogr a pher, Within a hour after his arrival, he had acquired several patients, who quickly spread the word that a real doctor was in town, bringing still more to ask for his professional assistance. In the course of hi s first rwenry-four h ours, he took care of a couple of dozen men and met most of the little town's lea ding citizens: Postmaster Willian1 Bran sfor d Don Felipe B aca, merchant Jesus Maria Garcia Henry Barraclough, and a number of others both American and Mexican. The y were unanimous in declaring that Trinidad urgently needed a doctor and a drug store and would welcome Michael Beshoar.1 Opening up the first medical office and drug store within ninety miles, Beshoar found much work to be done in Trinidad. During his 4 0 years in the town, hi s personal impact wou ld be profound. Eventually, his reach would extend from farming and mining to journalism and even deep into the region's political foundations. Always a public servant, Beshoar lost a close election in 1 886 to become the s tate' s Lieutenant Governor and in 1904 won a seat in the state senate only to see it taken by a fraudulent ele c tion commit tee controlled by a corrupt Republican Party. Beshoar worked relentlessly to represent the people of Trinidad Whether he was s peaking for the Hispanic citizens during the 10 MicheleLingbeck DESPERATE LETTERS

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Christmas Race Riots of 1867 or denouncing the abuses of the coal mining companies against the workers, he served as a voice for the downtrodden and desperate in a region filled with hardship Most notably, Beshoar served the people through his medical practice While his practice catered to patients suffering from all types of ailments including gunshot wounds, mea sles, addiction, dental problems biliousness (stomach problems), pneumonia, scalpings and any other imaginable disorder, his work with the women and children of Southern Colorado and Northern New Mexico truly s howcase his role as caretaker to the needs of the most desperate. Since Dr. Beshoar was the only phy sician to be found between Pueblo and Santa Fe in 186 7, his practice encompassed Anglo as well as Hispanic patient s in both Colorado and New Mexico. Before he returned to Pueblo, he made two major decisions: he would open a drugstore in Trinidad and he would learn Spani sh as quickl y as possible; wrote Dr. Beshoar's grandson and biographer, Barron Beshoar. "He spoke German fluently and had a solid background in Latin and French, but he would need Spanish in the Southwest for rhe sor t of close and intimate relationship a doctor must have with hi s patients."2 Clearly, Bes hoar was s uccessful at developing those close per sonal relationships because patient s wrote letter s to him in Spanish from all over the region seeking his a dvice, or begging him to send medicine. Many of these patient s were women, and many were unable to pay and begged for his help "sine dinero or with our money. He learned to individualize his practice for the cultural differences of the Hispanic popul ation Early in his practice among the Mexicans, he encountered two ailments that were completely novel to him: empapelada ( papering ) and oxalote (salama nder).3 These were actual gynecological disorder s ( probably vaginiti s and endometriosis) that were believed to be the result of invasion by foreign intruder s ( literally a p ape r or sal amander) into the bodies of the women. Beshoar learned to treat these disorder s by using a power ful com bination of medicine and psychologica l trickery. He also gained the trust of rhe Hispanic population of the region b y hi s role in vaccinating chi l dren during the horrific black smallpox epidemic of 18 77. His grandson and biographer remembered: The black smallpox may have been slow wending its way from Santa Fe to Red River, but it didn t take long to hit Las Animas County. By the tenth of]une it was epidemic. The odd thing was that it was pretty much confined to Indians and to Mexican children between the ages offour and thirteen; few Mexican adults contracted the disease and practic a ll y no Ang l os. Virtually all of rhe remaining Indians in the county, regardless of age were stric ken and died. Michael dropped everything ro cope with the epidemic. He and Father Pinto, traveling b y buggy, went to rhe mos t remote parts of the county, visiting isolated ranches and tiny little adobe hamlets. The physician u sed scabs to vaccinate on a mass basis with Father Pinto serving as his assistant.4 With the exceptions of black smallpox, epapelada and oxalote, the problems faced by His panic and Anglo women were very similar. Medical access was limited, reproductive choice was non -exis tent, and death was always on the doorstep trying to rake children 2013 His t ori cal Studies j ournal 11

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away from their mothers. Beshoar worked tir elessly during his med i cal career in Trinidad to aid women and hel p protect them from a number of dire threats .. Modern obstetrical and gynecological medical care ha s taken much of the risk out of the process of pregnan cy and childbirth. But, in the nineteenth century, pregnancy was extremely dangerous especially in older women who had given birth multiple times. "One of women's major concerns in the West, as it had been in the East, was finding themselves in a 'family way;" wrote historians Duane A. Smith and Ronald C. Brown. "Even under the be s t of nineteenth-century conditions, thi s aspect of the 'female ritual' could be life threatening An estimated one of every thirty mothers died giving birth; others suffered from depre ssio n and anxiety."S Dr. Beshoar advertised his services as an accoucheur or male deliverer of babies. Midwive s and family members had traditionally filled that ro l e befor e it became a medical practice. As with all other areas of hi s practice, he kept meticulous records of the children he delivered. In 1886 188 7, he record ed the birth of thirty-five babies. Seven of the thirty-five were still born or dead, one was note d as be ing very feeble, severa l required the use of forceps and one mother had to have the placent a manually removed after the delivery. 6 The percentage of at-risk deliverie s and stillborn infants is s hocking. In 1884 1885 Dr. Besh oar recorded simi larly alarming s tati s tic s in hi s medical records. The ages and number of pregnancies for each mother were also noted in the record. For example, Mrs. Tafoya was twenry-seven years old and had ten prior pregnancies. That year, Mrs. Clellan, thirty three, gave birth to her twelfth baby.? With access to contraception extremely limited, one must wonder how many more pregnancies these women had to endure during their reproductive years. It also must be noted that many women in the Frontier West did not have access to a physician when they went into l abor an d underwent the birthing proces s with the help of family mem bers or neighboring women. I f complications arose, a doctor was often far away and the results might be de vastating. Mr. Cruz wrote an urgent note tO Dr. B eshoar tO describe the probl ems faced by his pregnant wife: Dear Sir, My wife is very sick at present. She is about tO have a child and ha s been very sick for the last four days. The child cannot be borned for it is dead and I presume he cannot be borned unless my wife has some medical assistance 8 Thi s hus band had already l ost a child and feared that his wife was soon tO follow Whether Mrs. Cruz becan1e the one of thirty who did not survive childbirth is unknown. Many other probl ems existed for pregnant women and new mothers in the 19th century west. Post-p artum hemorrh aging was a grave concern. One husband wrote a desperate plea for the doctOr tO come tO the Trinchera Pass Ranch, his home "at the top of the mountain" to help hi s wife who had been hemorrhaging for two months and needed treatment for "the fall of the womb".9 After multiple pregnancies many women experienced prolapsed uterus or "fa llen womb". Dr. Beshoar treated this cond ition b y the insertion of a rubber pessary into the women's uterus. He purchased these pessaries by the dozen from Chas. Truax. Greene & Company phy s ician s supply in Chicago.IO Many babies died in the week and months following their birth from sepsis due to unsanitary 12 MicheleLingbeck DESPERATE LETTERS

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conditions during delivery. Whether a baby lived or died, women were expected to return to their work and household duties within days of delivery. This alone put tremendous strain on their bodies as they were healing from the traumatic experience of childbirth. As women continued to have babies into their forties, it is no wonder that the life expectancy of women in the United States was a shocking40.5 in 188011. If a baby survived pregnancy, birth and sepsis, childhood disease became the next life threatening risk for the family to face. In his study of medicine in early Colorado, Dr. Robert Shikes noted that Childhood morality was terribly high in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and most of these deaths were due to infectious di seases Among infants, the widely feared cholera infantum, or "summer diarrhea;' was due to several bacterial, and probably viral, forms of gastroenteritis. Croup, whooping cough, pneumonia and other respiratory tract infections, as well as sca rlet fever measles, erysipelas, meningitis, small pox, and tuberculosis, all contributed to the fact the one-third of all de a ths in the U.S.A occurred in the pediatric population.12 Pedi atric care was a vital part of Dr. Beshoar's practice His medical records and letters from patients prove that vaccination to prevent illnes s was very common. He sent vials of vaccine with instructions for use to countless mothers in the region and his p a tient records s how in-office vaccination was a daily part of his regular medical practice. His Trinidad patients were fortunate to have the doctor close by in case of emergency. On the other hand some patients were hindered by di s tance and/ or financial constraints. Indalecio Valdez wrote to Dr. Beshoar in 189 7 from Madrid Colorado. Her letter de scri be s a small child, aged one year, five months who had suffered twenty days of diarrhea and vomiting. She asks to pay in a month: "if those terms are not acceptable, I will borrow mone y for medicine".l3 Whether thi s child s urvived is unknown, but it can be assumed that the altruistic doctor treated his pediatric patients regardless of ability to pay. Sadly, Dr. Beshoar was not able to save many of the region's children from deadly infection. His patient records include a log of deaths that occurred under his care. In 1884 1885, he recorded the los s of one-year-old Burnett Holmes, and one-and-a-half-year-old Estela Sales to pneumonia.l 4 Because of the physical strain of pregnancy and childbirth and the financial burden of having a large family, many women sought contraceptives to prevent pregnancy. Birth control becan1e increasingly popular among middle and upper class Americans toward s the end of the nineteenth century," noted Shikes. A variet y of techniques was used, ranging from coitus interruptu s to rhythm methods to various prophylactic devices (condoms, tampons, womb veils or tents, cotton pledglets attached to string) and douches (carbolic acid, bichloride of mercury, vinegar, and other chemicals." 1 s These methods varied greatly in their efficacy and reliability. Dr. Beshoar gained a reputation throughout La s Animas County and beyond as a medical practitioner who was willing to provide women with birth control and had the expertise to do so. Women wrote letters from as far away as Texas asking for prescriptions 2 013 Historical Studies j ournal 13

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and device s for this purpose. The majority of Dr. Beshoar' s patients were not from the middle and upper economic classes, but poor, hardworking women who pleaded for his help and for secrecy. Mrs. L. Foster Whited, a teacher of vocal and instrumenta l music, wrote to the doctor and asked his advice in preventing raising a fan1ily, or having kids." She implored Dr. Beshoar to tell me something sure because I will die if I get in that fix again."16 Mrs. A. W. Hearker from Florissant, Col orado wrote: Being informed that you have safely prevented contraception b y placing a gold bullet in the uterus of the patient, I write to know if it is uue. I do not ask from curiosity and I s hall res pect your confidence as I wish you to mine.l 7 In one of the rare cases where a response is included on the correspondence, Dr. Beshoar advises Mrs. Hearker that it i s not a gold bullet but rather a contraption that can be purchased from him for $3 and inserted for three days a t a time into the womb. This contr ap tion "will never disappoint and is perfectly harmless". He was most likely describing en early rubber diaphragm or "womb veil" that he prescribed to countless pa t ients throughout hi s practice. The doctor also used a variety of chemicals an d homeo pathic remedies in combination to prevent pregnancy. His invoices from homeopathic drug companies and who l esale pharmacies include items such as pennyroya l, quinine, aluminum, zinc, sulfate, iodine, carbolic acid and potassium. W hil e having many medical uses, these herbs and chemicals were also believed to aid in the prevention of pregnancy. IS C l early, these methods were not foolproof because Beshoar received many letters from women who claimed that his birth control treatments had failed. Many of these women grew in creasi ngly d espondent and frant i cally sought a solut ion to the probl e m. When birch control fail ed, Dr. Beshoar also provided a bortions to women. Birth control and abo rtion s were both illegal in the United States s ince the passage of the Comstock Laws in 1 873. Michael Beshoar worked outside of the law to help wo men who often saw this as a l ast resort when all else had failed. Dr. Bes hoar recei ve d l etters from countless pregnant women from Colorado New Mexico and elsewhere seeki n g hi s help in thi s matter. Few asked directly for a bortion, bur rather sought help for a blockage" or "a return to regular monthlies," or a "treatment for delayed periods". Clearly, Dr. Beshoar had gained a wide spread reputation as an expert in this subject. He received a l etter from H Hum pre y w ho sold general m e r chan dise in Texas asking his a dvice on journalism and newspaper a dvertising. In the san1e letter, Humphrey posed the question : What is the least harmful treatment where b y l adies (ma rried, of course) prevent themselves becoming pregnant and relieve themselves of the early stage of pregn ancy? Kindly give full course, and tell me how much if any injury to h ealth results? And send bill of your charges.l9 Women had man y reasons for seeking abortions. Many women feared that their bodies could not physically wit h stand the rigors of pregnancy G.W. Blethen of Hicks, Color ado wrote : 14 Michei e Lingbeck DESPERATE LETTERS

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We are two months past now and it is simply getting unbe arable having children come so fast. It is completely ruining my wife's health and disposition also. This having a baby every year is clearly driving us both wild. So could you possibly send something, and send enoug h to do the work .20 Other women were shamed b y their pregnant state. A.]. Padilla writes multiple letters from Bent Canyons, Colorado begging the doctor for help. She clearly is despondent over her situation and laments: I want you to send me some medicine to have a miscarriage. I am in a family way I have gone 3 month now and it is commencing to show very bad and I feel so shamed of it that I can't get out of the house.21 Some women worried for the loss of a job because of their pregnancy. Mrs. Cone of Folsom, New Mexico wrote to Dr. Bes hoar in 1898 and informed him that the "rubber womb protection she purchased from him ha s failed". She s tated : I have gone several days over my time for menstruation and every morning I am very sick at my stomach and I an1 positive I am in a fan1ily way, and I would like to get rid of it some way because I agreed to finish this term of school here, the other teacher having resigned. I would hate dreadfu ll y to give up this school.22 Also in 1898, a woman from Raton, New Mexico wrote a letter in Spanish to Dr. Beshoar reque s ting an abortion for similar reasons. She s tate s "I have a job in the kitchen which I like very much, and I would lose everythingTodo lo que pereda!"23 Regardless of their reasons, the women were equally despondent and saw abortion as their last resort It is highly likel y that the method by which Dr. Beshoar conducted a majority of his abortions involved a patient self-administering a dose of the drug ergot, which was sent to their home s with deta iled instructions for use. His pharmaceutical invoices from the years 1869-1898 document the purchase oflarge an1ounts of thi s chemical. "Drugs were employed to induce miscarriage, but their use involved the high risk of s ide effects," wrote historian Jeremy Agnew in his book Medicine in the Old Tf'l?st: A History 1 850-1900. "Ergot and quinine were two of the drugs used. Ergot, which was utilized by doctor s to control excessive bleeding following childbirth could be given in large doses to induce miscarriage."24 Some of Dr. Besho ar's patient correspondents requested ergo t b y name and others described the cramping and bleeding they experienced as the drug produced contractions powerful enough to expel the fetus from the womb If the ergot failed, as it often did many women sent l etters to the doctor reques tin g a different treatment. Mrs. Jessie East wrote: I got some medicine from you last Friday which made me quite unwell, but it did not any good! I do not feel a ble to pay for that medicine unless you will send me some thing that will do some good and if you can, I wish you would please do so at once! 25 2013 Historical Studies j ournal 15

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Clearly, Mrs. East was becoming anxious because of the failed treatment. Another patient state d: "I am in distress! The treatment did not work !"26 As a last resort, Dr. Beshoar provided surgical abortions from hi s office in Trinidad. According to a receipt from the Chas. Truax Greene & Company Ph ysicians' Supply, Dr. Beshoar purchased of a set of new a bortion snares in 1897.27 These snares might have been used on Mrs. R.B. Bracket, who sent an inquiry in 1888 asking: "What is the least you c h arge for such operations, and when could I come over. I presume there are nice places in private families where I could find a room and perh a ps meals."28 Dr. Be shoa r included a record of all of the in-office abortio n s he performe d in his leather physician's account book and visiting list. In the aforementioned birth record s of 1886 1887, two of the dead were noted "abortion"29. In the years 18841 885, his records show three abortions performed as part of his practice. Along with the name s and ages of his patients, Dr. Beshoar noted the fetal age at the time of the term in ation, all of which were under three m onths. While women seeking to t erminate pregnancies were obviously a very small part of hi s thriving practice, they were prob ably some of his mos t de sperate patient s Birth control and abortion were not accep t able topics of conversation during this era in American History. Not only was it illegal to discuss and promote these medical practices, bur it also went against the societa l norms of the prim and proper Victori an age. Women during thi s time often felt uncomfortable even mentioning their reprodu ctive orga n s and genitalia, referring to these body parts euphemistically as "that place you exam in ed" or "down below." ManyofDr. Beshoar's patients stresse d the need for secrecy in their letters. A woman who s ign s her letter Judge Trujillo's daughter" begged for privacy: D octor, would you please write me and tell w h at to do in regard s to my womb and whether I can attend to it myself or mu s t I have a Doctor. I have left my husband and don't want him to find me so don't lay thi s on your desk and forget it so someone will see it.30 The state of her marriage and womb are unknown, but her condition was dire enough to cause her to flee her husband and the sec urity of her home Judge Trujillo's daug hter was just one examp l e of the scores of de sperate women who sought our the advice and medical help of the l egendary frontier doctor. The women discussed in this paper represent a mere fraction of the female patients served b y Dr. Beshoar. Their struggles are typica l of so many women of the nineteenth century An1erican Southwest. Financial insecuri ty, d eath of loved ones, pain, l ack of c hoice and fear were constant companions to these frontier women. Life was short and full of hardships, bur in many ways, the women of Trinidad were lucky for they had a trusted doctor who was wi lling and able to help Dr. Michael B eshoar spent hi s days working for these women, his male patients and the other downtrodden and marginalized people in Southern Colorado. He not only served as a chan1pion to hi s patients, but his influence extended far beyond medicine into the coalmines, courtrooms and classroom s of Trinidad where he gave voice to the people through public service, politic s and 16 Michele Lingbeck DESPERATE LETTERS

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journali sm. Because of his work providing abortion services to the women of Colorado and New Mexico, Michael Beshoar may be remembered as a hero to some, and a criminal to others. Regardless of political persuasion, it is impo ssible not to recognize him as a man who listened to the cries of the suffering and tried to help whenever he cou ld 2013 His tori cal Studies journal 17

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W 11 t c h hunts allowed 17th century American Puritan communities to traverse their collective anxieties and interpersonal tensions. In the most extreme cases, only the ritual process of witch hunting could make threats to their community visible and expel them along with their underlying cause: the sins of the body social. Through the cathartic public performance of confession, the witch carried the sins of her accusers to redemption. Her remorse represented their own, brought into the open. Her execution closed the ritual with the symbolic reabsorption Cotton Mathtr. c. 1700 of both her and their de viance into a new whole. In New England, witch hunting had been a ritual for both individual and community-wide purgation In the context of Salem confessions were cultural text s produced b y the collective effort of wi tches, their accusers and the authorities To be successful, a confession had to follow certain prescriptions By contrasting the development and content of Abigail Hobbs and Mary Warren's contemporaneous confessions, this p ape r aims to s how how confession operated as a cultural form in New England and how it ultimately failed to reunite Salem. To the residents of Salem in 1692, witchcraft meant conspiracy. Witches thre atene d a precariou sly Puritan New England and so they manifested collective anxieties about community sta bility. Salem did not so much fear a particular witch, or even her act of malificeium (mischief), but that s he was a member of a plot to undo their way of life. They believed Shay Gonzales is a undergraduate student in history a t th e University of Colorado Denver. He is currently preparing to go on to Law school in 2014.

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that witches were heretics who joined with the devil to destroy the kingdom of Chris t t h erefore witches represented general instability and communi t y s t rife. 2 This pro p hetic anxie t y was entrenched with any individual's sense of sin. Puritans in Salem worried that their children's illnesses were the natural result of their sins.3 They worried they could be responsible for witchcraft because it was a judgment, or a message from God that sin had permeated their community and must be rooted out.4 Salem was d i vided by major ecclesiastical, legal, and personal tension s s As a village wi t h limited autonomy, it had no structure or authority to handl e its overwhelming number of disp utes. The village's constant antagonisms were becoming notorious in the region.6 Disputes over Salem Village's ministers spanned more than a decade-first James Bay l ey who departed in 1680, then George Burroughs in 1683, and Deoda r Lawson in 1688. These disputes over village leadership and the division of power between familie s and commercial interests were present through and after the Salem witch crisis. The con tinual controversy surrounding Samuel Parris's ministry made t h e deep factions which frac t ured the village increasing l y visible. 7 These interpersonal and societal tensions caused the residents of Salem Village an inordinate an1ount of guilt. The i r guilt also came from the complicated cultural meanings of a uthority as well as wealth and mobility. Puritan s believed that authority can1e to their ministers and other leaders from God himself. They were also deeply sensitive to abuses of power. Near -co nstan t conflict with authority gave them the guilt of diso b eying God. Wealth signa l ed good c h aracter in t h e P uritan system of values, but the de s ire for it brought the shan1e of covetousness.8 In addition to factions in Sal em Village, Catholic conspirators and tr a un1atic Indi an wars on the frontiers constituted tangible threats to the power of the Puritan God. 9 To the residents of Salem, their interpersonal t ensions and requisite guilt as well as contemporary crises in the region were seen as evid e nce that God imposed the judgm ent of witchcraft upon them. Social historian s Paul Boyer and Stephen Nissenbaum relate these te nsions to the oncoming commercial capitalist paradigm and its attendant individualism and material ism. The villagers of Salem experienced their divisions as evil and a sin against God. They needed to remove t he weight on their souls by l ocating evil in the real world a nd vio l ently elim i nating it.IO In short, Sal em needed a witch hunt. The acts of accusation and confession formed the containing, opening and closing rites of a ritual aimed at curing the body social. For Puritan children raised to believe in community cohesiveness, accusing someone of being a witch was a socially acceptable venue for their aggressive impulses.! I These impulses were often motivated by t he feel ings of guilt outlined above. Witchcraft accusation enabled the accu ser to both arrack the witc h for whatever wrongs and maintain a socia ll y acceptable ro l e as affiicred v i ctim.J 2 The first component of rhe witch hunt was a fast day, or a day of humiliation. The ritual then required r h e invisible be made visible. By confessing her sins, the accuse d would deliver the community from fear of the unknown to safety and "sight of s in." To the larger project of the witch hunt, thi s me ant finding rhe extent of the conspiracy. The final component of r h e witch hunting ritual was a reaffirmation of aut h ority. The witc h would express remorse and affirm that her covenant with Saran was fra u d ul ent and the Puritan God was supreme. Execution was the fina l affirmat ion of the strength and righteousness 20 Shay Gonzales CONFESSORS AND MARTYRS

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of authority.131his ritual was repe ate d until the depth of the conspiracy was di scovered, the conspirators made to co nfess, and the threat was vio lentl y eliminated. Confessions were joint productions o r cultural negotiations" between the witch, and the magistrate interview ing h er as we ll as the affiic ted who were o ften pre sent .1 4 Each party contributed w ith dialogue to determine the construction of the ultimate document.IS In h er confessio n the witch would vali d ate the authority of the judi cial an d ecclesiastical pro cess. As a c ultural negotiation, the heretical witches of New England and their accusers crafted co nfe ssions to serve as vehicles for expelling collec tive guilt. Confession was a feature of the Puritans' regular fasts a genre of the ir litera ture and the highlight of the spectacle of public executions. In Salem the crisis resu lted in a cultural s hift away from the form witc h hunting had previously tak e n b ecause Salem's factionalis m proved too much for a witc h hunt to heal. Witch hunting and its necessary rite, confessio n, failed and were a b andoned. Confessions were rare because the community was so fra ught. Only eight of the sixt y-five accused in the Salem per io d of the wit c h crisi s confessed.J6 They came from rhe l eas t empowered segments of soc iet y: an Indian s l ave, a young c hild two in dentur ed wome n, the mentally un stable an d their relatives. Thei r confessions didn't contai n close to the ideal anwunt of d epth and remorse to give force to the witc h hunting ritual. Salem's wi tche s did not produce ade quate confess ion s to carry the fears and guilt o f their accusers New England's s uspected wi t ches nearly univer sally denied the charges before Salem's cr isis. Some confessed at arraig nm ent, but they were s till executed.J7 Many of the elite s t arted to believe that there were innocents among execu t ed witches. In the quiet after 166 3, whe n a witch panic in Hartford s ub s ided only o ne witch was exec uted in New England.J 81his may exp l ain the mercy magis trates initially showed Salem's confessors Cotton Mather advised John Rich ards early in the trial s that in c ases of"lesser criminals," "lesser punishments" woul d be appropriate if they "put upon some solemn, open, public and explici t renunciation of the d evil." H e added that the de ath of some of the offenders could be either" div erted or inflicted acco rding to the success of such their renunciation. 19 Cotton Mather chose co nfe ssion to fill the ritual role previou s l y give n to execution. Po ssibly the three decades of judi cial restraint in pursuing wi t ches lead him to modera tion Sale m's t ee ming social co nfli ct require d a p o l itician's diligence In w it c h hunting, confession resulted in death, but now confession took de ath's place When Bridget Bishop was first accused of wi tch craft in 16 80, her denial was enough to maintain her innocence. Pre viously, the demand to p rosecute witc hcraft was motivated b y common peopl e and s uppressed b y the educate d.20 Salem s ignaled a reversal Magistrates collaborated exten s i vely w ith the affiicted an d the accused to produce an effec tive ritual. Mary Warren and Abigail Hobbs confesse d during the sa me p eriod i n the trials with w ildl y differing resul ts. Their co nfe ssions' progress through the witch hunt may trace a map of its demands. On April 19th, the court exan1ined Mary Warren, Abigail Hobbs, and B r idget Bishop as accuse d witches. Bridge t Bishop was l a ter the first to h a ng Mary Warren and Abigail Hobbs are use ful contrasts as they both confessed but their confes sions an d l a ter docun1ems performed different roles for the jud icial an d ecclesia s tical process. As case type s they exemp l ify how confessions, w hi c h fir the needs of the witch 2013 Historical Studies j ournal 21

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L ibrary of Congrw, P r i nts & Photograph s Di v isi011 hunt, were both constructed and rewarded by authority. Abigail Hobbs's dry and shallow confessions, while highly vo l untary, neither garnered much value in the witch hunt nor resulted in a pardon. M a ry Warren's multiple confession s a nd graphic te s timony were gradually coerced by the magistrates and served progressively greater cultural purpose. A s a result, she gained greater status and was eventually released from jail to rejo i n the afflicted. Early in the trials, both the afflicted and tho s e accused as witches wanted Mary Warren's testimony discredited. She had been among the affiicted but later sugge ted they were dishonest when she said that the afflicted did but dissemble. In her firs t exan1inarion, the affiicted claimed her specter attacked them and in response she too h a d a "fir:' After continued hesitation and stammering she began to confess. She wa s then unable to maintain composure According to the record, the affiicted interpreted her fit as sign of an eventual confession: "Now Mary Warren fell into a fit, and s ome of the affiicted cryed out that she was going to confe ss, but Goody Corey, and Proctor, and his wife came in, in their apparition, and struck her down, and said she should tell nothing. "2l Her fits prevented her from carrying on, so they sent her out. Mary Warren gave nothing useful that day. Abigail Hobbs wa s als o examined that day. Only fourteen years old, s he was a sur vivor of the Maine frontier.22 She began to confess immediately, "I have s een sights and been scared, I have been very wicked, I hope I shall be better, (and) God will keep me."2 3 Abigail's heartfelt confe s sion was of a known and desirable form. She firs t s poke of her own wickedness and her generalized desire for forgiveness. Puritan women were l ikely to correlate the charge that they were witches with their own s infulness and guilt.2 4 After she announced her position as repenter, it was appropriate that the derails of her heresy follow in what was ritually known as "sight of sin."25 True to the genre she answered Hawthorne and Corwin s questions with specific features of her encounter s with the devil. 2 2 Shay Gon z ales CONFESSORS AND MARTYRS

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Mary Beth Norton and Wendel Craker both find it sig nificant that Abigail repeatedly related her encounter with the devil to when she lived at Casco Bay during the Indian War s four years prior. It is possible her easy confe ssion referenced that experience. She was certainly an unruly an d dangerou s child. Her in s tability i s obvious in the depo sitions put forth as evidence of her witchcraft. She bragged about her involvement with the devil on multiple occasions.26 She had also thrown water on her stepmother, Deliveran ce, and claimed to baptize her.27 Despite her cooper a tion Abigail denied attending any great meetings of witches. She also denied conspiring with the other witches to do hun," and instead only told of being s pectrally approached b y the devil, a cat, and Sarah Good to covenant with them. She failed to validate the depth of the Salem's anxiety by neglecting to name additional witches. Abigail Hobbs confession was otherwise coherent and effective and Samuel Parri s noted tha t, the afflicted were none of them tormented during the whole examination of thi s accused and confessing person."28 Curiously, de s pite that note and another that sta tes the affiicred were sympathetic toward s Abigail, there are three surviving depositions agai n s t her for spec tral witchcraft that day. This followed the established formula of Salem's trials wherein the accused were always charged with spectrally attacking a member of the afflicted during their initial examination. All of the depositions claimed that "as soon as [Abigail] began to confess she left off.' affiicting them.291he contradictory record shows both Salem's reliance on establi shed ritualized procedure and the relationship between confession and the favor of the court. Confession may not have always been the via ble s trateg ic or rational option that Bernard, Rosenthal and other historians claim it was. Not all who confessed were spared. The accusers and magistrates directed the witch hum to produce confessions that validated their cultural and soc ial concerns. Those few witches who conformed were rewarded for their participation. In her later pri son examination, Mary Warren gave evidence that Elizabeth Proctor had told her she was a witch. She also gave details about Giles Corey's clothes that suggest the magistrates' interference with her te s timony Mary knowing the ritual form from her time as a member of the afflicted, manipulated her narrative toward the expectations ofher examiner s On her second attempt, s he did much better than name rhe various solicitors of the devil's covenant. She gave derails of her actions against Ann Putnam, Mercy Lewis, and Abigail Williams. She described "a great meeting in Sanmel P arris's pasture [where] the y a dministered the sacrame nt," the devil's red bread and red wine, and validated a motivating concern of the witch hunt, heretical conspiracy. 3D Mary Warren was examined again a few day s later on April 21st. On that day she stalle d in the doorway of an adequate confession. She insisted without irony, that s he had only sworn her self to the devil with the tip of her finger, and that she was uns ure it was the devil's book at all. Although her confe ssion lacked the "solemn, open public and explicit," qualitie s that would feed the spirit of the witch hunt, it served as evidence against the Proctors. Simon Willard who recorded this exan1ination, noted "she would not own that she knew her master to be a witch or wizard."311hat day another half dozen were nan1ed as witches and issued war ram s It is unclear that any of the exan1inations of the day before led to these accusations. 2013 Historical Studies j ournal 23

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Mary Warren improved her confession with a s t a tement made aga inst John and Elizabeth Proctor sometime l ater in April; in that document s h e finally "charge(d] them personally," with witchcrafi:.32 She then re-joined the accusers, although s he remained in jail. Both Abigail Hobbs and Mary Warren were reexamined on May 12th At this time Abigail answered the leading que s tion of the exan1iner, "Did Mr. Burrough s bring you any of the poppets of his wives to stick pins into?" with an ap propriate open ness: "I do not remember that he did."33 Later in the document the exan1iner asked, "How did you know Mr. Burroughs was a witch?" to which Abigail replied she did not know, only that she her self had been a witch for the pa s t six years. Ro senthal, in hi s collec tion of the document s cited here, notes that whenever Burroughs was mentioned on this document the letter B appears in the margin.34 George Burroughs, a former minister of Salem, had been arreste d and brought b ack to Salem from Maine. His m i ni stry was a point of co ntention in the village and testimon y that he had covenanted with the devil tied the ritua l witch hunt to the community's actua l ill s The witch hunt was more necessary and meaningful with Burrough s named as leader of the conspiracy. Mary Warren's May 12th examination was rich with the detail her earlier fits pre vented. During her exan1ination, the specter of Goody Parker tormented and bit her Even to contemporaries, Mary's performance was frightening. Her affiiction on record validated the necessity of witch hunt and the a uthority of the court that admin istered it. Her testimony went on to describe the s pecters of witc hes already accused. They described to her how they had affiicted others and one even avowed herself to a murder 8 years prior.35 Mary Warren still had a particular role in the proceedings. She was sti ll in pri son as l a te as May 23rd, and her exan1inations were from h er position as a confessingwitch.36 Therefore her performances carried the weight of a witch s repentance and were bolstered by her supposed intim a te knowledge of the devil. Mary Warren was a rem ar kable actor in furnishing the witch hunt with nan1es, detail, and most importantly a dramatic depth She was released from jail in early June perhaps bec a use other acc used witchesEdward Bishop, Sarah Bishop, Mary Esty, and Mary Englishtestified that she had lost her grasp on reality. They said that in prison a month earlier, Mary Warren said she cou ld not tell what she said and that "hir head was di s tempered."37 Her quick and diligent acclimation to the "hysteria" of the witc h crisis was likely the result of the magistrate's pressure on an extant instability. Abig ail Hobbs' traun1atic frontier experience and Mary Warren's mental illness were both vehicles for the court to affirm it s a uthority and s trengthen its cultural ritual. Both testified together on June 1 st against a group of witches led by George Burroughs.3 8 According to their testimony, the feast of witches in Parris's pasture included Sarah Good, Sarah O s born, Bridget Bishop, Rebecc a Nurse, the Proctors, and others kno wn and unknown. Mary Warren's statement that Rebecca Nurse and Elizabeth Proctor had claimed "they were deacons" and that their blood wine was "be tter than our wine" must have resounded strongly wit h the Purit an fear of conspiracy and heresy. Thomas Newton, the recorder, noted tha t the specter ofRebecca Nurse affiicted Warren and choke d Abigail Hobbs. Mary even found a pin ran into her h a nd. She h a d been completel y drawn into the nece ssary drama of the witch hunt. In the beginning of June, she was released from 24 Shay Gonzales CONFESSORS AND MARTYRS

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prison.3 9 On June 2nd, Bridget Bishop was tried and convicted of witchcraft. A little more than a week later she was the first to be executed. In this intervening perio d between Bishop's execution an d the second trial on June 29th, no one else was accused. H owever evidence continued to accumulate, and the court examined Abigail Hobbs for the case agai n s t John Proctor.40 This was her last recorded examination until, despite her cooperation, she was indicte d for covenanting with the devil and for a ffiicting Mercy Lewi s on Septemb er 18th. Her confessions had produced sympathy and she had done her job in the hunt to cleanse Salem of the heretical conspiracy of witchcraft. The affiicted h a d encouraged he r confe ssio n an d she had followed some of the judges' leads to the correc t results. Her testimony lacked the drama and d etail needed to add depth an d meaning to the trials cleansing. Abigail's performance proved lacklu ster. Mary Warren's level of detail and conspiratorial depth in her revised confessions expanded and strengthened the community's rituali s tic purge of witchcraft. As a confes s ed wit ch, her te s timon y validate d the ultima t e authority of the Puritan God to h eal and reincorporate deviance and division. She had fallen to the devil, and despite his repeated attacks on her in open court s h e had confesse d with an abundance of detail and drama. Her testimony rem ained open ended and available to coproduction with the magistrates. Mary Warren left the accused to rejoin the affii c t ed. Later in the trials, s he bl ed from her mouth in the presence of the accused witches Mary War r en's instability and her early recanting furthered, rather than inhibited, the depth and power of the ritual. Salem's few confessors were precious. Most lacked credibili ty, and others l acked performative depth and ritualistic value. Only Mary Warren valida t ed the procedure of the court and serve d as a model of the type of redemption the wit ch hunt ritua l was meant to incur. T Hf WITCH No2. Library ofCongms, Pr ints & Photographs D ivision 2013 Historical Studies journal 25

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None of those who entered and kept to their confessions during the Salem Crisis were execut ed. It is unclear how easy it was for the accused to see the pattern. In June, when Bridget Bishop was the first to hang most confessors h a d been waiting in jail and had alread y been exan1ined several times. 4 1 After Bridget Bis hop' s death, the court attracted scrutiny from Boston' s b a ptists.42 The judge s took pause to ask the advice of the minis try. In a letter delivered on June 15th, Cotton Mather and others advised the court to exercise a "very critical and exquisite caution," and expressed reserva tions abo ut spectral evidence. 4 3 The trials took a fortuitous new direction when the afflicted began to accuse the residents of Andover. The accused Andover residents Ann Foster, he r daug h ter, and granddaughter as well as Richard Carrier and his brother, Andrew all confessed before the second round of executions.44 This temporarily gratified the court Cotton Mather was overcome w ith relief and joy when he wrote, Our good God is working of miracles. Five witches were latel y executed, impudently demanding of God a miraculous vindication of their innocency. lnm1 e diately upon this, our God miraculously sent in five Andover witches, who made a most an1ple, surprising amazing confession of al l their villanies and decl are d the five newl y executed to have been of their co mpany, discovering many more but all agreeing in Burrough s being their ring l eader,[ ... ] since those, there have come in other confessors; yea, the y come i n daily About this prodig i ous matter my soul has been refres h ed with some littl e sho rt of miraculou s answers of prayer, which are not to be writte n; but they comfort me with a prospect of a hopeful issue. 4 5 The prospect of a fruitfu l witch hunt comforted Cotton Mather. The number of repenting witches in Andover proved the supremacy of both the Puritan God and the rule of law. Salem's abundance of unrepentant witches had threatened to turn over the witch hunt by becoming martyrs. Andover's confessions were a sign for the magistrate s that the y would be successful and Essex County wou l d be cleansed of both witchcraft and its underly i ng social division. Cotton Mather's optimism was misplaced. The Andover confessions, despite their overwhelming volume, did not remed y the crisis. Margo Burns claim s that the Andover confessions were so numerous because "common speech," or gossip circulated that con fessors would be spared.46 Despite the florid confessions of the Andover witc hes they were s till passed over to prosecution. This tragically flawed s trategy resulted in enough confessions as to exh aust the judges good faith.47 Salem Village was deeply divided. Some have claimed Andover suffered from similar division s over t h eir ministers, but the crisis manifested in Samuel Parris' home because that was where the cultural catharsis of a witch hum was needed. An id eal witch hunt would have allowed the accusers from one side of the fracture in Salem to bring their aggression toward the other into the open and to process that agg ression and its resulting gui lt collectively.48 The process could have reaffirmed the accusers' commitment to the community and its Puritan values, and also allowed the accused to rejoin them. E l izabeth Reis, a scho lar specializing in US women's hi sto ry and gender, asserts tha t the cultural 2 6 Shay Gonzales CONFESSORS ANO MARTYRS

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performance of confession could create a "para digm of perfect redemption" for both the accusers and the confessingwitches.49 It was necessary that the accused conform to certain prescriptions: conspiratorial depth, detail, and tran sformation, to complete the cycle of ritualized violence and to reaffirm authority and belief in the community. Alter Salem, confession ceased to be culturally saliem.so The sacrament neither renewed coherence in the body social nor validated the authorities who desperately called for affirmation. Bec ause Salem failed to produce an adequate number of repenters, and even fewer capable of producing the appropriate form, the rite of confes s ion functioned nor to heal but to exacerbate tensions. The witch hunt in Salem could nor achieve irs culturally cathartic and rransformarive purpose without adequate confessions. Without confessors, Salem was left with martyrs. 2013 Historical Studies journal 27

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Library ojCo11gress, Prints & Photographs Division

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I n 2016, the National Park Service (NPS) will celebrate its centennial." Throughout its long tradition of preserving America's scenic wonders, the NPS has also per petuated programs for the American public that, though not as visible, are of equal value in preserving our national heri tage. The Historic American Buildings Survey is one of those progran1s. The survey not only constitutes a vital resource in The Historic American Building Survey: Preservation of the Built Arts :_. ': -' '. documenting our na t ional heri tage but it also helps its citizens understand their past so that they may better chart a course for their immediate and long-term future. In ord er to plan that route, they must first look back and comprehend just how they arrived at their moment in history. After World War I, the American economy thrived, lead ing to the exu b era nce of the R oa r ing Twenties." That era of prosperity can1e to an end on October 29, 1929: Black Tuesday The stock market crash sent the U.S. spi raling into a G r eat Depression that would be exacerbated by t he great dust bowls of the 1930s. During this time s evere drought conditions began to prevail across mo s t of the mid-western region due to the poor farming practices of improper crop rotation and the over-planting of nutrient-exhausted s oils. These two major catastrophes and other factors p l unged the nation into an agricultural, economic, and social crisis that would forever change the nation. Nonetheless, the adversity Douglas Fow l e r i s a graduat e s tud e nt in Publi c History with an emphasi s on hi s tori c preser v ation

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of the Great Depression laid the groundwork for important new programs of historic preservation and conservation that would be enacted for future generations to follow. Out of the depths of poverty emerged a stronger nation and with it the beginning of a historic preservation program that would become the longe s t running program of its kind in the nation, the Historic American Buildings Survey. By 1932 the national unemployment rate had risen to over thirty-five percent. Upon accepting the presidential nomination on July 1, 1932 New York Governor Franklin D. Roosevelt proposed a "New Deal" for revitalizing the Ameri ca n economy through the establishment of work relief program s for the hundreds of thousands of unemployed citizens. Within his "F ir s t One Hundred Days" of office he called the 73rd Congress into emergency session on March 9, 1933 to propose an unprecedented initiative. Roosevelt's plan would put to work unemp l oyed young men b y creating a peacetime civilian army and engaging them in conservation work across the nation. Initially known as the Emergency Conservation Work Act, the progran1later came to be known as the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC). The legi s lation passed rapidly ; Roo sevel t's inauguration was on March 4, 1933, an d on March 27th Senate Bill S. 598 passed both houses of Congress. It was s igned b y the president four days later on March 31st. On AprilS, 1933, Executive Order 6101 authorized the program and the first induction of an enrollee took place on April 7, only thirty-seven days after the presidents inauguration. To kick start and coordinate such a massive and complex undertakin g, four govern mental agencies were ca lled on to administer the program: the Departments of War, Labor, Agriculture, and Interior. From the beginning logistic s were a daunting obstacle. According to one hi story of the CCC, "[ t ] h e bulk of young unemplo yed youth was concentrated in the East while most of the work projects were in the West. The Army was the only department capable of merging the two and the y quickly developed plan s of managing thi s peacetime mission of transporting personnel and material s to the Project work camp sites."! Using regular and reserve officers, the Army ran the operations of the camps them selves, while personnel from the Departments of Agriculture and Interior staffed the camps with superintendents and foremen to direct and run the work crews. The Departme nts of Agriculture and Interior were responsible for planning and organiz ing the work that was to be performed b y the CCC in the National Fore s ts, State Parks, and the National Parks. Horace Albright, who had succeeded Stephen Macher on January 12 1929 to become the second direccor of the National Park Service "represented the Department of the Interior on the CCC advisory council a nd put considerable effort into getting the Program started in the Spring and Sun1mer of 1933."2 He immediately recognized that the CCC was a potential bonanza for the national parks. From the beginning the CCC was able co accomplish useful work in the parks because each unit in the park system had prepared a ma s ter plan for developmental and protective work. This was generally kept six years ahead of date in order to provide a full progran1 oflong-term development in the event that appropriations were enlarged in any year. These plans were 30 DouglasFowler THE H I STORI C AMERICAN BUILDING SURVEY

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quickly ref ur b ishe d in early 1933 b eca use Albright and his associa te s in the Washington office had anticipa ted that the national parks might be used for economic 'pump-priming' public works projects) During thi s time fram e a ne w ideology developed w ithin the National Park Service that would be the impetus for the creation of the His toric American Building Survey. Thi s program would initially be linked directly with the Civilian Conservation Corps under the charge of the National P ark Service. When Albright became the new director of the National Park Service he imm ediately d eclared that hi s job woul d include going "rat her hea vily into the hi s torical park field." 4 Until this time the National Park s had primaril y been c reated to preserve and p romote the n a tion's natural landsca pes, yet Albrigh t wanted to build upon another asp ect whic h h ad until then not been adequa tel y addressed. According to one source, "[t] h e act that created the NPS was commo nl y known b y its uno fficial title, the Organic Act; and the act that created a n a tional p ark the 'Enabling Legisl ation' whi c h de scri bed the p articular national park's purpose, boundaries, resources and the mechanism for revisions."S The Organic Ac t esta bli s hing the N a tio nal Park Service with in the Department of the Interior is contained within Title 16, C h apter 1 Su b c h apter 1 of the United States Code: ... th e service thus establi s hed shall prom ote and regulate the use of the Federa l areas known as national parks monun1ents, and reservations hereinafter sp ecified .. .for the purpose of conserving the scenery and the natural and historic obj ects and the wild lif e therein and to provide for the enjoyment of the sa me in such manne r and b y suc h mean s as wi ll l eave them u nimp aired for the enjo yment of future generatio ns."6 The Organic Act not only defines the mission of the National P a rk Service, it also defined the purpose of the national parks as a collec tiv e syst em: ... the national parks thoug h distinct in character, are united through their inter-rela ted purposes and resources into one national park system as cumu l at ive expressions of a sing le national heritage; tha t individually and collec tively, these areas de r ive increase nati onal dignit y and recogn ition of their s uperb environmental quality through their inclusion jointly with each o ther in one National park system preserved and managed for the benefit and inspira tion of all the peopl e of the United States."? Beli eving that national parks could convey the story of an emerging national herit a ge, Albright wante d to conserve the hi s toric o bje c t s as well. Later he woul d recall: I had a dream I wa nted to make real For years I h a d wanted to get the many national military parks, battlefields, and monuments transferred out of the War Department and Department of Agric ulture into the National Park Service so we co uld give proper protect ion and interpret a tion to these 2013 Historical Studies journal 31

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great historic and cultural treasures. It had become something close to a crusade for me .. .I was motivated by a fascination with history that I had felt from early childhood."S In the early months of 1933, the National Park Service began to develop an organization to direct the activities of the CCC. These Park Service personnel were assigned to various supervisory roles to coordinate CCC work. One of these roles was given to Charles E. Peter son, Chief of the Eastern Divi s ion and Branch of Plan s and Design, who would oversee all plans and designs in the eastern parks. With a strong administrative staff in p lace coordinating the CCC work, Albright had an opportunity to "finally put the agency s quarel y into the field of hi storic preserv ation and development."9 On Sunday April 9th Albright had a fortuitous personal conservation with the president and petitioned him to place all Federal sites and monuments into the care of the National Park Service. His vision was that the N ational Park Service s hould be a system of parks and monun1ents that s tressed the large patterns of American history. He believed that every park and monu ment had historical significance and could contribute to the public's understanding of the development of the American republic. The president' s quick acquiescence resulted in executive orders 6166 and 6628 on June lOth and Jul y 28th 1933. Authorization of the transfer became effective on August 1Oth of that year. A s one hi s torian noted, Now the service, previously mo st visible as a natural wilderness manager, was firmly in command of federal historic preservation acti vity as well." tO "Usi ng Emergency Conservation Work funds, which was the Civilian Conservation Corps, staff was hired with backgrounds in history and arc heology to work in the new parks and monun1ents," according to hi storian Jan Townsend. II "This administrative unification of the government's historic sites was important to the development of a comprehensive, coherent federal preservation program; historian Barry Mackintosh of the NPS wrote in The Historic Sites Survey and National Historic Landmarks P rogram. I 2 Charles Peterson would initi a te the last contribution On November 8, 1933 Franklin D. Roosevelt unveiled a nother New Deal Progran1 that would create jobs for millions of unemployed citizens: the Civilian Works Administration (CWA). This would create mainly construction job s that would last through the winter of 1933 1934. The CWA was a project created under the Federal Emergency Relief Admini stra tion that had been enacted on May 12th of 1933, autho rizing immediate grants to s tates for relief projects. Working along with the CCC, the CWA projects were put under the juri s diction of the National P ark Service as wel l "where they were organized and s upervised using as many workers as could be used profitably in connection with work in the national parks and monun1ents."I 3 Harry L. Hopkins who had been instated as Director of the Civil Works Administration, so licited ideas for employment initiatives, including initiatives for profe ssionals most impacted b y the Depre ssion. An epiphany came to the young landscape architect working as the Chief of the Eastern Division of the National Park Service, and on May 13 1933, Charles Peter son wrote out the ideas and concepts of that inspiration Six months prior, when Executive Order 6133 transferred the parks and monun1ents under the War Department and Forest 32 DouglasFowler THE HISTORI C A MERICAN BUIL D I N G SURVEY

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Service to the National Park Service, the number of sites under NPS management had quadrupled. Though instigated by the need for unemployment relief, Peterson's idea revealed an ambitious philosophy that emphasized the danger of cultural loss associated with our American heritage. Peterson wrote, ... the plan I propose is to enlist a qualified group of architects and draft s men to study, measure and draw up the plans elevations, and details of the important antique buildings of the United States. Our architectural heritage of building s from the last four centuries diminishe s daily at an alarming rate. The ravages of fire and the natural element s together with the demolition and a l terations caused by real estate improvements form an inexorable tide of destruction destined to wipe out the great majority of the buildings which knew the beginning and first flourish of the nation. The comparatively few structures which can be saved by extraordinary effort and pre sente d as exhibition houses and museums or altered and used for residences or minor commercial uses comprise only a minor percentage of the intere s ting and important architectural s pecimens which remain from the old days. It is the responsibility of the American people that if the great number of our antique buildings must disappear through economic causes, they should not pass into unrecorded oblivion ... The list of building types should include public buildings, churches, residences, bridges, forts barns, mills, shops, rural out buildings and any other kind of s tructure of which there are good specimens extant ... Other structures which would not engage the especial interest of an architectural connoisseur are the great number of plain s tructures which by fate or accident are identified with hi s toric events."l4 Peterson presented his idea to Secretary of the Interior Harold L. Ickes, Assistant Director of the NPS Arthur E Demaray, and newl y installed Director of the NPS Arno B. Cammerer. Winning quick approval from them and Harry L. Hopkins, the program was funded by the newly established CWA and operated from November 28, 1933 until April28, 1934. According to John A. Burns, author of Recording Historic Structures, this 'Preservation through Documentation' principle which Peterson proposed recommended that "the survey should not document s tructures built after 1860. A logical end point, the date determined the type and style of building s that would dominate the early recording efforts of this newly enacted Historic American Buildings Survey. The recommend a tion implied that buildings should be at lea st seventy-three years old to be considered hi s toric, and it eliminated from consideration the huge nun1ber ofbuildings constructed in the last part of the nineteenth century." I S 2013 H istori cal Studies journal 33

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These limitations would curtail the number of buildings to be documented, and narrowed the architectural s tyle as well since before 1860 bri ck, stone, and wood were the predominant me ans used for th e built environment. Thus, chis position undoubtedly created a biased result. According to cul tural resource hi storians Li sa Pfueller David son and Martin]. Perschler "Bui ldings prioritized for documentation typicall y exhi bited the pre industrial aesthetics and hi storical associations prized by the Colonial Revival movem ent. While Native American and Spanish Colonial struc tures were given s pecial mention, the pre 1860 focus and gene ral interest in the earliest possible s tructures revealed a bia s towards the architec ture of the eas tern seaboard ."J6 Though sligh tly flawed and narrow, Peter son's proposal was widely app lauded and imp l emented. The progr am's success in employing architects, photographers, and drafts men to record significant examples of the American architectural herit age was so great that when the program ended in April 1934, the Historic American Buildings Survey ( HABS ) was created administratively under a tripartite agreement between the Librar y of Congress, the American In stitute of Architects, and the National P ark Service in July of 19 34. Each group was assigned a specific t ask. The NPS set the s tand ards, organized the p rojects, an d sought the necessary funding through congressional appro pri a t ions or private or sta te sources, depending upon the projects. The members of the American Institute of Architects offered counseling services, while the Library of Congress pre served the records and made them available to the public While the National Park Service was overseeing the preservation work of the CCC through developing s t a t e hi s toric sites and the preserva tio n work of HABS through docun1enting sta te hi storic sites, "both programs cut across fede ral and s tate line s involving the Service with hi storic properties and preservation funct ions regardless of juri s di ctio n Yet their activitie s were a dmini strative improvisations, la cking specific legal authority. To insure that it could continue its broad based involvement, t h e Service needed the sanction oflaw."l7 Legislative a uthorit y would come two years l ater with the passage of the Historic Sites Act, drafted b y the Interior Department in January 19 35. Secretary Harold L. Ickes s ummari zed its purpose while promoting its legi s lation before the House Public L ands Committee in April of that year: "to lay a broad legal found a tion for a national program of pre serva tion and rehabilitation of hi s toric sites and to enab l e the Secretary of the Interior to carry on in a planned rational and vigorous m a nner an important function w hich b ecause of lack of legal authorization, he has hitherto had to exercise in a rath er weak and haphazard fashion." 1 8 P assed on August 21, 1935 the preamble of the Historic Sites Act sta ted "it is a national policy to pre serve for public use hi storic sites, buildings, and objects of national sig nificanc e for the inspiration and benefit of the people of the United States."l 9 The Secretary of Interior was given the power through the juri sdic tion of the N a tion a l P ark Service "to secure, collate, and pre serve drawings, plans, photographs, and oth er data of hi s tori c an d a rchaeologic a l s ites, buildings, and objects" and "to m ake a survey of historic 34 Doug/asFowler THE HISTORIC AMERICAN BUILDING SURVEY

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and archaeological sites, buildings, and objects for the purpose of determining which possess exceptional value as commemorating or illustrating the history of the United States."20 By defining a thematic approach to historic site select ion this Act gave pre serva tion powers to the National Park Service and authorized the continuation of the HABS Program which had come to be defined as "a cooperative agreement with s tate and local governments, organizations, and individuals for the care of non-federal historic properties not specified as nationally sig nificant."21 This legi slation fueled the HABS progr am so that by the time it came to a halt in 19 4 1 due to the onset of World War II "more than 23,765 sheets of measured drawings and 25,357 photographic negati ves of some 6,389 structures had be en recorded."22 Afi:er World War II several legi slative initi atives failed to reinstate the Historic American Building Survey as a vital federally mandated hi s toric preservation program This was mainly due to a lack of enthusiasm for the pro gram, espec iall y among governmental bureau crats. Attempts a t using the National Tru st for Historic Pre servation as a primer for the program failed. Chartered by Congress in 1949 the Trust existed to further the purpose of the Historic Sites Act "by accep ting and administering donations of property and money and otherwise promoting private preser vation efforts."23 Created as a liaison between the public and private sectors to bolster the Historic Sites Act, the Trust was still too young and fragile to l a unch such a massive financial and public agen da so soon after its creation. Therefore the pl an for the N a tional Trust to help activa te the them atic l andmarks program never came to fruition. But a ten-year development program called Mission 66 initiated under Director Conrad L. Wirth in 1956 aimed to improve facilities throughout the National Park System in time for the fiftieth anniversary of the Service, creating a new opportunity for progress in historic preservation.24 The parks had become victims ofWorld War II neglected since Roo sevel t's New Deal era of the 1930 s and in need of funds for basic maintenance and to deal wit h an incre asing number of visitors. Conrad Wirth took over as dir ector of the National Park Service in 1951 and found the problem of funding for new constructio n and facility maintenance still remained unresolved.25 Wirth became increasingly alarmed by the upsurge in park visitation s purred by the strong postwar eco nomy, the growing popularity of automobiles, and an explosion of vacationing Americans visiting the parks. In 195 5, fifty million visitors visited national parks that were equipped to accommodate half that number.26 The solu tion to the Park Service's dilemma came to Wirth in February 195 5 when he conceived of a comprehensive program to modernize the Park Service. Wirth's insight occurred once he considered the Park Service's situation through the eyes of a congressman. In stead of submitting a yearly budget, as in the past, he would request an entire decade of funding, locking in money for building projects that coul d last for years. Those congressmen who sough t real improvements for the parks in their own districts would understand the need to secure a ppropri ations over significant durations. With a dequate funding, Wirth was able to proceed with the Mission 66 program P From its conception, Mission 66 was touted as a program to elevate the parks from their birth in an archaic age of romanticism to a modern, streamlined operation offer ing comfort and efficiency, as well as an attemp t to conse rve the now well-worn natural 2013 Histori cal Studies journal 35

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resources w ithin their jurisdiction. A prospectus for Mission 66, sent by Secre t ary of the Interior Douglas McKay to President Dwight D Eisenhower in February 1956, proposed an array of activities that the Service had previously been un able to undertake due to it s limited yearly budgets. It included a proposed reactivation of the HABS. The prospectus, describing the survey as approximately half comp l eted when terminated by the war," declared that HABS s hould be completed, brought up -to-da te, and kept c urrent.28 Upon approval of the Mission 66 program by the Eisenhower administration and Congress, National Park Service per son nel immediately began reactivation of the Survey Program and resumed activities in July 1957, with the Department of the Inter ior and the National Tru st for Historic Preservation signing an agreement to share in the a dmini stratio n of the Survey. With the Mission 66 Program projected to last ten years, the su bor dinate Histori c Sites Survey progran1 was to las t only four years until its anticipate d conclusion in 1961. Yet, as is typical with governmental processes, once the wo rk began in earnest it was soo n realized that more time and money would be needed By the middle of 1963, only twenty-seven of the fort y planned theme studies were finished In an effort to reassure the ad mini stration, a booklet published by the National Park Service in 1964 s t a ted that the Survey was scheduled for completion in 1966 However an internal memo of the same date stated that "re cent plans called for the completion of the major portion of the Survey by the close of the 1966 calendar year, however, some additional studies will be made at the request of the Secretary, Congress, etc., and as new information from historical and arc heolo gical research becomes available."29 New political developments wo uld bol ster the Survey and put its future on a firm footing. Pre s ident Lyndon B. Johnson praised the National Landmark s Progran1 in his February 1965 message to Congress on natural beauty. With Johnson' s firm endorsement, the future of HABS was secured; he succeeded in framing conservation as a patriotic imperative beyond criticism. Later that year another published review of the progre ssion of the Surv ey failed to mention any time line for its comp letion and the Survey continued forward in an open-ended fashion, without a set termination date. According to B arry Mackintosh, author of The Histori c Sites Survey and National H istoric Landmarks Program, the insti tutionalization of the landmark s program meant it was no longer nece ssary or politicall y correct to speak of comp l eting any of the theme studies, for the mind set was that if ele ments of the program cou ld be completed, so could the whole progran1 putting it out of business."30 The pa ssage of the National Historic Pre servatio n Act in 1966 gave the Survey total immunity from termin a tion and made it out-of-bounds for politica l attacks. The 1966 National Histor ic Pr eservat ion Act broadened the National Park Ser vice's responsibilities to include properties oflocal, state and national sig nifi cance. It authorized matching federal fund s to the states to identify, acq uire and preserve historic properties. It also required that federal agencies weigh the effects of their projects on historic properties. The prop erties covered by the act were to be lis ted in a comprehensive National Register of Historic Places, initially comprising the national hi stor ic landmarks and historical units of the National Park System, and then supplemented by properties nominated by historic pre serva tion officers in the respective states,31 36 DouglasFowler THE HISTORIC AMERICAN BUILDING SURVEY

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After World War II the National Park Service worked diligentl y to obtain the funding to reinstate the Historic American Building Survey Program; first and foremost to fuel it s own internal program The National Survey of Historic Site s and Buildings, commonly shortened to the His toric Sites Surve y and two decade s later in respon s e to Congressional legi s lation establishing the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966. These Act s man dated the s urveying of propertie s deemed hi s toric and the docum entation was n e eded for s everal different reasons. Fir s t, the y were needed by the Park Ser v ice its elf to fulfill a theme park ideology to establish a n a tional park system showcasing the evoluti o n of our national Americ a n Heritage. Second the federal government needed to know i f the hi s toric propertie s s lated for de s truction w ere of c o nsiderably more intrin s ic cultural value than the economic resource value in order to weigh the con s equences of it s own propos ed project s tha t would de s troy and replace them. Third HABS was a tool being u s ed for private, lo cal, s tate, and nation a l juri s diction s and municipalitie s to mitig a te the negative effects upon our history and culture through the rapidly v anishing archi te c mral land s c a pe Though a t times seen b y s ome as the Death Mask of America; the HABS admini s tered by the N a tional Park Servi c e' s Heritage Documenta tion Program i s the nation s firs t and oldest federal pre s erv a tion program dealing with the built environment HABS c ontinues to cre a te a record of endangered buildings that c ould not be pre s er ved through other means. B y recording the physical remain s of earlier e ra s of our Ame rican herit age the intangible qualities of earlier American architecture and culture might not This typical pag from a Historic Am.rican Building S"rv'Y building portfolio should prov wiful in th, plar md mtoration ojth Moffat Sta t ion at 21 0 1 1 5th Strut i n Low" Downtown Dmv.r. Library ofCon gms, Prints & Photographs Division 2013 His t ori c a l S t udies j o ur nal 31 I I i I 1,., I I I! ,tct I 1"' I I I I I I!

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be lost to the winds of progress. Structures surveyed by HABS teams are insured against complete and total loss because the documents survive even though the buildings do nor. With archival documentation that is required to last five hundred years b y the Library of Congress, the drawings, photographs, negatives, and written histories of our American Heritage have been preserved for future generations. Currently at the turn of the 21st century, the Historic American Buildings Survey continues to be an active progran1 in the National Park Service's Heritage Documentation Program due to t h e legislation of Section 106 in the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966; bur by various means the built environment of our American heritage s low l y disap pears At the Intermountain Regional Offices of the National Park Service in Lakewood Colorado, documentation ofHABS site s continues to be processed and submitted to the Library of Congress. Though seen by some as an obituary on the back page of Americas' historical legacy, our built heritage merits more than an honorable mention. Each successive generation is rooted in those who came before. Recognition of the past can include honoring and acknowledging the hearths and havens of those citizens who have come before us. Volunteering in the archival processing of documentation g l eaned for the HABS program in the Intermountain Regional Office s has revealed the tremendou s amount of work that goes into that effort. Although not a highly visible b ra nch of the National Park Service it deserves considerably more recognition than it receives For preserving our heritage is not only the valuing of the natural and environmental wonders of scenic America, bur it is also the honoring and preserving of the cultural resources that have helped establish and form our national American heritage. Thi s insight into our s toried past can inform a foundational vision for the future.

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Th 8 commonality of crowd-sounds s pans mil lennia, the dull rumble-roar connecting the past to the present with its constancy. Whether gathered for a sporting event, concert, protest, or celebration, the mass of humanity within any given crowd shares a camaraderie, if only briefly. Individual participant s of the group share some mutual trait or goal, which adds commonality to the atmosphere. Outside the throng may be others, unable to attend, who share the crowd's collective consciousness.! When a particular group adopts immoral ideologies or practices, any failure to oppose the crowd implies approval. Albert Einstein, a civil rights activist in addition to his more acclaime d scientific achievements, referred to this type of social consent when commenting on America's race relations, asser ting that he could "escape a feeling of complicity only by speaking out."2 At the time Einstein s poke those words, hate crimes including lynching had a long history in the United States. While the popular image oflynching involves vigilante justice and assumed guilt leading to a hanging the reality of l ynch ing lent an air of civility to that scenario. Often performed as spectacle in front of crowds who heard by word of mouth or who read about the upcoming event in their local newspaper, lynching served as both entertainment and as a form of social control over those considered racially or otherwise inferior. Couples on dates, familie s on outings, young and old alike came to watch their fellow United States citizens tortured and dehumanized before being murdered. However, the crowd Pam Mila vee is a graduate student, educator and Personal Historian /Biographer at lvoryrose Legacies.

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was really much larger than the thousands who flocked to watch the gruesome di splay. There were those who chose to stay home, or who learned about the lynching afi:er the fact, but the largest group by far were those silent accomplices who allowed the mobs to assem ble unabated. The vio lence continued albeit in a less exhibitionist fashion, until the second half of the twentieth century-and the perpetrator s went unpuni she d. Of course, not all were s ilent. The act of lynching and some time s even t he lynching victims themselves found commemoration in the arts. Lang sto n Hughes wrote over twenty poems devoted to the topic of lynching.3 The crucifixion of Christ served as a conunon theme in lyn c hing liter ature. In the 1922 poem "Christ Revisited," Countee Cullen declared that [ t ]he South is crucifying Christ again," whose "awful wrong is that he's d ark of hue." Claude McKay's The Lynching, which also referenced the c rucifixion, a dmoni s h e d that "little lads, lyncher s that were to be, [ d ] anced round the dreadfu l thing in fiendi sh glee."4 Author Richard Wright, who alluded to lynching and its effectiveness at instilling fear in severa l of his writings, "stum ble [ d] upon" a lynching victim reduced to "w hite bone s s lun1bering forgottenly upon a cushion of ashes" in his poem Between the World and Me. He effectively described the scene: A vacan t s hoe, an empty tie, a ripped shirt, a lonel y hat, and a pair of trousers stiff with black blood. And upon the trampled grass were buttons, dead matches, butt-ends of cigars and cigaret tes, peanut shells, a drained gin-flask, and a whore's lip stick ... S Wright reanimates and becomes one with the victim as his tormentors pass "[ t]he gin flask from mouth to mouth ... and "the whore smeared lipstick red upon her lips .... After reliving the night's atrocities, the narrator him self become s "dry bone s and [his] face a stony skull star ing in yellow surpr ise at the sun .... "6 Secure in their conviction of superiority, the perpetrators themselves com memorated the lynchings. Those not fortunate enoug h to procure some body feti sh, piece of clothing or other item that held a direct connection with the victim, purchased post cards.ln1ages ofhun1an beings hangin g, or burning often afi:er being cut, castrate d, or subjec ted to other tortures, became mementos to be sto red away, or sent to friends and family, the way more civil i zed p eo ple send postcards from places like Yellowstone or Paris As horrific as the images of the lifeless bodies are, the faces in the crowd are far more grisly. Children smile or sneer, lovers hold hands, and men an d women freeze in place, posing for the camera. One participant at the lynching of seventeen year old Jesse Washington in Waco, Texas wrote to his parents, "This is the barbecue we had last night," and pointed out his position in the crowd.? Another postcard from an unknown lynchin g site wrote to whoeve r might come across the card, "Warning: The answer of the Anglo-Saxon race to black brutes who would attack the womanhood of the South."8 The fact that suc h images cou ld legall y be sent through the United States Mail untill918, evidences the silent complicity. Similarly, efforts to pass a federal antil ynching law never came to fruition. 40 PamMilave c ANOTHER FACE IN THE CROWD

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Though the Civil Rights Movement brought about positive change, little dialogue took place to heal past wounds. The names of victims and the s ites of their suffering faded into obscurity. A s Kenneth E. Foote stresses in his book Shadowed Ground: America's Landscapes ofViolence and Tragedy, "white culture [had] had two cenruries to develop and mark its myth of origins in the l andscape." It takes "tremendous effort ... to overcome the power of shame and to position the sites in interpretive scaffo lding capable of challenging the one accepted b y the ascendant majority."9 Antiques dealer and author Jame s Allen confronted the lyn ching issue with the 2000 public ation of his book an d s ubsequent exhibit, Withou t Sanctuary: Lynching Photography in America The book, a collection of po stcards and photographs s uch as those mentioned above, brutally forces an acceptance of our less than idyllic past. The exhibi t debuted a t the New York His tori cal Society in 2000. Since that time, the traveling exhibit has drawn record crow ds, though not without opposition. Many people think it be st to remain in blissful silence, rather than confront our past. When scheduled for exhibit at Atlanta s Emory University, many people in the city "too busy to hate" found the ti me to express their concern against publicly airing our dirty hi storical laundr y Some expressed concern that the exhibition "wo uld serve to further divide rather than to unite" and "incite feelings of rage and resentment among black people." Many were concerned that visitors to the exhibit would recognize fan1ily members among the lynching attendees in the nun1erou s photographs. Though much of the resistance came from white Atlantans, many Africa-An1ericans also rejected the need to revisit such a p ainful part ofhistory.J O Mr. Umoja of Georgia State di sagreed, stating "lynching i s etched into the memory of bl ack people," and insisted that "until you have an honest discu ssion, you can't have any real healing." II Most socio logi sts would agree, particularly those whose field of study includes the topic of social trauma It is only when the truth of a traumatic event is faced that "survivors can begin their recovery." 1 2 However the" central diale c tic of psychological tr auma" is the "conflict between the will to deny horrible events and the will to procl aim them aloud." Kenneth E. Foote notes, "few soc ietie s seem to have the moral courage needed to confront directly a leg acy of genocide and racism."I3 The recent, however small, trend toward commemoration of lynching victims and sites may well mean that the United States will eventually come to represent one of those "few societies." Far short of that goal, the current trend has at least propelled our country into the second of three nece ssary s tep s toward recovery, remembrance and mourning."l4 Before Jan1es Allen's exhibit, Dr. James Can1eron founded An1erica's Black Holocaus t Museum in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Inspired b y a visit to the Yad Veshem Holocaust Memorial in Israel the museum's mission statement is "to educate the public of injus tice s suffere d by people of African American herit age, while providing visitors with an opportunity to rethink their assumptions about r ace and racisms." IS Dr. Cameron had first-hand knowledge of the subject having been the near-victim of a lynch mob on 7 August 1930 in Marion, Indiana when he was just six teen years old. He, along with two other teenagers h ad been accuse d of murdering a white man. After his friends had both been lynched, member s of the mob can1e after him. Cameron recalled the mob "chanting 2013 H istorical Studies j ournal 41

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his name as if it was a football match c h eering on a favorite player .... We want Cameron. We want Camero n .... The crowd beat him al l the way to the tre e where hi s friends' lifeless bodies hung. The rope h ad been placed around his neck w h en someone from the crowd spoke out for him.l 6 The crowd s p ared his life, perhaps having sated their craving for blood through the brutal double murder of the two young men, Thomas Shipp and Abram Smith. Pictures of the murders are among the more infamous images of its type. A postcard of the event, fran1ed with a lock of hair, found its way into James Allen's exhi bit. The caption written on the frame's matte states, B o points to his niga." And, there in the center of the photo grap h is Bo, his extended arm pointing to Cameron's friend, Abe Abe had been stripped from the waist down, but s omeone from some distorted sense of decency, wrap p e d a cloth around his body a t some point prior to the photo session. Blood stain s down the center of the cloth hint at the extent of the crowd s barbarity 1 7 Though no marker commemorates the lives of Thomas Shipp and Abram Smith, the photograph of their lynching so horrified New York schoolteac h er Abel Meeropol that he wrote a poem, Bitter Fruit. The poem, published in 1937 in the New York Teache r u nd er the pen nam e Lewis Allen, was a d apted into Billie Holliday's song, Strange Fruit. Ms. H olliday's talent catapulted Strang e Fruit to the s t atus of" an t i-lynching anthem ."I8 Despite the fact that the teenagers who inspired the poem me t their end in Marion Indiana, the last verified lynching to occur in a northern s tate, Meeropol jux t aposes the genteel and pastoral self-images of the South with the reality oflynching: Pas toral scene of the gallant s outh, The bulging eyes and the twisted mouth, Scent of magnolias, sweet and fresh Then the sudden smell of burning flesh.I9 Holiday milked the song s effect by savi ng it for last during her live performances. The a udience would leave and "[t]heir insides burned with" the song.20 Jame s Cameron carried a piece of the rope used to kill one ofhis friend s as a rem ind er o f "a terrible time in American history."21 House Resolution 86 7 recognized Jan1es Can1eron as "the last living survivor of a lynching until his death on June 11, 2006 at age 92" and honored his lifelon g commi tm ent to civil rights that included creating the America' s Black Holocaust Museum."22 Though Cameron received both an apology and a pardon in 1993 from the governor of Indiana, no plans for a memorial for the two yo ung men w h o were kille d are in the works. Some lynch sites require no specia ll y placed plaque to serve as commemoration; s ometime s a particular landmark link s the site to it s past. Such is the ca s e with Shubuta, Mississippi s infamous Hanging Bridge." For years the existence of the bridge ser v ed as a form of soc ial control, a symbol of what would happen if you spoke out, spoke too loudl y or spoke a bout being wronged."23 Six known people lost their lives on the bridge though rumor hold s that w h i t e mobs brought black p eople from n eighbori ng s t ates to be hun g fro m its trellises.24 42 P am M i lavec ANOTHER FACE IN THE CROWD

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While the bridge served as a silent reminder, the topic oflynching remained a taboo in Shubuta until recently. Under the guidance of 90 year old Reverend Jim McRee dia logue about Shubuta's past has opened up. The United Methodist Church's Mississippi Conference Commission on Religion and Race held a commemoration for the lynching victims on January 22nd, 2009. A conference held in February of the same year focused on the Shubuta killings. These two events are part of a yea rlong series called Journe y Toward the Light," sponsored by the same commis sion. Also part of the initiative is The Pea cemakers Program which "encourage[s] relation ships between those who have lived in fear and those who want to see change."25 Discus sio n on whether to save the decaying bridge provided mixed results; some want to restore the Hanging Bridge as "a reminder of how hatred and fear can torment and terrorize communities," while others "are determined to keep seeking new ground to cover and new bridges to build."26 The first known killings on the Shubuta bridge occurred in 1918. Afi:er thirty-five year old alcoholic dentist E. !.Johnston was s hot, hi s employee and tenant, Major Clark, carried the fatally wounded Johnston to his house. Despite his efforts to assist the denti st, M ajor immediately came under suspicion because John ston had fathered the unborn baby of Clark's fiancee, Maggie Howse. Johnston had also impregnated her sister, Alma. The three, in ad dition to Major's brother Andrew, all lived and worked on the Johnston farm. All four young people were arrested and placed in custody in surroun ding commu nities. Law enforcement officers in Meridian, Mi ssissippi, "extracted a confession from [Major] by smashing his testicles in a vice."27 When the four were brought back to Shubuta for their a rraignment the deputy in charge allowed a mob to restrain him and remove the Howse sisters and the Clark brother s from the jail. From there the four were taken to the bridge over the Chickasawhay River where four ropes were secure d and placed ov er the victims' he ads. When Maggie tried to defend her innocence "a mob member silenced her with a monkey wrench to the mouth, which knocked out so me of her teeth. He then bashed Maggie in the head leaving a half -inc h wide gash in her sku!J."28 The brother s and Alma Howse all died immediately afi:er being thrown from the bridge but Maggie managed to catch herself on the "side of the bridge" twice before dying. The mob member s found amusement in the big black Jerse y woman[s]" struggle for survival.29 The outrage in the community had little to do with revenge for the life of a failed den tist; the four were lynched because Major Clark "dared to oppose the sexual relation ship that [Johnston] was ha v ing with [his] fiancee and her sister."30 Johnston's own father, former Mississippi state legislature member, thought Clark innocent "and even pleaded for Clark's life." 3 1 Most believed the motive for Johnston's murder stemmed from an affair he was having with a married white woman. As was typical afi:er a lynching the bl ack community refused to claim the bodies, and the four were buried without services or marker s just outside the white cemetery. Fearing more bloodshed many black tenant s fled Shubuta and the surrounding areas.32 The next known lynching to occur on the bridge in Shubuta was that of two 1 4-year old boys, Charlie Lang and Ernest Green on October 14th, 1942. The two boys, charged with attemp ted rape had sca red a 13-year-old white girl while crossing a different bridge. When the mob can1e for the teenagers, the deputy sheriff rook "the keys to the lo cke d 2013 Historical Studies j ournal 43

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jail cell and toss [ ed] them to the ground, giving the l y nch mob easy access to the boys and sealing their fate."33 Langston Hughes, who dedicated his poem Bitter River to the two young boys, wrote of the frustration and hopelessness share d by African-Americans in light of the precariousness of their lives. There is a bitter river Flowing through the South. Too long has the ta s te of it s water Been in my mouth. There is a bitter river D ar k with filth and mud. Too long ha s its evil poison Poisoned my blood. I 've drunk of the bitter river And i t s gall coats the red of my tongue, Mixed wit h the blood of the l y nch e d boys From its iron bridge hung. Mixed with the hope s that are drowned there In the s nake-like hiss of it s stream Where I drank of the bitt er river That s trangled my drean1 ; The book studied-but u seless, Tool handled-but unused, Knowledge acquired but thro wn away, An1bition battered and brui sed ... .34 The perpetrators drug the two boy s through town behind a truck either before or afte r their de aths. Their bodie s aga in remained uncl aimed and were later buri ed north of "the white people's cemetery."35 An article in Tim e magazine, written a t the time of the boys' murder s gives credence to rumor s that the bridge in Shubuta served as the sit e for more l ynchings than those already discussed. The article s tates, in the la s t 20 years, three Negroes have been l y nched from the bridge adding tha t there h a d again ... been dark passions at the bridge" and the two boys lynched.36 Lynch mobs often chose bridges for the site of their crime. Ralph Ellison inc orporated the symbolism ofbridge s and lynching in hi s 1952 book, In visib l e Man. Ellison's narrator dreams that a mob for ces him to a bridge an d castrates him I felt the bright red pain an d they took the two blood y blobs and cas t them over the bridge." The n arrator admonishes his tormentors, "[t]hat there not h ang only m y generations wasting up on the water, but your sun, and your moon, your world There's your uni verse, and that drip drop upon the water you hear i s all the hi s tory you've made, all yo u 're going to make."37 A bridge a lso served as the sit e of the lynching of four people in Monroe, Georgia in 1946, known as the Moore s Ford Bridge l y nching Though the wooden bridge where the l ynching occurred ha s been replaced by a concrete s pan, the biracial Moore's Ford Memorial Committee, Inc. in cooperation w ith the Georgi a State His tori cal Society suc ceeded in pl aci ng a m arke r at the site. The Committee also searc hed for and located the 44 PamMilavec ANOTHER FACE IN THE CROWD

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missing graves of three of the four victims and properl y installed monuments which they inscribed, May your suffe ring be redeemed in brotherly Love."3 8 The group continues to keep the memory of the victims alive and to "work for culrural healing, racial harmony and social justice through education and communiry action."39 During the 1946 attack, a mob waylaid relative s Roger and Dorothy Malcom and George an d Mae Murray Dorsey at the bridge crossroads and dragged them from the automobile of wealthy white farmer Loy Harrison who had paid $600 to bail Roger Malcom from jail and had offered the group a ride home. No harm came to Harrison but the mob tied the four African-American victims to trees on the banks of the Apalachee River and pelted them with a barrage of bullets. H arrison later claimed not to recognize any of the assailants. One witness who watched "cars lined up bumper -tobumper rattling toward the bridge ; since relayed, "I thought they were having a parry down there. They were having a killing parry."40 Speculation about the lynch mob's motives surround both of the male victims. Roger Malcom had been arrested for particip ating in a knife fight that resulted in the stabbing of a white farmer, Bob Hester. When arres ted for their altercation, Malcom reputedly shouted, I ain't gonna get out of this! They gonna kill me."41 Others specu l a te that the focus of the lynching was George Dorsey, an honorably discharged World War II veteran, home only nine months after serving in the Pacific. Rumor had it that Dorsey had secretly been dating a white woman. Regardless of the inspiration, the mob viewed the two women as collateral damage, showing no pity even for the seven months pregnant Mae Dorsey.42 In addi t ion to their other efforts to comme mor ate the MalcomDorsey l y nchin g, the Moore' s Ford Memorial Committee, Inc. saw that George Dorsey finally received a mili tar y service, complete with a flyover by a World War II aircraft, on Memorial Day 1999. More controversially the Georgia Association of Black Elected Official s commemorates the injustice with a yearly reenactment on the anniversary, 26 July. Family members of the victims especially raised concern over the 2008 reenactment which involved the nan1ing of Mae Dorsey's unborn child, whom the group dubbedJustice.43 Pre sident Harry S. Truman ordered an unprecedented FBI in vestigatio n at the time of the lynching, most likely because of George Dorsey's military record. Though several suspects were named, the FBI met with resis tance from both the white and black com munity an d no charges were filed White people with information held to their code of silence, while people in the black community remained silent for fear of reprisal. In 2006, the FBI reopened the case and continues to pursue leads.44 The FBI sea rched a 12 -acre area in Walton Counry, Georgia in June 2008 an d collected evidence believed linked to the crime.45 Over sixry years after the murders, there are sti ll those either afraid or unwilling to talk.46 Meanwhile suspects and potential witnesses continue to die off Another lynching that has been recognized with a state historical marker is that of Ro sewood, Florida. Rosewood actually involved a week-long orgy of violence and l ynch ing that occurred in January 1923 and wiped an entire African American communiry off the face of the earth. Rosewood was declared a Florida Heritage Landmark in 2004 and the marker placed in from of the only building left standing that of the only whi te resident sto rekeeper John Wright. The Rosewood Heritage Foundation, founded by 2013 Histori cal Studies j ournal 45

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survivors, descendants and other interested parties, facilitated the marker's acquisition. The foundation also supports a traveling exhibition, "The Beginning that Never Ends: The Rosewood Traveling Exhibition" and maintains a permanent display on the second floor of the Bethune-Cookman College library in Daytona Beach. The foundation's greatest achievement came in the form of a $2.1 million compensation bill passed in 1994 by the Florida Legislature, the result of the Florida Board of Regents 1993 investigation into Rosewood. As is the case in the majority oflynchings, events began with an accusation by a white woman, Fannie Taylor, who claimed she had been assaulted by a black man. The white community accepted her version of events, but a black woman, Sarah Carrier, later killed in the violence, claimed to have seen a white man leave the Taylor residence around the time of the alleged assault. She further claimed that she had seen the man at the Taylor's on several occasions.47 Sam Carter, accused of hiding Fannie Taylor's attacker, became the first Rosewood victim. Carter was tortured hung and riddled with bullets. Whites from the surround ing area joined in the hunt and meted justice as they saw fit. The violence escalated after the death of two whites who were shot when trying to storm the home of S a rah Carrier. Newspapers further incited the violence. The Gainesville Daily Sun reported the "horror of the tragedy at Sumner and Rosewood to be not the attack on innocent black citizens, but "a bruti s h negro [w ho] made a criminal assault on an unprotected white girl." The ar ticle continued with the endorsement, "as long as criminal assau lt s on innocent women continue, lynch law will prevail, and blood will be shed."48 Though the mysterious black man was never found, severa l African Americans were killed as well as the two afore mentioned whites, and the entire town of Rosewood burnt to the ground, the resident s displaced and unable to return. Rosewood Florida simp l y ceased to exist. The better-known Emmett Till lynching elicited an apology from the Tallahatchie County, Mississippi, County Board of Supervisors on October 2nd, 200 7 at a memo rial ceremony fifty two years after the teenager's murder A resolution put forth by the Emmett Till Memorial Commission was also read. The resolution stated that "We the citizens ofTallahatchie County believe that racial reconcili a tion begin s with telling the truth" and called on "the state of Mississippi, all of its citizens in every cou nty, to begin an honest investigation into our hi story" in order to move forward together in healing the wounds of the past, and in ensuring equal justice for all of our citizens."49 The cer emony also unveiled the first of a series of historical markers relating to Emmett's killing and a driving tour of related sites. Additionally, the Mississippi Department of Archives and History awarded $50,000 for the restoration of the courthouse where t he trial and acquittal of Emmett's killers, Roy Bryant and]. W. Mil am occurred. Fourteen year old Emmett Till from Chicago reportedly whistled at Bryant's wife, Carolyn, while visiting relatives in Money, Mississippi. Shortly after, the teenager was taken from his cousin's bed, on 28 August 1955, beaten beyond recognition and his body thrown in the Tallahatchie River. His mother, Mamie Till Mobley recal l ed viewing Emmett's lifeless body for the first time She related: 46 P amMilavec ANOTHER FACE IN THE CROWD

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I didn't want that body ... That couldn't be mine. But I s t ared at his feet and I co uld id entify hi s ankles. I said, those are my ankles. Those are my knees I knew the knees... and then I began to come on up ... until I go t to the c hin and mouth ... those were Emmett's teeth, and I was looking for hi s ear You notice how mine sort o f curls up ... Emmett h a d the same ears ... the one eye that was left tha t was definitel y his eye, the hazel co lor confirme d that, and I had to admit that that was indee d Emmett and I said that that is m y so n this is Bobo.SO The two men indicted b y a Mississippi Grand Jury were tried and acquitted after the all-white, all male jury deliberated for only a n hour. Bryant and Milam later confessed to the killing, a dmitti ng to the murder in a Look magazine article for which the two received $4,000. Throughout the article, Emmett is referred to b y his nickname, Bobo According to the killers their intent h a d be en to scare the boy. In the end, they claime d Emmett cau sed his own d eath b y refusi ng to be scare d. Milam tol d the reporter, Well, what else could we do .... As l ong as I live and can do anyt hin g about it, nigger s are gonna s tay in their pl ace. Niggers ain't gonna vote where I live. If the y did, they'd control the government .... And when a nigger gets close to mentioning sex with a whi t e woman, he' s tir e d o'livin."S 1 The two claim that they "were ne ver a ble to scare him. They h ad jus t filled him so full of p oison that he was hopeless :'s2 Emmett remained defiant to the end, even after a pistol whipping, The article closes w ith the sum mation that" [ t ] he majority-by no me ans all, but the majori ty-of the white p eople in Mississippi 1 ) eit her approve ... or else 2) they don't di sa pprove enough to risk giving their 'enemies' the sat is f action of a conv i ction ."S3 Letters to the e dito r in l a ter editi ons seem to support the aut h or's conclusion A three year FBI investigation led to a Leflore County grand jury investigation in 200 7, bur failed to issue any indictments. According to informants, Caro l y n Br yan t Donham, one of those examined by the gran d jury, had identified Ernn1et t for his killers as the one w h o "m a de a pass a t her. 54 Bryant died y ears ago from cancer; the fact that his widow chose to retain hi s nam e eve n after remarrying s ugge sts that s h e supported he r husband's act ions. The monument to three c ircu s workers, E l ias Clay ton, Elmer Jackson, and Isaac McGhie, lynched on June 15th 1 920 in Duluth, Minnesota is b y far the mo s t touching and effective to dare. The Clayton Jackson McGhie Memorial is the large s t l ynching monument in the United Stares, raking up the entire block opp osite the corne r where the l y nching occurred W hat gives the memorial its impac t is not i t s size, but the three seven foot tall bronze statues of rhe vic tims The trio are reanimated, their hum anity re stored through the sculpture. Another effort to honor the v i ctims saw fulillm ent with the location and marking of the ir previously unknown gravesires. On October 26th, 1991 granite headstone s were placed on their grave, returning their identities with the additional in scr ipti on, Deterred bur not defeated." The men h ad b een rous tabout s with the John R obinso n Circus. Two teen agers, Irene Tu sken and James Sullivan atten ded the first night's performances in Duluth. The follow ing morning, June 15 1 920, Sullivan's father called the police with a report of rape. The 201 3 His t orical Studies journal 47

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claim made by the young man, alleged that "six black circus workers had held the pair at gunpoint an d then raped Irene Tusken.SS An examination of the girl by her fan1ily physician, Dr. David Graham, "showed no physical signs of rape or assault; but in 1920 evidence was not a prerequisite if the accused was a black man. 56 Six circus workers were rounded up and the news of their arrest immediately reported in the lo cal newspaper That evening, a mob of between 5-10, 000 people gathered, demanded the prisoner s and three were selected for a "hasty mock trail. 57 Elias Clayton Elmer Jackson and Isaac McGhie were su b sequently, beaten, dragged to a "light pole on the corner of First Street and Second Avenue East" and l ynched.S8 Photographs taken at the scene show two of the men hanging from the light pole with the third laying beneath them on the ground. The s heer number of people crowded into the s mall area, all vying for a view of the dead men, is s taggering. Long after the lynching folk singer Bob D y lan, who was born in Duluth, commemo rated the event in his song, Desolation Row: They 're selling postcards of the hanging They're painting the passport s brown The beauty parlor is filled with sail ors The circus is in town Here comes the blind commissioner The y've got him in a trance One hand is tied to the tight -ro pe walker The other is in his pants And the riot squad they're restless They need somewhere to go As Lady and I look out tonight From Desolation Row.59 In S tark contrast to the impressive Clayton Jackson McGhie Memorial, me majoriry of lynch site s remain unmarked. Photogr a pher and Art Profe sso r Karina Aguilera Skvir sky recently used mis lack of communiry acknowledgement in me s tate ofMary l and as a com memoration of otherwise forgotten l y nch victims. The photogra phs in her exhibit, North East South, of the loc ations oflynch sites, lon g removed from the event, are haunting for their peaceful innocence, their beauty again perpetuating the myth of the genteel South. Eac h photograph is titl ed with the name of a lynch victim and the loc ation.60 The label on one of the photographs, a lush, thick trunked tree in front of a graceful, Georgian s tyle courthouse reads, Matthew Willian1S, lynched in Salisbury, Md., 1931. Williams' l y n c hing is also featured in Sherrilyn A. Ifill's On the Courthouse L awn. Accused of me murder of his employer, Daniel Elliot, Willian1s was doomed as word s p rea d quickl y of me upcoming lynching Whatever happened in Elliot's office, Willian1S had been seriously wounded himself The alternative story, particularly among Salisbury's bl ack community, was tha t the killer "wasn t nobody but [Elliot's] son He killed his father and then shot this colored fellow so he wouldn't be there to be against him:'61 The Salisbury Times, played an integral role in the l ynching w h en it posted a s pecial bulletin announcing that 48 PamMilavec ANOTHER FACE IN THE CROWD

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William s was alive and providing his location in the nearby hospital. The bandaged and straight jacketed Williams was literall y drug to the courthouse lawn One witness observing that, his buttocks did not hav e God's bit of skin lefi: on them."62 He was hung on the majestic tree outside the courthouse and his body dragged to a bridge outside the black community before being tied to a lamppost and set on fire "[s]o all the colored people could see him."63 Commemoration can1e quicker for more recent lynch victims, James Byrd, Jr. and Matthew Shepherd. Neither were their deaths met with silence, but rather with a public outcry. In many ways, their deaths helped to expose the ugliness of intolera nce to some accu stome d to looking the other way. Another contrast is the conviction of perpetrator s in both cases. In June 1998,Jame s Byrd Jr., a 49 year old disabled African An1erican, accepted a ride from three white men in Jasper, Texas. The three men severely beat the hus band and father of two, before chaining him to the back of a truck and dragging him through town then dumping his decapitated body outside the black cemetery. Two of Byrd' s killers received the death penalty; a firs t in the state of Texas where previously no white man had been given the ultimate sentence for the killing of a black man and only one prior case in the entire history of the United States. The third perpetrator received life in prison. The James Byrd Jr. Memorial Park serves as a memorial to his life and as a rem in der of the dangers of intolerance. Byrd's family also set up the James Byrd Jr. Foundation for Racial Healing to support working toward the end of racism."64 His sister, Louvon Byrd Harris made the following statement while speaking on the prevention of further h ate crin1es: Hate is a disease. H ate is a l earned behavior. And anything learned can be unlearned ... Have open dialogue, express your feelings and let others have compassion in listening. Be proactive instead of reactive ."65 Though James Byrd Jr. was laid to res t in a cemetery for black s only, the fence that once separated the black an d white cemeteries has since been removed in his honor.66 Just four months after Byrd's murder, on October 7th 1998, Matthew Shepherd, a 21 year old open l y gay student at the University of Wyoming, was pistol whipped, tortured and lefi: to die near Laramie, Wyoming. The man who found him tied to a fence at first thought the comatose Shephard to be a sca recrow. Shephard died 12 October 1998 at the Poudre Valley Hospital in Fort Collins, Colorado from severe head injuries. The two men who carried out the crime each received two consecutive life sentences. English musicians Bernie Tau pin and Elton John collaborated on a s ong, American Triangle afi:er learning of Shephard's death. Included in the l yrics are the following lines: Western skies don't make it right Home of the brave don't make no sense I've seen a scarecrow wrapped in wire Lefi: to die on a high ridge fence ... See two coyotes run down a deer Hate what we don't understand. You pioneer s give us your children But it's your blood that stains their hands6 7 2013 Historical Studies journal 49

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Memorials to Shephard include Chris Navarro's scu lpture, "The RingofPeace, loc ated on the grounds of the First United Methodist Church in Casper, Wyoming. The sculpture is also dedicated to the victims of Columbine. The Matthew Shephard Human Rights Triang l e P ar k in West Hollywood, California is dedicated to S heph ard's memory and was unveiled on December 2 1 1998 just two months after his death. Additionally, The Ma tth ew Shephard Foundation founded by his parents, Dennis and Judy Shephard, serves as a memorial to Shephard by seeking "to replace hate with understanding, compassion, & acceptance through its varied educational, outreac h and advocacy programs and by co ntinuin g to tell Matthew's story."68 Perhap s most enduring is th e Matthew Shephard and Jan1es Byrd, Jr. Act, intended to extend federal h ate crime legi slation to include gay and lesbian people, as well as people with disabilities. The legi s l ation was introduced in the U.S. Congres s in 2007 and s ubsequently passed both the House and Senate before being vetoed by President Bush. President Barack Obanu signed the Matthew Shep h ard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act into law 28 October 2009. Even more recently, filmmaker Keith Beauchan1p investigated alleg a tions of modern day l ynchings in his Discovery Channel series The Injustice Files: At the End of a Rope which aired in Februar y 2012. Beauchamp examined four hanging deaths, all officially ruled suicides and considered closed cases, de s pite inconsistence s and family object ions. 69 The exact nun1ber oflynch victims will never be known, though the total is no doubt much higher than th e nearly 5,000 known victims. The number of memo rials is small in comparison with the volun1e of victims and hardly constitutes a major movement. Still, the movement, however small, has begun and long repressed dialogue has been initiated. Efforts for vict im memorial s are being pursued in severa l cities, including a memorial for a young man, Jesse Washington, publicly burned to death in Waco, Texas, w hose suffer ing was referred to as "a barbeque" in an aforementioned postcard. Other efforts, such as the University of Washington's memorial reading of all known lynch victims during Black History Month 2008, keep the conversation alive. Truth is much h ard er to rebury once it has been uncovered. The real fear is not so much that we will recognize relatives in the faces of the crowd s who participated in the torture and murder of fellow citizens, but that we will recognize ourselves 50 PamMilavec ANOTHER FACE IN THE CROWD

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I n the late seventeenth century, Salem Village was a cauldron of animosity steeped in insecurity and super naturalism, the perfect environment in which a defeated and unscrupulous merchant could begin life anew. Conservative farmer s and liberal merchants divided the village. In an attempt to bridge the gap villagers, most notably merchants, petitioned for a church independent of the First Salem Church in Salem Town In their search for a minister the villagers looked to Boston. They needed a minister uniquely qualified to unify the divided Salem Village. In Bo sto n, they had a nearly unlimited choice of well-qualified minis ters However as the majority of candidate s were Harvar d graduates and likely conservative, only a clergyman with experience in both trade s would suffice. This created a need uniquely suited to Samuel Parris's qualificat ions. He was not a Harvard graduate and, therefore, not regarded as completely conservative. And at the time of his calling to the Salem Village pulpit, he had not completely abandoned his business interests in Boston.' Samuel Parris was an opportunist who saw the potential to profit amongst the unstable and divided population When he accepted the call to Salem Village the master manipulator became the catalyst for one of the most controversial events in colonial history. Most contemporary historians argue that Parris's role in the Salem witch trial s was not essential. Paul Boyer and Stephen Nissenbaum are leading authorities on the Salem trials. In their book, Salem Possessed: Ihe Social Origins of Witchcraft, Boyer and Nissenbaum argue that "Samuel Parris did not deliberately provoke the Salem witchcraft episode." Alan Pershing is a Senior at CU Denver completing a BA in History. H e pLans on compLeting a Master's in History. ULtimateLy, He'd Love to teach and write about history.

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r'llUL.,.'fW..\Gtll ......,...__ .A ... ... ll ... 'C 111) lJI .]' --...-.... .. 1L or AAJ A 1 1f.Uf '\T.! ot,Jt,,\ :fGB. 1692 They attribute the witch trials to factionalization among the villagers. However, upon conclusion of an entire chapter dedicated to Samuel Parris, Boyer and Nissenbaum con cede, hi s was a crucial role."2 Samuel Parris's own sermo n not ebook offers the most incriminating evidence regarding his intention s as minister of the Salem Village church. As Larry Gragg states in his book A Quest for Security: The Lift of SamueL Parris, "Parris was able to mingle his personal failures and the villager's frustrations and transform them into a cosmic conflict between Christ and Satan."3 Samuel Parri s did not directly cause the crisis, but he perpetuated it and manufactured terror among the population. As a minister for Salem Village, he was nothing less than a fraud. His role in the Salem witch trials was more tha n crucial ; it was deliberate. Insecurit y pervaded Salem life for over a decade prior to the trials. Massachusetts co l onists reluctant to admit that the King of England exercised any authority over the colony, enacted law s in the name of the Commonwealth and excluded the king. In June 1684 the English chancery cour t formally annulled the colo nial charter and colonist s faced the certai nty that they h ad lo s t the ne ar independence they previously enjoyed.4 Following the English revolution in 1688 Massachusetts au thoritie s moved to rees tablish the government under the vacated charter. As a consequence of the revolution the Massachusetts colony became a front in King William's war. Frontier communities in cluding Salem frequently fell victim to raids organized by French and Indian parties.s 52 AlanPershing MANUFACTURING TERROR

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The colonists' own beliefs added to their insecurity. In addition to the societal belief that witchcrafr was a credible threat, predestination was fundamental to colonial Puritani sm God determined a person's destiny before he or she was born. Under this doctrine a person could lead a pious and just life and s till face damnation alter death. Only the "elect" could ascend to hea ven This resulted in the coloni sts striving endlessly for an uncertain reward. In 1686, faced with mounting debt, legal difficulties and economic uncertainty, Samuel Parris all but abandoned mercantilism and pursued a career in the ministry. Despite numerous obstacles including a lack of a degree and a job market saturated with qualified clergymen, Parris managed to secure a temporary position in the frontier community of Stow Mas sac husetts. His decision to turn to the ministry is not difficult to understand. The ministry offered what mercantilism in co lonial New England could not: economic security. Parris's experience as a merchant was not altogether in vain. It afforde d him politi cal connections. In 1682 Parris purchased commercial real estate, thereby becoming a freeman of the colony. 6 As a freeman, Parris was eligible to particip ate fully in political life in Boston. These political connections are likel y the reason a committee of village representatives approached Parris with an offer to minister the newly founded Salem Village churc h in 1688 Parris's service as a minister in Stow lasted less than one yea r Brief mentions of Parris's name in frien d and fellow merchant Samuel Sewall's diary indicate Parris remained active in the clergy.? However, it is unknown if he attained any other significant ministerial positions until1688 when the people of Salem approached him. It is also unknown why the people of Salem specific ally chose Parris considering the sur plu s of far more qualified ministerial candidates in Boston. B When the people of Salem Village offered the position at the he a d of their newly independent church in 1688, Parri s employed the skills acq uired during his career as a merchant in negotiating a favorable contract. It took nearly one year for Parris to supply Salem Village with a commitment. Moreover, that commitment came with stipulations. In negotiating his contract, he neglected no detail. In addition to a set salary that would adjust advantageously in periods of economic prosper ity, Parris in sured that market fluc tuations in corn, barley, rye and other commodities had no effect on his family. 9 Parris's ordination sermo n was a preview of the years to come. The sermo n he deli vered simultaneously castigated those that put him in the pulpit, lambasted those who had not committed fully to the church befor e his arrival, and demonstrated his authority over the village. His s ermon opened with Joshua 5:9, "And the Lord said unto Jo s hua This day I have rolled away the reproach of Egypt from offyou."IO In thi s context, P arris used Joshua 5:9 as a direct affront to the merchant men who elected him. In the same sermon, Parris asserte d, "It is an Egyptian-like disgrace & Reproach to any people to be out of visible & Sacran1ental communion wth [sic] God in his Ordinances ... II Paris was giving a stern warning to those who did not attend his sermons and commit to regular prayer. 201 3 Historical Studies journal 53

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Immediately after his ordination, Parris made his position of authority known, first by placing Salem Village's long-standing deacon on probation and then publ icly ostracizing one of irs model citizens. Mere days after hi s ordination, Parris named Nathania! Inger soll to officiate in the place of a Deacon for a rime. 12 As a deacon, there were few better qualified than Inger soll. He was a profe ssor of religion, a p atron, benef actor and guardian of the Salem Village parish from irs formation," and had long held the rid e of deacon.l 3 Yet, de spite his qualific ations, Parris did nor feel Inger soll was worthy of co nfirmation unril18 months after he was named "for a rime."l 4 In the months following his ordination, Parri s continued to demonstrate his authority over the church by publicly ostracizing one of its members, Ezekiel Cheever. An entty by Parri s in rhe church record book s tares, Brother Cheevers who having in distress for a horse upon his wives approac hing rravell [sic] about five or six weeks past [had] taken his neighb or Joseph Purnan1's horse our of hi s s table & with our leave or aski ng of it." IS Based on this entry alone, one might believe Ezekiel Cheever was a thief. In fact, he was an esteemed member of the community and a highly respected reacher and schoolm aster. Cheever borrowed the horse to call upon rhe village doctor while his wife was in labor or "approaching rra vell."l6 Instead of allowing Cheever and his neighbor to conclude rhe matter, Parris saw fir to make an example our of Cheever to remind his followers of his authority and position within the community. Parri s conducted hims elf as minister in a dictatorial fashion. He demanded church members' com plete attentio n at all rimes during his sermons, w hich usually las red several hours. Parris berated those ca ught nodding off or wandering in thought, declaring" Some sir before the preacher as senseless as rhe sears they s ir on."l 7 Later sermons became more menacing wi th threat s of damnation. B y th e second year of hi s appointment, Parris's popularity wavered. Issues arose with the contract he so artfully negotiated. He made these issues known throughout hi s sermons. The most cons picuou s was his ple a for firewood following his weekly lecture on October 8, 1691. Parris urged "the inhabitants to rake care that I might be pro vided for."l8 His situation worsened eight days l ater when a village committee convened and voted against the collection of taxes spec ifically for hi s salary. The most haunting allusion of things to come occurred on November 22, 1691. Following the denial of his salary, many members of the community maneuvered to have Parri s ousted. Acknowledging thi s a ttempt, Parris opened his November sermon with Psalm 110 The Lord said unto my Lord, s it thou at my right hand, untili [sic] I make thine Enemies rhy footstool."l9 P arris bluntl y stated that he would rem ain the minister until hi s enemies and the enemies of the church were vanquished. His situat ion was dire. It seemed Parris was desperate to maintain hi s position in the pulpit whatever the cost. In February 1692, a solution presented itself in his own home Supposedly unbeknown st to Parris, his daughter Elizabeth, and niece, Abigail Williams, had been experimenting with techniques offorrune telling. Individuals, particularly merchants and young women, frequently sought the assistance offorrunerellers to determine their economic prospect s or "what trade their swee t hans [sic] s hould be of."20 Soon after, the girls began to act strangely, exhibiting fits and convulsions. 54 AlanPe rshing MANUFACTURING TERROR

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Many historians have asserted that Parris was complacent in the events of 1692 and merely a victim of circumstance. However, his sermons following the initia l panic did not follow Puritan tra dition and convey neutrality. Instead, they perpetuated fear and capitalized on the villagers' con stant anxiety of predestination. Through his sermons, he manufactured a crisis by preaching about the error s of neglecting prayer and church attendance. Parris asserted that church membership alone did not guarantee salvation. He had hinted at thi s in previous sermons. Now a formidable terror existed in Salem Village an d the onl y way to defeat it was to give one's self completely to the church. In hi s sermon on March 27, 1692, Parris exclaimed, "Our Lord Jesus Christ knows how many Devil s there are in his Church, & who they are."21 He also accused member s of hi s church of being hypocrites for profes s ing their love for Chris t but not giving in to Him completely. To these hypocrites, Parris preached, "Corruptio optimi es pessima."22 That is, the corruption of the very best is the worst wickedness. Thi s was a direct assault on the enemies of the church. Through his s ermon, Parris illustrated that the enemies of the church, namel y the Porter s an d the Nurses, were the reason the village had fallen into a war with the Devil. The intent of the sermon was to rall y hi s supporters. Thi s was not the first rime he resorted to a direct assau lt from the pulpit. Only two months prior, P arris preached of the "Wicked and Reprobate Men ( the assistants of Satan to afflict the church)" and how "Christ defends his Church against three great enemies"," Against inward enemies in their own souls." 23 In one breath, Parri s managed to throw the Porter s and their allies down the gauntlet" while also chastising those who professed their allegi ance to the church but failed to fully commit.24 The incident that sparke d one of the most renowned and controversial witch hunts in history began in the minister's kitchen. Who would be better qualified to deal with mat ters offaith in his own kitchen than a minister? Minis ters were the experts, the le ading tacticians, the mightiest warriors in supernatural combac."25 Parri s did opposite of wha t wa s expected of him. He created doubt within the communi t y by sending his afflicted daughter to live with Captain Sanmel Sewall in Boston While there Elizabeth continued to exhibit fits. She later confided in Mrs. Sewall that the great black man came to her and told her, if she would be ruled by him, she should have what soeve r s he desired and go to a Golden City." Mrs. Sewall immediately told Elizabeth, "it was the Devil, and he is a liar" and told her to tell hin1 so if he came back.26 Upon doing so, Elizabeth Parris's affliction apparently ceased. It seems a captain's wife was better qualified in warding off the Devil than the minister. If the conversation with Eliz abeth had occurred with Mr. P a rri s instead of Mrs. Sewall, the situa tion would likel y have not escalated beyond their kitchen. Prominent New England preacher Cotton Mather had even suggested that any names the afflicte d children called out in their fits be kept in confidence because, he argued, "we should be tender in such Relations lest we wrong the reputation of the Innocent by stories not enough enquired to."27 Nevertheless, the names of the women the yo ung girls accused for causing their affliction becan1e public without restraint. If the names had not become public knowledge, Parris would not have been a bl e to deliver his sermons revealing the destructive nature of the crisis within the community. 2013 His torical Studies journal 55

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Elizabeth and Abigail first accu sed Tiruba, Sarah Good and Sarah Osbourne for their maladies. Un der examination, Tiruba a lso identified Sarah Good and Sarah Osbourne as perpetrators of wit chcraft. H owever, after Tiruba's confession and jailing, she decl ared that Parris beat her and otherways abuse[ d] her to make her confess and acc use (su ch as he call'd [sic]) h e r Sister-Witches."28 Within a few weeks, the girls n amed ad diti onal perp e t rators o f malice, Martha Corey and R e b ecca Nurse. While the community considered Good an d O sbourne to be socially undesirable, Corey and Nurse were known s upporters of the ant i P arris Po rter faction. Parris perpetuated the accusa tion s and animosity b y lacin g his sermo ns with allegories from the witch trials. He freq u e ntl y alluded to the "war" between Satan and the L ambs of God.29 The most provocative of hi s sermons brought fear that o n e of the Devil's work ers h ad infiltrated the churc h Parri s opene d wit h "After condem n a tion of 6 Witches at a Court in Sale m one of the Witches viz. Martha Kory in full co mmun ion was [in] our Church ."30 He furthe r suggeste d that there might be m ore witc hes in Salem Village .3' P a rri s contin ued to preach perhap s more f erven tl y than before, that attendance at church alone would not guarantee salva tio n Only the act of prayer and s trict adhere nce to ordi nances would provide sufficient protection.32 As in the previous year, Parri s zealous l y continued to preach warning to those who opposed the c hur c h He aban don ed mere suggestion an d pursued a more direc t approach by saying "Ca ution & admonition to all & every one of us to beware of making War with the Lamb,"33 and "When men w ill not receive the Gosple [sic], thi s is to make war with the Lan1b."34 P arris likely directed the latter s t atement at the Nurses and Tar bell s who had ceased attending churc h after the execution of R e be cca Nurse. In November 1692, Gove rnor William Phips di ssolved the Court of Oyer and Terminer an d brought an e nd to the witch hunts in Salem Village. Th e end of the crisis co in c ides wit h the renewed effort by commu nit y members to ous t Parri s from the pulpit and a concurre nt, more sym p a th etic tone in hi s sermons. In response to the c h anging situ ation, P arris changed the nature of his sermons to entice long-absent mem bers back to the church. But as Salem Village b egan to s l ip back into welcome anonymity, the divi s ion amo n gst the v ill agers intensified. After numerous community m eetings, the veracity of those tha t opposed P a rris appa rentl y r attle d him Throughout much of 1 693, his sermons m a d e sparse mention of dissention. By the end of the year, Parris was outrigh t begg ing the di ssenters to attend churc h. When they refused he returned t o the pulpit once again and s p ewe d hi s venomous words H e sought to isolate the dissenters and a bsentees, and at t emp t to co n v ince his suppor ter s that th e di ssente r s were responsibl e for all the village's problems.35 The dissenters coun t ered by seeking council with officials in Bosto n. A bitter b at tle ensued over the nex t thre e years an d culm in ated in Parris's stepp i ng down from the pulp it in Salem Village. The evidence pe rtaining to the Salem witch trial s that survives today s uggests that Samuel Parris act e d reprehensibly and selfis hly. His sermon notebook, the most incon trove rtibl e affirmation of P a rris's c h arac ter contains notes in the m argins alluding to pages that have since vanis h ed. When put into context with the accompany ing p ages, those n o tes might ind icate a less sinister motive. However, based upon other evidence 5 6 Alan Pershing MANUFAC TURIN G T ERR 0 R

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surrounding the trials, including Tiruba's confession after being jailed and Parris's actions documented by other villagers, P arris appears to have fabricated a crisis. His sermons indicate that he glorified the importance of the church far beyond tra ditional Puritani s m in a way that made it su bservient to his authority, wielding it as a weapon against those who opposed him Parris used hi s influence to manipulate Salem Village for per s onal gain. By manufacturing terror, he endeavored to maintain financial secur ity, an enhanced status in society, and the gratification of delivering a supers titiou s population from the thre at of a supernatural menace. 2013 His to rical Studies journal 57

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Th 8 Mexican American War was a divisive issue amongst Americans which initiated lengthy debate over the direction the country was developing. The war was a key issue amongst the Whigs, many of whom would form the Republican Party in the decade after the war. The war itself built upon issues dating back to the Mi ssouri Compromise which would eventually le ad the country into a civil war. To explore part of the national debate over the issue of the Mexican American War, I will be presenting a speech delivered by the fictional Whig senator Barnabas White to the United States Senate, during the debate over the Kansas Nebra ska act of 1854. This act was passed in 1854, and was a direct response to the new territorie s gained from Mexico during the war. 1854 is also a u sef ul year because the Whig Party was declining, and many of its members were joining the newl y formed Republican Part y The Whig Party was formed in 1833 by Henry Clay in an effort to enact legislation on a national level, which woul d result in the modernization of the United States through internal improvement projects. This p arty was to stand in opposition to the Democratic-Republican Party, which was led by Andrew Jack son who preferred expansionistic agrarianism. When Jackson sought to destroy the national banking syst em he gave Clay a reason to found the Whigs.! The Whigs saw things such as the national bank as nece ssary for the growth and modernization of the country. The use of credit, and the promotion of business, were key Whig issues which stood in opposition to the Jacksonian ideal of all monie s being in specie.2 The goal of the Whigs was to Ian Stewart-Shelafo graduated .from the University of Colorado Denver with a Bachelor's degree in History in 2012.

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support the expansion of industrial capital and infrastructure, in order to provide a strong economic base for social improvement." The real core of the tensions between the Whigs and the Democrats is that their ideologies were part of a debate between industrializa tion and agrarianism. The Whigs sought industrialization in their efforts to promote modernization. The Democrats preferred an agrarian socie ty where land ownership determined status In order to promote internal growth within the country, the Whigs favored protective tariffs to give an advantage to American produced goods over foreign imports.3 This was also part of an agenda which would see the expansion and improve ment of transportation systems, and the founding of a public schoo l system to promote education. Temperance was another is sue that many Whigs supported. 4 The issue of s lavery was more of a regional concern amongst the Whigs with those in the North more likely to support abolition, while those of the South u s ually supported slavery. Both Henry Clay and President Taylor, who was elected as a Whig, owned s laves. The Whigs were known as the party of compromise, because they sought to limit factionali sm between the parties, especially on the issue of slavery. Over time this resulted in increased factionalism as regional politics took precedence over party politics. When the United States entered the Mexican-American War it was initiall y to reaffirm control of the newl y annexed Texas, but was quickl y expanded to includ e con quest of the territories of California and New Mexico. As part of this plan Santa Anna, the former president of Mexico, negotiated to return to Mexico from exile in Cuba, in exchange for selling the United States the territor y in contention.S He quickly engaged in a coup, retook the presidency of Mexico, and began fighting the US invasion. Though a costl y war for the United States in term s of casualties, this war serve d as a training ground for the general s of the Civil War. The prominent officers on both sides of that con flict served during the Mexican-American War. Amongst those who served were Ulysses Grant, Stonewall Jackson, Robert Lee, and Jefferson Davis, who all served as junio r officers.6 The major effect of the Mexican -America n War was the reopening of the debate over slavery, which had been addressed by the Missouri Compromise in 1820. With the expansion of new territory, which was mostly on the southern side of the compromise line, proponents of s l avery sought to extend that in s titution into the southwest. The resulting Compromise of 1850 with the inclusion of the Fugitive Slave Act, served to anger man y who opposed slavery.? It als o deepened the ten sio n s between the North and South. When the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 was passed it effectively repealed the Mis souri Compromise and allowed for the citizens of each territor y to determin e w hether the y would be s lave or Free states.8 This led to the events known as Bleeding Kansas, where s upporter s of both sides moved into the Kansas Territory in order to influence the vote there Violence erupted between the two sides which would co ntinue into the Civil War. 9 The effect that the Mexican-American War had on the Whig party was dranutic. By reopening the debate on s lavery, it forced Whigs to consider the issue directly, and caused a schism in the party which resulted in the party' s collapse. Members in the South either joined the Democrats if they supported s l avery, or the Know Nothings if they wanted a moderate s tance on the issue. In the North, Whigs joined the Free-S oilers, or eventually the Republican Party. In addition, b y trying to encompass wider platform s to attract more 60 I anStewart-Shelafo THE WHIGS AND THE MEXICAN WAR

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votes, the party did itself harm b y appear ing to the public to have little difference from the Democrats on the issues they supported. The Whig party enjoyed just over twenty years of political life during which it enacted m any of its goals such as education and indu strial ization, which remain important today. During their time they had two elected pre sidents, and two vice presidents who succee ded to office after the death of the sitting pre sident. The Whigs' demise gave rise to the Republic an Party. Greetings, fellow senators. For those of you who do not know me, I am Barn abas White, rhe newly elected junior senator from Vermont. On this day, the third of March 185 4, I wish to speak of two related issues. The first is the Kansas-NebraskaAcrwhich we are to vote upon today.I O The other is rhe forthcoming vote to rarify rhe Gadsden Treaty with Mexico, which is scheduled to rake place next month. Why do I say char these issues are related? This Kansas-Nebraska Act has come about directly in response to the new territorie s that were acquired during the Mexican War, and the Gadsden Treaty seeks to further expand that territory by purchasing another piece ofland from Mexico. Both of these issues serve only to exacerbate tensions between the northern and sourhern stares of our country. The act we vote upo n today will do nothing less than repeal rhe Missouri Compromise of 1820 and open all of our western territories to the expans ion of slavery This cannot be allo wed to h a ppen Let me begin with a history of how we got to this moment. In 1820, when this body assembled to discuss bringing the territory of Mi ssouri into the Union as a state, it was unclear whether it would be admitted as a free stare or a slave scare. As our people expanded into the West, it was inevitab l e char this issue would accom pany rhem. Eventually it was de cided rhar no slaves would be permitted in the remainder of the Louisiana Purchase above the thirty -sixth parallel. The only exception was that area which was within the proposed s t are of Missouri. II Being almost entirely above this line Missouri was permit red slaves as a compromise for rhe rest of rhe territor y nor being permitted them. It is thi s balance between the powers of rhe s lave and free states which the proposed Kan sas Nebraska legislation will destroy. Henry Clay, one of rhe founders of rhe Whig party to which I belong, was chief in brin ging thi s matter to a dose. He founded the Whigs in 1833 in response to rhe tyranny of Andrew Jackson, and his effortS ro destroy any modernizing pro cess in thi s country. His destruction of the national bank was detrimental to the progress of the counrry.J2 How are we to overtake rhe Briti sh as an industrialized nation if we have no system of credit or tariff s ro promote the expansion of business, and fund internal improvements? Jack son, and his di sciples, would have us all believe that this country needs to retain irs agrarian roots in order to thrive, bur that path will leave u s detrimentally weak in com parison with our competitors in Europe. This plan would only benefit the wealthiest amongst our people, those w h o own property, not the many that roil for wages in the factories. By promoting the growth of business and industry, we as a people will make progress towards erasing many of the ills of our society, not by redi stri buting the wealt h that we already have, bur b y generating much more so that everyone has the potential to improve themselves. This is coupled with rhe proposal for universal education of our 2013 Historical Studies j ournal 61

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citizens. Through education this country will be able to out-produce, and out-innovate the nation s ofEurope.'3 Around the same time that we Whigs were taking our firs t forays into poli tica l organi zation, some of our expatriates in Mexico were fighting a war to secede with the area that comprises the state of Texas. This was part of a larger event comprising a Mexican civil war.l4 While this was not of a great concern to man y in this country in 18 36, it was an event of great importance ten years later. After the death of Pre s ident H arriso n and the expul sion ofTyler from the Whig P arry, Henry Clay was nominated for the 1844 election He lo s t the election to Pre s ident Jame s Polk by a very small margin. Tho ug h he lo st the popular vote by thirty-nine thousand it would only have taken about seven t housand in New York to get him the electoral votes needed for a victory.! 5 Polk, who was relativel y unknown a t the time, can 1paigned on a platform that included the annexation ofTexas and resol ving the di s pute with the British over the ownership of Oregon country.l6 It was precisely thi s kind of greedy territo r ial warmongering tha t has put us into the s itu a tion we find ourselves in today. B y attempting to g a in more terr itory below the Missouri Compromise line, we have resumed the debate over s lavery tha t was addressed over thirt y years ago. Th ere is also the matter of Me x ico stating that the y would decl are war if our cou ntry attem pted to annex Texas.l7 In 1845, with the a nne xat i o n of Texas, President Polk sent General Taylor to the area to sec ure the borde rs. This led to the Thornton Affair in April1846, where one of our patrols wa s killed by Me xica n s oldiers. IS Polk used thi s as an excuse to have Congress issue a declarat io n of war against Mexico as he claim e d that Me xico had killed Americans on American soil. Though some of my fellow Whigs voted against this action, it p assed with a s trong m ajo rity on May 13 1846.19 Thi s mea sure had strong s upport from the Democ rat s of thi s body Because of the greed of you Democ rats to acquire more territor y below the Missouri Compromise line, we were engaged in the deadlie s t wa r in our history in order to s teal land from a sove reign nation This war was used to gain California, and the ports on the western coast, but res ulted i n expanding Amer ic an territory by more than a third Though the territorie s of California and Nuevo Mexico were ultim at el y what were gained from this war many of you Democrat s were pushing for the annexa tion of the entirety ofMexico.20 How much more territor y is needed for the e xpans io n of slavery? With the rapid advance of General Ta y lor, who was elected pre s ident in 18 4 8 due to his conduct in the war, the northern areas of Mexico were firmly under Amer i can control. It was at thi s point tha t President Polk sent a second ar my under t he command of Gene ral Winfield Scott, to land a t Vera Cruz and advance towards Mexico City. With the capture of the city i n September 184 7, the rest of the war was quickl y resolved.21 This l ed to the treaty Guadalupe-Hid a lgo Thi s tre a t y was signe d on Februar y 2, 1848, and in i t was derailed the terms of the Mexican Cession Me xico relinquished a n y claim o n T exas or the res t ofNorr hern Me xico, and in exchange was paid fifteen million doll ars, and our government assumed debt s between Mexico and our citizens. Tho s e Mexican citizens within our ne w territory were to becom e American citizens under the terms of the treaty. Additionally, we are requir e d to recogn ize Spanish l a nd gran t s to the citizens of our new territor y .22 All of thi s bec ause 62 l anStewar t -She lafo THE WHIGS AND THE MEXICAN WAR

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of President Polk' s war of conquest to gain Texas, California, and New Mexico, whic h was begun under false pretenses.23 In December of 184 7, Representative Abraham Lincoln of Illinois issued his Spot Resolution, to compel President Polk to show where the Thornton Affair had taken place.24 Polk claimed that this wa s upon American soil, but it was actually in a disputed area where the border between the United States and Mexico was not defined. Now I wish to speak of the human cost of thi s war. Over a hundred thousand sol dier s were raised to fight in this war, and many were undertrained and underequipped. In addition to casualties from b attle, many of them died from disease.25 Ill -tra ining and unpreparedness caused this to be the deadlies t war we have ever engaged in Nearly a quarter of the soldiers we sent to war were killed or disabled through a combination of battle casualties and disease.26 Some of our sold iers, mostly s tate militia volunteers, also left less tha n favorable impressions on many of our new citizens in the former Mexican territory. By being unruly, and killing and looting in some of the towns we now control, the process of integrating these new populations ha s become more difficult. An additional factor is the increa sing unpopularity of the war as it progressed, with many calling for the war to be ended as quickly as possible.27 Following the war, General Taylor was nominated for president as a Whig. Despite the ridicule towards the party, which was widespread during the 1848 election, Taylor won. Due to his war record, especially during the recently concluded Mexican war, he was supporte d b y many from across many different backgrounds, from both North and South Whig and Democrat. He broke away from many of the ideals of the Whig Party b y not supporti ng internal improvements of the country, or protective trade tariffs, bur he also did not support the expansion of slavery into our new territory.2 8 When he died after littl e more than a year in office, Vice President Millard Fillmore assumed the presidency. While also a Whig, he alienated many of the Northern members of the party through hi s efforts at reconciliation with the South over slavery. He proposed to allow slavery in the former Mexican territory, which was addressed in the Compromise of 1850 which allowed the potential of s lavery in the territory of New Mexico, while also admitting the California territory as a free s t a te.29 This has allowed the proponents of s lave holding to avoid the reintroduction of the Wilmot Proviso to Congress. Thi s bill, originally intro duced in 184 7, would have completely prevented the expansion of slavery into any new territory gained from Mexico. It failed to pass a Senate vote, and an unsuccessful attempt was made to add it to the treaty ofGuadalupeHidalgo.30 Thi s compromise has given us four years of s tability, as it ha s sati sfied the South b y allowing s lavery below the Missouri Compromise line in the territories of the Mexican Cession, while elevating California to s t atehood as a free s tat e to keep the balance. The major issue of contention, especially for my fellow Whigs, is the Fugitive Slave Act that was passed alongside the compromise. Thi s act compels citizens of the Free states who do not support s lavery, to aid in the return offugitive slaves to their masters.3I This is why the issue that is before us today is of such importance. If the Kansas Nebraska Act is pa ssed it will nullify the Missouri Compromise. This cannot be allowed to happen It threaten s the very s t abili ty of our An1erican system of governance By 2013 Histori cal Studies journal 63

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allowing the decision of slavery to rest upon popular sovereignty of the residents of the territories, the very balance of power between the s lave and Free states is threatened. If this act is passed, it will be the cause of great upheaval and strife as the bal a nce of slave and free swings back and forth. The related issue of the Gadsden Purchase, asid e from the fact that it increases the amount of territory that has been acquired from Mexico places yet more territory in the hands of the slave-owning South.3 2 This, combined with the proposed popular sovereignry of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, has the potential to prove disastrous for our country. In addition, there is the issue of the decline of the Whig party, which has been occur ring on a nationwide scale, since the defeat of General Winfield Scott as presidential candidate in 1852 Thi s has been particularly prominent in the southern states. My fellows in Louisiana have in particular ceased to exist in any meaningful form. Having to support the institution of s l avery in the South in order to succeed, they l ost much of their support due to the anti-slavery leanings of General Scott. Many of those who supported slavery joined the Democrats, and many others eventually joined the recent l y founded Know Nothing Party.33 This election drove a wedge between the northern and southern member s of the Whig Party wh i ch has greatly contributed to our decline ove r the l ast few years. Those who support slavery have either joined the Democrats or any of a number of smaller parties, while those who oppose slavery are becoming more hardline about their views, with many joining the Free Soil Party.34 It has been a failure of the Whigs, the party of compromise, to keep our constituents united. However with the southern states pushing for the expansion of slavery, the only outcome is that those who oppose slavery will attempt to push the agenda of abolition into the national arena. There have already been talks about forming a new party the name Republ ic an ha s been mentioned, w hich will oppose slavery.35 This will attract not onl y the Free Soilers, but also many of my fellow current and former Whigs, especially in the North, who will find this attractive. If thi s happens, and that new Republican Party achieves any sort of national success, an irreconcilable wedge will be driven between the forces of slavery and abolition due to increased aggression on the part of the South to expand s lavery, and the equally unmovable proponents of abolition pushing forth that agenda. Thus, in the interests of national unity and harmony, I implore this body to vote against the passage of the KansasNebraska Act and the Gadsden Purchase. We must preserve the Missouri Compromise for the continued welfare and benefit of the entire country. By denying the passage of these acts we can halt the spread of extremism in the political landscape Better than repudiating t he Missouri Compromise, should we not strive for a new compromise that will benefit all? 64 I anStewart-Shelafo THE WHIGS AND THE MEXICAN WAR

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Blending Gender: The Flapper, Gender Roles & the 1 920s "New Woman" Kayla Gabehart I. Roaring Twenties," Oxford P ocket Dictionary of Current English, 2009. 2. Kenneth A. Yell is, Prosperity's Child : Some Thoughts on the Flapper," 21.1 (Spring 1 969): 44 3. Doroth y Dunbar Bromley, Femini st New Sty le," originall y w r itte n in 1 927, as quoted in Cathe rin e Gilbert Murdock, Do mesticating Drink: Women Men, and A l cohol in America, 1 8701 940,{Baltimore:]ohns H opkins Unive r sity Press, 2001): 1 62. 4 Ind ependence Hall Association, "F l appers," US. History: Pre-Co lumbia to the New Millenium (20 1 2), available from u shistory.o r gl u s/46d.asp. Accesse d September lOth 2012. S. Elizabe th Cady Stanton, "Seneca Falls Convent i o n D eclaration ofSe ntimenrs." from Miles t one Document, originally written in 1 848. 6. Susan B. Anthony." ineteenth Amendment ro the Constitution," from Milestone Documents, originally dra fted in 1 920. 7. Margaret Sanger, "Sexual Impulse Part II." from Mil estone Documents, originally w ritt en in 1 9 12. 8. Margaret Sanger, "The Prevention of Conception," from Milestone D owments, originally written in 1 9 14. 9. Emma Goldman, Marriage an d Love," from Milestone Dowments, o rigin ally given as a n oration in 1 9 17. 10. Kenneth Y ellis, Prosperity's Child," 44. II. L ynn D Gordon, "The Gibson Girl Goes to College: P opular Culrure and Women's Higher Education in th e Progressive Era,l8901 920," 39.2 ( 1 987), 211. 1 2 A.E. Hamilton "Killing L a d y Nicotine," North American R eview 22S.842 ( 1928 ) 467. 13. Catherine Gilbert Murdock, Domest icating Drink: Women, Men, and Alcohol in America, 1870-1940, ( Balti more: J o hn s H opki n s Unive r s it y Press, 200 I). 43 14. Catherine Gilbert Murdock, D omesticating Drink, 43-4S. IS. Union Signa l originally pub l ished in 1 920. as q u o t e d in Cathe rine Gilbert Murdock, Domesticating Drink: Women Men and Alcohol in America, 1870 -1940, ( Baltimore: J ohns H opkins University Press, 200 I). 1 62. 16. Joshua Zei tz, Flapper : A Madcap Story of Sex, Sty le, Celebrity, and the Women Who Made America Modern, {New York: Random House, 2007), 4-6. 17. Catherine Gourley, Flappers and the New American Woman: Perceptions ofWomen .from 1 9 1 8 Through the 1920s, (Minnea polis: 2 1 s t Century Books 2008), 33-34. 1 8 Philip Scra nton Beauty and Business: Commerce, Gender, and Culture in Modern America, {New York: P sycho l ogy Press, 2000) 9. 19. Philip Scra nton Beauty and B usiness, IS. 20. Sara Ross, "Good L i ttl e Bad Girls: Controversy and the F l apper Come di enne," Film History 13.4 {2001): 4 10 21. Stephen S haror Th e Ne w Wom a n Star P e rsonas, and Cross-Class Romance Films in 1 92 0 s America,"journaloJGenderStudies 19.1 (2010), 73 22. Sara Ross, Good Little Bad Girls," 4 1 0-4 14. 23 Joshua Zeitz, Flapper, 6 24. Cathe rin e Gilbert Murdock, D omesticating Drink, S. 2S. Laura Davidow H irshbein, "The Flapper and the Fogy: Representations of Gender and Age in the 1920s." j ournal of Family H istory 26. 1 (2 00 1): 114. 2013 His t orical S t udies journal 65

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26. Laura Davidow Hirshbein, "The F l apper and the Fogy," 116. 27. Joshu a Zeitz, Flapper, 6. 28. Ellen Welles Page, "A Flapper's Appeal to Parents," in Outlook Magazine (December 6, 1922). 29. Catherine Beach Ely, "Life in the Raw," The North American Review 226.5 ( 1 928): 566-567. 30 Harrier Monroe, "F l amboyance," in Poetry 21.2 ( 1 922): 89-90. Desperate Letters Abortion History and M ichael Beshoar, M.D. Michele Lingbeck 1. Beshoar, Barron B. Hippocrates in a Red Vest, The Biography of a Frontier Doctor. (Palo Alro, CA: American West Publishing Company: 197 3 ), 82 2. Beshoar, Hippocrates in a Red Vest, 82 3. Beshoar, Hippocrates in a Red Vest, 342 4. Beshoar, Hippocrates in a Red Vest, 1 86 5. Smith, Duane A. & Ronald C. Brown. No one Ailing Except a Physician, Medicine in the Mining West, 1848-1919 ( Boulder, CO: University Press of Col orado: 2001),101 6. 1886-1887 treatment log box 4, FF22 Bes hoar Family Papers, WH1083, Western History Collection, The Den ver Public Library. 7. 1 884-1885 treatment log. box 3, FF21, Beshoar Family P apers, WH1083, Western History Collection, TI1e Denver Public Library. 8. 186 4-1877 Patient Correspondence Received, box 4, FF96, Beshoar Family Papers WH1083, Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library. 9. 1881 1884 Patienr Correspondence Received box 4, FF98 Beshoar Family Papers, WH1083, Western History Collection The Denver Public Library. 10. 1 89 7 Patient Correspondence Received box 3. FF100, Beshoar Family Papers WH1083. Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library. II. H aines, Michael, Fertility and Mortality in the US. Economichistory.ner: hrrp: / /eh.ner / encyclopedia / arricle/haines d emography, accessed 4/20/1 2 12. Shikes, Robert H. M D Rocky Mountain Medi cine, Doctors, Drugs and Disease in Early Colorado (Boulder, CO: John son Books: 1986),143 13. 189 7 Patient Correspondence Receiv ed, box 3 FF 100 Beshoar Family Papers, WH 1083 Western History Collection The Denver Public Library 14. 188 4-1885 treatment log, box 3. FF21, Beshoar Family P apers, WH1083, Western History Collection, The Denver Public Libr ary 15. Shikes, Rocky Mountain Medicine, 140 16. 1 885 1896 Patient Corresponde nce Received, box 3, FF99 Beshoar Family Papers, WH1083, Western History Collection The Denver Public Libr ary 17. 1 89 7 Patient Correspondence Recei ved, box 3. FF100 Beshoar Family Papers, WH1083, Western History Collection The Den ver Pub lic Library. 18. Agnew, Jeremy. Medi cinein the Old West: A History, 18501900. (Jefferso n N.C.: McFa rland & Co., Publi shers: 2010),114 19. 1 885 1896 Patient Correspondence Received, box 3. FF99. Beshoar Family Papers, WH1083, Western Histo r y Collection, The Denv er Public Library. 20. 1899 Patient Correspondence Recei ved, box 4, FF1, Beshoar Family Papers, WH1083, Western History Collect ion The Denver Public Library 21. 1 898 Patient Corre s pondence Recei ved, box 3 FF101 Beshoar Family Papers, WH1083 Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library. 22. ibid 23. ibid 24. Agnew M edicine in t!Je Old West, 114 25. 1 885-1896 Patient Correspon dence Received, box 3. FF99. Beshoar Family Papers, WH 1083. Wes tern Histo r y Collection, The Denver Public Library. 26. 189 8 Pariem Correspondence Recei ved, box 3. FF101, Beshoar Family Pap ers, WH1083, Western History Collection, The Denver Public Library. 66 Notes

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27. 1898-1906, Medical Equipment and Supplies: Invoices and Receipts, Beshoar Family Papers, WH1083, Western History Collection, The Denver Publi c Library. 28. 1898 Patient Correspondence Recei ved, box 3, FF 101, Beshoar Family Pap ers, WH 1083, Western His tory Collection, The Denver Public Library 29. 1886-1887 treatm ent log, box 4, FF22 Beshoar Family Papers, WH1083, Western HistOry Collection, The Denver Public Library. 30. 1885-1896 Patient Correspon dence Received, box 3, FF99, Beshoar Family Papers, WH1083, Western Hiscory Collection, The Den ver Public Library Confessors and Martyrs: Rituals in Salem's Witch Hunt Shay Gonzales 1. Elizabeth Reis, Damned J.Vomen: Sinn"s and Wit ches in Puritan New England { Ithaca, NY: Cornell Universiry Press, 1 997), 131. 2. David D Hall, J.Vorlds ojJ.Vonder, Days ofjudgment: Popular Religious Belief in Early New England {C ambridge, M A: H arvard Universi ry Press, 1990 ) 189. 3. Hall J.Vonders, 167. 4. Hall J.Vonders, I 89 5. Paul Boyer and Stephen issenbaum, Salem Possessed: Jhe Social Origim of Witchcraft {C ambridge, MA: Harvard Universiry Press, I 974), 43. 6. Boyer and N i ssenbaum, Sal e m Possessed, 51. 7. Boyer and Nissenb a um, Salem Possessed,57-61 8. Richard L Bushman, From Puritan to Yankee: Character and Social Order in Connecticttt 1690-1 7 65 {New York: Norton, 1 970), 18 7188 9. John Murrin, "Coming ro Terms with the Salem Witch Trial s Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society 110, no 2. {2000): 311. 10. Boyer and Nissenbaum Salem Possessed, I 80. 1 I John Demos, "Underlying Themes in the Witchcraft of Seventeenth Century New Eng land." Jhe Ameri can Historical Rroiew 75, no. 5 { I 970 ): 1321. 12. Demos, Underlying Themes." 1321. 13. Hall U'onders, 168 169 14. Reis,Damned J.Vomen,136. 15. Kathleen Dory and Risto Hiltunen, "'I Will Tell I Will Tell : Confessional Patterns in the Salem Witchcraft Trials 1692." journ al of Historical Pragmatics 3, no. 2 {2002): 300. 16. Margo Burns, ""Other Ways of Undue Force and Fright": The Coercion of False Confessions by the Salem Magistrates." Studia Neophilologica 84, no. sup {2012) : 26. 1 7 Burns 25 18. Murrin 320 19. Cotton Macher co John Richards, May 31, 1692 in Kenneth Silverm a n ed .. Selected Letters of Cotton Mather {Baron Rouge: Loui siana State Universiry Press. 197 1 ). 41. 20. Murrin, 325. 21. Bernard Rosenthal, Records of the Salem Witch-Hum, No. 75: Examination of Mary Warren. 22. Bernard Rosenthal Salem Story: Readin g the Wit c h Trials of 1692 {C ambridge Universiry Press, 1995 ) 43. 23. Bernard Rosenthal, Records, No. 67: Examination of Abigail Hobbs. 24. Reis, Damn e d U'omen, 124 25. Hall J.Vonders, 1 33. 26. Bernard Rosenthal Records, No. 72: Tes timony of Lydia Nichols & Elizabeth Nichols v. Abigail Hobbs No. 68 : Deposition of Priscilla Chub v. Abigail H ob b s 27. Rosenthal Records, No. 70: Deposition of Margaret Knight v. Abigail Hobbs 28 Rosenthal Records, No. 6 7 : Examination of Abigail Hobbs. 29. Ro s enthal Records No. 69: Deposition of Elizabeth Hubb ard v. Abigail Hobbs, 73 No. 73: Depo sition of Ann PurnamJr. v. Abigail Hobbs. No. 74: Depo s ition of Mary Walcott v. Abigail Hobbs 30. Rosenthal Records, No. 77: Exan1inations of Abigail Hobbs in Pri son 2013 Historical Studies journal 67

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31. Ro senthal, Records, No. 80: Examination of Mary Warren 32. R osenthal, Records, No. 101: Srarement of Mary Warren v. J o hn Pro c t e r & Elizabeth Procter. 33. R osenthal, Records, No. 77: Examinations of A bi gail H o bb s in Prison 34. Ro sen thal Records, 1 99. 35. R osenthal Records, No. 1 45: Exa min a ti on of Mary Warren 36. Ro senthal, R e cords, No. 2 16: Ce n s u s of Prison e r s a nd D a res of Pri son Transfers 37. R osenthal, Records, No. 262: Tes tim ony of Edward Bishop Jr., Sarah Bishop, & Mary Esry Regarding Mary Warren and No. 263: Testimony of Mary English R egar din g Mary Warren. 38. R osenthal, Records, No. 25 5: D e position of Abigail Hobbs, D elive r ance H o bbs, & Mary Warren v. George Burroughs Sarah Good, Sarah Osburn Bridger Bishop Giles Cory, R ebecca N urse, Elizabeth Proc t er, Alice Parker, Ann Pudearor Abig ai l Soa mes,John Procter, & Lydia Dustin 39. Hill Frances. The S alem Witch Tr ials R eader. (Ca mbridge, MA: D a Capo Press, 2009), 292 40. R osenthal, R ecor ds, No. 344: Exan1inarion of Abigail H ob bs. 41. Wendel D Crak e r "Spec tral Evide nce, Non-Spectral Acrs of Witchcraft an d Confession at Salem in 1 692." The H istorica/journa l 40, no.2 ( 1 997): 354. 42. Murri n, 339. 43 Boyer a nd Nissenb aum, e d s Salem-Village Wit chcraft, 117-118. 44. Burns, 26. 45 Corron Mathe r ro John Corron August 5,1 692, in Kenneth Silverman, e d .. Selected Letters of Cotton Mather (Baro n Rouge: Louis iana S t are Unive r s i ty Press, 1 97 1 ), 40. 46. Burns 35-7. 47 C r aker, 347. 48. Boyer a nd N issenb aum, Salem Possessed, 2 15. 49. Reis, Damned Women 1 36. 5 0 H all, 196. The Historic American Building Survey: Preservation of the Built Arts Douglas Fowler l. Unknown, "CCC Brief H istory." The Civilian Conservation Corp Legacy. hrrp:/ / www.ccc egacy.org/ CCC_br ief_ hi s rory.hrm (accesse d April21 2012). 2 H arlan D. Unrau and G. Frank Will iss, Expansion of the National Park Service in the 1 93 0's: An Administrative History. National P ark Ser v ice Online B oo k s (Sep t em b e r 1983) http:/ / ww w np s.gov/ hisrory / hisrory/online books / unr au-williss/ adhi. htm (accessed April22, 2012 ) 3. Ibid. Ch. 3, Sec. A p. 1. 4 Fredrick L. R athJr. "Reflec tions on H istor i c Pre serva tion a nd the Natio nal P ark Service: Th e Early Years." Cultura l Resources Management. Volume 1 4, No.4, ( 1 99 1): Supp lement. p. 2. 5. Un known, "National Park Service." Van A l en I ns t itute: P rojects in Publ ic Architecture. www.vanalen. org!gareway/sit e bri ef_down loadables/ Reasearch_Reporr /SO_NPS.pdf(accessed Ap ril21 2012) 6. Unknown The Orga nic Acr The National P ark Service Discover H istory. http://www nps.gov / grb a / parkmgm r/or ganic-ac r -of-1 916 .htm (accessed April21, 20 1 2). 7. Unknown, "Na tional Park Serv ice." Van A/en I nstitute: P rojects in Publi c Architecture. www.vanalen. o rglgareway/s ir e bri ef_dow nload ables/Reasea r ch R e p orr/ SO_NPS.pdf (accessed April21 2 0 1 2). 8. K e n Burns and D ayton Duncan, The National P arks, America's B est Idea: An Illu strated His tory. 1 st edition. New York, New York: Alfr ed A Knopf Publ ishing, 2009. p.26 8 9. H arlan D. Unrau and G. Frank Williss, Expansion of the Nationa l Park Service in the 1 93 0's: An Administrative H istory Nati onal P ark Serv ice Online Books. (Septem b e r 1983) http:/ / www.nps.gov I hi srory/h isrory/onl ine_boo ks/ unr au-williss/a dhi .h tm (accesse d April22, 2012). 10 Barry Mackintosh The Hist oric Sites Survey and National Historic Landmarks P rogram. Washington, DC: History Divi s ion Nat i onal Park Serv ice, 1985 p. 3 II. J an Townsend, Th e Department of Everything Else, Includ ing Historic Pr eservation." Cultural Resources Management. No. 4 1 999, p. 8. 68 Notes

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I2. Barry Mackintosh, The Histori c Sites Survey and National Historic Landmarks Program. Washington, DC: History Division, National Park Service, I985. p. 4. I3. Harlan D. U nr au and G. Frank Williss ,Expansion of the National Park Servia in the 1930's: An Administrative History. ational Park Service Online Books. (Septe mber I 983) http:/ /www.nps.gov I hi story/ history /online_ books / unrau-williss/adh i.hrm (accesse d April22, 20I2). I4. John A. Burns, Recording Historic Structures. 2nd e d i ti on. Hoboken New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2004. p. 2-3. I5. Ibid. p. 3. I6. Lisa Pfueller David so n and Marrin]. Perschler, Th e H isroric America n Buildings Survey Durin g the New Deal Era: Documenting a Complete Resume of the Builders Art." Cultural Resources Managemmt Volume I No. I (Fall 2003): p 55. 17. Barry Mackintosh, The Histori c Sites Survey and National Historic Landmarks Program. Washingron, DC: Histo r y Division National Park Service, 1985. p. 4. I 8 Ibid p. 4-5. 19. Ibid p. 4. 20. Unknown, Th e Historic Sites Act." The National Park Service Discover History. http: / / www.nps.gov I history/locallaw/ hsacr35.hrm (accessed Aprii2I, 2012). 21. Barry Mackintosh, The Historic Sites Survey and National Historic Landmarks Program. Washington, D C: History Divi s i on National Park Service, 1985 p. 6 22 Alben Rains, With Hmtage so Rich. Washingron, DC: Preservation B ooks Publishing, 1 999. p. 1 61. 23. Barry Mackintosh, The Histori c Sites Survey and National Historic Landmarks Program. Washington, D C: H istory Divi s ion National Park Service, 1985. p 30. 24. Ibid p. 33. 25. Sara Allaback, Mission 66 Visitor Centers: The History of a Building Type. National Park Serv ice Online Books. (Novem ber 2000) http: / / www.cr.gov/history / online_books / allaback /vc.hrm (accessed April29, 2012) 26. Linda Flint McCell and, Historic Landscape Design and Construction: Building the National Parks. 2nd edition. Baltim ore, Maryland: The John Hopkins Universiry Press, 1 998. p. 462. 27. Sara All aback, Mission 66 Visitor Centers: The History of a Building Type. National Park Service Online Books. (November 2000) http://www c t.gov / hi story / online_ b ooks / allaback /vc.hr m (April29, 20 1 2) 28. Barry Mackintosh, The Historic Sites Survey and National Historic Landmarks Program. Washington, DC: History Division National Park Service, 1985 p. 33. 29. Ibid. p. 57. 30. Ibid. p. 58 31. Ibid. p. 60-61. Another Face in the Crowd: Commemorating Lynchings Pam Milavec 1. Reiche r Step h en. "The Psychology of Crowd Dyna mics." School of P sychology, Universiry of St Andrews, 4. 2. Fred Jerome and Rodger Taylor. Einstein on Race and Ra cism. New Brunswick, NJ; Rutgers UP, 2005. (86-87). 3. Steven Axelro d Camille Roman, and Thomas]. The New Anthology of American Poetry: Modernisms, 1900-1950. New Brun swick, NJ: Rutger s UP, 2005 (692). 4. McKay, Claude. "The Lynching." Harlem Shadows. New York: H a r cou rt, Brace and Company, 1922 5. Wright, Ric hard "Betwee n the World and Me." Bone temps, Ama Wende, editor. American Negro Poetry: An Anthology (American Century). Hill & Wang: New York, 1 995. 6 Ibid 7. Allen, James, Hil ton Ali, Congressman John Lew is, a nd Leon F. Litwack. Without Sanctuary: Lynching Photography in America. Twin Palm Publishers, 2003 2013 Histo rical Studies journal 69

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8. Ibid 9. K enneth E Foo te. Shadowed Ground: America's Landscapes of Violence and Tragedy. Aus ti n: Texas UP, 1 997 (322-323). I 0 Danny Postel. The Awful Truth: Lynching in America. ZNEt: The Spirit of Resistance Lives. 8 Ju ly 2002. http://www. z mag.or/zn et II. Ibi d Also, simil ar i nformatio n i s availa bl e i n K arla F. C. H olloway. "Cul t ural Na rr at ives Passed o n : African American Mourning S to r ies." College English, Vol. 59. No. I (Jan. 1 997), pp. 32 4 0 12. P iotr Sztompka. "Cultural Tra uma: The Other Face of Social Change." European journal oJSocial Theory, Vol 3 No.4. (2000). P p. 449-466. 13. Kenneth E. Foo t e (3). 14. P iotr Szto mpka. IS. "Mission." Amer ica's Black H o l ocaust Museum. http://www. bl ackho l oca u s t museum.orglv i s i tor.h t ml 1 6 Clive Myrie I Escaped Lync h Mo b's Noose." B B C NEWS. http: / l newsvore.b b c.co.uk / m p apps / pagerools lpri n t /news bbc.co. uk / w 17. J ames Allen. (91). 18. D avid Margolick. Strang e Fruit: B illie Holiday. Cafl Society and the Early Cry for Civil Rig hts. Ph iladelphia: Runn i n g Press, 1000 Also Ann i e Merrill In gra m Ian Ma r s h all, D aniel]. Philipp on and Adam W. Sweeting, edito rs. Coming into Contact: Exp lorations in Ecocritical Theory and Practice. Athens, GA: Georgia UP 2007 (95) 19. I bid 2 0 I bid. 21. C live Myrie, a nd "Mission." 22 H onoring th e Life and Accom pli s l unents of J ames Camero n." House Resolution 867. H o use of Representatives, 20 June 2006. Lib rary of Con gress. http: / l thomas.loc.gov l cgi-bin / query / 23. J eanne Jones. J o u rney Creates O p portunity for New Bridge '" United Methodist News Service. 2 Feb ruary 20 09. 24. I bi d 25. Ibid. 26. Ibid. 27. Finnegan, Ter e nce. "The Equal of Some Whit e Men and the Superior of Others": Masculinity and the 1916 Lynching of Anthony Crawford in Abbeville County, South Carolina." 28. I bid. 29. Ibid 30. Ibi d 31. I bid 32. I bid 33. Ibid. 34. L a n gston Hug hes. "The B itt e r River." Rampe r sad, A rn old, e di tor. The Collected Poems of Langston Hughes. New Y ork: Vintage C lassics, 1 995 35. Gayle Graha m Yates. Lifo and Death in a Small Southern Town. Memories of Shubuta, Mississippi. Baron Rouge: L SUP, 2004.37-38, 134-1 35 1 56. Also J e rry D Mason. Shubuta Mississippi: Home of the Red Artesian Wttter. Self publis h ed, 2002. 101 1 05, 1 52. 36. L ynch Wee k." Time 26 Oct o b e r 1 942. 37. R alph Ellison, I nvisible Man. New York: V intage Boo ks, 1 995. 38. Moore's Ford M emorial Committee, Inc http://www.moo r esford.org/index. h tm l 39. Ibid. 4 0 "Looking Behin d Tragedy at Moo r e s For d Br i dge: Foo t So l dier of Civil Righ t s Era Wo rks to So lve 60 year-o l d Mystery." MSNBC. h ttp://www.msnbc man.com / i d l13905047 I I 41. Ibid. 42 Ibid 43. Thompson, A d a m "Lync h V i ctim's Family 'Sh ocked' a t Re-en actment, Na min g of Child Online Athens, 28 J uly 2008. http:/ l www.onlineathens.com / cgib in / p r imme2005.pl 44. Kemper, Bob. J ust ice Can' t Ju s t Forget Long-ago Rac ial Kill ings." Atlan t a j ournal-Constitution 1 3 Septem b e r 2 006. 4 5 D oug Gross "New Evide nce Collected i n 1 946 L y n chi ng Case." CNNcom, 2 J uly 2008 46. "Looking Behind Tragedy at M oore s For d Br idge." 47. Maxine D. J o nes, Principal Investi gator. Documented History of the Incident Which Ocmrred at Rosewood, Florida, in january 1 923.F l ori d a State University, 22 December 1 993 7 0 Notes

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48. As quoted in Maxine D. Jones, 106. 49. of the Emmett Till Memorial Commission, May 9, 2007. http: / /www. winter in s titut e.org/ etmc / images / resolmion.gif SO. Jerry Thomas "Emmett's Legacy." Chi cago Tribune, 5 September 1 995. 5 I. William Bradfo rd Huie. "The Shocking Story of Approved Killing in Mi ssissippi." Look, January 1956 http:/ / www.pbs.o r g/wgbh / amex / till/sfeature / sf_look_co n fefssion.hrml 52. Ibid. 53. Ibid. 54. Allen G. Breed. "End of Till Case Draws a Mixed Response." Associated 3 Marc h 2007. http: / I www. boston .com / news / nation/ a rt icles/2 007 I 03 / 03 I end of_ till case_ draws_ mixed_ response / 55. Duluth Lynchings Online Resource." Minnesota Historical Society. http: / / collections. mnh.orgl dultuh / l ync hings/ html 56. Ibid. 57. Ibid. 58 Ibid. 59. Bob D y lan. Desolation Row. http: / / www.bobdylan.com / songs / deso l a tio n.html 60. Skvirsky, Karina Aguilera. North East South catalog. Grossman Gallery L afayette College: Easton Pennsylvania 24January-March 2008 also email correspo nd ence January March 2009 61. Sherrilyn A. I1ill. On the Courthouse Lawn: Confonting the Legacy of L ynching in the Twenty:first Century. Boston: Beacon Press 2007 62 Ibid. 63. Ibid 64. Lili Ko. Battling Hate and Racism." Easterner, 2 March 2004. http: / / www.eaterneronli n e com / home / index 65. Ibid. 66. Ibid. 67 Elton John a nd Bernie Tau pin. A merican Triangle." Ris e Song Lyrics Archives. http: / / www.risa.co uk /sla/song 68 "Our Story." Th e Matthew S h e ph ard Foundatio n http: / / www.ma tthew shepard orglo ur-story 69. Injustice Files." Investigation Di scovery. http: / / investigation.discovery.com / tv-shows / injustice -files Manufacturing Terror: Samuel Parris' Exploitation of the Salem Witch Tri a l s Allan Pershing 1. First Report of the Record Commissioners of the City of Boston ( Boston: Rock-well and Churchill Ciry Printers, 1 88 1 ). 2. Paul Boyer a nd Stephen Nisse nbaum Salem Possessed: The Social Origins ofWitchcra.ft (Cam rbidge: H arvard Universiry Press, 197 4), p 1 77. 3. Larry Gragg, A Quest for Security: The Life of Samuel Parris, 1 653-172 0 (New York: Greenwood Press 1 990), p. xvii. 4 Marion Starkey The Devil in Massachusetts: A Modem Enquiry into the Salem Witch Trials, (New York: Anchor Books 1 949). p. 32. 5. Larry Gragg, A Quest for Security: The Life of Samue l Parris, 1653-1720 (New York: Greenwood Press, 1990 ), p. 1 25. 6. Larry Gragg, A Q!'est for Security, p. 31. 7 Sanmel Sewall. The Diary of Samuel SewaLL, (BoSto n : M assach usettS Historical Socie ty, 1 878), p. 1 46. Parris presided over a funeral for a friend of Sewall's. 8 Larry Gragg, A Quest for Security, p. 33. 9. Samuel P. Fowler, An Account of the Life, Character, &c of the Reverend Samuel Parris (Salem: William lves and George W. Pease Primers 1 857), p. 2. 1 0 Samuel Parris, 1 9 Sept. 1 689." The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris, 1 689-1694 ( Boston: The Colonial Sociery of MassachusettS, 19 93), p 38. 11. Samuel Parris," 1 9 Sept. 1 689." The Sermon Notebook of Samu e l Parris, p. 44. 12. "24 November 1689." Salem Village Church Re cord Book. 201 3 Historical Studies j ournal 71

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13. Charles W. Upham, Salem Witclma.ft; with an Account of Salem Village, Vol. I. (Boston: Wiggin and Lum 1867), p. 301. 14 "24 November 1 689;' Salem Village Church Record Book. 15. "30 March 1 690;' Salem Village Church Record Book. 16. P arker, Frankl in "Ezekiel Cheever: New Eng land Col on i a l Teacher; Peabody j ournal of Education, Vol. 37, no No.6 (May 1960): pp. 355-360. 17. Sanmel Parris," 1 Dec. 1689; Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris. 18. "8 Ocr. 1691; Salem Village Church Record Book. 19. "22 Nov. 1691; Salem Village Church Record Book. 20. David D. Hall, Worlds ofWonders, Day s ofjudgment: Popular Religious Beliefin Early New England (New York: Knop 1989), p. 99. 21. Samuel Parris, The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris, p. 1 94. 22. Samuel Parris, The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris, p. 1 96. 23. Samuel Parris, "3 J an 1692; The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris. 24. L arry Gragg, A quest for Security, p. 98. 25. John Purnam Demos, Entertaining Satan: Witchcraft and the Culture of Early New England (New York: Oxford Universiry Press, 1982), p. 98. 26. Samuel P. Fowler, An Account ojtl1e Lift, p. 8. 27. Carton Mar h er, Memorable Providences, Relating to Witchcra.fts and Possessions ( 1689), hrrp:/ /law2 .umk c.edu/faculry/pro jecrs/frrials/salem/asa_marh hrm 28. Roberr Calef, More Wonders of the Invisible World (Salem: Cushing and Appleton 1 70 0), p 341. 29. Samuel Parr is, "11 Sepr 1692; TheSermonNotebookoJSamuelParris. 30 Samuel Parris, "11 Sepr 1692 ; The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris, p. 199 31. Samuel Parris, "27 March 1692," The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris, p. 1 96. "And so in our Churches God know s how many Devils rhere are: whirher 1 2, 3 or 4 in 12." 32. Larry Gragg, A Quest for Security, p. 99. 33. Samuel Parris The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris, p. 204 34. Samuel Parris, The Sermon Notebook of Samuel Parris, p 205. 35. Following a droughr in 1692, Salem Village faced uncertain economic prospecrs and frighrfully low crop yields. The Whigs and the Mexican War lan Stewart-Shelafo 1. Michael F. Holt, The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party, (New York: Oxford Univers ir y Press, 1 999 ), 1517. 2. D aniel Walker Howe, The P olitical Culture of the American Whigs, (Chicago: Universiry of C hi cago Press 19 79), 16-1 7. 3. Holt, The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party, 1 31. 4. Daniel Walke r Howe, "Why Abrahan1 Lincoln was a Whig," journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association, 16 no 1 (1995) : 29 5 John S.D. Eisenhower, So Far From God: The US. !far with Mexico, 1846-1848 (New York: R andom House, Inc., 1989 ), 58. 6. J a mes M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: the Civil !far Era, (New York: Oxford Universi r y Press 1 988), 4-5. 7 H owe, The Political Culture of the American Whigs, 204-205. 8. Eric Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men, (New York: Oxford Universiry Press, 19 70), 93-95. 9. McPherson Battle Cry of Freedom, 148. 10. Senate journa l 33rd Cong., 1sr Sess., March 3, 1 854,235-237. 11. Daniel Walker H owe, What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815 1 848, (New York: Oxford Universiry Press, 2007), 1 52. 12. Holt, TheRiseandFallojtheAmerican Whig Party, 34. 13. Howe, The Political Culture of the American Whigs, 136. 72 Notes

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14. John Q!.incy Adams. "Speec h on rhe Texan and Indian Wars and Slavery." The Liberator, 25 edition, sec. C,Jun e 18, 1 836. IS. Howe, The P olitical Culture of the American Whigs, 17. 16. H owe, What H ath God Wrought, 735. 1 7 Robert W. Merry, A Country of Vast Designs: James K Polk, The Mexican Wttr, and the Conquest oftheAmerican Continent, (Ne w York: Simon & Schuster, 20 1 0), 1 76. 18. Eisenhower, So Far From God, 65. 19. Senau journal, 29rh Con g., I s t Sess., May 13. 1 846, 292. 20. Howe Wha t H ath God Wrought, 798 21. Eisenhower, So Far From God, 342. 22. Merry, A Country of Vast Designs, 424-426 23. James K. Polk, The Diary oj}ames K Polk, (Chicago: A C. McClurg&Company, 1 9 1 0), 39 7. 24 G.S. Boric, Lin co ln's Oppos it ion co rhe Mexican War," journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, 67, no. I (1974): 79. 25. Eisenhower, So Far From God, 369-371. 26. Eisenhowe r So Far From God, xviii. 27. Speech of Mr. Calhoun on rhe M exican War." The Emancipator, 44 ed iti on, sec. A, February 24, 1 847. 28. Howe, The Political Culture of the American Whigs, 244 29. McPherson Battl e Cry of Freedom, 70-71. 30. H owe, Wha t H ath God Wrought 767-768. 31. Foner, Free Soil, Fret Labor, Free Men, 77. 32 McPherson, Battl e Cry of Freedom, 108. 33. John M Sac her "The Sudde n Collapse of rhe Louisian a Whig Parry," j ournal of Southern History, 62, no. 2 ( 1 999): 247. 34. Foner,Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men, 124-125. 35. Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men, 27 201 3 Historical Studies j ournal 73

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Blending Gender: The Flapper, Gender Roles & the 1920s "New Woman" Kay la Gabehart PRIMARY SOURCES Articles in Periodicals Ely, Catherine Beach Life in cheRaw." The North American Review 226.5 (1928): 556 569 Hamilcon A.. "Killing Lady Nicotine." The North American R ev iew 225.842 ( 1 928): 465-468. Monroe Harriet. "Flamboya nce." P oetry 21.2 ( 1922): 89-90. Welles, Ellen Page "A Flapper's Appeal co Parents" in Outlook Magazine. (December 6, 1 922); avai lable from cityrech.cu ny.edu. Government Documents Anthony, Susan B. "Nineteenth Amendment co the U.S. Constitution." Miles cone Documents. Originally published in 1 920 Accessed September 23rd 20 1 2. Newspaper Columns Sanger, Margaret, "The Prevention of Conception." Milescone Documents. Originally published in 1914. Accessed September 22nd, 2012. Sanger, Margaret, "Sexua l Impulse-Part II." Milestone Documents. Origin ally published in 1912 Accessed September 18th, 2012. Photos Camille Clifford and Leslie Stiles. Hulton Archive, 1 906. Gerry Images. Available from http://www.gettyimages.com / detail!news-photo / actors-leslie-stiles and-camille clifford -oneofthegibson new s-p hoco / 3301 288. Accessed December I I 20 I 2 Standing Out in the Crowd. Images of th e Jazz Age." Available from classe s.berklee edu!llanday / fallOI / jazzage / crowdweb. Accessed September 5th, 2012 Speeches Goldman, Emma. "Marriage and Love." Origina ll y delivered as a speech in 1917. Accessed September 18th, 2012. SECONDARY SOURCES Books Gourley, Catherine. Flapp ers and the New American Woman: Perceptions of Women .from 1918 Through the 1920s. Minneapolis: 21st Century Books 2008. Murdock, Catherine Gilbert. Domesticating Drink: Women, Men, and Alcohol in America, 18 7 0 1 940. Balrimore: J o hns Hopkins Unive r sity Press, 2001. Scranton, P. Beaut y and Business: Commerce, Gender, and Culture in Modern America. New York: Psychology Press, 2000. Zeitz, Joshua. Flapper: A Madcap Story of S ex, Style, Celebrity, and the Women Who Made America Modern. New York: Random House, 2007. Textbook Chapter Ind ependence Hall Association "Flappers." U.S History: Pre-Columbia to the New Millenium (2012); available from ushiscor y.org /us/ 46d.asp. 201 3 H istorical Studies journal 75

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Scholarly Articles Go r don, L yn n D "The Gi bson G irl Goes to College: Popul ar Cul tu r e a nd Wo m en s High e r Educa ti o n i n the P rog ressive E ra, 1 89 0 1 92 0." A m e r ica n 3 9 .2 ( 1 987): 211-230. H irshbein, Laura Davidow. "The F lapper and the Fogy : R epresentations o f Gender and Age i n the 1920s." journal ofFami/y H istory 26.1 (200 1 ) : 112137. Ross, Sara. "Goo d Little Bad Girls: Controversy and the Flapper Comedie n ne." Film History 1 3.4 (200 1 ) : 4 0 9 -423. Sharot, Step h en. Th e New W o m a n, S t ar P erso nas, an d Cross C lass R o m a n ce F i lms i n 1920 s America." j ournal of Gender Studies 19.1 (2010): 73-86. Yellis, Kenneth A. "Prosperity's C h i l d: Some Thoug hts on t he Flapper." Americanf2!!arter/y 21.1 (1969): 44-64. Desperate Letters Abortion History and Michael Beshoar, M.D. Mic he l e Lingbeck PRIMARY SOURCES: Beshoar Fami l y P apers, W H 1 083, \ Vestern H istory Collection The Den ver Public Library. SECONDARY SOURCES: Agnew Jeremy. Medicine in the Old West: a his tory, 185 0 1 900. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarla nd & Co., Publis h e rs. 20 1 0 264p 9" x 6" $35, hardback. Beshoar, Barr o n B. H ippocrates in a Red Vest, The Biography of a Frontier Doctor Palo A l to, CA: Amer ican W est Pub! ish i n g Company, I 973. 337p. n o tes. index. bibl i og r aphy. 9.1 x 5.9" $ 1 4 hardbac k D ary, David. Frontier Medicine, From the Atlantic to the Pa cific 14921 94 1 NY: Alfred A. Knopf, 2008. v i i i + 322p. glossary. n o tes. bibliography i ndex. $30. 6" x 9 !h" hardback. Noel, Thomas J., Paul F. Maho ney, & Richard E. Stevens. His torical Atlas of Colorado. Norm an: Unive r s it y of Oklahoma Press, 1993,2000 revised pape r back edi t i o n I x + 1 60p. i ndex. bibliog r a phy. maps. $29.95. 11" x 14" ha rdb ack & p aper b ack. S h ikes, Robe rt H M D. Ro c ky Mountain Medicine Doctors, Drugs and Disease in Early Col orado Bou l de r CO: J ohnson Boo ks: 1 986 X+ 232p. appe n d ix. bibliogra phy. index. $34 95 1 1 x I 4" hard b ack. Smith Duan e A & Ronald C. B rown. No one Ailing Except a Physician, Medicine in the Mining West, 1848-1 9 19. B ou ld e r CO: Unive r sity P ress of Col orado. 20 01. Xvi +152. B i b l iograp h y essay. ind ex. pictu res. $40.00. 9" x 6 h a r dback Steele, Vol ney, M D Blud, Blis t er and Purge, A History of Medic ine on the American Frontier Missou la, MT: Mountain P ress Publishing Co. 2005 Xxiii + 298. epilogue notes. g l ossary works c i t e d i ndex $ 1 8 9" x 6" paperback. 76 Bibliographies

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Confessors and Martyrs: Rituals in Salem's Witch Hunt Shay Gonzales Books Boyer, Paul and Stephen Nissenbaum. Salem Possessed: The Socia l Origins ofWirchcrafi:. Cambridge, MA: University of Harvard Press, 1974. --Salem-Village Witchcraft: A Documentary Re cord of Local Conflict in Colonial New England. University Press of New England, 1972. Bushman, Richard L. From Puritan to Yankee: Cl1aracter and Social Order in Connecticut, 1690-1765. New York: Norton, 1970. God beer, Richard. The Devils Dominion: Magic and Reli gion in Early New England. Cambridge University Press, 1994. Hall, David D Worlds of Wonder, Days ofjudgment: Popular R e ligious Belief in Early New England. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1 990 Hill, Francis The Salem Witchcraft Reader. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 2009. Norton, Mary Beth In the Devil's Snare: The Salem Witchcraft Crisis of 1692 New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 2002. Reis, E lizabeth. Damned Women: Sinners and Witches in Puritan New England. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press 1997. Rosenthal, Bernard Salem Story: R eading the Witch Tr ials of 1692 Cambridge Universi t y Press, 1995. Weisman, Richard. Witchcraft, Magic, and Religion in 17th-century Massachusetts Amherst, MA: Univers it y ofMassach usem Press, 1984. Articles Burns, Margo. ""Other Ways of Undue Force and Fright": The Coercion of False Confessions by rhe Salem Magistrates." Neophilologica 84, no. sup 1 (20 12): 24-39. Craker, Wendel D. "Spec tral Evidence, Non-Spectral Acts ofWitchcrafi:, and Confession at Salem in 1692." The Historicaljournal40, no. 2 ( 199 7): 33158. Demos, John. "Underlying Themes in the Witchc r aft ofSeventeenth -Cemury New Eng l and." The American Historical R eview 75, no. 5 ( 1970): 1311-26 Dory, Kathleen, and Risto Hiltunen.""! Will Tell, I Will Tell": Confessional Panerns in rhe Salem Witchcraft Trials, 1692." journal of Historica l Pra gmatics 3, no. 2 (2002): 229-335 Kahlas-Tarkka, Leena ""!Am a Gosple Woman": On Language in the Courtroom Discourse During th e Salem Witch Trials, with Specia l Refer ence to Female Examinees." Studia Neophilologica 84, no. sup1 (2012): 55-69. Murrin,John M. "Corn ing to Terms wirh rhe Salem Witc h Trials." Pro ceedings of the American Antiquarian Society 110, no. 2 (2000): 309-47. PRIMARY SOURCES Rosenthal, B ed. Records of the Salem Witch-lmnt Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2009. Kenneth Silverman, ed. Selected L etters of Cotton Mather. Baron Rouge, Louisiana State University Press, 1971. 2013 Historical Studies journal 77

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The Historic American Building Survey: Preservation of the Built Arts Douglas Fowler Allaback Sara. Mis s ion 66 Visitor Cent e rs: The History of a Building Type. National Park Service Online Books (November 2000) http://www cr.gov / history / online books / allaback / vc.htm ( accessed April29, 2012). Beaty, Laura. "The His toric American Buildings Survey: For Fifty Years, HABS has Traced rhe Shape of rhe Nation's Architecture." National Parks Maga z ine. March / April. ( 1 983): 1 -4. Bullock, Helen Duprey. "Death Mask or Living I mage? The Role of rhe Archives o f American Architecture." In With Heritag e s o Rich Albert Rains, ed., pp. 161-167 Wa s hington, DC: Preservation Books Pub li shing, 1999. Burns, John A. "HABS /HAERMoving Forward with the Past." Cultural Res ources Management. Volume 16, No.3, ( 1 993): 1 7 Burns, John A. Rec ord i n g His toric Stru ctures. 2nd edition Hoboken, New Jersey : John Wiley & S o ns, I nc., 2004 Burns, Ken and Dayton Duncan. The National P a rk s Americ a s Be s t Idea: An Illu stra ted His tor y. Jsr edition. New York New York: Alfred A. Knopf Publishing, 2009. David s on, Lisa Pfueller and Marrin]. Perschler. The Historic American Buildings Survey During the New Deal Er a : Documenting a Complete Resume of the Builder s Art. Cultural R e sour ces Management Volume I No.1, ( Fall2003 ) : 49 69. Good, Albert H Park and R e creation Struc tures. 2 n d edition. New York, New York : Princeton Architectural Press Inc., 1999 McClelland, Linda Flint. Historic Landsc ap e Desi g n and Construction: Building the National Parks. 2nd edition. Baltimore, Mar y land: The John Hopkins University Press, 1998. M a ckinto s h Barry. The Historic Site s S urvey and National Histo r i c L andma rk s Program. W a shington DC: History Division National Park Service 1985. Peters on, Trudy Huskamp "The Gift ofpreservation." Prologue: f
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Unrau, H a rlan D. and G Frank Will iss. Expansion of the National Park Service in the 19 30's: An Administrative History. National Park Service Online Books. (September 1983) http://www. nps.gov / history / history/online_books / unrau-williss / adhi.htm {accessed April22, 2012). Wirth, Conrad L. Parks Politics and the People. National Park Service Online Books. (September 2004) http://www.cr.nps.gov / history / onlinc_books /wirth2/ index.htm {accessed April20, 20 12). Another Face in the Crowd: Commemorating Lynchings Pam Milavec Allen James, Hilton Ali, Con g r essman John Lewis, and Leon F. Litwack. Without Sanctuary: Lynching Photo graphy in America. Twin Pal m Publishers 2003. Axelrod, Steven and Camille Roman. The New Anthology of American Poetry: Modernisms, 1900 1 95 0 New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers UP, 2005. Breed, Allen G. 'End of Till Case Draws a Mixed Response." Associated Press, 3 March 2007. http://www.boston.com / news / n ation/ar ticles/200 7 / 03 / 03 / end_of_till_case draws_mixed response/ "Duluth Lynchings Online Resource." Minnesota Histori cal Society. http://collections.mnhs.org / duluth/lynchings / html Dylan, Bob. Desolation Row. http: / / www.bobdylan.com /s ongs/desolation.html Ellison, Ral ph. I nvisible Man. New York: Vintage Books, 1 995. Finnegan, Terence "The Equa l of Some White Men and the Superior of Others: Masculinity and the 1 9 1 6 Lynching of Anthony Crawford in Abbeville County South Carolina." Men and Violence : Gender, Honor, and Rituals in Modern Europe and America. Petrus Corndis Spiere nburg, editor. Col umbus OH: Ohio State UP, 1998. Foote Kenne th E. Shadowed Ground: America's Landscapes of Violence and Tragedy. Austin : Texas UP, 1997. Gross, Doug. "New Evidence Collected in 1 946 Lynching Case." CNN.com, 2 Jul y 20 08. http:// www cnn.com /2008/US/07/0l/ lynching.investigation / index.html Holloway, Karla F. C. "Cultural Narratives Passed on: African American Mourning Stories." College English, Vol. 59. No. I {Jan. 1997) pp. 3240 Huie Wi lli am Bradford. "The S h ocking Story of Approved Killing in Mississippi." Look, January 1 956. http://www.phs.org/wgbh / amex / till!sfeature / sf_look_confession.htm l Hughes, Langston. "The Bitter River." Arnold Ramper sad, editor. The Collected Poems of Langston Hughes. New York: Vintage Classics, 1995. Ifill, Sherrilyn A. On the courthouse Lawn: Confronting the Legacy of Lynching in the Twenty-first Century. Boston: Beacon Press 2007. Ingram Annie Merrill Ian Marshall, Daniel]. Philippon an d Adam W Sweeting, editors. Coming I nto Contact: Explorations in Ecocritical Theory and Practice. Athens, GA: Georgia UP, 2007. Injustice Files." Inve stiga tion Di scovery. http://investigation.discovery. com/tv-shows/ inju sticefiles Jerome, Fred and Rodger Taylor E ins tein on Race and Racism. New Bru nswick, NJ: Rutgers UP, 2005. John, Elton an d Bernie Taupin. American Triang le." Ris e Song Lyrics Archives. http://www.risa. co.uk/s l a/song 201 3 H istorical Studies journal 79

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Jones, Jeanne. "Journey Crea tes Opportunit y for New 'Br idge .'" United Methodist News S ervice 2 February 2009. Jones, Maxine D., Prin cipa l Investigator. Documented His tory of the I nci dent Which Occurred at Rosewood Florida in janu ary 1 923 Florida S t ate University, 22 December 1 993. Kemper Bob. "' Ju s tice Can' t Ju s t Forger Lo ng ago Racial Killings." Atlanta journal Constitution, 13 Sep t ember 2006. Ko L i li. "Barding H ate an d Racism." Easterner, 2 March 2004. http: / / www.msnbc.man.com / id / 13905047// L ynch Wee k." Time, 26 October 2943 M argo lick, David. Strange Fruit: Billie H oliday, Cafl Society and the Earl y Cry for Civil Rig hts. Phil a delphia: Running Press 2000. M ason, Jerry D Shubuta Mississippi: Home of the Red Artesian Water. Self p ublished, 2002. missi on." America's Black Holocau st Museum http://www.blackholoca u s rmu seum.org/vis itor. hrml Moore s Ford Memorial Committee, I nc http://www.mooresford.org / index.hrml Myrie, Clive I Escaped Lynch Mob's Noose." BBC NEWS. http://newsvote bbc.co.uk/mpapps / pagetools/prinr / n ews.bbc.c o.uk / 2 "O u r Story .'' Th e Matthew Shephard Foundation. http://www.m a rrhewsh epard.org / our-story P ostal, Danny. The Awful Truth: L ynching in America. ZNet : The Sp irit of Resistance Lives. 8 July 2002. http://www zmag.or / zne t R eicher, Stephen "The Psych ology of C r ow d D ynam ics." School of P sych o logy, Unive r s ity of Sr. And r ews. R esolution of the Emmett Till Memorial Commission, May 9. 2007. http://www.winterinstitute. org / e tmc /images / resolurion.gif Skvirsky, Kari n a Aguilera. North East South, catalog. Grossman Gallery Lafayette College: Easton Penns ylvania, 24JanuaryI March 2008 Skvirsky Kar in a Aguilera Emai l corresponde nce January-April2009. Sztompka, Piotr "Cultural Trauma: The Othe r Face of Soc i a l Change." European j ou rnal of Soc ial Theory, Vol. 3 No.4 ( 2000). Thomas, Jer ry. "Emmett's L egacy." Chicago Tribune, 5 Sep temb er 1 995. Thompson, Adam Lynch V i ct im's Family 'S hocked a t Re-enactment, Naming of Child." Online Athens, 28 Jul y 2008. http://www. on lin earhens.com/cgibin / printme2005 pl Y ates, Gay l e Graham. Lift and D eath in a Small Southern Town: Memories of Shubuta, Mississippi. Baron Rouge: L SUP, 2 00 4. Manufacturing Terror: Samue l Parris' Exploitation of the Salem Witc h Trials Allan Pershing PRIMARY SOURCES Calef, Robert. More Wonders of the I nvisible World Salem: Cushing a nd Appleton 1 7 00. First Report of the Record Commissioners of the City of Boston. Boston: Rocl-.-well and C hurchill Ciry Printers, 1 881. M ather, Cotton. Memorable Provi dences, R e l ating to Witchcrajis and Possessions. 1 689. P ar ris, Sam u el. The Sermon Notebook of Samue l Parris, 1 689-1694. Boston: The Col o nial Soc iet y of Massachusetts 1 993 Sal em Village Church Record Book. Sewall, Samuel. The D iary of Samuel Sewall Bosto n : Massachu settS Historica l Socie ty, 1878. 80 Bibliographies

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Books Boyer, Paul, and Stephen Nissenbaum. Sa/tm Possessed: The Socia/ Ori gins of Witchcraft. Cambridge: Harvard Uni versity Press, I 974. Demos, John Putnam. Entertaining Satan: Witchcraft and the Culture of Early New England. New York: Oxford University Press, I982. Fowler, Samuel P. An Account of the Lift, Character, &c, of the Reverend Samutl Parris. Salem: William Ives and Gearge W. Pease Printers, I857. Gragg, Larry A Quest for Security: The Lift of Samuel Parris, 1653 1 720. New York: Greenwood Press I 990. Hall David D., ed. Witch-Hunting in Sevmteenth Century Ntw England: A Documentary History. Boston: Nonheastern Universit y Press,I999. Hall David D Worlds of Wonders, Days ofjudgement: Popular Religious Beliefs in Early New England. New York: Knopf, I989. Starkey, Marion. The Devil in Massachusetts: A Modern Enquiry into th e Salem Witch Trials. New York: Anchor Books, I949. Upham, Charles W. Salem Witchcraft; with An Account of Salem Village, and a History of Opinions on Witchcraft and Kindred Subjects. Vol. Vol. I. Boston: Wiggin and Lunt, 1867. Davidson, James West, and Mark H Lytle. After the Fact: The Art of His tor ical Detection. 6th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 20IO. Articles Parker, Franklin. "Ezekiel Cheever: New England Colonial Teacher." Peabody journal of Education. Vol. 37, no. No.6 (May I960): 350 360. The Whigs and the Mexican War ian Stewart-Shelafo SECONDARY SOURCES: Articles: Borit, G.S. Lincoln s Oppos iti on to the Mexican War." journal of the I llinois State Historical Socitty. 67. no. I (I974): 79100 Howe, Daniel Walker. "Why Abraham Lincoln was a Whig." journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association. I6. no. I ( I995): 27-38. Sacher, John M. "The Sudden Collapse of the Louisiana Whig Parry." j ournal of Southern History. 62. no. 2 ( I999): 221-248. Books: Eisenhower, John S.D. So Far From God: The US. War with Mexico, 1846-1 848. New York : Random House, Inc., I 989. Foner, Eric. Free Soil Fru Labor, Free Mm. New York : Oxford University Press, I9 70. Holt, Michael F. Tht Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party New York: Oxford University Press, I999. Howe, Daniel Walker The Political Culture of the American Whigs. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, I9 79 Howe Daniel Walker. What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815-1848 New York : Oxford University Press 2007. McPherson, James M. Battle Cry of Freedom: the Civil War Era. New York : Oxford University Press, I988. Merry, Robert W. A Country of Vast De signs: james K. Polk the Mexican War and the Conquest of the Amtrican Continent. New York: Simon & Schuster, 20IO. 2013 Historical Studies journal 81

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PRIMARY SOURCES: Adams, John "Speech on the Texan and I ndian Wars and Slavery." 25 edi t ion, sec. C, June 1 8 1 836. Polk James K The Diary of] ames K Polk Chicago: A C McClurg &Company 1910. "Speech of M r Cal houn on the Mexican War." The Emancipator 44 edi t ion sec. A, February 24, 1 847. U.S. Congress. Senate journal. 29 th Cong., 1 st Sess., May 13, 1 846. hccp://mem ory.loc.gov / cg i bi n / query / r?ammem / hl aw:@field(DOCID+@lic(s j 037 1 00)): U .S. Congress. Senat e journal. 33r d Cong., 1 s t Sess., March 3. 1 854. http://memory.loc.gov /cg i bin / query / r?ammem /h1aw: @fi eld (DOCID+@ lit(sj04560 )): 82 Bibli ogra phies