William Dean Howellss research of the paint industry and his familiarity with ITS TECH NOLOGY added credibility to his novel The Rise of Silas Lapham When Bartley Hubbard interviewed S ilas L apham, the businessman exultantly described his paint as a blessing to the world. Was factory-produced paint like L aphams truly A BLESSING TO T H E W ORL D ? R arely is a product or a process so perfect as to be considered a blessing or so completely bad as to be considered a curse. A s with most advances of the industrial revolution, the RISE OF T H E PAINT IN D USTRY and the increase in paint use was more of a mixed shade, not just the extremes of black and white. PROGRESS IN A C A N: An Examination of One Industry Through The Gilded Age and Progressive Era FROM T I NKERERS T O G ODS: The Electric Guitar and the Social Construction of Gender S OV I E T F AIT H I N TE C HNOLOGY: Soviet Ideology and its Practical Application in the 1920s1930s S WEE T S T O T HE S U IT ES? The Preservation Challenges of an Abandoned Sugar Beet Factory THE POL ITIC S O F WI LDERNESS D ES I GN ATI ONS: Controversies Concerning Rocky Mountain National Park SI R WA L T ER RA LEGH Guiana, and the Conceptualization of the New World PROGRESS IN A C A N: An Examination of One Industry Through The Gilded Age and Progressive Era FROM T I NKERERS T O G ODS: The Electric Guitar and the Social Construction of Gender S OV I E T F AIT H I N TE C HNOLOGY: Soviet Ideology and its Practical Application in the 1920s1930s S WEE T S T O T HE S U IT ES? The Preservation Challenges of an Abandoned Sugar Beet Factory THE POL ITIC S O F WI LDERNESS D ES I GN ATI ONS: Controversies Concerning Rocky Mountain National Park SI R WA L T ER RA LEGH Guiana, and the Conceptual ization of the New World PROGRESS IN A C A N: An Examination of One Industry Through The Gilded Age and Progressive Era FROM T I NKERERS T O G ODS: The E lectric G uitar and the S ocial Construction of G ender S OV I E T F AIT H I N TE C HNOLOGY: S oviet Ideology and its Practical Application in the 1920s1930s S WEE T S T O T HE S U IT ES? The Preservation Challenges of HISTORICAL S TUDIES JOURNAL Spring 2007 Volume 24U niversity of C olorado at Denver and Health S ciences C enter HISTORICAL S TU D IES JOURNAL S pring 2007 Vol. 24 PROGRESS IN A C A N: An Examination of One Industry Through The Gilded Age and Progressive Era FROM T I NKERERS T O G ODS: The Electric Guitar and the Social Construction of Gende r S OV I E T F AIT H I N TE C HNOLOGY: Soviet Ideology and its Practical Application in the 1920s1930s S WEE T S T O T HE S U IT ES? The Preservation Challenges of an Abandoned Sugar Beet Factory THE POL ITIC S O F WI LDERNESS D ES I GN ATIONS: Controversies Concerning Rocky Mountain National Park SI R WA L T ER RA LEGH Guiana, and the Conceptualization of the New World PROGRESS IN A C A N: An Examination of One Industry Through The Gilded Age and Progressive Era FROM T I NKERERS T O G ODS: The Electric Guitar and the Social Construction of Gender S OV I E T F AIT H I N TE C HNOLOGY: Soviet Ideology and its Practical Application in the 1920s1930s S WEE T S T O T HE S U IT ES? The Preservation Challenges of an Abandoned Sugar Beet Factory THE POL ITIC S O F WI LDERNESS D ES I GN ATI ONS:
EDITOR:Paul Malkoski, Graduate StudentEDITORIAL STAFF:Annette Gray, Graduate Student Amy Zimmer, Graduate Student Jeffrey Browning, Graduate Student Thomas J. Noel, Ph.D., Faculty AdvisorDES IGN E R:Shannon Fluckey Clicks! Copy & Printing Services Auraria Campus UNIVERSITY OF COLORADO AT D ENVER AND HEALT H SC IEN C ES CENTER Downtown DenverHISTORICAL S TUDIES JOURNAL Spring 2007 Volume 24
University of Colorado at Denver and Health Sciences CenterDE PARTM E NT OF HI S TORYMyra L. Rich, Ph.D., Department Chair U.S. Colonial and Early National, Women and Gender, Immigration HistoryFrederick S. Allen, Ph.D., Emeritus Modern Europe, France, GermanyMary S. Conroy, Ph.D., Emeritus Russia/USSRMichael T. Ducey, Ph.D. Mexico, Modern Latin America, Colonial Borderlands and Chicano HistoryGabriel Finkelstein, Ph.D. Modern Europe, Germany, History of ScienceMark S. Foster, Ph.D., Emeritus 19th and 20th Century United States, Social and Intellectual, Urban and Business HistoryRebecca A. Hunt, Ph.D., Sr. Intructor Public History, U.S. West, Gender, Immigration and EthnicityPamela W. Laird, Ph.D. U.S. Social and Intellectual, Technology, Business History, Public HistoryMarjorie Levine-Clark, Ph.D. Modern Britain, European Women and Gender, Medical HistoryThomas J. Noel, Ph.D. Colorado, Denver, American West, Public History, Historic PreservationCarl Pletsch, Ph.D. Modern Europe, Intellectual HistoryAlison Shah, Ph.D., South Asia, Islamic World, History and Heritage, Cultural MemoryJames B. Whiteside, Ph.D. 20th Century American Presidency, History EducationJames B. Wolf, Ph.D., Emeritus British Isles, British Empire, Ireland, and Modern AfricaAdjunct Professor: James E. Fell, Jr., Ph.D. U.S. Early National and Civil War, American WestUniversity of Colorado at Denver and Health Sciences Center Department of History Phi Alpha Theta, Alpha Gamma Chapter Campus Box 182, P.O. Box 173364, Denver, Colorado 80217-3364
Preface ................................................................................................................ v PROGRESS IN A CAN: An Examination of One Industry Through the Gilded Age and Progressive Era .................................... 1Jacqui Ainlay-ConleyFROM TINKERERS T O GODS: The Electric Guitar and the Social Construction of Gender ................................... 15Monique BourdageSOVIET F AITH IN TECHNOLOGY: Soviet Ideology and its Practical Application in the 1920ss ............................................... 29Nicholas CoombsSWEETS T O THE SUITES?The Preservation Challenges of an Abandoned Sugar Beet Factory ................................................ 47 Debra FaulknerTHE POLITICS OF WILDERNESS DESIGNATIONS: Controversies Concerning Rocky Mountain National Park ................................... 55 Jean KingstonSIR WAL TER RALEGH, Guiana, and the Conceptualization of the New World .................................................................. 63 Michael LeeE ndnotes .......................................................................................................... 77 Bibliographies ...................................................................................................91TABL E OF CONT E NT S
Historiansas a group and as individualsare innately curious. Their job is to engage a pile of cold facts then x their analytical gaze on issues lying just beneath the surface that tend to escape broader consideration. In fact, historians often take note of events, things or people whom others might nd mundane, uninteresting or even silly. But it is far more than a recitation or chronicling of fact and data or even a recounting of narrative. Historians challenge the records; they ask penetrating questions. They want to know what the facts mean, what they can tell us about our past, and hopefully, how history illuminates our present. The History Department at University of Colorado at Denver and Health Sciences Center has made a habit of producing astute and curious history students who are unafraid to ask the tough questions and seek a broader understanding of our past. The academic year of 2006-2007 is no different, and this years authors are as diverse as one could imagine. Our authors ask us to examine the effects of technology on our society from the way we paint our houses to the impact and meaning of the invention of the electric guitar on culture and gender. What role did technology play in shaping the Soviet Union and its economic policies as partially seen through the lens of literature? Politics and economics are well-known forces, but what role did they play in shaping the European perceptions of South America in the seventeenth century or wilderness in twenty-rst century Colorado? And nally, what are we to do with the remnants of an industry overtaken by technology and economics? It would be difcult to imagine a more diverse set of authors and subjects, but they all share space in this years Historical Studies Journal Much thanks goes to the faculty members who challenged and encouraged their students and submitted papers they thought worthy of consideration. A special recognition goes to Dr. Rebecca Hunt and Dr. Michael Ducey for encouraging students and reading page proofs. The authors put in a considerable amount of extra time and effort rening their citations and honing their writing. The editorial staff poured over submissions, then made thoughtful recommendations and revisions, all the while learning a great deal about the publication process. A special appreciation goes to Shannon Fluckey, graphic designer with Clicks! Copy & Printing Services, whose thoughtful creativity shaped the cover and who endured ridiculously short deadlines. And many thanks to Dr. Tom Noel for his expertise and support through the entire process. The History Department at UCDHSC deserves special credit. For more than twenty years, the department has recognized the value the Historical Studies Journal provides students. Without the Journal authors and editors would have fewer opportunities for practical publishing experience. We are all richer for the opportunities. Paul Malkoski Editor P RE FAC E v
2007 Historical Studies Journal 1 Jacqui Ainlay-Conley is studying for her MA in Public History with a Certicate in Historic Preservation. Her thesis work is on the New Deal and Public Health in Morgan County, Colorado. She wrote her paper for Professor Pamela Walker Lairds class, The Gilded Age and Early Twentieth Century U.S. History, 1865-1932. William Dean Howellss research of the paint industry and his familiarity with its technology added credibility to his widely read novel The Rise of Silas Lapham. When Bartley Hubbard interviewed Silas Lapham, the businessman exultantly described his paint as a blessing to the world. Was factory-produced paint like Laphams truly a blessing to the world? Rarely is a product or a process so perfect as to be considered a blessing or so completely bad as to be considered a curse. As with most advances of the industrial revolution, the rise of the paint industry and the increase in paint use was more of a mixed shade, not just the extremes of black and white. The industrial revolution dramatically changed the United States. Large-scale production affected many facets of American life. Manufacturers, employees, and consumers reaped both rewards and challenges from increased industrialization. The development of the paint industry in the period between the Civil War and World War I provides examples of some of the positive and negative consequences of mass production associated with progress. This paper will discuss the benets and draw backs of the industrialization of paint manufacturing on workers, consumers, and corporations, and their reactions and responses.Background of Paint Prior to the Industrial Revolution Up until the 1880s, paint, especially in rural areas, was considered a sign of prosperity.1 Master painters ground pigments and oil with a slab and muller, creating a colored paste that they would then meticulously mix with other colors, linseed oil or sh oil, and often turpentine. Knowing the ratio of pigments to oil, the combination of pigments needed to match colors, and processes such as whether and how to boil linseed oil, were all skills practiced by the master painter, a true craftsman. The master painter had to mix paint in batches to be used onsite because of a lack of ability to properly store the product without the liquids drying out. Painters then applied product in layers, each layer a different combination of ingredients.2P R OG R ESS IN A C A N: An Examination of One Industry Through the Gilded Age and Progressive EraJacqui Ainlay-Conley
2 Jacqui Ainlay-Conley PROGRESS IN A CAN The movement away from the master painter and the expansion of the paint market occurred after the Civil War. This shift can be seen in books geared towards teaching tradesman, homeowners, and farmers how to paint. In 1868, writer and paint manufacturer John Masury published the inuential How Shall We Paint Our Houses? Ten years later, lumber baron F.B. Gardner released Everyman His Own Painter. While Masury and Gardner still advocated hiring professional craftsmen, they explained how to mix paint, properly apply paint, and select colors. Both authors mentioned a new invention, the hand-cranked mechanical paint mill, a forerunner of what was to come. But more than anything else, the advent of small packaging changed the paint business just as it did other mass-produced consumer goods. In paint, companies such as Masurys began selling tin boxes of ready-ground pigment in oil. With the introduction of tight-sealing metal cans, paint pigment could be stored, shipped, and sold in large quantities.Factors in the Increase of the Mass Production of PaintThe second half of the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century saw a tremendous growth in the paint industry in the United States. Manufacturers began producing ready-mixed paintpaint that could be applied straight from the can to a surfacearound 1865.3 By 1899, when the federal government rst compiled statistics on the output of chemical commodities, manufacturers produced forty million gallons of paint, varnish, and lacquers.4 By 1919, production of paint and related products rose to 109 million gallons, more than doubling in twenty years. Multiple factors contributed to this growth. Innovations in manufacturing, transpor tation, and publishing combined with a dramatic increase in the population, the rise in consumerism, and changing American tastes in aesthetics escalated the production and demand for paint. Substantial growth in the population created a burgeoning housing market. From 1860 to 1880 the population of the United States doubled from 31,443,321 to 62,979,766 people and by 1920 the population had tripled from that of the 1860 census.5 This market required more building supplies, which led to the development of new companies, and encouraged the development of mass-produced construction materials. Paint was one of those materials. The growth of railroads opened new markets.6 With the improvements in packag ing and a railroad network that spanned the nation, companies in the manufacturing cities of New York, Chicago, and Pennsylvania could send their goods anywhere the trains traveled. Paint appeared on the exterior of rural homes in the south and even in the interiors of sod houses on the prairie. The growing paint industry also beneted from the technological innovations in publishing.7 Improvements in paper manufacturing, printing presses, and the invention of the linotype machine made printing newspapers, magazines, and books cheaper and faster.8 The popular press nanced through advertising and increased circulation replaced the newspapers of the political parties.9 The growing number of daily news papers in cities and weekly newspapers in rural areas carried paint advertisements. The new and improved technologies also brought trade journals and magazines. Companies
2007 Historical Studies Journal 3 and industries produced trade periodicals such as The Iron Age and Manufacturer and Builder: The Practical Journal of Industrial Progress, which included paint ads as well as articles from respected authorities on how and what to paint. The Ladies Home Journal included paint company advertisements geared towards homemakers as well as decorating tips. In addition, paint companies advertised through brochures and chromolithographsthe art of the masses.10Changes in the U.S. postal system also helped the paint industry. Expanded mail delivery service and decreasing postal rates brought magazines and catalogs directly to consumers mailboxes. The postal service began free home delivery in large Northern cities during the Civil War and by 1896 rural mail carriers began making the rounds. By 1910 one out of every ten Americans shopped from home using catalogs.11In the second half of the nineteenth century, the United States saw a great surge in architectural pattern books and books containing color plates of possible paint combinations.12 These books greatly inuenced American taste in paint colors. Prior to Andrew Jackson Downings inuential The Architecture of Country Houses, most literature on building was aimed at carpenters and craftsmen. Downing and subsequent authors focused on future homeowners. Books on architecture often included suggestions of paint colors, but Downings treatise started the movement away from the white house with green shutters. Downing rst mocked the tradition of white paint in his earlier work, Cottage Residences He wrote, There is one colorfrequently employed by house painters, which we feel bound to protest against most heartily, as entirely unsuitable, and in bad taste. This is white.13A self-trained landscape designer and architect, A. J. Downing profoundly inuenced American aesthetics. Although much of Downings material is unoriginal and can be traced to English sources, his success lay in his ability to write for a broad audience. Like the popular etiquette books of the Victorian era, he offered guidance to those seeking to improve themselves. His rst book Treatise on the Theory and Practice of Landscape Gardening was reprinted fteen times between 1841 and 1880 and his second book, Cottage Residences, had ve editions and numerous reprintings. The Architecture of Country Houses was reprinted nine times and his nal book, Rural Essays, a compilation of editorials from his magazine The Horticulturalist, was reprinted six times.14Downing disapproved of exterior white paint as too glaring and conspicuous. We scarcely know of something more uncomfortable to the eye.15 He countered that natural colors like soft green were the most refreshing.16 Downing complained that white did not harmonize with the country landscape. He claimed landscape painters knew that white buildings ruined the harmony of landscapes, thus artists would avoid the introduction of white in their buildings, and give them instead, some neutral tinta tint which unites and contrasts agreeably with the color of trees and grass.17Downing suggested the houses should be painted in soft and quiet shades reective of nature: fawn, taupe, grays, and browns. He advised homeowners against positive paint colors, such as white, yellow, red, blue, black, etc.18 In 1861 John Riddell published what paint historian Roger Moss believes to be the rst pattern book
4 Jacqui Ainlay-Conley PROGRESS IN A CAN of color platesallowing homeowners to see the color possibilities on a architectural drawing of a housewith written instructions on how to replicate the colored com binations.19 Riddells choices echoed the Downings suggestions. With the new printing technologies, paint companies produced advertisements and sample cards of the muted colors advocated by Downing and other Romantic architects.20 As architecture shifted away from the revival styles and their associated pale colors towards the Victorian styles of Queen Anne, Stick, Eastlake, and Shingle, colors became richer and deeper. The new styles emphasized materials, texture, and mass, something the new colors t very well. Not only white but also natural tones became pass. In 1878, in his book Modern Dwellings in Town and Country architect Henry Hudson Holly blamed Downing for encouraging homeowners to paint their houses the color of mud.21 At the turn of the century, the trend cycled back to light colors including white and off-white for trim. Paint companies and industries associated with painting advertised or commis sioned many of the books on paint selection and application. One of the rst books published in America on house painting, John Masurys 1868 How Shall We Paint Our Houses? contained six advertisements: Masury & Whiton, manufacturers of white lead and painters colors; H.W. Gear & Co., importers and manufacturers of artists materials; McKessin & Robbins, wholesale druggists; Edward Smith & CO., manufacturers of varnish; Furnalds, Champion & Co., brush manufacturers; and the Judd Linseed and Sperm Oil Company. F.B. Gardners 1872 Everyman His Own Painter included an advertisement for Valentine & Co.s wood lling. In 1885 paint company Sherwin-Williams published What Color? and in 1914, the Lowe Brothers Paint Company circulated The House Outside & Inside: How to Make Your Home Attractive .22 Given the innovations in printing and the growth of advertising one wonders how much inuence paint companies had on consumers. In Victorian America: Transformations in Everyday Life, Thomas Schlereth discusses in general the dramatic changes in consumers behavior between 1876 and 1915. Attitudes towards material goods changed. As Schlereth sums up this new movement, more people (middle class and working class) had more money and more time to purchase more goods, mass-produced more cheaply and advertised more widely.23 Not only did consumers have greater access to goods and more pressure to purchase them, but also the attitude towards accumulating material wealth changed. According to Candace Volz in The Modern Look of the Early-Twentieth-Century House: A Mirror of Changing Lifestyles, as American society moved from producer-oriented to consumer-oriented, restraint was no longer a virtue. This conversion can be seen in the media, which associated success with the accumulation of consumer goods versus the Puritan morality of self-denial.24 This change beneted the paint industry. Not only did consumers use paint to embellish their homes, but also many of the new products on the market were painted, including toys, furniture, and other household items.
2007 Historical Studies Journal 5 N egative Consequences of the Mass Production of PaintPainting and the use of color became associated with the broad march of progress and democracy. The paint industry and architects like Masury touted paint as a symbol of societal advancement. He reasoned that paint affords the best sign of the advance of a people in the path of civilization: for just as in proportion to the houses, fences, and outbuildings, are painted or neglected, will be the advance of that people in wealth, literature, home-comforts, in short, all the consequences and rening inuences of a high civilization.25 Not all the consequences of the rise of the paint industry, however, were positive. Increased mass paint production led to more opportunities for work in the application and production of paint, but it also led to the decrease in master painters, a specialized craftsman. Factory workers suffered the consequences of working with lead and around the highly ammable product. Paint of that era exposed consumers, especially children, to lead. Consumers questioned the reliability of paint and faced new problemshow to keep their newly painted surfaces clean as well as how to remove paint from clothing. Social commentators disavowed polychromatics as unnatural and too busy.26Prior to the large-scale production of paint the master painter followed a yearly work schedule dictated by the seasons. Traditionally in the winter the painter ground pigments, in the early spring and late fall he painted interiors, and from late spring until late fall or when temperatures dropped he was able to paint exteriors. In addition to daily mixing paint, the trained artisan painted houses and signs, gilded, and could skillfully render imitations of wood and marble on surfaces.27 The advent of pre-mixed paint meant the replacement of master painters by factory workers who manufactured the product and seasonal laborers who applied the coating. In Causes of American Nervousness, George Beard lamented, artisans, instead of doing or preparing to do, are restricted to a few simple exiguous movements, to which they gave their whole lives.28Increased specialization in the paint industry meant a decline in the apprenticemaster craftsman relationship where novices traditionally had gained knowledge and skill by working with an established professional. This trend paralleled other industries. In 1929 Robert Lynd and Helen Merrell Lynd reported on the decline of the practice of apprenticing in their well-known survey of a typical small American city following the industrial revolution titled Middleton: A Study in Modern American Culture .29 By comparing the results of the 1920 census to an 1891 statistical report the Lynds found that one of the chief characteristics of Middleton Life in the nineties, this system [apprentice-master craftsman system] is now a thing of the past.30 Like their work ing-class brethren in Middleton (really Muncie, Indiana), paint factory workers and painters all over the country became mere labor stuck in repetitious tasks. Not only did the decline of the master craftsman mean a decrease in community stature, but the change also ceased the transfer of knowledge about inherent occu pational dangers from master to apprentice. Master painters were well aware of the dangers of lead used in paint. Painters knew pigments could be ground dry but that by grinding them in liquid they could prevent dust in the air and thus protect themselves from the dreaded disease, painters colic.31
6 Jacqui Ainlay-Conley PROGRESS IN A CAN In 1868 Masury wrote that potential customers need not fear the poisonous property of lead. He claimed that society had progressed far from when apprentices ground lead by hand in the winter in closed rooms. He assured readers that with modern processes the white lead comes to the hands of the workman locked up, so to speak, in indissoluble bondsno more deleterious to health than would be the same quantity of our paste.32 Unfortunately the worker who created the paste, and later ready mixed paint, still suffered, as did painters and ultimately consumers. Literate industrialists like Masury knew lead was very dangerous. Articles about the dangers of lead on workers appeared in contemporary trade journals and magazines.33Only one year after Masurys book, a trade journal, The Manufacturer and Builder ran an article titled Diseases of Workers among Lead and Paint. Based on a series of reports from the British Medical Journal the article quoted a British physicians description of the dire affects of lead on painters: An attack of colic may occur now and again, and the painter will recover; but if he continues to follow his trade, the more serious diseases such as paralysis or kidney diseases, are almost certain to attack him at last, and to render him, if not entirely unable to work, at least so weak and prostrated that, in mental as well as in physical power, he will be but as the ghost of his former self. It is seldom that such workers are killed early in life; they lose power early, and soon become unable to perform a good days work; but they drag through their labor for many years, suffering always from general weakness. From the time that lead has contaminated their bodies, their lives are wearisome and joyless.34The medical journal suggested switching from lead to zinc or iron and acknowl edged that while painters may not like the texture of the paint as much that in other respects it is, we are told, as good as leaden paint. The Manufacturer and Builder medical contemporary suggested all employees wash their hands with turpentine, cut their hair short, wear caps, rinse their mouths out and remove paint from their hands before eating, wash several times a week in a weak turpentine solution, sponge off daily, drink lots of milk, and eat lots of fat. New materials and products, along with the changing taste and preference of consumers, produced more contact with paint and thus lead. New industrial processes made iron and steel products more available and widespread. Because manufacturers and builders applied paint to prevent rust, lead paint appeared in unusual places. In 1885, the whole crew of a ship arrived in New York with lead poisoning. A doctor with the Brooklyn Board of Health determined that the source of poisoning was lead paint applied nine months previously to the interior of the ships water tank. The doctor warned against using lead paint for such a purpose.35 Manufacturers painted household products and even toys with lead paint. In 1877 author Thomas Bull warned mothers and nursemaids to keep painted toys away from young children, especially those who were teething, because if the toddlers sucked off the paint, there is great danger of their health suffering from the lead which is thus swallowed.36
2007 Historical Studies Journal 7 In addition to exposure to dangerous chemicals and substances, industrial workers toiled long hours in often poorly ventilated buildings around dangerous machinery. And of course there were res and other hazards to workers, which often resulted in nancial losses for owners and their employees. The ammable nature of paint and paint components made factories and related business operations highly susceptible to combustion. Between September and November of 1875 alone, ve paint factory and related industry res in Brooklyn appeared in the New York Times. The largest, at the paint factory of Baxter, Bell & Co., occurred on September 1. According to the Times the re, owing to the inammable nature of the contents of the build ing, destroyed the paint works completely within a half hour. The three-alarm re ultimately destroyed the paint factory and a nearby lead works, and damaged a police station and brewery amounting to losses over $140,000.37Paint presented consumers with many new challenges, some of them very basic. With little contact with paint prior to mass production, most users did not know how to care for painted surfaces or how to remove paint from fabric. Journals, magazines and home economics books offered suggestions. To remove paint from clothes the launderer should soften the paint in turpentine and then wash the garment in warm soapy water.38 To clean painted surfaces some manufacturers suggested rubbing the surface with whiting or chalk dust, and then rinsing with water and drying with a soft chamois.39 Some saw paint and other surface coatings as a new burden. In their 1912 book, Increasing Home Efciency, the authors report on a homemaker who decided not to buy a bargain house when she noticed how much the modern nishes of mahogany and white painted enamel would ultimately cost hertwo servants to keep them clean including herself.40A more complex issue faced consumers, the ability to gauge product reliability. Employers developed relationships with master painters who personally mixed or supervised the mixing and application of paint. This relationship garnered a certain amount of trust on the part of the customer and obviously the home or business owner could easily see the quality of the product and workmanship. Paint distribution, like most mass-produced goods dissemination, often involved an intermediary. In the early years of ready-made color production consumers took their own containers to stores and bought in bulk.41 They had to trust the shopkeeper had not adulterated the product in an effort to increase prot margins.42 Once ready-mixed pigments and later ready-made paint came packaged, with no industry or government oversight, the consumer could be even less sure of quality. The sights and sounds of those living during the rise of technology and consumer ism dramatically changed. In 1881 Dr. George Beard wrote about the condition of nervousness in America. He argued that the increasingly fast pace of modern civiliza tion, accompanied by the specialization of former artisans, technological advances and the acceptance of new ideas, overtaxed the nervous system of Americans, especially in cities. The proliferation of colors, pictures, and printed material including advertise ments created what one author writing in 1884 called an age of over illustration.43Some social commentators and architects decried the use of bright colors including the amboyant colors on the increasingly complicated architecture of the Victorian
8 Jacqui Ainlay-Conley PROGRESS IN A CAN homes. Victorians referred to the use of multiple tertiary colorstwo secondary colors mixed togetheras parti-colored effects.44 During the Victorian period, the Masury and Son Company, like its competitors, recommended the bright colors. At the turn of the century domestic architecture returned to Colonial Revival styles and the simpler primary and secondary colors began to replace parti-colors. By 1913 John W. Masury, who now ran his deceased fathers paint company, printed Planning the Color Scheme, and the company once again encouraged consumers to paint in natural subtle tones. The junior Masury discussed the psychology of color, and almost afrming those who questioned the frivolity of parti-colors, he professed some colors had the ability to quiet the nerves.45 Some felt paint could be a soothing tonic to a chaotic world.Positive Consequences of the Mass Production of PaintAlong with the real or imagined negative consequences of the industrialization of production and distribution of paint, owners, employees and consumers reaped many benets. The successes of the paint manufacturers exemplied those of other contem porary industrialists: new markets, new products, new technologies, and the rise of corporations. A growing population found work while a growing number of American consumers could afford to purchase and apply an increasing variety of paint products. The paint industry beneted from the growth of large-scale iron and steel production, especially the railroads. Paint covered farm machinery, ships, iron girders and trusses used in construction, railroads, and later cars.46 During the early stages of industrial development, manufacturers often employed their own in-house mixers but most eventually turned to ready-mixed paint. Railroads and railcar companies became one of the largest consumers of paint products. How connected was paint to the railroad industry? Sherwin-Williams, which grew to be one of the largest paint corporations, opened a factory in Chicago in 1888 to be near the Pullman Company.47 Contracts proved to be very lucrative. In 1907 chemist, paint authority, and writer Maximilian Toch credited one railroad, which he did not name, with purchasing over one million dollars of paint a year.48Like most industries of the time, many paint manufacturers engaged in the research and development of products in hopes of creating new markets and encouraging more sales. The industry started with pre-mixed colors and pastes sold in bulk that required the addition of oil and then began to package product individually in cans. Enhanced production methods, which improved the ability to nely ground pigments, coupled with experiments with additives, resulted in the creation of emulsionstrue readymixed paints. From there companies expanded to provide paints for specialized uses: oor paint, brick paint, ceiling paint, interior paint, exterior paint, and even roof paint. Some manufacturers added slate or cement to their roof paint to repel re, a serious concern of home and business owners.49 Many paint companies and entrepreneurs engaged in the quest to nd the elusive re-poof paint. One company introduced their offering with, Water and re, good servants as they are, as long as under our control, are the most terrible masters when entering our dwellings against our will.50In order to research and develop new products, Sherwin-Williams hired the rst known professional chemist to work solely for one paint company in 1884.51
2007 Historical Studies Journal 9 Earlier in the same year, Henry Sherwin and Edward Williams dissolved their part nership with A.T. Osbornknown as Sherwin-Williams & Companyand the two incorporated as The Sherwin-Williams Company. The employment of a chemist and the incorporation by the paint company are indicative of changes in the business practices of the paint industry and other industrialists after the Civil War. In order to nance ventures and limit liability many businesses owned by individuals or partners incorporated. Other new powerful paint empires emerged: Lucas, Devoe, Seeley Brothers, and the National Lead Company.52 The move away from ownermanagers to corporations changed the administrative structure of businesses; corporate organizations divided responsibility and control leading to a new hierarchy that included middle managers and specialized employees. For example, corporations hired accoun tants, developed in-house advertising, and employed factory managers. While specialization can be viewed as negative for laborers, this trend provided opportunities for college-educated men to join the middle class. Universities established formal training programs in elds like architecture and engineering. This movement can be seen in literature. Publications on paint expanded from how-to books marketed towards potential house owners and tradesmen to books aimed at educating profes sionals. Maximilian Toch wrote The Chemistry and Technology of Mixed Paints a technical manual, for the progressive manufacturer. In his preface, he acknowledges his book is intended for the student in chemistry who desires to familiarize himself with paint, or the engineer who desires a better knowledge of the subject, or for the paint manufacturer and paint chemist as a work of reference. It is not intended for those who have no previous training in the subject.53Changes in manufacturing, especially the mechanization of production in factories, characterized the growth of industrialization during the latter half of the nineteenth century. Advances in how paint was made and colored provide an example of one industrys increased efciency. Paint production moved from the craftsman shop and work site to factories as machine mixing of paint and pigment replaced the hand mixing with slab and muller. Where master craftsmen used to apply experience and trade lore, educated engineers and chemists applied science and new technologies to the production of goods. A typical paint factory stood three or four oors high. With machinery and manu facturing processes in multi-story facilities, the manufacturing process began at the top with pipes conveying the paint downward between production stages. Eventually belts and later electric motors replaced human power to drive mixers, grinding mills, and conveyor belts preparing greater quantities of paint with fewer workers.54While linseed oil remained the chief liquid medium in paint, the pigments and means of producing pigments became more efcient. For example, white lead, the most ubiquitous of pigments and paint bases of the era, had been produced for over 2000 years by the Dutch process. This batch process took around 120 days to reduce lead plates to the white powder. New methods such as the Rowley and Carter processes cut the production time to as short as 12 days. The Matheson process further cut production time by using chemical precipitation.55 New technologies extended to other color pigments as well. Factories and laboratories expanded the color repertoire
10 Jacqui Ainlay-Conley PROGRESS IN A CAN using chemically produced pigments: chrome and cadmium yellows, Prussian blue, and rened red leads, among others.56 Together with packaging, factory production and new pigments made paint available in greater quantity, in more choices, and at less cost to consumers. While paint production became more complicated the increase in paint choices and ease of application made painting an option for many Americans. In 1897 Sears and Roebuck offered dry colors, pigment pastes, prepared paints, oor paint, barn paint, buggy paint, enamel paints, varnishes, and an assorted variety of oils, brushes, and putties, all of which could be mail ordered. Paint companies attempted to reach a large pool of consumers by offering several color schemes and lines at once.57 In 1893, the H. W. Johns Company tried to cover the entire market by providing colors and dark stains for Queen Anne and shingle style houses; blues, grays, and yellows for revival style homes; and white and ivories, trendy shades for trim.58Interior decorators, womens magazine writers, and advice authors touted the virtue of paint over wallpaper and other wall coverings. Paint was inexpensive and supposedly more sanitary. In 1850, A.J. Downing recommended wallpaper as so easy, economical and agreeable a means of decorating or nishing the walls of an apartment, that we strongly recommend them for use.59 The opposite was true by the turn of the century. The availability of paint made it cheaper than even mass-produced wallpaper. In addition, advisors, paint companies, and even physicians suggested paint was neater, as paint allowed homemakers and servants to wash and sanitize surfaces. Consumers reaped more than just decoration and supposed improved sanitation from paint. As engineers George Hool and Nathan Johnson pointed out in The Handbook of Building Construction, paint served structural functions. Paint reected light in factories and warehouses and rendered previously unsuitable materials, like ugly woods, as acceptable.60 For most consumers the primary function of the coating was protection. All iron and steel related industries needed paint or associated protective coatings to prevent rust. Paint also protected wood from water and weather. Paint coatings beneted a wide variety of consumers who may not have even been interested in aesthetics at all. If there was one color associated with the working aspects of America, the color was red. Red paint covered boxcars, barns, and bridgesnot because it was fashionable but because of the economy of red lead and the durability and abundance of red iron oxide.61Reactions and Responses of Manufacturers, Workers, Consumers, Progressives and the Federal G overnmentIn response to all the consequences of the increased manufacture of paint, both positive and negative, a whole new set of relationships developed among consumers, manufacturers, workers, and the federal government. Consumers demanded quality and accountability. Manufacturers formed trade groups and cartels, assured consumers about the reliability of paint, stressed the importance of buying brands, and changed their marketing tactics. Workers unionized and new elds emerged in public health and occupational safety.
2007 Historical Studies Journal 11 Household consumers, distanced more and more from producers and afraid of being cheated, wanted assurance that they were purchasing pure paint. Reputable companies advertised their products as pure implying they were free of diluents and additives. Ironically, the performance of new formulas supported the merit of adding such materials and many companies engaged in the practice. One chemist criticized both the public and suppliers, the prejudice on the part of the general public and the trepidation of the manufacturer are to blame for the unheralded knowledge of the constituents of mixed paints.62Many large consumers, including railroads and the military, understood the value of additives in paint. Like many producers of nished products, their primary concern was the lack of uniformity among their suppliers goods. Without some sort of standards or even ingredient disclosure, product end users could not be sure a material met their specic needs.63 How could they be sure of the consistency of quality between a single manufacturers batches? How could they tell if different manufacturers products were equivalent? How could company researchers be sure that their suppliers would deliver materials with the specied technical properties needed for adequate performance? Manufacturers, incensed at what they perceived as meddling and afraid of large buyers defaulting on material that did not meet their specications, feared disclosure and the adoption of industry standards.64 Major purchasers persevered. Charles Dudley, an engineer working for the Pennsylvania Railroad, assisted in the founding of the International Association for Testing Materials (IATM) in 1898. Dudley hoped to create a consensus between both producers and suppliers. He believed that good specications would result from the knowledge of a products manufacturer and the products user, who saw its performance. In 1902, the American organization separated from IATM and concentrated on writing standard specications of materials derived from committee consensus. The American Society for Testing Materials released the member-approved specications for paint, Paint and Related coatings, Materials, and Applications, in 1902.65 In 1901, the federal government established the National Bureau of Standards. Only in 1916 did the Paint Manufacturers Association adopt industry-wide standard denitions and nomenclature.66In 1888, a group of paint and varnish manufacturers met in New York to establish an organization to promote the rapidly growing industry as well as further the overall well being of its members. The attendees called themselves the National Paint, Oil and Varnish Association of America. Later separate sub-organizations formed, including the Paint Grinders Association of America, which eventually changed its name to the Paint Manufacturers Association of America. In addition to a national organization, many regions had paint clubs: New England, St. Louis, Chicago, Pittsburg, Philadelphia and Cincinnati.67In 1891, several lead manufacturers formed a very different organization, the National Lead Company. The 25 lead and smelter operators who formed the National Lead Company managed their combined resources and successfully eliminated competition from non-National Lead members. The company became one of the largest lead producers, selling predominately to paint manufacturers, and later was a powerful lobbying entity.68
12 Jacqui Ainlay-Conley PROGRESS IN A CAN With no personal relationship between paint consumers and manufacturers, as had been the case with master painters and their clients, companies attempted to reach out to consumers through advertising and other methods. In addition to books of chromolithographic plates of house color combinations, paint sample cards, and media advertising, paint companies offered guarantees in hopes of enticing skeptical customers. Sears and Roebuck not only offered a guarantee on their Pink Label brand but offered a 5% cash discount to any customer willing to attach a small metal sign on their new paint job to advertise their product, a local form of endorsement.69 Sherwin-Williams went one-step further with their guarantee pledging to refund not only the cost of the paint but also the cost of application.70Another way companies both eased the apprehension of consumers while creating a demand for their products was through the promotion of brands. A brand name provided assurance of quality to a consumer. The authors of how-to books of the period upheld this belief by recommending the use of reputable brand names versus cheaper products.71 Masury advised consumers that the only way to be sure of quality was to purchase such colors only as bear the name of some well-known and responsible manufacturer.72 By encouraging consumers to ask for their product by name, manu facturers kept middlemen and storekeepers from substituting competitors paints.73Probably the most disturbing trend of paint manufacturers was their long-standing effort to market lead paint to families and even children. Fearful of losing a generation of consumers, and hoping to retain sales by portraying lead paint as safe enough for children and thus everyone, National Lead targeted children. Manufacturers knew of the dangers of lead and some of the public must have known as well; however, the rst reputable medical studies documenting lead poisoning in American children did not appear until 1914. Some members of the medical community raised concerns long before then, but powerful National Lead ignored detractors and perpetuated the idea that lead paint was a sanitary alternative to the wallpaper and wall coverings of Victorian America. In 1920, National Lead encouraged distributors of Dutch Boy Paint to pass out complimentary paint books to children reminding the dealers that the children may someday be their customers. The lead industry sponsored researchdiscounting fears, advertised the supposed virtues and safety of lead, and discounted health care workers who attempted to educate the public or advocate for restriction of lead in paint well into the 1950s.74Both the federal and state governments became increasingly involved in public health and occupational health and safety beginning in the late nineteenth century and escalating with the Progressives inuence in the early twentieth century. This new interaction between government and business regarding safety primarily involved two federal organizations: the Public Health Service (PHS) and the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS).75 Federal employees, union representatives and Progressive reformers increas ingly challenged the notion that the business of America was business and called on the federal government to protect workers. One advocate for the safety and welfare of employees argued, in this age of speed and rush and efciency and mechanics, the thing we are most interested in is not mechanics or machinery, but men.76
2007 Historical Studies Journal 13 The PHS evolved from an early federal effort; the federal government established the Marine Hospital Service to care for sick and injured merchant seamen in 1798. The services responsibilities grew in 1891 to include the quarantine of ships passengers, including the large masses of immigrants, and resulted in a name change to the Public Health and Marine Hospital Service. The increasing inuence of Progressive health care professionals and the changing views of elected ofcials led to a broadening of the services mission and a shortening of the name to the Public Health Service in 1912. Geared towards the public and thus consumers, the PHS began to regulate food and pharmaceuticals.77In 1903 the Bureau of Labor Statistics produced the rst federal report on indus trial hygiene. Charles P. Neill, Commissioner of the United States Bureau of Labor, encouraged the bureau to investigate and report on more safety issues. Neill hired Dr. Alice Hamilton, the famous Progressive physician who lived at Hull House, as special investigator for industrial diseases. Her rst report was White-Lead Industry in the United States, with an Appendix on the Lead Oxide Industry.78 Dr. Alice Hamilton worked for both the state of Illinois and the federal government investigating diseases and hazards of the work place. Among her pioneering work in occupational safety, she rst studied the effects of lead on workers in 1910 while a member of the Illinois Occupational Disease Commission. Hamilton learned about the white-lead production processes and the methods of manufacturing paint. She visited hospitalized lead poisoned patients, examined medical records, interviewed victims of lead poisoning, visited workers in their homes and traveled to Europe so that she could compare the conditions of lead related work in America, England, and Germany.79Hamilton found conditions in Europe far safer than in the United States. In an English factory, under intelligent control, employing ninety men in the production of white and red lead, not one employee had been struck by lead poisoning in ve years. In contrast, in the United States in a similar size operation employing eighty-ve men working under conditions of neglect and ignorance, thirty-ve men were leaded in six months. What was so different in the United States? Hamilton discovered that American doctors often failed to diagnose lead poisoning because they did not recognize all the symptoms. In America industrial medicine and occupational safety was not seen as a legitimate branch of medicine but a subject tainted with Socialism or with feminine sentimentality for the poor. Few articles on industrial hygiene and safety had been published in the United States, making the acquisition of good practices difcult for genuinely concerned employers. Finally, many factory owners and managers conveniently believed employees suffered from lead poisoning as a result of failing to scrub their nails or eating without washing their hands instead of by inhaling lead dust and fumes.80To Hamilton it seemed manufacturers considered wage earners expendable and that managers and owners blamed the laborers themselves for their ailments, both prevalent sentiments among wage payers in many of the large industrial cities. In most cases, the workers were foreign, married, and fathers. It sometimes seemed to me that industry was exploiting the best in these mentheir love of their children their sense of family responsibility, she wrote.81
14 Jacqui Ainlay-Conley PROGRESS IN A CANTo combat poor working conditions, decrease exploitation by employers, and protect their trade, painters joined unions. Unions also provided camaraderie and fellowship. The membership of painters in unions mimicked those of the national trend, especially those of skilled trades; they shifted from cooperative craft societies to the inclusive Knights of Labor and then to the collection of skilled trade unions of the American Federation of Labor. The turbulence of the painters unions history illustrates the internal complexity of workers efforts to collectively organize. John T. Elliot, a prominent union organizer, provided a rich history to painters unions in the United States. Elliott got his start with unions when he rst joined the Longshore Painters Union in New York after nishing his apprenticeship. He then helped found the Painters Grand Lodge in 1871 and joined the International Workingmans Association. In 1879 he returned to his hometown of Baltimore and founded the Painters Local Assembly of the Knights of Labor. Angered at the Knights of Labor for chartering a competing local, and disappointed in the decline of the painting trade, which he saw as sinking to a level lower than that of unskilled labor, Elliott sought to form an alternative. In 1887 Elliott founded the Brotherhood of Painters and Decorators of America (BPDA)a precursor to todays International Union of Painters and Allied Tradesand within one year membership grew to 111 locals and 7,000 individuals.82The BPDA competed with the Knights of Labor for control of the painting trade in the United States. This rivalry lead to fractures within the BPDA between the east and the west, the west being anything west of the Atlantic coast, as the Western locals felt the BPDA was not doing enough to support their efforts.83 The strife culminated in 1894 when two separate Brotherhoods of Painters and Decorators of America showed up at an American Federation of Labor (AFL) convention.84 Despite the efforts of the AFL, the break continued until 1900. After unication membership dramatically increased from 13,443 members to 60,000 in 1904.A Mixed Blessing Increased paint manufacturing provided jobs, enhanced other industries perfor mances, created wealthy corporations, and gave consumers more choices. In addition, the rise of the paint industry poisoned workers, created a public health problem, and deated an ancient art. The positives and negatives associated with the rise of the paint industry set off typical period responses: workers formed unions, the state and federal government began to intervene on behalf of laborers and consumers, and Americans bought more of the product. In 1868 John Masury wrote, the consumption of paint affords the best standard whereby to measure the progress of people in the best civilization.85 Masury equated paint use with progress but a closer examination reveals that there were both costs and benets to the growth of paint manufacturing and useready-mixed paint was ultimately a mixed blessing.
2007 Historical Studies Journal 15 In the United States during the early twentieth century, men dominated as innovators and players of the guitar. Men continue to dominate these elds because the design and use of the guitar and in particular, the electric guitar, have been historically constructed to exclude women. While its physical design contributes to the fact that few women have ever been honored for their ability to play the electric guitar, the relationship between the electric guitar and the cultural values it embodies provides a deeper explanation for the virtual absence of famous female players. The history of the electric guitar illustrates that a technology can neither be separated from the cultural values prevalent at the time of its creation nor those cultural values later ascribed to the technology. Like other technologies, the history of the development of the electric guitar is long and complex. The modern electric guitar is not the result of a single inventor or design innovation. While amateurs and professionals alike sought to solve problems concerning the amplication and electrication of the guitar, this paper focuses on the contributions of a select group of innovators and manu facturing companies that made improvements that led to the creation of commercially viable and successful electric guitars. Because the guitar existed for hundreds of years before it was electried, a brief history of the instruments Above: Gibson Les Paul guitarMonique Bourdage is currently enrolled in UCDHSCs Master of Humanities program. She hopes to transform this essay, originally written for Dr. Pamela Lairds seminar on the history of technology, into her thesis. When not absorbed in the over-analysis of music, she is a manager of an independent bookstore, teaches adult literacy, and, as graduate assistant to Dr. David Hildebrand, is editing a book on philosophy. She enjoys knitting, going to shows, vegan baking, poring over liner notes, beer, her rotary phone, and other old technologies. Her stereo is almost always on. FR O M T I NKE R E R S TO GODS: The Electric Guitar and the Social Construction of GenderMonique Bourdage
16 Monique Bourdage FROM TINKERERS T O GODS design and its introduction to America is necessary in order to fully understand the impact of its electrication. The earliest surviving ancestors of the guitar date from the fourteenth century. By the end of the fteenth century, the guitar appeared as an instrument distinct from its ancestors, such as the lute. Beginning in the mid-eighteenth century, luthiers slowly made innovations to the instrument that resulted in its now-familiar shape.1 Explorers and missionaries introduced the guitar to the Americas; West Africans, brought as slaves to America, were also familiar with the guitar. In the early nineteenth century, guitars accompanied Spanish and Mexican cowboys when they accepted jobs tending herds on Hawaiian cattle ranches.2Until about 1890, only traditionally trained luthiers and other skilled woodworkers, such as Antonio de Torres (1817-1892) and Christian Frederick Martin (1796-1873) were responsible for major design innovations to the guitar. The drive to electrify the guitar, however, attracted innovators from a variety of backgrounds. Although instrument makers from non-traditional backgrounds would not greatly impact the guitar market until 1931, inventors working between 1890 and 1928 foreshadow the transition of power in the industry from luthiers to tinkerers. The earliest patent concerning the application of electricity to the guitar was issued in 1890 to George Breed, a U.S. naval ofcer.3 Although his innovations used electricity and magnetism to producebut not amplifysound, Breeds design ultimately proved impractical.4 Lloyd Loar, on the other hand, aimed to maintain the traditional shape and method of playing the guitar. In 1919, the Gibson Corporation hired Loar and placed him in charge of product development.5 By 1924, Loar had developed an electric viola and an electric bass. When the company refused to market his new instruments, Loar resigned and continued to work on his developments.6 The Dopyera brothers, Slovakian immigrants and the sons of a violinmaker, had greater commercial success with their guitars, which used aluminum cone resonators to amplify the instruments sound.7From the 1930s through the 1950s, both amateurs and professionals attempted to design a practical and commercially viable electric guitar. In the beginning, practicality was the driving force behind the many guitar innovations. Jazz was the most popular musical genre from the 1920s through most of the 1940s, and as jazz bands grew into big bands, the guitar was unable to compete in terms of volume with the other instruments. Horn players often used megaphones to amplify their solos, which made hearing the guitar even more difcult.8 This meant that bandleaders relegated the guitars role to that of a rhythm instrument. As such, guitarists seldom received recognition for their skillful playing or took solos.9 The Gibson L-5 guitar, designed by Lloyd Loar, offered greater volume than other guitars; the demand for guitars soon increased when many players decided to change from banjo to guitar. By 1929, manufacturers were producing more guitars than any other fretted instrument. In 1931, Ro-Pat-In introduced the rst commercially available electric guitar, a Hawaiian lap steel model. An equally important innovation came in 1951 when the Fender Musical Instruments Corporation released a model called the Broadcaster, which was the rst solidbody electric Spanish guitar to enter mass production.10 Due to a dispute over the name with the Gretsch Company, another instrument manufacturer,
2007 Historical Studies Journal 17 Fender changed the model name to Telecaster.11 Three years later, Fender introduced the Stratocaster model, which incorporated the suggestions of musicianssome of whom Fender Manufacturing employed as design consultantswith the innovations of Leo Fender and other company employees.12 The Telecaster design had avoided the contours of traditional archtop guitars and its slab-like design made it uncomfortable to play for long periods.13 The Stratocaster designers focused on creating a guitar that was comfortable to play and designed a thinner, harder guitar body with contours that made the instrument t snugly against the players body. Although the Stratocaster is now an icon of electric guitars, it was not an immediate success.14As history illustrates, the electric guitar grew out of an industry steeped in tradition. Many of the key players in the early drive to electrify the guitar had apprenticed under luthiers or, as with the Dopyera brothers, were the sons of instrument makers. All of the innovators and company executives were men. New companies, such as Ro-Pat-In and Fender, led the market in electric guitar innovations and helped mark the transition of power in the industry from traditional instrument makers to tinkerers. This transition did not diminish the continued male dominance in designing, manu facturing, and playing the electric guitar. Established instrument manufacturers were initially hesitant to enter the electric guitar market for reasons based on tradition and practicality. First of all, it is hard to fault established instrument makers for failing to see the potential of electried instruments; at the time, many Americans did not have electricity in their homes. Secondly, the old technology used to produce acoustic instruments had brought success to established companies, some, like C.F. Martin, for over a hundred years. These companies were not willing to abandon proven technology to take a chance on a technology still in its experimental stages.15 Instrument makers willing to experiment, such as the Dopyera brothers, and tinkerers, like George Beauchamp, were thus free to enter the market with relatively little competition. This, in turn, paved the way for tinkerers like Les Paul and Leo Fender to make names for themselves through their involvement in the design and production of solidbody electric guitars. The development of the electric guitar is closely related to the evolution of the radio and phonograph. Both radio and electric guitars exist in their current forms due in large part to the innovations of tinkerers during the early stages of their devel opment. The widespread construction of radios and the electrication of the guitar both contributed to making music a masculine pastime. During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, cultural values held that music appreciation was a pastime relegated to women; in 1922, women still comprised the vast majority of music students and concert audiences. Radio, with its need to be constructed and tinkered with, legitimized music appreciation for men.16 Moreover, through radio construction and tinkering, many boys and men gained a working knowledge about electronics, which aided in the development of the electric guitar.17Many of the fathers of the electric guitar began with experiments relating to radios and phonographs. The Dopyera brothers utilized a Victrola horn in their rst attempt to amplify a guitar for George Beauchamp. During his own experiments, Beauchamp modied a phonograph pickup and attached it and a single string to a
18 Monique Bourdage FROM TINKERERS T O GODS wood block.18 Les Paul conducted audio experiments throughout his life and, at the age of twelve, built a crystal set without using a kit. From then on, he sought to learn as much as he could about electronics by reading books and hanging around radio stations and radio supply shops.19 His rst attempt at amplifying his guitar involved using his fathers phonograph. Leo Fender also began his career as a radio enthusiast. Prior to establishing his radio repair shop, Fender made a business of building and renting out ampliers and public address systems. He also repaired phonographs and ampliers, and sold records at the shop he opened in 1938.20 Additionally, Roy Van Nest, who ran a radio shop in Los Angeles, designed and built the rst amplier model produced by Electro String.21Many other amateur tinkerers conducted similar experiments in order to amplify their guitars. Even after electric guitars became commercially available, musicians sometimes chose to modify their own instruments. First of all, the electric instruments were not widely available, especially in rural areas.22 Secondly, the electric guitar emerged during the Great Depression, a time when most musicians could not afford to spend $150 on a new instrument. Many musicians recognized that they already possessed the components necessary for amplication through other electronic house hold devices: radios contained loudspeakers and ampliers; phonographs contained pickups and loudspeakers; telephones and microphones utilized transducers. Some musicians fashioned their own pickups out of the coils and magnets contained in telephone receivers.23 A 1936 article that provided instructions for building a pickup stated that most radio receivers could be sufciently used as ampliers.24 Even famous musicians like Eddie Durham, the legendary jazz guitarist who inuenced Charlie Christian, experimented with ways of amplifying their guitars. Durham carved out the top of his acoustic guitar and inserted a tin pie plate, which resonated with sound when he played. To further increase his instruments volume, Durham played through a megaphone. Soon he purchased a National resonator guitar and replaced its bridge with one from a standard acoustic guitar. This enabled him to play the instrument without the steel bar, and when he placed a microphone near the resonator, his instrument could be heard as well as the rest of the band.25But the electric guitar owed its design innovations to more technologies than the radio and phonograph. During the 1950s and 1960s, electric guitar manufacturers connected their instruments to the nations burgeoning car culture and obsession with the space race. The name of the Fender Telecaster made reference to television; the Fender Stratocaster linked the instrument to space travel.26 The reference to technologies of ight is hardly surprising given Fender Manufacturings management at the time. In 1954, Fender hired Forrest White, who had been an engineer at Goodyear Aircraft.27 The advent of the solidbody enabled manufacturers to signicantly alter the body shape of guitars, and many designs of the period, with their cutaways and horns, echoed the ns popular on automobiles at the time.28 In addition to shapes, electric guitar manufacturers also appropriated automobiles paint jobs by choosing metallic nishes in an attempt to differentiate their instruments from those of other manufacturers.29 Gibson made the connection between electric guitars and automobiles explicit when it hired Ray Dietrich, an automobile designer, to collaborate on a new model, which it
2007 Historical Studies Journal 19 introduced in 1963 under the name Firebird.30 Guitar manufacturers large and small released models with names either borrowed from or more suited to the automobile and aircraft industries: Guild Thunderbird; Fender Jaguar; and Gretsch Duo Jet, Jet Firebird, and Corvette.31 These model names capitalized on the popularity of hot rods, muscle cars, and sports cars among teenagers, who were attempting to distance themselves from their parents values and build their own identities. At a time when teenage boys regularly made extensive alterations to the bodies and engines of standard automobiles, guitar manufacturers responded by modernizing the bodies of their products.32While amateur tinkerers and other technologies aided in the propagation among consumers of the idea that electric guitars belong in the masculine realm, decades earlier consumers had already ascribed values to electricity that reinforced the masculinization of the instrument. Before people understood how electricity and electric devices operated, consumerseven some scientistshad a tendency to ascribe supernatural or divine origins to the functioning of electric devices. In 1745, Pieter van Musschenbroek created the Leyden jar, which allowed for the accumulation of electricity in a jar and enabled the mysterious substance to be studied in a controlled environment. By 1844, when Samuel B. Morse successfully demonstrated the use of his electromagnetic telegraph, electricity was still closely connected to the life force in the minds of many scientists and the public. By the end of the 1840s, Modern Spiritualism had taken shape as a religious and political movement based on the idea that it was possible to create a telegraph line to the spirit world.33 Two sisters, Kate and Margaret Fox, invented the movement when they claimed to be able to interpret and communicate with a spirit in their house through a series of rappings. Victorian culture soon deemed that women had a special capacity for spiritual communication, and mediumship became a respectable mode of expression for women.34 From the late 1910s through the mid-1920s, many Americans indulged their fascination with spiritualism. At that time, Sir Oliver Lodge, a famous physicist, gave numerous public lectures on the connection between the radio and spiritualism. Consumers often found it difcult to reconcile radios ability to wirelessly transmit the human voice without turning to magic or miracles as an explanation. Lodges insistence that radio could provide contact with the spirit world only reinforced the idea that the technology possessed supernatural characteristics. Through writings, lectures, and advertisements, the idea that electrication signied a miracle spread throughout the nation.35Although Lodges popularity had dwindled by the mid-1920s, manufacturers continued to emphasize the divine attributes of their products in advertisements. Electro Strings advertising brochures exemplify this tendency. The front of the companys 1931 brochure beckoned consumers with the statement, Brother musician listen to a MIRACLE! This statement not only linked the companys instruments to the divine, but also functioned to exclude women through its invitation to male musicians only. In the same brochure, Electro String also used the words miracle and magic and described the Spanish guitar as ethereal. The company claimed their instruments had been touched with the magic wand of electrical genius, which provided Electro Strings instruments with volume, that all-important quality other instruments
20 Monique Bourdage FROM TINKERERS T O GODS lacked.36 By 1936, the company had added the following tagline to their advertising brochures: Rickenbacker Electro Instruments linked to the magic of Electro Amplication.37Although consumers no longer identify electrication as a miracle, these early ideas continue to pervade discussion of the electric guitar and its players. Early advertisements for guitars and the identication of exceptional players as guitar gods demonstrate the idea of the divine origin of electrication. Because the vast majority of Americans worship a male deity, a tendency exists to equate the divine with the masculine. John Durham Peters pointed out in Speaking into the Air: A History of the Idea of Communication that although women have dominated the history of spiritual communication via mediumseven utilizing a guitar sometimes to do sothis domination has not carried over into communication via modern media.38 When success as a guitarist emphasizes the attainment of god-like status, critics and fans alike erect another barrier to womens entrance into (not to mention equality within) the realm of the electric guitar. Some musicians in the 1930s made a literal connection between the electric guitar and the divine, which resulted in a musical genre known as sacred steel. In the late 1930s, brothers Willie and Troman Eason introduced the electric steel guitar to services at the House of God, Keith Dominion Church of which they were members. The House of God is an African-American Pentecostal church in which music has historically played an integral part in the services. Members of all three dominions (Keith, Jewell, and Lewis) of the House of God church believe scripture that references praising God with dance and stringed instruments calls out for their style of worship. Troman Eason had taken steel guitar lessons from a Hawaiian in Philadelphia and played the instrument in the traditional Hawaiian style; his brother, Willie created his own playing style, which emphasized playing a single string phrase which echoed the singing of the congregation. The sacred steel tradition of the church grew out of Willie Easons style of playing, and, to this day, the steel guitarist remains almost as important to the worship service as the minister.39 Due to the sacred nature of the music, the sacred steel tradition prospered within the church for decades with little public knowledge of its existence. In the 1990s, however, Keith Dominion musicians recognized that their music could be used as a powerful evangelical tool and began playing to the public. The church actively encourages boys from the congregation to learn to play the electric steel guitar.40 The churchs targeting of boys to carry on the electric steel tradition mirrors secular Americas tendency to identify playing the electric guitar as a masculine pastime. The existence of music stars and rock gods has greatly contributed to the gender gap in electric guitar performance. Stars and gods widen the gap in two signicant ways: 1) the exclusion of women through the emphasis on identication with a male deity; and, 2) promoting the idea that men are primarily producers and women are primarily consumers of technologies. Although these are connected, this paper will rst examine the elevation of some electric guitarists to the status of gods.
2007 Historical Studies Journal 21 One of the most important gures in the electric guitars history is jazz guitarist Charlie Christian, whom many historians and fans consider to be the instruments rst star.41 Many musicians thought the instrument to be a novelty in its early days. In 1939 Christian wrote an article for a Chicago newspaper that called on other guitarists to electrify their instruments. Christian charged that most bandleaders did not know how to use their guitarists effectively relegating them to rhythm parts, which gave guitarists little chance to demonstrate their musical artistry. Guitarists unwilling to trade creativity for a job keeping rhythm in a band often found themselves unable to earn a decent living as musicians. Through his membership in Benny Goodmans band and subsequent rise to stardom, Christian proved that electrical amplication has given guitarists a new lease on life. In his article, Christian correctly predicted that electrical amplication would enable guitarists to demonstrate their talent and preferred styles of playing to the world. Years before rock n roll emerged with its emphasis on the sound of the electric guitar, Christian assured fellow guitarists that you continue to play guitar the way it should be played. And youll make the rest of the world like it.42On another front, rock n roll grew out of the blues tradition, particularly the urbanized and electried Chicago blues sound popularized by musicians such as Howlin Wolf and Muddy Waters in the 1940s. These guitarists and others created a sound that balanced the traditional Delta blues, which they had grown up playing, with the electried sound that urban audiences had begun to prefer. In Electric Guitar: History of an American Icon Andr Millard characterized the image of the bluesman as an updated version of the romantic hero in European culture. This emphasis on a single gure, along with the prevalence of guitar solos in the blues, foreshadowed the emergence of rock gods in the 1960s.43 Most white American audiences, however, did not become aware of the inuence of Chicago bluesmen on rock n roll until British musicians, such as the Rolling Stones, covered songs by American bluesmen and, thereby, introduced many white Americans to a piece of their own musical heritage.44Historians generally credit Chuck Berry as a pioneering gure in rock n roll. Berry grew up in St. Louis, an urban area where electric instruments were easily obtained. Although Berry has listed jazz and blues guitarists Charlie Christian, T-Bone Walker, and Muddy Waters among his inuences, his music combined elements of African American and white pop music with those of the blues.45 Waters not only inuenced Berrys sound; in 1955 he directed Berry to Chess Records where he subsequently recorded his rst Top 10 hit, Maybelline.46 Although the music that followed by artists such as Elvis Presley, Buddy Holly, and Jerry Lee Lewis, represented a revolution in popular culture at the time of its issue, their early releases appear staid compared to the rock n roll sound that musicians developed in the late 1960s. Stylistic developments often defy original goals. While guitar manufacturers had spent years perfecting designs that yielded sound free of feedback, in the late 1960s rock n roll musicians exploited all of the sonic capabilities of their equipment. The use of wah-wah pedals, feedback, distortion, and various other electronic effects became commonplace, and musicians took volume to a new level by using columns
22 Monique Bourdage FROM TINKERERS T O GODS of ampliers.47 Audiences came to look upon those musicians who could master what Steve Waksman termed the potential sonic chaos of the electric guitar as not only heroes but guitar gods.48 Because of rock n rolls blues roots, the tendency of fans and critics to associate expert playing with the supernatural is not surprising. Blues songs abound with tales of musicians selling their souls to Satan for mastery over their instruments. With this sort of folkloric past, rock guitarists who exhibited self-mastery over their instruments must be gods. In order to earn the title of god, however, a guitarist needed to display an impressive image along with substantial skill. The cover of the album Axis: Bold as Love by the Jimi Hendrix Experience, for example, depicted Hendrix as a Hindu god.49 But perhaps no other album of the early 1970s better exemplied the supernatural status of the rock star than David Bowies 1972 release, The Rise and Fall of Ziggy Stardust and the Spiders from Mars. Several of its tracks tell the story of Ziggy Stardust, a guitar god who let his fame go to his head. While the names of the mythical hero and his band clearly painted rock stars as not of this world, the opening and closing lines of Ziggy Stardust emphasized the more important fact that differentiated this mythical hero from mere humans: Ziggy played guitar. The back cover of the album boldly instructs listeners that the album is to be played at maximum volume.50Although the womens movement began shortly after the guitar god emerged as a popular culture gure, few female electric guitarists have achieved as much fame as their male counterparts, and the image of the guitar goddess still seems strange to the majority of audiences and critics. Ancient Greek and Roman mythology established that a god invented music: Mercury (Hermes) invented the rst lyre by stretching strings over a tortoise shell. Yet another reason for the lack of the goddess gure in rock n roll may be the predominance of male-centered religion in the United States. In When God Was a Woman Merlin Stone argued that the story of Genesis and the fall of Eve are largely responsible for perpetuating the idea that women are not equal to men. Parents and churches teach children that the Creator is male and that He created man in His own image; the creation of woman came as an afterthought and for the purpose of providing man companionship. After Eve sinned by eating the apple and God expelled Adam and Eve from the Garden of Eden, God granted Adam dominance over Eve and effectively granted all men dominance over women. Although the womens movement made some strides toward gender equality, Judeo-Christian cultures still hold onto the idea that man is a doer and woman is his helper.51In terms of rock n roll, these traditional gender roles dictate that womans place remain that of fan or groupie. If a woman breaks these barriers and joins a rock band, gender roles have tended to relegate her to a supporting position, such as singer or bass player. Although singers receive much of the spotlight, most do not achieve the same level of adulation reserved for electric guitarists: fans and critics do not spend hours in debate over vocalists in the manner in which they argue over guitar gods. Those female musicians who play electric guitar face many obstacles to gaining recognition for their talent. Only one of these obstacles is the fact that her gender, according to dominant social and moral values, places her at a disadvantage in the quest for god-like status.
2007 Historical Studies Journal 23 Still another barrier to women even picking up an electric guitar is the mascu linization of powerful and prestigious technologies. Ruth Oldenziel argued that the masculinization of technology is largely a product reective of racial, gender, and international relations in the twentieth century. Beginning in the 1890s, society increasingly considered machines as the most important inventions. The steel and other machine-related industries employed few women, which served to distance women from important technologies. Most patent owners were white males, and many Americans at the time accepted that women and other races naturally lacked inventive genius, which helped place technology in direct relation to white, middleclass notions of manliness. These notions of manliness, which upheld athletes and working-class men as standards, devalued women and non-white males. By the end of the 1930s, the public had inextricably linked prestigious technology and engineering an occupation dominated by white mento middle-class males. Oddly, the idea of powerful or prestigious technology as a male preserve rmly took hold in the public mind at the time when women entered the workforce in larger numbers than ever before. The increase in womens mastering of machines in jobs as secretaries, factory workers, and switchboard operators, threatened male power. The acceptable feminine pursuit of technology involved the devalued technologies associated with homemak ing. Despite evidence to the contrary, mens best defense involved attempting to erase women from the history of technology by emphasizing mans natural aptitude for all things technological. That attitude has succeeded in devaluing womens contributions to technological elds; enabled men to look upon any woman entering a technological eldregardless of training and abilityas an amateur; and, it barred many women from access to technological pursuits.52Such masculinization of technology is also related to the dichotomy of the male producer/female consumer. Thorstein B. Veblen, an institutional economist of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, wrote that women of the leisure class played a primarily decorative role. Female idleness enhanced their male partners status by conspicuously demonstrating that these middle class men provided so well their wives did not have to contribute nancially to the relationship. Such statements reinforce that economic contributions, measured through ones production of goods, are the only important household contributions. Traditionally female activities, such as child rearing and homemaking, by this denition, are duties rather than contributions to the family. In other words, men are superior because they produce so that women may consume.53The male producer/female consumer dichotomy, although in existence since the mid-nineteenth century, became explicit in American culture during the prosperous post-World War II years. Manufacturers exploited familial responsibilities in their advertisements, and, in the process, reinforced the roles of producer and consumer as gender specic. In 1945, advertisers began promoting the image of the balanced homemaker: a wife and mother able to care for her family without sacricing her personal interests.54 Advertisers helped establish the male identity as producer in the postwar consumer culture by appealing separately to mens and womens familial
24 Monique Bourdage FROM TINKERERS T O GODS responsibilities.55 The images of husbands and fathers reected to society through advertising, depicted the male role as that of the producer who generously allowed his wife to partake in consumer culture for the benet of the entire family.56 The male producer/female consumer dichotomy continues to exist in much of American culture, including rock n roll, a genre steeped in the sound of the electric guitar. An important step in masculinizing the guitar came with the instruments electrication; with electricity in male hands and the increased linking of other technologies to masculinity, the electric guitar became a male preserve.57Early consumers ascribed sexual meaning to electricity when they referred to irting as sparking.58 The advent of rock n roll reinforced the technological gender gap and expanded the sexual meaning associated with the harnessing of electricity. In the 1950s, manufacturers targeted teenagers as a distinct marketing demographic and drew on many of the same principles to appeal to girls and boys as they used to appeal to these teenagers mothers and fathers. Although as audience members, boys and girls alike ll the role of consumer, cultural values and marketing ensure that, in general, the genders consume in different ways. While boys identify with rock musicians in sexual terms, they also attempt to align themselves with performers through record collecting, learning to play an instrument, or aspirations to work in the music industry.59 Although Gibson and Electro String recognized early on the potential of celebrity endorsement, manufacturers did not fully realize the extent to which consumer identication with an electric guitar star could boost instrument sales.60 Dean Zelinsky, founder of Dean Guitars, however, summed up male fans sexual identication with rock stars when he stated, You played the guitar so you could get laid. We found out that a hot chick sold more guitars than a hot rock star.61 On the other hand, in order to capitalize on the popularity of Elvis, manufacturers printed his image on products ranging from pillows to socks and released lipstick in shades like Heartbreak Hotel Pink.62 This demonstrates the difference between the way the music industry markets to boys and girls. In such ways, girls learn to identify with rock performers in ways opposite of boys. Through lyrics and merchandising, girls learn to fantasize about becoming the rock stars object of affection rather than his equal. Males consume actively by attempting to become the rock star, and females consume passively by dreaming about providing companionship to the rock star.63 Some historians and critics have argued that rock n roll allows teenagers to rebel against values such as domesticity and monogamy, which tend to be culturally viewed as feminine values.64 Upon closer inspection, however, mainstream rock songs, especially those targeting female fans, often reinforce traditional notions of romantic relationships and gender roles.65In addition, some bluesmen and early guitar gods, like Jimi Hendrix, imbued the electric guitar with connotations of hypersexuality. Many bluesmen referred to their electric guitars as easy riders; the term referred to the fact that the instrument could be easily carried on the musicians back, but it also referred to a female sexual partner.66 The linking of sexual prowess to electric guitar virtuosity involves syntonicity, i.e., the identication of a technology as part of ones body.67 In terms of rock n roll performance, however, the electric guitar takes on the role of technophallus. Through
2007 Historical Studies Journal 25 body positioning and amboyant physical displays, players, like Hendrix, fortied male dominance over the electric guitar with a large dose of phallic symbolism.68 Male electric guitarists often handle their instruments in ways that recall sexual acts or emphasize the phallic symbolism of their guitars. Photographs of Jimi Hendrix playing on his knees with his head thrown back and guitar held in front of his out thrust pelvis have capturedand perhaps perpetuatedthis phenomenon. Ergonomically speaking, the guitar is most easily and comfortably played when held somewhere between the players chest and waist. Despite this fact, many rock guitarists play low-slung guitars held below the waist. Such positioning of the guitar makes it a more obvious phallic symbol. Through the inuence of the sexually charged performances of guitar gods, many fans and players have come to regard low-slung guitars as the only positioning that looks right. Therefore, even on women, the instrument appears as an extension of the male body, reinforcing the idea that the electric guitar should be left to male hands. Music critics have even utilized the term cock rock to describe loud, sexually aggressive performance styles.69 Other phallocentric terms, such as wanking and its variants, are used to describe electric guitar performance. The term wanking derives from British slang for masturbation, and fans and critics use it to describe a guitar technique that emphasizes speed and technical ability through rapidly playing many notes up and down the neck. While wanking denotes technical skill, most audiences nd such displays tedious; such performances chiey benet the guitarist by allowing him to demonstrate his prowess. One nal example: Prince stretched the metaphor of guitar as phallus to its limit when he had two identical guitars custom built for the Purple Rain lm and tour. The lms closing shot captured the image of Prince playing the custom guitar until it ejaculated liquid soap.70In addition to the phallic symbolism of the electric guitar, the instrument also connotes qualities such as speed, violence, power, and volume, through model names and styles and terminology that describe the instrument and playing techniques. Fans often use words like shred, slay, rip, burn, and wail to describe technical prowess on the electric guitar, especially in reference to guitar solos. Some people also use the term axe in place of guitar. By 1969, manufacturers had released electric guitars with names like Spitre and Marauder.71 With the rise in popularity of heavy metal in the 1970s and 1980s, many guitarists returned to angular body shapes that originated in the 1950s. While Gibson produced the Flying V, Moderne, and Explorer models as symbols of space-age modernity in the late 1950s, heavy metal guitarists had a tendency to wield them more like weapons. The SG, a model Gibson originally released in 1961, enjoyed a resurgence in popularity among heavy metal guitarists. The models twin cutaways and short, pointed horns gave players unhindered access to the frets nearest the guitars body.72 In a genre that emphasized speed and precision in fretting, players found such access advantageous.73 Soon other guitar manufacturers entered the market with updated nishes on sharp-angled guitars in order to capitalize on the new-found popularity of older Gibson models. Models available now include the ESP Viper, which looks like an updated version of the Gibson SG, and several models featuring deep curves or angles cut from the end of the body and upper and lower
26 Monique Bourdage FROM TINKERERS T O GODS bouts ending in sharp points. Those of the latter type carry names such as the ESP Ax; B.C. Rich Bronze Warlock, Platinum Pro Zombie, and Bich (pronounced so it rhymes with Rich) Archtop; and the Jackson Warrior.74 Although plenty of electric guitarists continue to play instruments with more traditional body shapes, the guitars mentioned above illustrate how some model names and body shapes have been used to appeal to men and teenage boys. Allowing women to wield such power in public simply grates against norms of acceptable feminine behavior.75Still, cultural values have not always excluded women from playing the guitar. At least as early as the sixteenth century, paintings and illustrations depicted women playing guitars, and European cultural values held that guitar playing was a feminine pastime. The guitar continued to be a popular instrument among women throughout the nineteenth century, though women tended to play in the privacy of their own homes rather than give public performances.76 As the guitar grew in size and weight during the early twentieth century, the number of female players declined.77 The 1930s spawned a handful of female blues guitarists, but with the electrication of the instrument, the guitar fell into predominantly male hands.78 Although the 1936 Electro String advertising brochure featured a female group called Sweethearts of the Air, audiences considered female guitarists a novelty.79 Except for the occasional novelty act, the early days of rock n roll featured no notable female electric guitarists. To this day, cultural values still largely hold that the only guitar acceptable for a woman is an acoustic one. Although women are playing the electric guitar in increasing numbers, the instruments macho image remains.80 The fact that critics and audiences continue to emphasize gender when talking about female guitarists illustrates that, to a large extent, women playing electric guitars continue to be a novelty in the music industry. Such treatment of female electric guitarists demonstrates the persistence of the idea that this technology is inherently masculine.81Therefore, women who play the electric guitar challenge the patriarchal power structure of the music industry and larger society: A woman can invalidate claims that electric guitar technology and rock n roll are exclusively masculine domains by taking the stage and playing the electric guitar.82 Getting to the point of being able to take the stage, however, is not that simple. Public performance of the electric guitar requires not only drawing attention to oneself, but also doing it loudly. These traits have no place in a society that values women as passive consumers. When Patricia Kennealy-Morrison wrote about her fantasy of getting onstage and playing forty-ve minutes of the indisputedly nest rock guitar ever heard anywhere and then retiring from music, her fantasy was not directed at her inability as a woman to exercise an electric guitar; rather, it was directed toward her inability as a woman to exert that kind of freedom and power.83Judging from the virtual invisibility of female guitarists in mainstream popular culture, women still lack such freedom and power. A recent exhibit on the history of the electric guitar sponsored by the Smithsonian claimed, thanks to pioneers like Bonnie Raitt, women have earned an equal place in what had traditionally been a male-dominated eld.84 Yet a companion program to that exhibit made reference to
2007 Historical Studies Journal 27 eleven guitarists, only one of whom was female.85 The claim of equality seems prema ture. Likewise, a quick glance at Rolling Stone s list of The 100 Greatest Guitarists of All Time demonstrates the extent of inequality between the recognition given to male and female guitarists. Only two women appear on the list: Joni Mitchell, a predominantly acoustic guitarist, achieved 72nd place; Joan Jett, an electric guitarist, came in at 87th place.86 Although Rolling Stone publicized the list almost three years ago, the March 2006 issue of Guitar Player pictured virtually no women within its pages. Excluding the classied ads at the back of the magazine, the advertisements in that issue featured three drawings and one hundred and fteen photographs of men and but one drawing and ve photographs of women. Only one of the advertisements showed a woman holding an instrument, but that ad was selling leather guitar straps and the womans guitar was acoustic. Additionally, only two articles focused on female musicians, while approximately ten articles concerned male musicians.87 Although one may consider it an advance that advertisers, at least in the publication examined, are not using images of women as groupies to appeal to male guitarists, the continued lack of female role models within the pages of guitar magazines is disheartening. Most recent efforts to increase the number of female electric guitarists, however, tend to focus on the design of the instrument rather than its meaning in popular culture. Mavis Bayton argued that manufacturers have traditionally designed guitars for the male body and have not taken into account the fact that women have breasts.88 Manufacturers, such as Fender and Gibson, have recently introduced models geared toward women with thinner, lighter-weight bodies and thinner necks than standard models.89 In January 2006, Gibson announced the release of the SG Goddess and Les Paul Vixen, which were versions of the standard SG and Les Paul models, respectively, updated to appeal to women. The modications included lighter bodies, thinner necks, and availability in colors such as coral.90Recently, women have entered the guitar market with designs intended to encourage girls to play the electric guitar. Luna Guitars, founded by Yvonne de Villiers, is one such manufacturer. De Villiers, who worked as a stained-glass artist before starting Luna Guitars, claims her inspiration for the line of instruments came from years of watching her mother, an electric bass player, struggle with her heavy instrument. Although Luna Guitars claims that the company markets their instruments to males and females of all ages, their website emphasizes the feminine, particularly in the descriptions of instrument models featuring slender necks, smaller headstocks, light weight bodies, and nishes inspired by stained glass.91Daisy Rock, on the other hand, is a more prominent company that manufactures guitars for female players. Tish Ciravolo, an electric bass player and mother of two girls, founded the company in 2000 in a self-described attempt to level the playing eld for female guitarists. In the companys mission statement, Ciravolo argued that standard guitar bodies do not t the female form. She further argued that the awkwardness of playing a bulky instrument leads female musicians to believe that they should not play guitar at all. In addition to lightweight bodies and slim necks designed for smaller hands, Daisy Rock guitars feature bodies contoured to t the female form.92
28 Monique Bourdage FROM TINKERERS T O GODSOn the surface, Daisy Rock appears to be making progress by encouraging girls as young as six to play the electric guitar, yet many of the companys attempts seem misguided and short-sighted and serve to reinforce traditional gender roles. For example, the company produces bodies shaped like hearts, owers, butteries, and stars; a guitar with a more traditionally shaped body bears the model name Tom Boy. Additionally, Daisy Rocks guitars come in shades of pink, purple, blue, and yellow, and often feature a glittery nish. Such innovations seem to imply that the real barrier to preventing more females from becoming guitarists stems from the instruments lack of frilliness. Even the new Gibson models mentioned earlier reect the idea that the way to eliminate barriers between women and electric guitars is through a pastel paint job. While Daisy Rocks guitars may capitalize on the idea that girls do not have to give up their femininity to play electric guitars, focus on the instruments design only distracts from the real issue. The companys designs reinforce traditional gender roles by dening femininity through a narrow range of shapes and colors and by labeling those female musicians who prefer traditional guitar designs as more masculine than the rest of Daisy Rocks customers. Ciravolo has also published two books on guitar method for girls and a book on bass method for girls.93 Gender-specic instructional books perpetuate the idea that boys and girls differ fundamentally in their musical aptitude. The design argument for the absence of female electric guitarists falls apart when faced with the example of Prince, a small-framed male guitarist who has no trouble displaying his virtuosity on a Fender Telecaster. The argument misses the point that the solution lies in the cultural history of the technology rather than the technology itself. No technology operates in a context free of cultural values. While guitar manu facturers have recently begun to market electric guitars to female musicians, the real barriers preventing female electric guitarists from gaining recognition as credible musicians are the same barriers women face when entering other professions. These barriers include the underlying assumption that women are inferior to men, the tendency to link powerful technologies to masculinity, and the subsequent tendency to treat women as amateurs in technological elds regardless of their training and talent. While one can far more easily alter the design of a guitar than alter prevailing cultural values, only the latter will have any lasting effect. Until then, the compara tive absence of female electric guitarists serves as a self-fullling prophecy, as younger female musicians nd themselves with few female role models. Although the number of female electric guitarists continues to grow, in 2004 female musicians counted for a mere seven percent of electric guitar sales.94 While sparkly, pink guitars with bodies shaped like hearts might initially spark the interest of some girls in the electric guitar, the change is merely cosmetic, and, in many ways, reinforces traditional gender roles. Most likely, womens equality with men will have to come in other areas before it comes to the eld of playing the electric guitar. Until then, female electric guitarists would do well to heed Charlie Christians advice and continue to play their instruments the way they should be played until they make the rest of the world like it.
IntroductionThe Soviets placed an enormous amount of faith in technology, which without the proper foundation, hindered industrialization. The Soviet administration in the 1920s and 1930s experimented with different methods of organization and technology. The twenties visions were often more utopian and broad, while the Soviet Union in the thirties, under the leadership of Josef Stalin, tried variants of Taylorism. In both decades, the success of United States manufacturing inuenced Soviet ideology to believe that technology could transform civilization. Although historian Richard Stites argues that Stalin strangled the revolutionary dreams of the 1920s with his monolithic vision of the future,1 there is still more continuity between the two decades than there is disparity. That is not to say that Stalin did not play a major role; but, with a hierarchy that contained educated and trained technological elites of industry carried over from the previous years under the New Economic Plan, it is impossible to ignore pre-existing elements. The worship of technology that existed in the Soviet Union continued throughout its entire existence. Where did this faith come from? More importantly, why did a technocratic system fail to attain its industrial goals? How could a system so devoted to technology so inadequately make use of its resources? This paper traces the Soviet Unions technocratic origins, and examines how, Nicholas Coombs recently received his Masters Degree, majoring in Soviet History. He wrote this essay for Professor Pamela Lairds History of Technology class in the 2006 spring semester. Nicholas in planning to go to Russia to teach English and to conduct research concerning post-World War II reconstruction and may pursue further post-graduate studies. SOV I ET FAI TH I N TE C HNOLOGY: Soviet Ideology and its Practical Application in the 1920s1930sNicholas Coombs
30 Nicholas Coombs SOVIET FAITH IN TECHNOLOGY with so much emphasis on technology, the system failed to leap forward to the degree envisioned in the rst years of Stalinist industrialization. Failure had much to do with the Soviet Unions inability to create a technological foundation ready to receive orders from on high. Technology often preceded specialists. However, this paper is not arguing that faith in technology alone was responsible for the failures of central planning, but argues that Soviet faith in technology was one factor that hindered early Soviet development. Was the Soviet experience exceptional? No, for it is clear that Western countries experienced the same ideological praise for technologies as the Soviets did. In fact, the Soviets were merely following the lead of the Western powers. However, there are a few differences worth mentioning. As described above, the Soviets were able to implement their ideas unchecked in their authoritarian system, different from Western countries, which had fail-safes to prevent the implementation of radical ideas. This, however, was not the only difference. The Soviets lacked a technological system capable of sustaining top-down driven improvements in machinery. While the technocratic bureaucracy may have had a culture all their own in their devotion to machine technologies, it did not trickle down to the actual people who were going to use the new technologies provided. In the West, technologies developed both from top-down and bottom-up relationships. In the Soviet Union, it was almost exclusively top-down. Soviet administrators often punished those at the bottom who tried to innovate because it slowed down production. The techno-bureaucrats in the administration looked for ready-made solutions alien to pre-revolutionary culture.2 The development of technology is a cultural process, and although transfers of technology can and do take place, a reasonable foundation must be present to accommodate new methods. The Soviet Union was decient in this base. The Soviets lacked a number of key components to make their technocracy work. Machine technologies not only require the actual devices for success, they require trained workers to operate them, factories to produce replacement parts, and mechanics able to x or upgrade them. Since many devices were of foreign origin, they lacked key cultural components to drive technological innovation. Unlike the West, the Soviets had few people tinkering with machines to improve on old designs. Machinery quickly became outdated, and the Soviets had to purchase new equipment at steep prices. Technology may have been a leading concern for the bureaucrats, but it was divorced from the Soviet people. Machine technologies had only been a small part of pre-revolutionary Russian society, and even then, Tsarist Russia depended heavily on foreign equipment and investment. Soviet culture emanated from the top-down, and with its authoritarian force, industrialization slowed down when alien technological ideas tried to speed up production.S oviet Administration and the Birth of T echnocracyBefore 1917, Russian industrialization advanced through the importation of machinery, ideas, and skilled engineers trained in the West. Like its Western counter parts, engineers and technologists in Tsarist Russia joined the civil service and lled
2007 Historical Studies Journal 31 the lower strata of bureaucracy, while people of noble birth primarily occupied top positions. However, as historian Ron K. Rowney explains, this did not mean that the nobility had absolute power, for the sheer number of sub-elite, middle-class specialists in the Russian bureaucracy was large enough to inuence decision-making.3 Merchants and industrialists often triumphed over the nobility, who tried to cling to power by title alone. Nevertheless, the Tsarist system was developing at a pace equivalent to its western European counterparts in their respective industrializing periods.4The revolution radically altered the course of technological development almost immediately. When the nobility ed their high-ranking positions during the revolution and the ensuing Civil War, tremendous vacancies appeared at high-level positions of power. Out of strategic necessity and practicality during the Civil War, Vladimir Lenin decided to move the technocratic lower level bureaucrats to the top echelons of power, where they assumed leadership positions.5 Even in the later years of the 1920s and 1930s, when peasants and workers started to ll administrative positions, the technocratbureaucrats were still at the top. Although Rowney mainly focuses on the creation and stafng of the bureaucracy to determine if the revolution fullled its promises, his analysis also shows the high value placed on specially trained individuals. Lenin was one among many leaders of the Soviet Union who believed that technology could transform Russia. Shortly after the revolution, he stated that: I think we are now at the most fundamental turning point which, from every perspective, will mark the beginning of major successes for Soviet power This is the beginning of a very happy era, when politicians will grow ever fewer in number and when engineers and agronomists will do most of the talking.6Stites also points out that even though Lenin criticized many of his associates for thinking too utopian, he nevertheless had a grandiose vision of the future that saw the electrication of the country as a major component in bringing about national unity.7 Lenin was xated on technology and believed that electrication was as important as winning the Civil War.8 Not surprisingly, the rst industrial buildings constructed in the new regime were electric power plants.9Although Lenins devotion to technology is essential to understanding the birth of the technocratic system, Bolshevik ideology alone was insufcient to catapult an almost religious devotion to technology. The engineers, physicians, agronomists, and various other specialized individuals who assumed power had been low-level bureaucrats trained under the Tsar. Without the previous emphasis for industrialization under the old system, technocracy would not have come from Bolshevik ideology alone.10 The formation of the technocratic state depended on both the Soviets exaggerated ideology and on the ideas of the techno-bureaucrats. This ideology was benecial to those technically educated few, who, under the Tsar, would have never risen to the level of power that the Bolsheviks bestowed upon them.11 Together, in an authoritarian state where the countrys elite implemented political policy with few checks and balances, technocracy and faith in technology reached exaggerated proportions.
32 Nicholas Coombs SOVIET FAITH IN TECHNOLOGY Soviet ideology is complex, and for the purposes of this paper, literature will illustrate Soviet ideology. The practical application of ideology illustrated in Fyodor Gladkovs Cement and Valentin Kataevs Time, Forward! provide excellent examples of how Soviet ideology worked in theory. Both novels show how Soviet elites believed workers and administrators at the bottom of the social hierarchy were supposed to function. However, the system did not operate according to their vision. The two novels, rst published in 1925 ( Cement ) and 1932 ( Time, Forward! ), work to funnel the top bureaucratic disputes into a practical working ideological model. In an authoritarian society where the state controlled publication, it is clear that what the authors conveyed was in line with party doctrine.T he American S ystem and S oviet IdeologyAs historian Robert Lewis correctly points out, there were two models the Soviets could have adapted for industrialization: the American system, which placed heavy capital into machinery to offset an unskilled labor force, or the European system, which emphasized use of machinery with artisan craft skill.12 The continued migration of the peasantry into industrializing cities (with only a brief depopulation of cities during the Civil War) resulted in the availability of a vast unskilled labor pool. Therefore, the Soviets chose the American system. However, Lewis believes the adaptation of the American system to be a more politically motivated decision than an economic one.13 In many cases, this may be true, but politics alone were not enough. If the American model was going to succeed, it was certainly not benecial to have most of the Soviet Unions technologists swept up into the bureaucracy, for like in America, they were needed in the eld. In any case, a foreign technological system was a better choice than any organic model that the Soviets could formulate at the time. Using architecture for illustration, one can see that there were many non-political proponents of the American standardized and specialized manufacturing system. Many Russians viewed the United States as the most technologically advanced country in the world. Architect El Lissitzky gloried the American system in his 1930 Russia: An Architecture for World Revolution saying, In the course of a single century new production systems transformed all aspects of life. Modern technology not only revolutionized social and economic developments but aesthetic ones as well.14 Although written in 1930, his statement characterizes the Soviet architectural community of both the 1920s and 1930s. Like many architects living in the Soviet Union (and technologists for that matter), he believed that they could pass the West in technological achievement. He argued that: in America the architect has a direct and continuing relationship with technology. Perhaps this is why he does not ask more from technology than it can offer. It is through technology that we can build a bridge to all the most recent achievements, which is what made it possible for our country to pass directly from the hoe to the tractor without having to travel the long path of historical development.15
2007 Historical Studies Journal 33 Architects placed such a heavy emphasis on the use of modern American building techniques, that when given only secondary materials and leftovers, the architects constructed very little in the 1920s or the 1930s.16 With very few resources at the disposal of leading architects, attempting to replicate modern American building techniques only held them back. Lissitzkys belief that Americans did not ask more from technology than it can offer, certainly characterizes the outlook the countrys elite had in the 1930s.17 Despite many shortcomings, the Soviets claimed to have many heroic successes during the 1930s. They attributed many of them to new technologies. These successes materialized in Soviet heroes and great construction projects, both of which placed man as the conqueror of his environment by his mastery of machine technology. One Time, Forward! shock-worker (a worker who was part of a specialized group which continuously exceeded production norms) commented in rebuttal to the statement that Nature conquers technique, replied, But will it always be thus?The laws of nature are immutable but human genius is limitless. I am an engineer, a Bolshevik and not only will the machine attain the speed of sound but it will attain the speed of light and we shall become immortal.18The giant steel producing city of Magnitogorsk, which was located amazingly in the middle of the barren Ural steppe, was a symbol of how man conquered the environment.19 In Time, Forward! Kataev described the transformation of the steppe, from an uninhabitable land into a thriving steel plant, through the eyes of his main characters wife, Fyenya. When she rst saw the industrializing city of Magnitogorsk, she believed it was neither steppe nor city, for she saw cranes, tents and barracks, along with blowing dust and barren landscape.20 Magnitogorsk was in transformation; it was both steppe and city, implying that mans construction of the giant factory was conquering the environment. The man-made lake near Magnitogorsk in Time, Forward! also revealed how man could triumph over the environment, over natures laws. The lakes construction had been against better judgmentagainst traditionyet the young engineer Margulies had conquered. He pushed the limits of the machinery available to him, and by experimenting with new construction methods, The dam had been built.21 Those who asked for more out of machinery, out of technology, prevailed. The American engineer in the novel, Mr. Ray Roupe, upon seeing the lake asked, What else does humanity need, I ask you? and removed his hat with the respectable gesture of a civilized Christian upon entering a church.22 Kataev demonstrates how American and Western enthusiasm for technology became part of Soviet culture as well. In architecture, the Dnepr Dam mentioned earlier is a perfect example of the Soviet belief that machines could somehow control the natural world. Not only did the massive hydroelectric dam t with Lenins grand electrication project, but, during its 1927-1932 construction, it was a symbol of the entire rst Five-Year Plan.23 Anatole Kopp emphasized that it was an architectural work without any concession to styles of the past; even the stone facades exhibited no attempt to imitate the traditional expressions of stone-cutting.24 Although the dam was a great success, throwing off past cultural traditions was not always benecial.
34 Nicholas Coombs SOVIET FAITH IN TECHNOLOGY Foreign methods and building techniques were revered, but there was little precedent to enable the transition to run smoothly. The Soviets implemented new techniques and new technologies to show Soviet achievement, but were limited because they lacked the proper foundation to do anything on a massive scale. Jumping directly from the hoe to the tractor required more than just new machinery; it required a complete technological system to support it. That is why the Dnepr Dam project dif fered from other projects. It showed how Soviets believed technology could conquer nature and move beyond its limits. However, the special projects success was hardly indicative of the whole nation.T he Conservation of T ime and T echnological O rganizationNot only were the size and scale of the American system important to the Soviets, so were its methods used to galvanize labor. With specialists and technologically religious Soviet leaders at the top of the hierarchical structure, a cult of Taylorism and Fordism appeared. Taylorism is an ideology that believes that there is a scientic method to labor organization and production, which if executed properly, greatly increases overall efciency. Fordism, also of American origin, is assembly line mass production with an emphasis on the utilization of unskilled labor. The Soviets believed that one reason for United States prosperity was both Taylorism and Fordism. However, the Soviets took both of them out of Americas cultural context. Since Lenin was such a strong supporter of Taylorism, the Soviet Union attempted to create a scientic bureaucracy.25 It is an example of where Soviet authoritarianism pushed a foreign technological model into their underdeveloped system, resulting in numerous reorganizations in the 1920s. Historian Mary Conroy points out that this continual reorganization was detrimental to industry, and, in the pharmaceutical industry, capricious reorganizations were often destabilizing.26The restructuring of bureaucracy came from Lenins desire to attain efciency not only from labor, but also from the Soviet administration as well. This is not surprising since he had elevated specialists into power for the very purpose of efciency. Lenin stated that The war taught us much that those who have the best technology, organization, discipline and the best machines emerge on top. It is necessary to master the highest technology or be crushed.27Lenins comment seems much in tune with Stalins later statement when, in 1931, Stalin said that if the Soviet Union did not industrialize in ten years, they would go under.28The Soviets wanted to apply Taylors organizational efciency to everything, and since extreme ideology was unchecked, they attempted to do so. As Stites points out, the 1920s was a period where the concept of time was greatly valued,29 and under Stalin in the 1930s, it became essential. This Soviet Taylorist concept of time, which demanded efciency out of everything, existed in both the twenties and the thirties.
2007 Historical Studies Journal 35 Those Taylorists were both concerned with bureaucracy and labor, but differed in approach. The 1930s Taylorists operated under the Stalinist system, which placed the primary responsibility of time conservation on the workers themselves, for Stalin wanted to proletarianize the system.30 Stalin believed that many ofcials were bureaucrats with high opinions of themselves,31 and that on the shoulders of workers, not ofcials, would depend the future of production in our entire economy and the fate of our economic leadership.32Gladkovs Cement is a novel that illustrates how many Soviets believed that industry would transform their lives; it also critiques bureaucracy, demanding efciency from the new ofcials. Published in 1925 when post-Civil War reconstruction was under way, the novel illustrates the Soviets technological drive through the channels of bureaucracy. In contrast, Time, Forward! written in 1932 with a Stalinist emphasis on labor, reveals that the demands of efciency were placed on the workers through shock-brigades. In Cement the hero Gleb is the bureaucrat-worker who greases the wheels in the admin istration to get things done, emphasizing bureaucratic efciency. He even allies with a foreigner who sided with the Whites during the Civil War because the foreigners technical skills were essential to reconstruction. On the other hand, Time, Forward! focuses on a shock-brigade at Magnitogorsk who manage their time in order to beat world records and exceed quotas set by the governments central planning. Although Cement provides the ideological context for bureaucratic renement in the 1920s, K.M. Kerzhenstev, one of the leading proponents of Taylorism, implemented the ideological concept of bureaucratic efciency in reality. Kerzhentsev was a member of N.O.T. (the Scientic Organization of Labor) and founder of the League of Time. He believed that every community, organization, or bureaucracy should carry chronocards to monitor efciency and to record how they spent every half hour of their day for self-discipline.33 N.O.T. and the League of Time tried to use Taylorism to make up for the shortages of technically skilled workers, engineers, and resources in the 1920s. Soviet ideological praise of Taylorism comes through in Gladkovs Cement. There are numerous passages in the novel where Gleb, workers, and other lower level bureau crats demanded higher efciency from the administration. When Gleb rst returns to his home after the Civil War he nds the factory where he once worked nearly destroyed and in disrepair. One devoted worker condemns the Factory Committee for they were chatterers and were stricken with idleness and jabbering you cant do anything here with big words. These are machines, and machines are not words.34 Workers were idle because the bureaucracy spent too much time talking, and not enough time acting. In essence, the workers were ready to go back to work, if only Soviet administrators would do their jobs efciently. Cement clearly illustrates the authors initial frustration with early Soviet bureaucracy. In Gladkovs view, it took a man such as worker/soldier/Communist Party member Gleb to organize, plan, and reconstruct the factory. It was a matter of organization, and not a lack of resources or determination. As mentioned earlier, to get things done, he enlisted the help of an engineer, his comrade technologist, who was the only foreign engineer who had not ed during the Civil War. Rebuilding the factory was more
36 Nicholas Coombs SOVIET FAITH IN TECHNOLOGY important than old grudges. Through organization, the factory developed a persona all its own, transforming the decadent town into an industrializing socialist society. The Soviets also tried to apply Taylorism to life outside the factory. In line with Soviet ideology, Constructivist architects (dealing with both the aesthetics and function of building design) believed that the organization of household duties and a new design of housing would not only reduce the time spent in household labor, but would create a new Soviet civilization. Like the French Revolution before it, the ability of the Soviets to blame the old regime for any setbacks their society may have had, gave rise to the belief that men could invent themselves anew. The Constructivists believed in reinventing a new Soviet man. They believed that new modes of living, which demanded functionality and efciency out of architecture, could change how people developed socially. Taylorisms application in architecture inspired architect Moisei Ginzburgs F-type housing unit, which he designed to permit the organic integration of a public canteen, a kitchen, rest and reading rooms, baths, etc.35 Architects believed that communal utilities like factory-kitchens could liberate women from household slave labor.36 They thought communal activities were more efcient and economical because the time spent to manage household duties became equal amongst the entire community, which they believed would minimize time spent per individual. However, only a few of these Tayloristic communities managed to be constructed and implemented. Workers often rejected these projects of social engineering.37Why were time and efciency so important? A passage from Kataevs Time, Forward! best illustrates the ideological answer. It consisted of this: increase of the productivity of one machine automatically entails the increase of the productivity of others indirectly connected with it. And since all machines in the Soviet Union are connected with each other to a greater or lesser degree, and together represent a complex interlocking system, the raising of tempos at any given point in the system inevitably carries with it the unavoidable-however minute-raising of tempos of the entire system as a whole, thus, to a certain extent, bringing the time of socialism closer.38In Time, Forward! a shock-brigade struggles to topple a rival brigades cement mixing record. The leader of the brigade uses an issue of a technical journal called Za Industrializatsiu to get the latest time management news, for the shock-brigade workers were not under any direct supervision, and needed to optimize their own production. The bureaucracy, represented by Za Industrializatsiu knew what was possible, and provided the brigade with the information they needed to know. It was up to the workers to put time management into practice to fulll the demands of the Five-Year Plan. The Soviet Union failed to produce efcient results using Taylorism and Fordism, because both systems were of foreign origin. Soviet work ethic was not on par with American standards. The Protestant work ethic provided Americans with an almost reli
2007 Historical Studies Journal 37 gious expectation for work success, and although Soviet bureaucrats may have adopted this vision, the traditional majority of Russians had not. Soviet administrators failed to associate technologies as a construct of culture, and in doing so, undermined success by adapting foreign ideologies and systems into a completely different framework. They denitely tried to make it part of their culture in the 1920s-1930s, but at the break-neck speed in which the Soviets were trying to institute the systems, there were many unnecessary setbacks.T he S takhanovitesBy the early 1930s, the bureaucracy lost control over time management as Stalin emphasized worker self-regulation, which evolved into Stakhanovism. Stakhanovism was a system where workers used time-efcient working techniques to exceed personal production quotas. Soviet administrators determined the production level requirements for any given job or task, and if an individual exceeded the norm by a large margin, they could potentially become a Stakhanovite. Shock-brigades placed efciency in an elite working group; Stakhanovism emphasized individual success. Historian Lewis H. Sieglbaum believes that shock-brigades and the Stakhanovite movement were experimental systems, which tried to replace the Taylorite system.39 This is true. The Soveits were nally trying their own cultural way to institute Taylorism. However, time management was still very important, and workers during these movements often monitored themselves for efciency. As mentioned earlier, Stalins faith in the worker over the bureaucracy was extremely important, which follows Rowneys proletarianization of the bureaucracy. Aleksei Stakhanov himself, founder of the Stakhanovite movement, wrote in 1936 that: There are some who think that the Stakhanov movement is a variety of the Taylor system. Such a view is profoundly mistaken. His system amounts to taking the result of the utmost exertion of effort by the strongest worker as the standard of output for all the others. Stakhanovite work is a combination of manual and mental work. It enables the Stakhanovites to show their mettle, to display their faculties, to give free rein to their creative ideas; it signies the victory of man over machine.40Nevertheless, the shock-brigades and the Stakhanovites are not completely independent of one another, and the Taylorist discussion in this paper must analyze them together. Despite Stakhanovs claims, an element of Taylorism still existed in the movement. Although the ideal Stakhanovite regulated himself, he would never amount to anything if not compared to the whole. Time efciency was still dependent on the work produced by others. However, this provides an example of where there was an attempt to merge the ideologies of American Taylorism and Soviet proletarianization. This is how a technological dialogue is supposed to take place. Yet, under authoritarian power, it had not. It took time for such an integration to occur, and it happened only after the Soviets made many destabilizing attempts to adapt American Taylorism wholesale.
38 Nicholas Coombs SOVIET FAITH IN TECHNOLOGY Since this was mainly a top-down model, it had its problems. It was, nevertheless, a step in the right direction if any successes were to come from adapting foreign and American technological systems. The Stakhanovite movement had many things in common with the shock-brigades. The Stakhanovite worker demanded more from machines than was thought pos sible. The shock-brigades, as in Time, Forward! were precursors to the Stakhanovite movement. While the shock-brigades tried to break collective production records, the Stakhanovites emphasized individual labor achievements. The efciency of individuals became equally important. However, the basic goal of both was the same, to get more out of machines. Accordingly, those ofcials in the bureaucracy who projected numbers that were too low compared to what was produced, found themselves arrested for wrecking activities.41Soviet bureaucrats throughout Stalins administration praised the idea of nish ing the Five-Year Plans early. In Kataevs novel, a shock-worker contemplated the damage done to machinery when it was pushed past its limits, asking which is more important: to nish the Five-Year Plan in four years or to save the machinery for an additional four years? The sooner we develop our industry, the less signicance will amortization have for us: well make new machinery of our own.42 Stakhanovites believed the same thing, and for a brief time in the early 1930s, trained foremen often succumbed to equipment overuse for fear of interfering in the movement. The government branded many as wreckers, responsible for disorganizing production.43 As Siegelbaum points out, this was during the Stakhanovite movement when workers briey put managerial Taylorism in disrepute.44Resource Problems of the 1920s and 1930sOne of the undermining components in utilizing the American technological model of industrialization was that the Soviet Union simply lacked the ability to harness the necessary resources for such a rapid adaptation of a foreign system. Examples within the architectural community can help illustrate the point. Konstantin Melnikov, who holds the record for having the most buildings constructed under his name in the 1920s (although only 20 of 80 proposed projects were realized), did so only because the majority of his structures were constructed of wood. Even Vladimir Tatlins tower, exhibited in the Third Communist International, which became an icon of modern material construction, was made of wood.45 Lissitzky tried to save face by saying that although Melnikovs projects were built of wood; they relied heavily on modern wood construction methods.46 In the industrial city of Magnitogorsk, one worker noted that even in the 1930s the lack of various construction materials resulted in the most absurd shortcomings such as in twenty newly constructed houses, where bathrooms were not supplied with electric light.47Stalinists labeled the 1920s as an era of paper projects, where ideas and plans existed more on paper than in reality.48 A leading scientic advisor, G.M. Krzhizhanovsky, working with Lenin on the 1920 electrication project, asked if Lenins plan was no more than a scheme of electrication in a period of gigantic economic dislocation
2007 Historical Studies Journal 39 a fantasy, a utopia, a paper project?49 However, Lenins electrication project was more than a paper project, for, as stated earlier, authoritarian leadership could push through grand projects without the proper foundation. During the rst Five-Year Plan, the construction of the hydroelectric Dnepr Dam became a symbol of progress, and raw materials were not in short supply during its construction.50 When it was possible, the Soviets utilized American building techniques. Although the American system and its modern technologies won out as the best possible system to adapt to Soviet life, the 1920s chronic shortage of resources made it an ideal that could not be achieved, further illustrating how foreign technological systems can not simply be grafted upon another. There can be an adoption of new technologies, if a proper foundation exists. In the Soviet case, its infrastructure was in its infancy. Heavy industry and resource production may have increased in the 1930s, but so much effort was concentrated on heavy industry that other areas of the economy continued to experience shortages. Furthermore, when new machinery and resources became available to specic industries, burgeoning industrial centers often lacked skilled workers to operate the machinery, resulting in overused, poorly maintained, or neglected equipment. The Soviet Union was increasing production, but at inconsistent levels.T he Worker/Bureaucratic G ap and T echnology Preceding S pecialistsHistorian Hiroaki Kuromiya shows that there were extreme difculties in rapidly mechanizing the labor force in the late 1920s to early 1930s. Looking at the coal mining industry, he argues that the pit lived on its own, and so did the ofce.51 This statement helps dene the problems facing Soviet industry in the rst two decades. As Soviet Politburo L.M. Kaganovich stated in a 1933 issue of Pravda it appeared that when the Soviets used more machines for production, there was less coal extracted.52 Kuromiya shows that this perception was a reality, and that productivity decreased with mechanization. The division between the bureaucracy and the workers was widening because more technically educated people found their desired jobs in Soviet bureaucratic ofcialdom rather than on the shop oor. The bureaucracy in coal mining alone had over twenty administrative and technical departments, and some ofcials had to be literally forced by law to work onsite to oversee production.53The adapted American system was having problems. There had never been a dialogue between bureaucrats and shop oor engineers like in the United States. There were few tinkerers or broad-based technological enthusiasts communicating with the bureaucracy from the shop oor. Top-down direction concerning the proper use and maintenance of machinery fell on deaf ears. Those at the bottom of the hierarchy simply did not understand. Technical literacy was scarce among coal miners in the early 1930s, and machines often broke down due to neglect and overuse. Kuromiya shows that machine utilization was very low. Even according to ofcial data, one-third of the available equipment lay idle in 1931.54 The distance from the technocratic bureaucracy and the actual workers was vast, as Soviet faith in technology existed at the highest levels of society
40 Nicholas Coombs SOVIET FAITH IN TECHNOLOGY with very few practitioners at the bottom. By 1940, there were 3,095 engineers in the resource rich Donbass region, but only 320 were actually working in the coal mining pits where expertise was in short supply.55In John Scotts opinion, even when he was working in 1935 at the heavily funded steel manufacturing plant of Magnitogorsk, most of the administrators were far from having mastered their jobs. They had not one quarter of the practical experience of men occupying similar positions in industry in America or Western Europe.56 The issue of practical experience is a major one. Bureaucratic ofcials often had little experience, yet were making key decisions. A rsthand account from Maurice Hindus can illustrate one of many problems created from a technocratic bureaucracy without the proper specialist foundation. In the 1930s, Hindus, who resided in the United States, returned to the Russian village where he grew up to observe the new Soviet collective farms. The ofcials at the collective farm Hindus visited had read about incubators in the Soviet press, which stated how much they could improve chicken production. When Hindus inquired about the incubators, the ofcials admitted that when the incubators arrived, they discovered that none of us knew anything about them.57 They ordered books, experimented, and were only able to hatch one percent of the eggs. Only after writing to the agricultural academy, who then sent out a specialist, did production actu ally increase with a seventy percent hatch rate. In this particular case, the technology was readily available, yet the specialists needed to operate the technology were not. How often did technological devices precede specialists? According to Kuromiyas evidence in the coal mining industry mentioned earlier, pretty often. To combat this problem, Soviet administrators tried to standardize training concerning machinery. Siegelbaum argues that a program headed by Alexei Gastev of N.O.T. attempted to remove foreman specialists in order to maximize productivity.58 Gastev insisted that each machine should have a passport card, which stated not only how to operate the machine, but what its capacities were.59 Siegelbaum sees this as an experimental Soviet attempt to put workers in charge of their own production. N.O.T. also observed that the lack of specialists in the eld necessitated the need for machines to be operable by unskilled laborers. The Soviets had not counted on having so many problems when using the successful American model of industrialization. Scott observed a type of passport card at Magnitogorsk during the Stakhanovite movement: it was plainly written on every motor in German and Russian that if the load exceeded ninety amperes the motor should be turned off. This was ignored, and it became the task of the assistant machinist to hold the breaker with a broomstick to prevent its kicking off when the load became too heavyAs a result a motor was burned out every two weeks or so. Nobody ever gured out how much it cost to rewind the motors.60
2007 Historical Studies Journal 41 Clearly, this is not a form of Western tinkering. Wanton abuse was often illogical and continued because there were only a handful of sparsely scattered engineers available to properly experiment or accelerate machine production. Properly labeling machines with passport cards did not solve the problem. Siegelbaum points out that foremen, whose job it was to train and supervise how specic tools or machines were to be used, were not co-operative in stripping their own authority of instruction with cards, further hindering improvement.61 Also blocking passport card implementation was that planners did not often agree on appropriate production levels for machinery, and the high turnover rate of workers reduced success.62 Just as Gastev reacted to skilled labor scarcity, Scott believed that the tremendous investment made by the Soviet Union in education was necessitated by the lack of trained people in every conceivable eld.63 Technology preceded specialists. Soviet faith in technology placed new machines in the hands of untrained and technologically illiterate workers. Problems mounted as the country continued to industrialize, for all industrializing areas needed specialists to operate machinery. John Scotts documented personal account at Magnitogorsk and Maurice Hinduss observations illustrate problems in both industrial centers and collective farms. Throughout his narrative, Scott states many times that Magnitogorsk lacked trained personnel to operate the equipment. Historian Stephen Kotkin goes a step further and states that the biggest shock construction site [Magnitogorsk] did not have enough labor power, even of the unskilled variety.64 In the words of one ofcial, Soviet specialists simply wanted the quickest way out of Magnitka, at any price.65 Scott does not comment on unskilled laborers, but in his account most engineers or trained specialists were often foreigners, like the German engineer in Cement or the numerous American specialists in Time, Forward! As stated earlier, the Soviet bureaucracy lured the technologically literate with promises of a better, ofce-orientated career. This not only damaged output on the production oor, but left inexperienced technocrats in charge of central planning, who demanded ideological, and not practical efciency. Here again the Soviets adaptation of the American model proved detrimental. The United States had trained specialists in the eld, for that was part of the technologically driven culture. The Soviet Union had not. In Hindus account, his village received a radio, and unfortunately, nobody in the kolkhoz or in the village understood the mechanics of the radio and whenever anything went wrong, which happened often, they had to send for a repair man, ve miles away.66 However, when the radio was working, Soviet faith in technology persisted. Members of the collective farm asked Hindus how their radio compared to radios in America, and the general belief grew that there would be a more cheerful winter because of the diversions the radio would furnish.67While working at Magnitogorsk in the 1930s, Scott visited a nearby collective farm where he found that only three of twelve tractors the farm was supposed to have were functioning. Ofcials at Magnitogorsk sent Scott and some German engineers to repair the tractors. In three days, they had repaired nine tractors before they
42 Nicholas Coombs SOVIET FAITH IN TECHNOLOGY had to leave because several of the German mechanics were badly needed back in Magnitogorsk.68 Many of the tractors had sat out in the dust or snow all year round, and the farmers simply neglected them. One farmer used and praised a tractor that he discovered could boil a large amount of potatoes!69 Without any specialists or proper training, equipment quickly became unusable. Hinduss observations of tractor use on the collective farm he visited compares equally with Scotts experience. In his experience one seldom sees a Russian tractor operator who, on his way to and from work, does not race the tractor as though it were an automobile. He glories in fast movement. The resulting breakage is colossal. Fleets of disabled tractors dot the Russian landscape; and what is true of tractors is true of other machines machines are left with no cover over them in yards and in far away elds, exposed to the devastation of wind, rain, and sun.70Although simple neglect was a key factor, the lack of trained specialists able to repair and to instruct others in the proper use of the machinery hurt overall production. Asking more out of the machine or believing that it was best to overtax a machine to meet or exceed the production quotas of the Five-Year Plans were detrimental to success. The adapted American system helped standardize Soviet production, but it could not transform society the way the Soviets believed that it would. As stated earlier, it was not helpful to promote the few-trained technicians the Soviet Union had to prominent levels of administrative power. What little foundation the Soviets had for success, simply dropped out as technologists moved up the echelons of power.Politics and T echnocracyWhat did mid-level technicians say about the orders from on high? Historian R. W. Davies argues that many specialists believed that Politburo S. Kosiors 1930 critique of central planning was correct. He stated that, in many factories and mines the management and technical personnel formed the rm opinion that the programs are exaggerated and cannot be fullled.71 Davies correctly argues that the relationship between politics and technology was complex. In her words, there was a dialogue, not a simple diktat .72 However, the dialogue she refers too was not a bottom to top communication. In most cases, the dialogue never escaped high-level Soviet administrators. Nevertheless, Davies argues that the high production levels of the rst Five-Year Plan were not repeated in the second because of numerous administrators resistance to detrimentally high production levels.73In terms of research and development, there were many cases where politics favored certain technologies, and many cases where technologies developed despite political disapproval. The idea of having a tank turret produced as a whole unit, rather than by having separate pieces welded together for completion, was an innovation originally rejected by Stalin. Only with persistence and compromise did high Soviet ofcials get Stalin to recapitulate.74
2007 Historical Studies Journal 43 There were even cases where Stalin was unaware that the developments of particular projects he supported were halted by technical specialists, such as the plan funded by the military which tried to make tank armor resistant to both shells and bullets. They shelved the absurd project without Stalins knowledge.75 If there was any information coming from the bottom, it was not through shop oor innovation, but through theft. Soviets working in Western industries simply stole technologies by taking schematics, or hand drawn pictures of the latest Western machines into the USSR.76Using Daviess complex dialogue assessment, one can see that technology did not always trump politics, and politics did not always win over technology. Historian Mary Conroy points out that, in the pharmaceutical industry during the NEP (New Economic Policy), retooling factories with new equipment was not an easy process. In one particular case, administrators in the Vesenkha (the Supreme Council of the National Economy) blocked the modernization efforts of the Gosmedtorgprom Pharmaceutical Trust. The trust modernized only at the wishes of the central plan ning leaders, and was constrained by the macroeconomic environment in the Soviet Union.77 The Soviets often implemented new technologies in particular industries over others, but in this case, Soviet bureaucracy simply hindered modernization. On the other end of the spectrum, technocrats were sometimes more important than politics. In the 1930s, some leading technologists did not have to concern themselves with Stalins political purges. As one case example in architecture, Stalinist architect Karo Alabian tried endlessly to oust prominent members of the architectural community like Aleksei Shchusev and Konstantin Melinkov.78 Both Nikita Khrushchev and the Moscow Central Committee ignored Alabians pleas to purge leading architects.79 As a result, the regime arrested or purged very few leading avant-garde architects.80Just because Soviet ofcials were reluctant to purge prominent architects does not mean that it did not occur in the architectural community. It is simply pointing out that the technocratic structure of the Soviet system valued trained specialists. Melnikov not only survived the purges, he lived in a private house that he personally designed at the height of the communal housing debates in 1928.81 In this circumstance, Soviet ideology valued technologists over socialist ideals, which is also apparent by the number of foreign specialists present in Soviet industry during the early 1930s. Davies is correct in asserting that the dialogue between technologists and politicians was complex, with both sides having inuence over political and economic decisions.Problems with T echnocracyThe problem with Soviet faith in technology was twofold. On the one hand, Soviet leaders viewed technology as an almost supernatural force, by which men became masters of the environment. The Soviets perceived technology to be a separate entity, isolated from man. For this reason, the Soviets viewed American success on a technologically deterministic model. The Soviets failed to view their success in a cultural framework. This proved detrimental, and fostered the belief that, if they could not rapidly industrialize, it was because man failed to use the machinery provided to him
44 Nicholas Coombs SOVIET FAITH IN TECHNOLOGY properly. If the Americans could progress industrially by adapting specic systems, then the Soviets believed they could, too. This is the very reason why the Soviets implemented time management. When central planning failed to produce its desired goals, machines were not at fault. It was the people using them. Human organization was to blame. The Soviets faith in technology was so intense that when the system failed to produce their projected production levels, they looked inward for answers. Efciency in human capital was a scapegoat for the second problem. As Rowneys analysis has shown, the government in the late 1920s and early 1930s was in the hands of a technological elite. With such a transformation, a top-down technological drive rapidly progressed. While some bourgeois specialists ed during the revolution, others were enticed with promotion and white collar jobs in the new Soviet administration. The result was that specialists at the lower end of the social structure became scarce. This second problem, the absence of qualied technologists at the lower levels, created an enormous problem for a country adapting to Western technological systems. When something broke down, few people could repair it. Furthermore, there were not always capable people present to operate complex machinery. At times, equipment sat idle, while continuing pressure from the technocratic elite rained down. In terms of technology, the Soviets built a house without a foundation. The Soviets had wanted a technical society, but lacked a technological system to carry out the high demands of industrialization implemented from above.ConclusionSoviet faith in technology was not practical given the circumstances the Soviet leadership found themselves in during the 1920s-1930s. The system lacked a solid foundation upon which to implement new technologies. The Soviet example shows how technocracy can strain a system, especially with most of the Soviet Unions specialists having been absorbed into the bureaucratic structure. The continual search for efciency and maximum productivity slowed down development. It also provided for an atmosphere too rigid to accept failure. When problems arose, the government tried people as wreckers and purged them. Faith in Taylorism made Soviet ofcials blame individuals, and not the system, because to them, a technocratic system was awless. As has been shown, Soviet ideology considered technology to be a separate entity, void of limitation. In accordance with Lissitzkys belief, machines were capable of much more than perceived by man. From this analysis, Soviet technocracy helped justify Stalins political purges. It was not the major contributor to the purges, but its search for efciency certainly gave it sup port. The system was supposed to run efciently by scientic Taylorist design, and if it did not, the Soviets believed that it was simply a matter of tweaking the system to make it work. This type of scientic outlook, which faulted man with the inability to make a perfect system operable, endorsed purging. Faith in technology played an inuential role. As indicated in the community of architects, the system spared leading specialists from the purges if they did not accredit them with drastic failure. This further showed the Soviets extreme devotion to technology and specialists. With specialists at the top of the hierarchy, they were able to cast blame down the social ladder.
2007 Historical Studies Journal 45 It goes without saying that good intentions met with bad results. From Lenins belief that electrication could unite the nation to the shock-worker noted in Kataevs novel that believed that if a machines speed increased, socialism would come sooner, Soviet faith in technology had impractical utopian aspirations. This, combined with the Soviets praise of specialists, enabled technologists to advance through the ranks to leading administrative positions, and the bottom dropped out of the system. A technocracy cannot survive without anyone working in the eld. Soviet faith in technology was yet another example where ideology met with mixed results in practice. Soviet industrialization did not have to be so difcult and so fast. Faith in technology was benecial in spurring enthusiasm and driving change, but faith alone was not enough in a country where its leaders praised technology almost religiously, and where technologies preceded specialists. Soviet technocracy had strong support at the top, but lacked a practical technological foundation. Industrialization, people, and the economy suffered as a result.
46 Nicholas Coombs SOVIET FAITH IN TECHNOLOGY
2007 Historical Studies Journal 47 Boettcher and the BeetFew visitors who travel to Europe return without souvenirs of some sortleathers from Spain, laces from Belgium, perfumes from France. But when wealthy Prussian immigrant and Colorado capitalist Charles Boettcher journeyed with his wife Fannie to the continent in the late 1890s, his accommodating spouse emptied an entire trunk to make way for some very unusualand bulkysouvenirs of Germany. Charles bought sugar beets. Lots of them, along with selected seeds and the detailed plans for sugar rening plants, which would allow him to experiment with replicating the success of the German sugar beet industry in Colorado.1Sugar beets had been introduced in the state decades earlier. But the need for reliable supplies of water and efcient transportation, coupled with the distracting silver fervor of the 1870s, led most would-be sugar producers to abandon their efforts.2 In the aftermath of the 1893 Silver Crash, Boettcher understood two important things. First, that Colorado needed desperately to diversify its economy and create new industries to ll the vacuum left by the mining recession. And second, that the key to successful sugar beet operations was to build the processing plants right in the midst of the elds where they were grown.3 Debra Faulkner completed her MA in Public History at UCDHSC. She served a one-year Anschutz Fellowship with the Colorado Historical Society and currently is on the Board of the Colorado Womens Hall of Fame and serves as their archivist and co-coordinator of their video oral history project. She previously edited the UCDHSC History Journal and has published two books: Touching Tomorrow: The Emily Grifth Story, and Colorado: An Illustrated History of the Highest State with Tom Noel. She prepared this paper for Professor Tom Noels Historic Preservation Seminar in the Summer 2006. S W EETS TO THE SU I TES? The Preservation Challenges of an Abandoned Sugar Beet FactoryDebra Faulkner
48 Debra Faulkner SWEETS T O THE SUITES? The Dingley Tariff Act of 1897, which provided protectionism for U.S. manufac turers by imposing unprecedented high taxes on imported products, made beet sugar production much more protable.4 Boettcher and his fellow investorsJohn Campion, William Bird Page, James McKinnie, and the Havemeyer familyorganized as the Great Western Sugar Company in 1905.5 Great Western (GW) arranged for water rights to irrigate the beet elds during the crucial nal months of maturation and railroad lines to facilitate shipping harvested beets to nearby factories for processing and rened sugars to distributors. Boettchers own Ideal Cement Company provided the concrete used in much of the factory construction, particularly the huge storage silos. The new sugar beet company was an immediate success. A $3 million industry by the early 1900s, Colorado sugar manufacturing employed more than 9,000 statewide by the 1920s.6 Boettchers built his rst sugar beet factory in 1901 in Loveland, a small agricultural community along the northern front-range. The State Agricultural College (now CSU) in neighboring Fort Collins performed analysis which had shown that the soil and climate conditions in the South Platte River Valley on the high plains were ideal for nurturing the ugly tubers.7 Sugar beets are generally planted from mid-April to mid-May and take about 190 days to mature. In the nal months of growth, the beets, which weigh an average of ve pounds each, need lots of water to produce the highest sugar content. An extremely labor-intensive crop, sugar beets provided jobs for many Coloradans, giving local economies a major boost wherever they were grown and processed. Initially, Russian-German immigrants, the Volga Deutsch supplied most of the stoop laborhoeing, planting, weeding, thinning, and topping the beets. Japanese and other immigrant groups joined them in the early decades of the twentieth century. By the 1920s, Mexicans made up the majority of sugar beet eld hands.8 The work was brutally hard, but whole families toiled together in the elds, even young children. Only those too little to stand or walk for long periods stayed homeusually unattended. Those who worked hardest sometimes got the opportunity to move up from common laborer to supervisor and possibly even small landowner. The processing end of sugar beet production employed more skilled workers, including chemists. But this, too, was difcult, smelly, unpleasant work for the most part. Converting the beets to sugar entailed slicing, boiling, mashing, purifying with lime, boiling the syrup, augmenting with other sugars, centrifuging to lter out crystals, powdering, and packaging.9 During peak times around harvest season (mid-October to mid-November), factories operated around the clock, befouling clear skies with noxious smoke and putrid steam.10 But such was the nature of the industry. Industry meant jobs, and jobs meant a healthy economy. The unpleasant smell that rarely wafted all the way into nearby communities seemed a small price to pay for steady prosperity. The sugar beet industry sustained small agricultural towns throughout the northern front-range region for much of the twentieth century. In addition to Loveland, Great Western operated factories in Greeley, Brighton, Johnstown, Longmont, Windsor, Eaton, and Fort Collins. On the states western slope, American Sugar factories prospered in
2007 Historical Studies Journal 49 Grand Junction and Delta. The towns of Fort Morgan, Sterling, Ovid, Lamar, Las Animas, Swink, Holly, Brush, Sugar City, and Rocky Ford were also sugar beet centers.11 Colorado ranked eighth among sugar-producing states. By the 1950s, GW was the largest producer of beet sugar in the nation, with assets exceeding $80 million.12The Loveland GW plant lled its one-millionth bag of granulated sugar in 1958.13 The closely related candy industry also thrived around the state, including manu facturers such as Bauers and Russell Stover in Denver, Jolly Rancher in Wheatridge, Enstroms in Grand Junction, and Durangos Rocky Mountain Chocolate.14 Sugar beet factories also produced liquid protein from beet pulp as livestock feed and potash for fertilizer. The GW Johnstown plant manufactured the avor-enhancing chemical MSG beginning in 1954. But by the 1970s, the industrys fortunes were reversing.D ecline of the IndustryAmerican eating habits and ideas about nutrition were changing in the last quarter of the twentieth century. Sugar produced by rening beets was far from the purest, most natural form of sweetener. Concerns also began to grow over environmental pollution from the manufacturing plants.15 Despite high tariffs on foreign sugar, the beet industry faced competition from cane sugar producers in Louisiana, Puerto Rico, and Hawaii, who could produce sugar much more inexpensively. Disputes between labor, the growers who formed powerful self-interest organizations, and the beet sugar companies (particularly GW vs. American Sugar Rening) led to higher production costs.16 In the early to mid-1970s, the company [GW] suffered from low prots and even lower morale with multiple management changes that wound up in the papers. After a very public and nasty hostile takeover bid by the Hunt family of Dallas, the companys misfortune ended with the 1974 sale to Dixieland Foods.17 Some credit Great Westerns downfall, at least in part, to mismanagement by Bill White, who took over as CEO in the 1970s.18 As the cumulative consequence of multiple factors, the Colorado beet sugar industry went into a tailspin in the 1970s from which it has never recovered. Great Western embarked upon a series of employee layoffs, and one by one, closed or sold off its factories. In 1984, GW slid into bankruptcy.19 T he L oveland FacilityCharles Boettchers agship factory, the Loveland processing plant, was dedicated on November 21, 1901, before a cheering crowd of 3,000. The community had raised $500,000 to subsidize its construction.20 For six subsequent decades, GW was the small agricultural services towns largest industry until eclipsed by Hewlett-Packard in the 1960s. A scale model of the facility, created using 1921 blueprints and historic photos, is currently on display as part of the Great Western Sugar exhibit at the Loveland Museum and Gallery. The model provides visitors a birds eye view of the more than twenty-ve structures comprising the plant, including circular metal storage bins, the boiler house, the packaging and bagging plant, centrifuges, drying beds, lime kilns, beet scales, railroad-related structures, and the administration building.
50 Debra Faulkner SWEETS T O THE SUITES? The rst four concrete storage silos were added to the facility in 1955, each 25 feet in diameter and 160 feet tall. Four more silos added ten years later increased the plants total storage capacity to 1.2 million cubic feetenough to hold 600,000 100-pound bags of sugar.21The Loveland sugar beet plant ceased operations in 1985. The site, which once stood many miles from the center of town, now saw the encroachment of residential developments and retail and ofce parks. The property was subdivided and sold to satisfy creditors in the early 1990s. The most commercially attractive portion, along Highway 34 east of town, was snapped up rst and developed to include a Sams Club, a Lowes Home Improvement, smaller retailers, and the citys third high school. Five different property owners purchased the remaining pieces. Amalgamated Sugar secured the silos and the rail access. According to Larry Walsh, Mayor of Loveland, they still store and bag sugar and repair locomotive engines there.22 The City of Loveland owns another piece, including a building where they store sand and salt for the highway department. Nathan Klein, of the Loveland Commercial, said that a man and his son purchased the two most substantial buildings, then gradually dismantled one of them to sell the bricks whenever they needed money.23The eight gleaming white silos still stand like beacons on the prairie. The smoke stack looms even taller. Most of the structures, made of corrugated metal, are collapsing and rusted. The brick Administration Building is shabby and neglected, listing toward the sunken southeast corner where the foundation has collapsed. The hand-printed sign that greets visitors to the site warns Resident Gaurd [sic] KEEP OUT. For those who remember the factorys glory days and its role in the community history of Loveland, it is a sad sight. But what can be done? Can any of the structures be saved and rehabilitated for new uses? Is preservation a realistic possibility, or should the site simply be scraped and obliterated?Redevelopment Possibilities and IssuesLoveland Commercial presented a plan for redevelopment of the former GW site to the Planning Commission in August 2004. So condent was the rm of its proposal that a key partner in Loveland Commercial, Don Marostica, resigned his position on the City Council to avoid any appearance of conict of interest. Alicia Herbstreit began her Reporter-Herald story about Loveland Commercials proposal with, Local developers plan to give a city eyesore the facelift it deserves.24 The developers asked the Commission to annex and rezone the twenty-seven acres and to create an Urban Renewal Authority project area. Marosticas partner, Eric Holsapple said, We certainly recognize its [the sites] great importance to the history and culture of this city.25 Loveland Commercial explained that after cleanup of the site (including asbestos abatement and removal of decaying structures), they intended to preserve and restore the Administration Building and to use old bricks and industrial architectural styles to recreate the feeling of the factory that used to be there with new construction. The silos, maintained in excellent condition, would certainly continue to stand. A professional assessment of the viability of the smokestack revealed that it would
2007 Historical Studies Journal 51 cost nearly as much to take it down as to stabilize it to a safe condition.26 The Junction Business Park the Loveland Commercial partners envisioned would be a campus-type setting for small corporations, similar to the Denver Tech Center or Interlocken. The Planning Commission promptly shut down Marostica and Holsapple on a technicality, temporarily freezing Loveland Commercials plans.27 By the time their proposal again came before the Commission for a vote in November, battle lines had been drawn. Holsapple told the Reporter-Herald, We really were trying to do a community service. We thought it would bring the community together doing this project, but its had the opposite effect.28 Conicting viewpoints stemmed from the developers request for an Urban Renewal Authority to help fund the cleanup and redevelopment of the site. The projected property tax revenue from businesses that located in Junction Business Park would subsequently repay the city.29Mayor Larry Walsh saw it quite differently, believing that the plan would incur a huge debt for the city to the developers nancial benet by funneling nearly $30 million in tax revenue into an Urban Renewal Authority for the next ve years.30 Mayor Walsh saw Loveland Commericals plan as more in their own interest than in the communitys and suggested instead that the City itself buy the property, clean it up, and resell it to potential developerssomething unprecedented for Loveland government. Walsh estimated the purchase cost to be $1.8 million, and clean-up an additional $1.2 million.31 The resulting stalemate led Loveland Commercial to withdraw its proposal and back out of its plans for the site. More than two years later, nothing more has been done to either purchase or redevelop the property. Its fate remains in limbo. I dont know if it [redevelopment of the site] will ever work for anyone, a disillusioned Don Marostica told the Reporter-Herald. It will be interesting to see what happens over the next 10 or 15 years.32Fates of O ther FactoriesThe question of what is to become of abandoned sugar beet plants is not unique to Loveland. Similar dilemmas face many Colorado communities with historic sugar factories on their outskirts. The following summaries illustrate the diverse responses to those dilemmas around the state.G reeleyThe 104-year-old sugar beet plant outside of Greeley went on the market in January 2006; asking price: $14.2 million. Western Sugar Cooperative decided to sell the 200acre site, citing the rising cost of operating it on natural gas. Since its purchase by the cooperative in 1985, the plant has been used primarily to store sugar beets until they could be shipped to Fort Morgan for processing. The sellers emphasize that the plant could easily be converted to produce ethanol or bio-fuel. But it is associated water rights936 units of Colorado-Big Thompsonthat tempt most potential buyers, including the City of Greeley.33
52 Debra Faulkner SWEETS T O THE SUITES? L ongmontCity Transportation Planner Phil Greenwald reported that the old Longmont sugar factory, closed since 1977, is envisioned as a T.O.D. (Transit-Oriented Development). Proposals include integrating the site into the Longmont-Diagonal Commuter Rail (not LightRail) system as a possible Park-n-Ride and multi-use development, including an ofce park, mini-housing, and possibly even a private or community college campus. The present owner, who uses the plant primarily for storage, is currently negotiating with the City of Longmont regarding purchase. The contentious issue of the water rights has led to the current stalemate and Longmonts current hands off policy. Other major issues include howor even ifthe rails currently in place would integrate with RTDs system, and the estimated $30 million expense of cleaning up the site.34BrightonThe 2005 EPA Conference held in Broomeld used Brightons old sugar beet factory site as a model for study. Their two-day inspection, discussions, and brain storming sessions focused on several possibilities, including restoring the structures and converting them for light industry such as candy manufacture, and continued use as storage facilities with mixed retail uses surrounding the site. Manuel Esquibel, Brighton Assistant City Manager, mentioned one large, well-maintained wooden structure that he believes would make a great indoor basketball court. The City of Brighton is considering an Urban Renewal Authority for the site, with an eye toward future redevelopment. GW performed ground testing years ago and found no contamination to report, but Esquibel noted that the structures contain lots of asbestos, and in general, the plant is in bad shape.35JohnstownOperating from 1927-1977, this GW plant produced MSG. The facility was purchased in 1999 by Colorado Sweet Gold, LLC, and converted to manufacture high-fructose corn syrup, organic cornstarch, and livestock feed. Colorado Sweet Golds Johnstown operation was nominated by the EPA for an External Environmental Achievement Award for reducing the use of hazardous substances in its processing.36W indsorWindsor Museum Director Cindy Harns explained that Windsors GW plant closed in 1967. It is currently owned and operated by Universal Forest Products for lumber processing. Universal Forest utilizes the sites rail access, and the old smokestack and Administrative Building are still intact. Little development has encroached upon the site, despite Windsors explosive growth, because it is surrounded on three sides by a cemetery, a town park (Chimney Park), and a ball eld.37D eltaA remnant of the Delta sugar beet factory survives as part of the Uravan Superfund site in western Colorado near Montrose. Though the town of Uravan was demolished during remedial activities at the site, two historical structures were spared. One of
2007 Historical Studies Journal 53 these, the Community Center, was built in the 1930s of materials from the dismantled Delta factory. It served as a multi-purpose recreation center for company workers and, more recently, as a storage and display facility for historical artifacts related to the site.38Fort M organThe Fort Morgan plant still processes sugar beets, though residents complain about the odor and the dust it also produces. Production has declined in recent years due to drought, low prices, and oversupply, but members of the Western Sugar Cooperative are hoping for a rebound. As Greg Grifn reported in his February 17, 2006, story for the Denver Post, [Hurricane] Katrina knocked out sugar cane production facilities in Louisiana last fall, reducing sugar supply and sending prices to their highest level since 1980.39 Rising demand for ethanol, a gasoline substitute that can be derived from sugar, is also pushing up prices. With the current Presidents call for alternative energy sources, ethanol production has the potential to reinvigorate the Colorado sugar beet industry.ConclusionThe many sugar beet factories that still dot Colorados northern front range, eastern plains, and western slope are architectural white elephants without peer. Though they occupy prime property just outside the city limits of many growing communities and include valuable water rights and rail access, most of the industrial structures are rusting and collapsing. Unlike other industrial relics, such as ourmills, feed plants, and packing plants, these remaining structures do not easily lend themselves to rehabilitation as loft apartments or ofce complexes. Saving themif they can be savedwill require some real outside the box thinking. Creative minds are rising to the challenge. In the case of the Loveland plant, some have suggested that the brick Administration Building might be appropriately rehabbed as a museum dedicated to telling the story of Colorados sugar beet industry. But, as is the case with so many historic buildings, the cost of any rehabilitation would be far greater than the cost of completely demolishing the structure and building something new. Others point out that the 125-foot silos would make an impressive base for a revolving restaurant with an unequaled view of the front-range and the northern plains. Dauntless visionaries have even eyed the concrete silos as possible shells for unique living spaces, comprised of multi-level 25-foot diameter circular rooms. 40Home to half-a-dozen art casting foundries, Lovelands current cache is that of sculpture capital of the west. Surely it is only a matter of time before someone looks at the imposing silos and thinks pedestal. Perched atop the gleaming white towers could be a stylized sugar beet, a monstrous version of the one crowning a pole across Sixteenth Street from the Sugar Building (between Wazee and Blake Streets) in downtown Denver. A giant sculpture of a sugar beet eld hand would be an equally tting tribute. As precedent, just such a statue graces the entrance of the Longmont Museum.
54 Debra Faulkner SWEETS T O THE SUITES?Or perhaps, in contemplating an appropriate topper for its old GW silos, Loveland should harken back to its original cache as Sweetheart City of the West and consider a depiction of Cupid in clichd cowboy gear. This nal idea inspires a closing ode. Valentine for a Faded Factory Roses are red, violets are blue, Sugar was sweet, but GWs through. The Loveland facility, still so imposing Awaits gentle rehab or heartless bulldozing. It stands as reminder of ag business past, The Boettcher experiment, bold to the last. Where soil met science, employment was spawned And propped up economies, plains and beyond. The beets were unbeaten, for decades the trend. But cane sugar rivals at last spelled the end. The factory abandoned, its old structures rot, But eyesore or icon, its Lovelands sweet spot.41
2007 Historical Studies Journal 55 Jean Kingston has an academic interest in political science, public administration, and American politics. She is currently pursuing an MA in American History at UCD. She wrote her paper for Professor Tom Noels class on national parks. Ms. Kinston is an adjunct instructor at Front Range Community College, where she teaches various political science and history courses on the Westminster campus, as well as at the Brighton Center.The idea of protecting tracts of wild public land from development led Forest Service employee Aldo Leopold to create the Wilderness Society in 1934. This organization was dedicated to seeing Leopolds vision encoded into federal law in the context of a booming economy and expanding industrialism. By the 1950s, serious but unsuccessful attempts were made to pass such a bill. Finally, in 1964, the Wilderness Act became law, designed to carve out areas of the country in which human agency would be absent or minimal. These lands would be left to natural processes, labeled with a Wilderness designation. In response to the efforts of wilderness advocates, much acreage in public lands was administratively classied as wilderness in the decades preceding passage of the wilderness bill. With the 1964 bill came the creation of the Congressional designation, often referred to as big W Wilderness. The 1964 act, in addition to dening wilderness and creating the National Wilderness Preservation System (NWPS), simultaneously classied approximately nine million acres of National Forest as wilderness. Under the act, within ten years of passage, another administrative review of potential wilderness land was required. Recommendations were to be made based on this survey. Any federally owned primitive area of at least ve thousand contiguous acres would be considered for wilderness designation. The act T HE P OL I T IC S O F WI LDE R NESS DES I GN A T I ONS: Controversies Concerning Rocky Mountain National ParkJean Kingston
56 Jean Kingston THE POLITICS OF WILDERNESS DESIGNATIONS excluded from consideration land with signicant road, structures, or other evidence of permanent improvements or human habitation.1 It also required Congressional approval to apply a wilderness designation to additional parcels. In addition to the original lands embraced in the National Wilderness Preservation System by the 1964 act, almost one hundred million additional acres have been included. As of 2006, about four and one-half percent of the United States is protected by this designation, with almost half of this acreage in Alaska. Colorado ranks fth among the states in its number of wilderness areas, and seventh in total acreage.2The full story behind the Wilderness Act is one in which Colorado was the major player among the states. The concept of protecting wilderness enjoyed diffuse popularity among the general public in the 1950s, particularly in the eastern and mid-western states, but faced erce opposition from minority, yet well-organized interests in the west. Ranchers, farmers, loggers, and miners who had long enjoyed benets from public lands, were not inclined to support cordoning off sections for the pleasure of elite recreationists. And these factions had a powerful champion in the chair of the U.S. House Committee on the Interior and Insular Affairs, Wayne Aspinall. As committee chair, Representative Aspinall was the major force in stalling the legislation in the 85th, 86th and 87th Congresses.3 He demandedand gotlengthy hearings; he required administrative apparatus be in place before House decisions were made. Despite Senate approval in the 87th Congress in 1961, the House still failed to act; Aspinall was the lead obstructionist. It was clear to the representative, however, that a bill would eventually pass in some form; his intention was to shape it in such a way as to provide the greatest protection for commercial interests specically and the state of Colorado generally. The bill nally passed the House in 1964, aided by Congresss desire to enact the agenda of the recently slain president, but it bore the Colorado representatives imprint in several ways. First, it allowed for mining claims4 to continue on these lands for twenty years. Secondly, through grandfathering, it permitted interested parties to pursue, at the Presidents discretion, water projects and other activities generally prohibited in wilderness areas. Finally, the legislation required Congressional approval of a wilderness designation for all subsequent parcels of land. This latter provision, relentlessly pursued by Aspinall, effectively gave state delegations a veto power over wilderness decisions. Most importantly to Aspinall, it prevented unelected administrators from making decisions for which they would not be held accountable by voters.5 Steven C. Schulte, Aspinalls biographer, states, To claim that Aspinall, more than any other individual, both delayed and shaped the ultimate form of the Wilderness Act is no exaggeration.6Originally, many people dismissed the idea of using this designation for any national park lands. They not only thought such lands already enjoyed adequate protection but were concerned that such a designation would interfere with the parks mission of providing accessibility and recreation. A designated wilderness area does not preclude public use. The goal of conservation is such that the land retains its natural character and humans are merely visitors, thus relegating public use to a subordinate position. Today about two-fthsbetween forty-three to forty-four million acres of ofcially designated wilderness lies within national parks. Furthermore, much of
2007 Historical Studies Journal 57 the land in national parks that is not designated as wilderness is administered so as to preserve its wild character. Such was the case in Rocky Mountain National Park (RMNP) even prior to the recommendation made in 1973 that it be so designated. When considering a wilderness designation for Rocky Mountain National Park there are two critical questions. First, given the Park Services treatment to date, what was the added value of the wilderness designation? Secondly, in spite of the seeming widespread support for such a designation, why has it been unsuccessful thus far? The value of a wilderness designation in the twenty-rst century remains the same as when it was at the time of its creation in 1964, when only an administrative designation existed. The proponents of the new designation sought a higher level of protection, one that could not be easily changed. Initially, wilderness proponents wanted the Department of the Interior to have the authority to add lands to the National Wilderness Preservation System. They hoped that parochial commercial interests like mining, grazing, logging, or the like would exert less inuence over NWPS ofcials. Instead, they had to accept a system that mandated Congressional approval, resulting in more special exceptions and considerations granted for the administration of much of the additional land than would have otherwise been the case. Under this system, the addition of each new parcel to the Wilderness Preservation System in effect constrains the options of citizens in the future. This dening element of the system is much of what attracts its proponents and disturbs its detractors. In some cases, however, the designation terminates business activities on the land. Regardless of the claim that most national park lands are already administered as wilderness areas, the designation may provide a higher level of protection from outside threats. Land that is identied but not yet designated for inclusion in the NWPS is administratively protected from development. This is not the same as subordinating all uses to the primary goal of retaining the lands wild character. In 1996, for example, the laws forced some power plant operators in Colorado to pay nes and retrot their equipment to reduce air pollution that was interfering with visibility in the Mount Zirkel Wilderness Area. The 1964 Wilderness Act provided the federal government with the authority to compel such compliance.7 While the Forest Servicenot the Park Serviceadministers Mount Zirkel, this example illustrates the power of the wilderness designation. The image of designated wilderness remains that of untrammeled land as Howard Zahniser described them. Most people credit Zahniser as the author of the wilderness legislation. The 1964 Wilderness Act includes a description that the land is without permanent improvements or human habitation and generally prohibits business activities, as well as roads, mechanical transport, or any type of structures. Perhaps less well known are the many exceptions to this ideal. The act included provisions that grandfathered certain activities such as mining, and allowed exceptions for roads needed for reghting or other safety concerns. It also permitted the use of motorized transport where previously well established.8 Many subsequent designations likewise provided for special use. Trail building, pit toilets, patrol cabins, bear-proof metal lockers, as well as the use of chain saws and dynamite, are just a few examples found in wilderness areas.9 They seem to violate the vision of a pristine wilderness, yet are
58 Jean Kingston THE POLITICS OF WILDERNESS DESIGNATIONS legal under the designation because they are required to administer the area for the health and safety of persons within the area.10 The initial widespread support for the use of the wilderness designation for appropriate parcels of federal land eventually lessened, perhaps less from pressures of business interests who originally opposed it, but rather from recreational users, who want access for motor boats, snowmobiles, and off-road vehicles. The politics of wilderness designations is twofold. First, what began as a bipartisan issue turned more divisive by 1980s. Newly elected Republican president Ronald Reagan championed the so-called Sagebrush Rebellion in the West, which advocated more local control over federal lands. Reagans head of the Department of Interior, James Watt, fully endorsed the policy. Since that time, Democrats have generally been favorably disposed towards adding lands to the wilderness system, while Republicans have mainly been opposed. Secondly, as Wayne Aspinall had envisioned, state delega tions must agree to proposals involving their states lands in order to proceed. One facet of wilderness politics in the twenty-rst century remains similar to that of the 1950s and 1960s when the bill rst appeared: there is widespread popular support for an issue that lacks saliency for most who have no economic stake in the outcome, versus well-organized, cohesive opposition from those who may be affected nancially. In a study detailing the politics involved in defeating the proposal for a wilderness designation for most of Grand Canyon National Park, researchers applied E. E. Schattschneiders classic model of political conict in which scope, affected by visibility and socialization, is key to the outcome.11 For Grand Canyon National Park, the authors contend that in the 1970s commercial outtters, dependent on motorized transport in the Colorado River for their livelihood, effectively expanded the scope. The visibility of the river boaters concerns ensued in the 1980s, especially with Senator Orrin Hatch and Interior Secretary James Watt championing their cause in a public way. Finally, enhanced socialization of conict occurred as the proponents of continued commercial use of the river enlisted state and local government as players. Ultimately, the wilderness designation failed because proponents did not want to exclude the Colorado River corridor, nor grant exceptions for use of motorized transport on the river. The opponents of the designation successfully redened the issue to include the public interest, rather than shape the decision solely as a conict between business concerns and the Park Service. They successfully framed the issue as one of local control pitted against remote federal bureaucrats, with popular support favoring the former. The authors conclude it appears the major designating days are over in parks and other large expanses.12In 1974, the Park Service recommended a wilderness designation for over ninety percent of acreage in Rocky Mountain National Park. They concluded that the building of roads or signicant structures in the park would cease, and in some cases they would remove existing structures to allow the area to revert to a natural state. Curtis Buchholtz, in describing public response to the Park Services recommendations, recounts mostly positive reactions. Yet the plan had its critics, with some believing this type of management restricted the use of the park for the vast majority of visitors who did not venture far from the roads.13
2007 Historical Studies Journal 59 Since that time, the Park Service has administered Rocky Mountain National Park in a manner generally consistent with a wilderness designation without the ofcial coverage of the 1964 act. Though bills have been proposed to apply the wilderness designation, none have been approved. The affected lands in Rocky Mountain National Park lie in both the 2nd and 4th Colorado Congressional districts. Implementation of a successful wilderness designation required the support of both districts U.S. Representatives, as well as both of Colorados U.S. Senators. In the 1990s, Republican Representative David Skaggs introduced unsuccessful designation bills in the 103rd, 104th, and 105th Congresses. Subsequently his successor, Mark Udall, introduced a bill in the 106th, 107th, and 108th Congresses, all without success. In the 109th Congress, which included newly elected Democratic Senator Ken Salazar, the political landscape seemed to shift. Unlike his Republican predecessor, Ben Nighthorse Campbell, Salazar supported the designation bill. By the spring of 2006, the success of a Salazar-Udall wilderness designation bill seemed probable. But in October 2006, negotiations broke down between Senator Salazar and Colorados other U.S. Senator, Republican Wayne Allard. Senator Allard and Republican Representative Marilyn Musgrave of the 4th Congressional district announced their alternative bill, allowing for wilderness in Rocky Mountain National Park, but not of the big W variety. The Allard-Musgrave alternative bill sought to address what they saw as the need for exibility regarding ghting wildres and insect infestations, as well as the possible development of future water projects. Allard and Musgrave also wanted protection for the continued operation of the Water Supply and Storage Companys Grand Ditch.14 Representative Udall pointed to provisions in the Wilderness Act that allow for roads and mechanization with regard to re-ghting and insect infestation.15 The Salazar-Udall bill excluded the Grand Ditch and a corresponding right-of-way from the designation. The ditch company seeks further protection by being released from liability should a problem with the ditch damage the surrounding land. The ditch company is currently ghting a federal lawsuit regarding damage caused to Rocky Mountain National Park in a 2003 ood.16Was the story regarding Rocky Mountain National Park similar to the one in Grand Canyon? Are major designating days over for national parks? The authors of the Grand Canyon National Park study believe legislators have little incentive to expend political capital promoting wilderness; consistent with Schattschneiders model of political conict, the opponents are likely to expand the conicts scope by heightening its visibility and socializing it to their advantage. Though nationwide the National Park Service administers more wilderness land than any other agency,17 only a small portion of its wilderness in Coloradoless than three percentis national park land. As the table of Colorado Wilderness Designations illustrates (see Appendix) the state has a history of offering wilderness designations under both Republican and Democratic legislators. The table shows the party afliation of both U.S. Senators as well as party control in both houses of Congress. The largest designation occurred in 1980, coinciding with a huge national
60 Jean Kingston THE POLITICS OF WILDERNESS DESIGNATIONS addition to the National Wilderness Preservation System in the last year of the Carter administration. The last designation for national park holdings in Colorado took place under Republican Senator Hank Brown and then Democratic Senator Ben Nighthorse Campbell. The rate of designation nationally has been lower under the administration of George W. Bush than in any prior administration but even so, if the state Congressional delegation supports the designation, Congress will defer to its decision. Rocky Mountain National Park, unlike Grand Canyon National Park, has no history of recreational commercial concerns that conict with a wilderness designation. The park has never allowed commercial snowmobiling and the parks small ski resort closed in 1991. Furthermore, no river of a size adequate for commercial motorboats or even rafting runs through Rocky Mountain National Park. It is a smaller park than Grand Canyon National Park, with about 250,000 acres under consideration for the designation, compared to close to one million in the Arizona park. Schattschneiders model of conict indicates the scope widens through visibility and socialization promoted by the disadvantaged parties. The Rocky Mountain National Park conict has never attracted national attention like that of Grand Canyon National Park. The height of visibility came in 2006 when Allard and Musgrave proposed their alternative bill. That visibility worked to the advantage of proponents of the Salazar-Udall bill. They were able to characterize the Allard-Musgrave bill as an attempt to protect narrow interests by keeping options open to exploit the parks natural resources beyond that which would have been allowed for a national park without the wilderness designation. Unlike the Grand Canyon case, in which Senator Hatch spoke of the threat to commercial river rafters as one of limiting public access to a beloved park, the opponents of Rocky Mountain National Parks designation did not successfully frame a story to dene concerns about water and mining rights as a broad public interest. The other element in widening the scope of conict in Schattscheiders model is socialization, that is, bringing in additional players. Schattschneider likened it to a stght between two individuals in which the one who is losing is eager to engage onlookers in the ght. In the case of Rocky Mountain National Park, the proponents of the wilderness designation socialized the conict to include local governments of and around the gateway towns of Estes Park on the east and Grand Lake on the west. Though a few localities had been on board for years, by 2006 all the affected city and county governments of these areas announced support for the designation, some even passing resolutions on the matter. Unlike the Grand Canyon case in which local governments promoted local control, the public interest of protecting a valuable tourist attraction, upon which so many nearby residents depended for their livelihood, became the compelling story of the proposed designation. Not only did more local public ofcials voice their support for the designation in 2006, the towns of Grand Lake and Estes Park, as well as Grand and Larimer Counties, passed resolutions in support of it. It therefore seems the political will now exists to pass the bill. The divisiveness seemed to be neither primarily among users of the park, nor those who live around it, nor even commercial industries, but rather the politically divisive climate in Congress.
2007 Historical Studies Journal 61 Mark Udall suggested Congresswoman Marilyn Musgrave was playing politics in her decision to withhold support from the Salazar-Udall bill; she was in the midst of an extremely close re-election campaign. Udall indicated she did not want Democrats to receive credit for the passage of a popular bill.18As Senator Allard is not running for re-election in 2008, it is less likely he is playing politics. But it also lessens the chances of his being dissuaded from promoting a bill that has been criticized by many as beholden to special commercial interests if he believes it to be the better bill. The proprietary feeling so many Coloradans have about their national park translates into widespread support for according it a higher level of protection.19 The states political climate is changing, evidenced by the Democrats gaining a majority in the state legislature and a U.S. Senator in the 2004 election, and a governor and additional members of Congress in the 2006 election. That, coupled with the change of majority parties in both houses of Congress, bodes wells for all proposed wilderness bills. It is possible the long delay in a designation that did not face heated opposition until 2006 is a product of faith in the protection given by the national park. If wilderness advocates have a limited amount of political capital, they may believe it is best to spend it protecting federal lands administered by the National Forest Service or the Bureau of Land Management where the protection level is not as great.20 It may be helpful to wilderness proponents for Rocky Mountain National Park that the Allard-Musgrave bill contains a perceived threat to the park regarding mining because it allows opponents to frame the debate as one of protecting the park rather than merely making an administrative change. Throughout the west, dening the land as a resource in the form of a natural heritage,21 rather than the traditional view of extractable resources, results in success for wilderness advocates. This seems to be what the promoters of Rocky Mountain National Parks wilderness have achieved. AppendixColorado Wilderness Designations Y ear Acres Designated NPS Acres CO Senators Congress House/Senate 1964 720,553 RR DD 1975 723,424 DD DD 1976 191,119 57,648 DD DD 1978 158,737 2,917 DD DD 1980 1,006,871 RD DD 1984 23,492 RD DR 1993 469,314 41,676 RD DD 1999 17,700 RR RR 2000 93,294 RR RR 2002 14,000 RR RR TOT AL 3,418,504 102,241 Acreage gures from http://www.wilderness.net.
2007 Historical Studies Journal 63 Michael Lee is a Denver native. He completed his undergraduate studies at UCDHSC, where he is currently working on his MA in American history with a special emphasis on the American West. He prepared his essay as part of Professor Michael Duceys Senior Seminar in the spring of 2005.Despite the fact that his 1595 expedition to Guiana found no lost empire of gold, Sir Walter Ralegh nevertheless managed to solidify and perpetuate the European view of the New World as a treasure trove and an exotic new Eden. The 1596 publication of Raleghs book, the Discoverie of the Large, Rich and Bewtiful Empyre of Guiana, with a relation of the great and Golden Citie of Manoa (which the Spanyards call El Dorado) and of the Provinces of Emeria, Arromaia, Amapaia, and other Countries, with their rivers, adjoining accomplished that fact. This essay will survey and analyze the Discoveries inuence on ensuing authors artistic works, such as visual art and poetry. It will also analyze the Discoveries impact on the cartography and travel literature of the region, tracing Raleghs thoughts on Guiana, and by implication the New World, across more than a century of European thought. Norman Lloyd Williams, a biographer of Ralegh, describes the great Elizabethan as a captain rather than a general; political commentator rather than a politician; business-man efcient in short-term enterprise, inattentive in long; lover of projects which involved great distances; most fully himself when concerned with an absolute virginity, truth, sovereignty, deathor a limited, clearly envisaged action; in impotence despairing, self-pitying, melodramatic. Still the same man, but with a greater reputation.1 S IR WA LTE R RA LEGH, Guiana, and the Conceptualization of the New WorldMichael Lee
64 Michael Lee SIR W AL TER RALEGH Ralegh was born at Budleigh Salerton, Devon, about 1554. Born into a family of modest means, but gentle nonetheless, he began his odyssey in France in 1569, where he fought as a volunteer with the Huguenots.2 At the age of eighteen, he attended Oriel College, Oxford. From 1580 to 1581, he was engaged in a brutal campaign in Ireland.3 Thus, Ralegh was quite devoted to confronting Catholicism on the eld of battle, especially when it meant directly challenging its principal defender, Spain. For example, when 600 Italian troops with Spanish ofcers landed in Ireland in September 1580, Ralegh distinguished himself during the ensuing campaign. He participated in the slaughter of Fort Smerwick, where he had most of those 600 men put to the sword.4 From the Emerald Isles bloodied elds he soon caught the eye of Queen Elizabeth herself. The Queen knighted Ralegh in 1584; not long after, he was bedecked with titles. The very same year, the Queen granted Ralegh a patent to colonize the New World, which eventually led to the founding of the rst English colony of Virginia. But the capricious Ralegh quickly abandoned Virginia for imperial designs in northern South America.5It was probably the same year that Ralegh began examining the potential of the region between the Amazon and the Orinoco, better known as Guiana. Historian D.B. Quinn believes that, in all probability, it was Richard Hakluyts book, the Discourse of Western Planting that ignited Raleghs imagination. It was in Hakluyts treatise, explains Quinn, where Ralegh would have learned of Spains weakness in the region east of Cumana.6 By 1586, Ralegh gained additional information about the area from one Captain Jacob Whiddon, who had captured a Spanish functionary by the name of Don Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa. It was from Sarmiento, speculates Quinn, that Ralegh obtained knowledge of the search for El Dorado somewhere in the vast area to the east of the Andes.7 It is also likely that his early interest in Guiana stemmed from an absolute fear of the Spanish obtaining yet another large store of gold or silver. Ralegh wrote in the Discoverie that it was the gold of the Spaniard that indaungereth and disturbeth all the nations of Europe, it purchaseth intelligence, creepeth into Councils, and setteth bound loyalty at libertie, in the greatest Monarchies of Europe. If the Spanish king can keepe us from forraine enterprizes, and from the impeachment of his trades, eyther by offer of invasion, or by besieging us in Britayne, Ireland, or else where, he hath then brought the worke of our perill in greate forwardnes.8It is likely that Spains 1588 failed invasion of England solidied Raleghs belief. The hope of nding a second Incan empire was an obsession of many European explorers ever since 1530.9 The European El Dorado myth centers on a Golden One, a king or chief who annually is sprinkled with gold dust, then paddles to the center of an enormous lake, (variously called Manoa, Paytiti, Parima, or Rupununi), where he deposits votive offerings of gold work. The myth claims that on the shores of this massive body of water lies a magnicent golden city, which scholars refer to as either El Dorado or Manoa.10 The myth itself traveled around South America, eventually coming to rest in the Guiana Highlands.11
2007 Historical Studies Journal 65 By 1592, Raleghs star had greatly dimmed at Court. By marrying behind the Queens back, he incurred her wrath and disdain.12 Disgrace and exclusion nally forced Ralegh to act on the rumors of El Dorado, though little is known about when he actually started planning his 1595 voyage. What is certain is that in 1594 he dispatched Captain Jacob Whiddon to gain intelligence on Guiana. Letters concern ing the search for El Dorado also came into Raleghs possession through Captain George Popham.13 Yet out of all of Raleghs personal letters, only ten concern his 1595 voyage. The earliest letter, dated September 20, 1594, alludes only briey to a venture in India.14 More interesting however, is how Ralegh referred to his Guiana enterprise as his destiny.15Ralegh set sail for his destiny on February 6, 1595; by March 22, he reached the island of Trinidad.16 After capturing its governor, Don Anthonio de Berrio, and burning its capital, St. Joseph, he proceeded to amass much information from the governor and natives.17 Berrio conrmed and expanded on Raleghs knowledge of Guiana and the El Dorado myth. Incidentally, it was through Ralegh that Europe rst learned of this obscure island governors exploits. As V. T. Harlow points out, Berrios own account laid untouched in the Archivo de Indias at Seville for three hundred years.18 From Trinidad Ralegh proceeded into the interior of Guiana. During his month long trek, he passed only 250 miles inland into what is now eastern Venezuela,19 and failed to nd El Dorado or the grand lake Parima. Instead, he returned to England empty handed.20 Arriving home in September without treasure ships brimming with American gold and gems, Ralegh came bearing promises: assurances of vassalage from some of the chieftains that he had met and guarantees of a plan to ally England with the chimerical Incan empire of El Dorado. By November 10, Ralegh wrote to Sir Robert Cecil, a connection he had at Court, and melancholically wondered what becumes of Guiana I miche desire to here, whether it pass for a history or a fable. I here Master Dudley and others ar sendinge thither.21 A November 12 letter, again addressed to Cecil, assured his friend that ther are not more diamonds in the Est Indies then are to be founde in Guiana. The letter also contains a stark, but familiar warning: If the Spaniards had bynn so blockishe and slouthfull wee had not feared now their poure, who by their gold from thence vex and indanger all the estates of Europe. Wee must not looke to mayntyne war upon the revenues of Ingland: if wee be once driven to the defensive, far well my part, but as God will so it shalbe who governs the harts of kings.22Ralegh sent his last letter to Cecil near the end of November. In it, he seems to be despairing and melodramatic. However, for Ralegh time was of the essence. He had set up tentative alliances with chieftains, like Topiawari of Arromaia. Therefore, any delay could have dashed to pieces the only concrete achievement of the expedition.23 I beseech yow, he pleaded, lett us know whether wee shalbe travelers or tinkers, conquerors or crounes [= imbeciles], for if winter pass without making provision ther can be no vitaling in the summer. And if it be now forslowed [= delayed] farewell Guiana forever.24
66 Michael Lee SIR W AL TER RALEGH With all of Raleghs private pleadings falling on deaf ears, his destiny going up in smoke, it appears that the 1596 publication of his expedition was a deliberate attempt to garner public and private support. As literary historian, Steven J. Greenblatt puts it: The Discoverie was a calculated performance, a work of propaganda, sharing the aims of the hundreds of books and pamphlets on exploration that were turned out in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries to proclaim the great success of an expedition, invite subscriptions for subsequent voyages, attract adventurers and emigrants, and solicit government support.25No such support came. Instead, the Discoverie became an Elizabethan best seller.26 According to N.M. Penzers analysis in Harlows 1928 edition of the Discoverie approximately four different editions appeared in 1596. Penzer based his conclusion upon the four existing copies, three in the British Library and one at Harvard.27 The Discoverie was also included in Hakluyts The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Trafques, and Discoveries of the English Nation (1600).28Domestic publication aside, the number of foreign editions of the Discoverie is the best gauge of its impact. It seems that the rst foreign edition in Dutch appeared in 1598.29 However, 1599 was truly the banner year for Raleghs Discoverie on the Continent. Theodore de Bry and his family issued it as part of their magisterial work, Historia Americae a brilliant attempt at illustrating the literature of American travel.30 Americae also appeared subsequently in both German and French.31 Levinus Hulsius simultaneously published both a Latin and a German edition. Based upon the holdings of the John Carter Brown Library, it appears that the Latin edition went through one printing and the German ve, running from 1599 to 1663.32 Out of all the foreign language editions, the Dutch had the longest run, nally ending in 1747. These eighteenth century reprints coincided with a renewed commercial interest in the exploitation of gold mines in Guiana by the West India Company.33Out of all the versions of the Discoverie, the most important were those released by Theodore de Bry and Levinus Hulsius. In addition to reproducing the text, both men included intricate engravings intending to illustrate what they thought and by implication what their audiences thoughtwere the most pertinent events of Raleghs expedition. In essence, de Bry and Hulsius created visual icons for the Discoverie Visual representations of the New World were quite rare at the time,34 and most were crude, often lacking any artistic ourish. Ramusios Navigationi e Viaggi (1550-59) and Benzonis Historia del Mondo Nuovo (1565) best demonstrate that deciency.35The engravings by de Bry and Hulsius were also able to reach the illiterate majority of European society. Many storefronts displayed frontispieces in their shops to attract customers. Peddlers and wandering vendors probably sold the frontispieces and illustra tions at fairs.36 Thus, the market for de Bry and Hulsius was vast and diverse. This raises the question of message. The visual content embodied in de Brys engravings is vastly different from that of Hulsius and his illustrations. Virtually all the editions of Americae included six plates. One plate, depicting a scene from Raleghs initial entrance into the Orinoco is rare, appearing only in the 1625 Latin
2007 Historical Studies Journal 67 edition,37 its motif decidedly anti-Spanish. There is another plate entitled How Sir Walter Raleigh conquers a city and takes as prisoner a Spanish Governor. Still another portrays natives clubbing to death Spanish soldiers in the foreground, while Spaniards are executing Morequito, a native chieftain, in the background.38 This seems to be in keeping with the well-known sixteenth and seventeenth century Protestant tradition of demonizing the Spanish, and by implication Catholicism. This theme also keeps with the text of the Discoverie itself, which is highly anti-Spanish.39More important to this discussion, however, is the way de Bry depicted Guiana itself. Did he portray it as a treasure trove, an exotic new Eden; or as a green hell populated by cannibalistic savages? One plate entitled, How Guianan noblemen would dress in gold is a perfect example of the Discoveries impact on the European psyche.40 The engraving itself is an amalgamation of two descriptions. The story told in the background derives from Raleghs account of a feast he saw at the town of Arowacai.41 The story in the foreground concerns the Golden One and his servants being painted with a white balsam, and certaine servants of the Emperor having prepared gold made into ne powder blow it thorow hollow canes upon their naked bodies, until they be al shining from the foote to the head.42 De Bry emphasized the golden nature of Guiana further by the illustration titled, How the Guianans used to make gold castings. His description of the plate reads, The inhabitants of the country of Guiana often used to mould their images and plate from gold grains, sometimes as big as small stones. This is how it was used: the gold was mixed with a little copper to make it smoother and put in a large container. This container had little holes all the round the bottom and in them, on one side, small tubes were placed. On the other side forms were placed and that part was put to the re to heat up. Then they blew through the tubes to increase the re until the gold melted and ran into the forms of stone or clay.43Along with illustrating that Guiana was golden, de Bry also depicted the more exotic customs of its peoples, thus the illustration, Their ceremonies for the dead.44 Again, two stories are told in one plate. The rst shows how the Macuri and Capuri lament the death of their commanders and when they thinke the esh of their bodies is putried, and fallen from the bones, then they take up the carcase againe, and hang it in the Casiquies [= Lords] house that died, and decke his skull with feathers of all colours, and hang all his gold plates about the bones of his arms, thighs, and legs.45 Although Ralegh does not mention human cannibalism, de Bry implies it; he depicts the natives as naked, depriving them of clothing, a key European notion of civilization. With de Brys emphasis on gold and exotic customs comes the mimetic depiction of Raleghs Edenic notion of Guiana. An untitled plate from the 1625 Latin edition matches perfectly with Raleghs description.46 The plate seems to depict English meadows, parks, and forests owing into Guianan jungle. Out of this conuence comes a biblical scene of paradise, where as in the original, serpents lurk to devour those who are unready. Perhaps the only element missing is a pastoral shepherd to tend to the deer.
68 Michael Lee SIR W AL TER RALEGH This plate is perhaps the best example in de Brys series of Edenic idealism, but the other plates mentioned above, save maybe one, contain similar elements, i.e., groves of trees seemingly placed by God. De Bry ignores the more fanciful descriptions in the Discoverie There are no illustrations of Raleghs Amazons or Ewaipanoma, who have their eyes in their shoulders, and their mouths in the middle of their breasts, & that a long train of haire groweth backward between their shoulders.47 Ralegh never says in the Discoverie that he saw those fantastic beings; like El Dorado, they are merely secondhand observations from other explorers or natives. Levinus Hulsiuss version of the Discoverie seems to buy into the existence of those creatures. Hulsius, like de Bry, was interested in selling books, but he added a level of authenticity to the creatures in his engravings that not even de Bry thought to undertake. In his Brevis & admiranda descriptio Regni Guianae a Tabula Locorum Hulsius included a table indicating the exact longitudinal and latitudinal directions to such places as golden Manoa, the Ewaipanoma, and the Amazons. Such widely known locations as the Amazon, Orinoco, and Essequibo rivers also appear in the table.48 Thus he affords the physical existence of the Amazon River as much credence as the Ewaipanoma. Hulsiuss educated audience would have picked up on this impor tant fact. It is apparent that what may seem fanciful to one author may be perfectly believable to another. Hulsius included ve illustrations with his Brevis & admiranda descriptio Regni Guianae Thematically, the Amazons play a large role in his work, although their description occupies little more than a page in the 1596 edition.49 Of the ve plates, two are of their activities; the most interesting consists of a Dionysian orgy.50 This scene is derived from a passage in the Discoverie where Amazons do accompanie with men but once a yeere, and for the time of one moneth, which I gather by their relation to be Aprill. At that time all the Kings of the borders assemble, and the Queens of the Amazones, and after the Queenes have chosen, the rest cast lots for their Valentines. This one moneth, they feast, daunce, & drinke of their wines in abundance, & the Moone being done, they all depart to their own provinces.51The antithesis of the sexually free Amazon is the aggressive she-warrior, who is cruel and bloodthirsty, especially to such as offer to invade their territories.52 This was an oblique reference to Elizabeth herself, the Amazon par excellence However, to Hulsiuss male audience these two illustrations would probably have aroused conicting feelings of both titillation and deep-seated fear, for European society was highly patriarchal. Hulsius engraved Raleghs headless Ewaipanoma into existence.53 The plate itself displays two such creatures in the foreground and two in the background. The two in the foreground are standing contrapposto and look just as Raleghs Discoverie describes them. The two in the background are engaged in hunting what appears to be an armadillo. The idea of headless men was not new to the European mind; legendary medieval traveler, John Mandeville popularized the myth in the fourteenth century. What makes
2007 Historical Studies Journal 69 Hulsiuss illustration so fascinating are the longitudinal and latitudinal directions. If not for the Tabula Locorum the Ewaipanoma engraving would be able to be written off as a shameful attempt at attracting customers. Hence, a medieval monstrosity is seemingly conrmed to exist through both geographic plotting and visual representation. It appears that Hulsius was the rst to illustrate for Europeans the golden city of Manoa.54 The chimerical city, situated on the shores of the great Lake Parima, seem to be one part Istanbul mixed with two parts Nuremburg. Plying the 200-league long lake, which according to Ralegh was like unto mare caspium are European ships fully equipped with sails,55 ironic since the Discoverie never mentions European ships sailing on Lake Parima. Artistic license aside, the truly monumental aspect of the illustration is that it gives the impression that El Dorado was found and concrete. To a Renaissance audience this must have been perfectly believable. The conquests of Cortez and Pizarro earlier in the sixteenth century had laid the groundwork for a very credulous public. Thus, Raleghs Discoverie appears to have enchanted Hulsius, and through Hulsiuss work, all of Europe. Because of the labors of de Bry and Hulsius, the Discoverie became a visual real ity. Almost unbelievable natives and rituals became existent. Even the elusive city of gold grew into a reality. Through the copperplate engravings of Hulsius and de Bry Raleghs beautiful empire of Guiana became populated with an incredible assort ment of denizens; Amazons and Ewaipanoma now inhabited the hinterlands of the empire; servants of the Incan emperor ritualistically anointed him with powdered gold. Hulsius and de Bry translated fantastic verbal descriptions into an elegant and powerful Renaissance visual vocabulary. In the year 1596, El Dorado entered the English lexicon,56 fashioned into a solid literary conception from a shape-shifting travelers tale. For many poets, Raleghs Guiana became synonymous with earthly paradise; a golden land that was still virgin, a land of verdant pastures and splendid fertility, and, most importantly, a land of new beginnings where England could spread her colonial wings. John Miltons magisterial epic Paradise Lost (1667) appears to draw much from Raleghs Discoverie Behind his description of Eden seems to be the remembered tapestry of Raleghs pictures of the kindly plains of Guiana.57 As woods, prickles, bushes, and thornes surround Raleghs paradisial Guiana, so do they encompass Miltons goodly garden.58So on he fares, and to the border comes Of Eden, where delicious Paradise, Now nearer, crowns with her enclosure green, As with a rural mound the champaign head Of a steep wilderness, whose hairy sides With thicket overgrown, grotesque and wild, Access denied; and overhead up grew Insuperable highth of loftiest shade, Cedar, and pine, and r, and branching palm, A sylvan scene, and as the ranks ascend Shade above shade, a woody theatre Of stateliest view.59
70 Michael Lee SIR W AL TER RALEGH Miltons pure now purer air of Eden seems to be an echo of the exceedingly fresh ayre of Guiana.60 One can also draw a connection between Raleghs observation of a valley near the Caroli River and Miltons description of Paradise. Ralegh wrote: I was well perswaded from thence to have returned, being a very ill footeman, but the rest were all so desirous to go neere the said straunge thunder of waters, as they drew mee on by little and little, till we came into the next valley, where we might better discern the same. I never saw a more beawtifull countrey, nor more lively prospects, hils so raised heere and there over the vallies, the river winding into divers braunches, the plains adjoyning without bush or stubble, all faire greene grasse, the ground of hard sand easy to march on, eyther for horse or foote, the deare crossing in every path.61Miltons creation read: Upon the rapid current, which through veins Of porous earth with kindly thirst up drawn, Rose a fresh fountain, and with many a rill Watered the garden; thence united fell Down the steep glade, and met the nether ood, Which from his darksome passage now appears, And now divided into four main streams, Runs diverse, wandring many a famous realm And country whereof here needs no account, But rather to tell how, if art could tell, How from that sapphire fount the crispd brooks, Rolling on orient pearl and sand of gold, With mazy error under pendant shades Ran nectar, visiting each plant, and fed Flowrs worthy of Paradise which not nice art In beds and curious knots, but nature boon Poured forth profuse on hill and dale and plain, Both where the morning sun rst warmly smote The open eld, and where the unpierced shade Embrowned the noontide bowrs.62The Milton passage also seems to draw upon Raleghs pastoralized description of his entrance into the Orinoco, i.e., the river of the Lagartos section previously quoted. In a nal textual comparison the link is uncannily direct. Through it, one can see just how closely and lovingly Milton must have read the words of the Discoverie Ralegh, Guiana, and of that great and Golden City, which the Spanyards call El Dorado, and the naturals Manoa, which Citie was conquered, reedied, and inlarged by a younger sonne of Guainacapa Emperor of Peru, at such
2007 Historical Studies Journal 71 time as Francisco Pazaro and others conquered the saide Empire, from his two elder brethren Guascar, and Atabalipa, both then contending for the same, the one being favoured by the Oreiones of Cuzco, the other by the people of Caximalca.63Milton, Rich Mexico the seat of Motezume, And Cusco in Peru, the richer seat Of Atabalipa, and yet unspoiled Guiana, whose great city Gerysons sons Call El Dorado.64As the British Empire was still but a glimmer in the colonial eye, the Discoverie inspired such poets as George Chapman and John Donne to some of their most stirring and patriotic poetry. Chapmans De Guiana, Carmen Epicum is amongst the most jingoistic: Riches, and Conquest, and Renowme I sing, Riches with honour, Conquest without bloud, Enough to seat the Monarchie of earth, Like to Ioues Eagle, on Elizas hand. Guiana, whose rich feet are mines of golde, Whose forehead knocks against the roof of Starres.65De Guiana is laden with the imagery of rape. Its urging of conquest in more than one sense is akin to that of the Discoverie In fact, later on in the poem Chapman refers to Ralegh as Thindustrious Knight, the soule of this exploit.66 More impor tant, however, is Chapmans imagery of empire, which draws much from Raleghs thoughts.67 It comes into its fullest bloom at the end when the very world kneeles to mother Britania.68Donnes epigram, Cales and Guyana is understated in its call for empire. Furthermore, given the epigrammatical structure of the poem, Donne had to be concise with his message. It reads, If you from spoyle of thold worlds farthest end To the new world your kindled valors bend, What brave examples then do prove it trew That one things end doth still beginne a new.69Cales is Cadiz in the southwest of Spain, a point even farther west than Gibraltar. The you in the poem could possibly be Ralegh, but could just as easily be a reference to England as a whole.70 Thus, Guiana was the beginning of the New World for the Elizabethan mind, a place where the English could bend their valor and engage in acts of bravery, i.e., conquest.
72 Michael Lee SIR W AL TER RALEGH The Discoverie reached a poetic apotheosis through the work of Milton, Chapman, and Donne. Prose grew into poetry; Guiana, in many ways, developed into a template for Eden. In the thoughts of many, empire became synonymous with Guiana, even though it was not a physical reality. Metaphorically unspoiled and golden, Guiana became the gurehead for the English conception of America in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Ralegh literally put Guiana on the map. Before the publication of the Discoverie, there were no printed maps of the region.71 A quote from Raleghs contemporary, Richard Willes, illustrates the power and importance of geography to Elizabethans: Who but Geographers doe teach us what partes of the earth be cold, warm or temperate? Of whom doe we learn howe to divide the world into partes, the partes into provinces, the provinces into shyres? of Geographers. Unto whom have wee to make recourse for the Mappes, Globes, tables and Cardes, wherein the dyvers countreys of the World are set downe? unto Geographers.72Geography meant power, the ability to claim; the Discoverie was Raleghs major attempt at descriptive or regional geography.73 From Raleghs detailed imagery sprang the more than two-hundred year cartographic practice of plotting El Dorado and Lake Parima on maps. Low County engraver Jodocus Hondius was the rst to make Guiana a published cartographic reality in 1599, though some degree of controversy swirls around his exact sources. J.A. J. de Villiers proposes that Hondius based his map strictly on the narrative of the Discoverie .74 R.A. Skelton argues that Hondius obtained a copy of a map from Raleghs voyage. Skelton draws his analysis from a letter, which states that a seaman was selling charts of Guiana at the time. Furthermore, Skelton points out that the title of a de Bry map, based on that of the Hondius, credits a seaman for its origins.75 Villiers, on the other hand, points out that Raleghs name appears in many of the notes that are spread over the Hondius specimen.76 Both Skelton and Villiers make compelling arguments, but the later appears more grounded. First, Skelton provides no documentary evidence that Hondius ever came into possession of such a map. Second, Skelton only cites that the sailor story is on the title of the de Bry and not on that of the Hondius. Third, the Discoverie itself was in wide publication by 1599, and easily available. Finally, the sailor story may have been added to the de Bry versions title to increase its salability. Ralegh was responsible for lling in the vast terra incognita of northern South America. An examination of Hondiuss map reveals just how powerful the Discoverie was in shaping the geography of the region.77 Lake Parima is the maps most prominent feature. Positioned on the equator, it is 200 leagues long, just as the Discoverie describes it; the great golden city of Manoa (El Dorado) situated on its shore. Prominently displayed are the Ewaipanoma and the Amazons, their domains north and south of Lake Parima respectively. In the lower left hand corner, Hondius strategically places a cartouche where nothing is known. Sprinkled over the chart are the places Ralegh visited: Arromaia, Morequito, Toparimacas village, and various others. Also present is
2007 Historical Studies Journal 73 a representation of a stag, like the deer Ralegh mentions so frequently. Even Raleghs tortoises and armadillos enjoy prominent places on Hondiuss plot.78Given the regions inaccessibility, it is not surprising that other cartographers adopted Raleghs observations. Willem Blaeau, prince of the seventeenth century cartographers, included Lake Parima and El Dorado on his own map, as did Jan Janssen in 1647. Yet, by the middle of the eighteenth century, Lake Parima and Manoa were almost obliterated when cartographer dAnville, opted to omit the imaginary lake from his map of South America, which he published in 1748. By 1760, under great public pressure, he resurrected the make-believe body of water. It was not until the nineteenth century that geographers permanently expunged Lake Parima and Manoa from the maps of the region.79 Because of the Discoverie all of Europe became geographically familiar with Guiana. Hondiuss map added a new dimension of cartographic reality. Individuals could not only physically point to where Guiana was, but also to where the Amazons and Ewaipanoma lived. Raleghs lost Incan empire became as real as the one Francisco Pizarro had discovered and conquered. It did not matter that not a single soul had actually seen the lake and its golden cityall that mattered was the idea, the image of Guiana being a bountiful paradise full of wonder and splendor. Raleghs concept of Guiana became more believable than the physical reality; it evolved into Guianas cartographic identity. Before setting his vision to paper, northern South America did not exist in the Northern European consciousness; it was merely part of South America, but not characteristically different from the rest of it. Travel descriptions accompanied a large number of seventeenth century maps of Guiana. Perhaps the most interesting of them come from the Mercator-HondiusJanssonius Atlas (1636), John Ogilbys America (1671), Alain Manesson Mallets Description de lunivers (1683), and Robert Mordens pocket atlas Geography Rectied (1693); all borrow liberally from the Discoverie for their description of the land. In some instances, they directly refer to Ralegh in the body of the account; in others, there are whisperings and indirect shouts. What is clear is the power Raleghs narrative held over the area. For example, all four sources make references concerning El Dorado and Lake Parima, and emphasize the Edenic nature and abundance of the land. Ogilbys America is typical of the Discoverie inspired descriptions. It describes Guiana as a country that yet enjoyeth a temperate and good Air, not oppressed with any excessive Heat.80 In addition, Robert Mordens Geography Rectied is similar in its message of Guiana being a new paradise: The people of Guyana live long, by reason of the good Air, which they breath. Their Country lies in the middle of the Torrid Zone, but the Eastern Winds are very constant. The Days and Nights are equal, the later being very cool, the dews falling in great abundance. The Mountains are high, and the Forests very thick, so that it is never excessive hot, nor excessive cold. The soil is very proper for the Tillage of Manioc; others for the planting of Cotton; others for sugar and Tobacco; others that yield Gums, Wood, Stones of divers sorts, Parrots and Monkeys. Besides that Hunting and Fishing are equally protable and delightful.81
74 Michael Lee SIR W AL TER RALEGH The Mercator-Hondius-Janssonius Atlas is the earliest example and is more restrained with its description of the nature and quality of the land. Nevertheless, taken as a whole, it too promulgates Raleghs vision of Guiana as a land of many ne Rivers and fruitful soil.82 Alain Manesson Mallets textbook, Description de lunivers follows the same pattern. It describes Guiana as a land with cooling winds and a healthful climate, where rivers are everywhere. The requisite fertile soil that produces an abundance of crops is also present in Mallets description.83 Thematically the message is the same in all of the selections: that Guiana is a New World Eden ripe for colonization. In this critical aspect, they do not differ from the Discoverie It appears that none of the above geographers ever visited Guiana, but they described it was as though they had. It is widely recognized that the travel writers of the seventeenth century pirated other authors material.84 In this case, Ogilby and Morden seem to be the most obvious, deriving their descriptions from several identiable places in the Discoverie .85 In fact, they mention Ralegh by name.86 The two non-Anglo sources also seem to take their cues from Ralegh when it comes to the lands nature and quality.87El Dorado and Lake Parima play a large role in the aforementioned descriptions, namely because they are integral to the narrative structure of the Discoverie itself. In essence, each of these narratives is a miniature version of the Discoverie adopting its key themes of gold, abundance, virginity, and overall healthfulness. El Dorado and Lake Parima are the crown jewels of all the travel descriptions, which nearly always mention them at or near the end, as to leave the reader wanting more.88 Furthermore, the El Dorado myth as set down by Ralegh was what all four sources based their accounts on; the Mercator Atlas copies the Discoverie word for word.89Sir Walter Ralegh solidied and perpetuated the European view of the New World as a treasure trove and exotic new Eden through his paradisial travel narrative the Discoverie this despite the fact that the expedition itself was a bona de failure, little more than a trek in the well trodden foot prints of the Spanish. More importantly, he dened the entire character of the region, developing several themes, which became tropes for describing the area. Furthermore, at least for the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries in England, Guiana became a symbolic stand-in for an entire hemisphere. However, there was a great disconnect between literary discourse and practical policy, for it was not the seventeenth century English who proceeded to colonize Guiana. The Dutch heeded Raleghs colonial battle cry in 1616 by founding the colony of Essequibo. To its east, the Dutch West India Company established the settlement of Berbice in 1628. During the course of the eighteenth century, Dutch expansion in the area led to the creation of the province of Demerara.90 Lack of English interest in the region likely stemmed from Elizabeths view of Ralegh as persona non grata Her loathing of him was transferred to her successor, James I, who had him executed in 1618 on trumped up charges of treason.91 Furthermore, the success of the North American colonies for the duration of the seventeenth century likely served as a siphon for monies and emigrants. Consequently, lacking signicant private or public backing, Raleghs conception of an English empire on the Spanish Main went up in smoke.
2007 Historical Studies Journal 75 Raleghs idea of an English domain in northern South America was resurrected on a smaller scale in the nineteenth century. Great Britains seizure of Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice in 1803 led to the eventual establishment of the colony of British Guiana in 1831.92 Raleghs Discoverie became so engrained in the minds of the Victorians that individuals published books with titles like, El Dorado or, British Guiana as a eld for Colonisation (1866).93 Thus, Ralegh and his grand design went through a renaissance during the Victorian era, and the true nature of Guiana as a malarial ridden swamp was utterly consumed by his dream of paradise and empire.
2007 Historical Studies Journal 77P R OG R ESS IN A C A N: An Examination of One Industry Through the Gilded Age and Progressive EraJacqui Ainlay-Conley1 Catherine Bishir, Charlotte Brown, Carl Lounsbury and Ernest Wood, Architects and Builders in North Carolina: A History of the Practice of Building (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), 78. 2 For information on the history of paint in the United States see the introductions of John Masury, How Shall We Paint Our Houses? A Popular Treatise on the Art of Housepainting: Plain and Decorative. (New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1868); F.B. Gardner, How to Paint Your Victorian House. (Watkins Glen, N.Y.: The American Life Foundation, 1978) a reprint of Everyman His Own Painter or How to Paint: A Complete Compendium of the Art, Designed for the use of the Tradesman, Mechanic, Merchant, and Farmer, and to Guide the Professional Painter. (New York: Samuel Wells Publisher, 1872); and Moss, A Century of Color, 8-15. 3 Maximilian Toch, The Chemistry and Technology of Mixed Paint s. (New York: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1907) xi; and, Roger Moss, A Century of Color: Exterior Decorations for American Buildings, 1820-1920. (Watkins Glen, New York: American Life Foundation, 1981), 11. Toch claims the rst ready mixed paint for home consumption appeared in 1865. Moss cites The Averill chemical Paint Company as the rst producers of a patent paint in 1867. 4 U.S. Census Bureau, Historical Statistics of the United State: Colonial Times to 1970. (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1975), 692. Historical Statistics combines paint, varnish, and lacquers together; products which were often produced by the same companies. 5 U.S. Bureau of Census, Population Division, Population, Housing Units, Area Measurements, and Density: 1790 to 1990. n.d.; available from www.census.gov/population/censusdata/table-2.pdf; Internet; accessed online 6 April 2005. 6 Moss, A Century of Color, 10. 7 Moss, A Century of Color, 10. 8 Schlereth, Victorian America, 177. 9 Nell Irvin Painter, Standing at Armageddon: The United States, 1877-1919. (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1989), 193. 10 Schlereth, Victorian America, 177-195. 11 Schlereth, Victorian America, 154. 12 Moss, A Century of Color, 10-11 and George Tatum, Introduction, in Andrew Jackson Downing, The Architecture of Country Houses (New York: Da Capo Press, 1968), ix. First published (New York: D. Appleton & CO., 1850). 13 Andrew Jackson Downing, Cottage Residences (New York: J. Wiley, 1853), 22-23. 14 Tatum, Introduction, in A.J. Downing, The Architecture of Country Houses, V. 15 Andrew Jackson Downing, The Architecture of Country Houses, 198. 16 Ibid., 199. 17 Ibid., 199. 18 Ibid., 202. 19 Moss, A Century of Color 10. 20 Ibid. 21 Ibid., 11. 22 Ibid., 15. E NDNOT ES
78 Endnotes 23 Schlereth, Victorian America, 141. 24 Jessica H. Foy and Thomas J. Schlereth, eds., American Home Life, 1880-1930: A Social History of Spaces and Services The Modern Look of the Early-Twentieth Century House: A Mirror of Changing Lifestyles, by Candace Volz, ( Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1992), 35. 25 Masury, How Shall We Paint Our Houses, 13. 26 E.K. Rossiter and F. A. Wright acknowledge the general complaints of parti-colors in pages 7 and 8 of Comstocks Modern House Painting, 1883, reprinted as Authentic Color Schemes for Victorian House, (Dover Publications, Inc.: Mineola, New York, 2001). Rossiter and Wright defended the use of color. They claimed that at the beginning of trends there are extremes, in this case color, but eventually moderation follows and thus critics were overreacting. They also asserted that those who disliked color had an uncultured eye. 27 Bishir et al., Architects and Builders 451 no.140 and 465 no.137. 28 George Beard, Causes of American Nervousness, in Henry Nash Smith, ed, Popular culture and Industrialism, 1865-1890. (New York: New York University Press, 1967) 57-70. Originally published in 1881. 29 Robert S. Lynd and Helen Merrell Lynd, Middleton: A Study in Modern American Culture (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Publishers, 1929). 30 Ibid, 73. 31 A. Storm, Eighteenth Century Painting Materials and the Painters Craft as Practiced in Louisbourg, Training Manual: Fortress of Louisbourg May 1982; available from http://fortress.uccb.ns.ca/search/HGO5_6.html; Internet; accessed 8 April 2005. 32 Masury, How Shall We Paint Our Houses, 63. 33 See The Manufacturer and Builder ( Sept 1869, Oct 1877 and March 1877) Available from Cornell Library Digital Collection, http://cdl.library.cornell.edu/ ; Internet; and Editors Scientic Record, Harpers New Monthly Magazine 57, no. 340 (Sept. 1878), 635. 34 Diseases of Workers Among Lead and Paint, The Manufacturer and Builder 1, no. 9 (Sept. 1869) 272. Available from Cornell Library Digital Collections, http://cdl.library.cornell.edu/; Internet. 35 Lead Poisoning from a Painted Water Tank, The Manufacturer and Builder 17 no. 11 (Nov. 1885) 255. 36 Thomas Bull, Hints to Mothers, for the Management of Health During the Period of Pregnancy, and in the Lying-Room: With an Exposure of Popular Errors in Connexion With Those Subjects (New York: J.Wiley, 1877) 269. Available from Cornell University online Hearth Collection; http://hearth.library.cornell.edu/; Internet. 37 A Factory Fire in Brooklyn, New York Times, 1 September 1875, 8. In this instance only person died, a child hit on the head by a reghters ladder. 38 Emma Pirie, The Science of Homemaking: a Textbook in Home Economics (1915), 343. Available from Cornell University online Hearth Collection, http://hearth.library.cornell.edu/. 39 To Clean Paint, The Manufacturer and Builder v. 1, no. 10 (Oct. 1869), 312. 40 Martha Bensley Bruere and Robert Bruere, Increasing Home Efciency, (New York: Macmillan Co., 1912), 49. Available from Cornell University online Hearth Collection, http://hearth.library.cornell.edu/. 41 Paula Kepos, ed., International Directory of Company Histories, vol. 3, Sherwin Williams, by Virginia Smiley (Detroit: St. James Press, 1995), 744. 42 Sears, Roebuck & Co 1897 Sears, Roebuck Catalogue. (Chicago: 1897; reprint, Philadelphia: Chelsea House Publishers, 1997), 22. 43 Schlereth, Victorian America, 193, referring to Charles Congdon of the North American Review. 44 Roger Moss and Gail Winkler. Victorian Exterior Decoration. ( New York: Henry Holt, 1987), 26. 45 John W. Masury, Planning the Color Scheme, (1912) quoted in Ellen M. Thompson, Color in American Domestic Architecture,1650-1913: An Annotated Bibliography, (Monticello, IL: Vance Bibliographies, 1990), 29. 46 Toch, xiii. 47 Kepos, ed., International Directory of Company Histories, vol. 3, Sherwin Williams, 744. 48 Toch, xii. 49 Ibid and Fire Proof Paint The Manufacturer and Builder 7 no. 4 (April 1875), 77.
2007 Historical Studies Journal 79 50 Cheap Water and Fireproof Paint for Roofs, The Manufacturer and Builder 5 no. 12 (Dec. 1873), 288. 51 Kepos, ed., International Directory of Company Histories, vol. 3, Sherwin Williams, 744. 52 Moss, A Century of Color 11. 53 Toch, x. 54 Toch, 2-6. 55 Alvah Horton Sabin, The Industrial and Artistic Technology of Paint and Varnish, 3rd edition (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1927), 152-156. 56 Ibid., 169, 170 and 284. 57 Sears, Roebuck & Co., 21-22. 58 Roger Moss and Gail Winkler. Victorian Exterior Decoration 31. 59 Andrew Jackson Downing, The Architecture of Country Houses, 398. 60 George A. Hool and Nathan C. Johnson, eds. Handbook of Building Construction: Data for Architects, Designing and Constructing Engineers, and Contractors Vol. II. (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1920), 1011. 61 Kepos, ed., International Directory of Company Histories, vol. 10, National Lead Industries, Inc. by John Simley, 434. 62 Toch, xii. 63 ASTM 1898-1998: A Century of Progress (West Conshohocken, PA: ASTM International, 1998), 29. 64 Ibid., 30. 65 Ibid., 30, 32. 66 Hool and Johnson, 1018. 67 Information on the history of the National Paint and Coatings Association obtained from the association website at http://www.designbiz.com/web/CompanyWebsite.asp?CompanyID=6299. Hool and Johnson refer to the Paint Manufacturers Association on page 1018. 68 Kepos, International Directory of Company Histories, vol. 10, National Lead Industries, Inc, 434. 69 Sears, Roebuck & Co, 21. 70 Doug Gelbert So Who the Heck Was Oscar Meyer? The Real People behind Brand Names. (New York: Barricade Books, Inc., 1996), 200. 71 Hool and Johnson, 1013. 72 Masury, How Shall We Paint Our Houses, 30. 73 Pamela Walker Laird, Advertising Progress: American Business and the Rise of Consumer Marketing. (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 186. 74. David Rosner and Gerald Markowitz, Industry Challenges to the Principle of Prevention in Public Health: The Precautionary Principle in Historical Perspective. Public Health Report 2002 117 (November/December 2002) 501-505. 75 William T. Moye, BLS and Alice Hamilton: Pioneers in Industrial Health. Monthly Labor Review (June 1986), and David Satcher, Public Service on the Job for 200Years. Public Health Reports 113 (May/June 1998), 201. 76 U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Public Health Service, Public Health Bulletin 1925, vol. 158, 86, cited by Rosner and Markowitz in Industrial Challenges, 3. 77 Satcher, 201. 78 Moye, BLS and Alice Hamilton, 25. 79 Alice Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1985), 120-121. 80 Ibid., 115, 122, and 124. 81 Ibid., 126. 82 Elizabeth Fones-Wolf and Kenneth Fones-Wolf. Voluntarism and Factional Disputes in the AFL: The Painters Split in 1894-1900, Industrial & Labor Relations Review 35 (October 1981), 60. 83 Ibid., 60. 84 Ibid., 62. 85 Masury, 126.
80 Endnotes FR O M T I NKE R E R S TO GODS: The Electric Guitar and the Social Construction of GenderMonique Bourdage1 Although deemed true guitars by historians such as Terry Burrows, these early instruments differed markedly from their modern counterparts. The frets of the instrument were not xed but were determined by the musician who wrapped gut around the instruments neck. Additionally, strings were grouped into pairs, known as courses, rather than individual strings. Later innovations included xing the frets to the neck, replacing courses with single strings, and the adoption of the modern tuning system. Terry Burrows, Guitar: A Celebration of the Worlds Finest Guitars (London: Carlton Books Limited, 2003), 6-7. 2 Keith Haugen, Slack Key Guitar, Guitar Player, April 1976, 14+; The State of Guitar in Hawaii, Guitar Player, April 1976, 12. 3 George Breed, Method of and Apparatus for Producing Musical Sounds by Electricity Patent No. 435, 679, September 12, 1890; available from http:www.pat2pdf.org; Internet; accessed February 20, 2006. 4 Nick Freeth and Charles Alexander, The Electric Guitar (Philadelphia: Courage Books, 1999), 16. Rather than transmit electrical signals to an amplier, Breeds innovation, like other early attempts, used a standard acoustic body to reect the instruments sound. 5 Ken Achard, The History and Development of the American Guitar (Westport, CT: The Bold Strummer Ltd., 1990), 8.; Gibson Guitar Corporation, The Lloyd Loar Era, available from ; Internet; accessed February 20, 2006. 6 Freeth and Alexander, The Electric Guitar 18. 7 Achard, The History and Development of the American Guitar 21.; Gibson Guitar Corporation, The Dobro Story; available from ; Internet; accessed February 20, 2006. 8 Joel A. Siegel and Jas Obrecht, Eddie Durham: Charlie Christians Mentor, Pioneer of the Amplied Guitar, Guitar Player August 1979, 53. 9 Charlie Christian, Guitarmen, Wake Up and Pluck! Wire for Sound; Let Em Hear You Play, Guitar Player March 1982, 50. First published in a Chicago news article, December 1, 1939. 10 Fender Musical Instruments Corporation, History of Fender Musical Instruments Corporation, available from ; Internet; accessed February 20, 2006. 11 Burrows, Guitar 68. 12 Andr Millard, Solid Body Electric Guitars, in The Electric Guitar: A History of an American Icon ed. Andr Millard (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), 89-104. 13 Millard, Solid Body Electric Guitars. 14 Millard, Solid Body Electric Guitars. 15 James P. Kraft, Manufacturing: Expansion, Consolidation, and Decline, in The Electric Guitar: A History of an American Icon ed. Andr Millard (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), 63-87. 16 Susan J. Douglas, Listening In: Radio and the American Imaginationfrom Amos nAndy and Edward R. Murrow to Wolfman Jack and Howard Stern (New York: Times Books, 1999), 88-89. 17 Ibid., 52. 18 Andr Millard, Inventing the Electric Guitar, in The Electric Guitar: A History of an American Icon ed. Andr Millard (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), 41-62. 19 Mary Alice Shaughnessy, Les Paul: An American Original (New York: William Morrow and Company, Inc., 1993), 30, 33. 20 Millard, Inventing the Electric Guitar, 41-62. 21 Rickenbacker International Corporation, The Earliest Days of the Electric Guitar, available from ; Internet; accessed February 18, 2006. 22 Steve Waksman, Instruments of Desire: The Electric Guitar and the Shaping of Musical Experience (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999), 123. 23 Millard, Inventing the Electric Guitar, 41-62. 24 Felix Glavnig, How to Amplify String Instruments, Popular Mechanics July 1936, 101.
2007 Historical Studies Journal 81 25 Siegel and Obrecht, Eddie Durham: Charlie Christians Mentor, Pioneer of the Amplied Guitar, 53+. 26 Burrows, Guitar 71. 27 Kraft, Manufacturing: Expansion, Consolidation, and Decline, 63-87. 28 Burrows, Guitar 87. 29 Andr Millard, Playing with Power: Technology, Modernity, and the Electric Guitar, in The Electric Guitar: A History of an American Icon ed. Andr Millard (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), 123-141. 30 Burrows, Guitar 92. 31 Achard, The History and Development of the American Guitar 75, 82. 32 Andrew Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, and Trailer Parks: Chasing the American Dream in Postwar Consumer Culture (New York: Basic Books, 2001), 297-298. 33 Jeffrey Sconce, Haunted Media: Electronic Presence from Telegraphy to Television (Durham: Duke University Press, 200), 21-23, 30. 34 John Durham Peters, Speaking into the Air: A History of the Idea of Communication (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 95, 96. 35 Douglas, Listening In 41-47. 36 Rickenbacker International Corporation. 1931 Catalog. available from ; Internet; accessed February 20, 2006. 37 Rickenbacker International Corporation. 1936 Catalog. Literature Archive; available from ; Internet; accessed February 20, 2006. 38 Peters, Speaking into the Air 97. 39 Stone, Robert L. A Brief History of the House of God Steel Guitar Tradition, Introduction to the program for the Sacred Steel Convention on March 30-31, 2001; available from ; Internet; accessed February 20, 2006. 40 Sacred Steel: The Steel Guitar Tradition of the House of God Churches prod. Chris Strachwitz and Alan Govenar, dir. Robert L. Stone, 55 min., Arhoolie Foundation, 2003, DVD. 41 Jas Obrecht, Charlie Christian: First Star of the Electric Guitar, Guitar Player March 1982, 48-49. 42 Christian, Guitarmen, Wake Up and Pluck! Wire for Sound; Let Em Hear You Play. 43 Millard, Playing with Power: Technology, Modernity, and the Electric Guitar, 123-141. 44 David Szatmary, A Time to Rock: A Social History of Rock N Roll (New York: Schirmer Books, 1996), 134-136. 45 Waksman, Instruments of Desire, 114, 148. 46 Szatmary, A Time to Rock 21. 47 Ibid., 200-201. 48 Waksman, Instruments of Desire, 245. 49 The Jimi Hendrix Experience, Axis: Bold as Love, Reprise 6281, 1967, LP. 50 David Bowie, The Rise and Fall of Ziggy Stardust and the Spiders from Mars RCA AFL1-4702, 1972, LP. 51 Merlin Stone, When God Was a Woman (Orlando: Harcourt, Inc., 1976), xi-xv. 52 Ruth Oldenziel, Making Technology Masculine: Men, Women and Modern Machines in America, 1870-1945 (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1999), 10-12, 27, 31, 182. 53 Ibid., 44, 49-50. 54 Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, and Trailer Parks 291-293. 55 Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, and Trailer Parks 295; Ruth Oldenziel, Boys and Their Toys: The Fisher Body Craftsmans Guild, 1930-1968, in Major Problems in the History of American Technology eds. Merritt Roe Smith and Gregory Clancey (Boston: Houghton Mifin, 1998), 372-382. 56 Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, and Trailer Parks 293. 57 Andr Millard, after the collaborative paper with Rebecca McSwain, The Guitar Hero, in The Electric Guitar: A History of an American Icon ed. Andr Millard (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), 143-162. 58 Ibid.
82 Endnotes 59 Simon Frith and Angela McRobbie, On the Expression of Sexuality, in Music, Culture, and Society A Reader ed. Derek B. Scott (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 65-70. 60 Millard, Playing with Power: Technology, Modernity, and the Electric Guitar.; Gibson Guitar Corporation. The First Gibson Electrics, available from ; Internet; accessed February 20, 2006.; Gibson Guitar Corporation. The Golden Age of Innovation, available from ; Internet; accessed February 20,2006; Rickenbacker International Corporation. The Earliest Days of the Electric Guitar. Early History of Rickenbacker; available from ; Internet; accessed February 20, 2006. 61 Quoted in David Konow, Bang Your Head: The Rise and Fall of Heavy Metal (New York: Three Rivers Press, 2002), 199. 62 Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, and Trailer Parks 295-296. 63 Frith and McRobbie, On the Expression of Sexuality,65-70. 64 John Strohm, Women Guitarists: Gender Issues in Alternative Rock, in The Electric Guitar: A History of an American Icon Andr Millard, ed. (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), 181-200. 65 Hurley, Diners, Bowling Alleys, and Trailer Parks 298. 66 Millard, Playing with Power: Technology, Modernity, and the Electric Guitar, 123-141. 67 Sherry Turkle, The Second Self, in Major Problems in the History of American Technology eds. Merritt Roe Smith and Gregory Clancey (Boston: Houghton Mifin, 1998), 486-495. 68 Waksman, Instruments of Desire, 188-190, 244. 69 Frith and McRobbie, On the Expression of Sexuality, 65-70. 70 Luxe Luthier: Roger Sadowsky, Guitar Maker, New York 3 February 1997; Purple Rain prod. Robert Cavallo, Joseph Ruffalo, and Steven Fargnoli, dir. Albert Magnoli, 1 hr. 51 min., Warner Home Video, 1997, DVD. 71 Frederic V. Grunfeld, The Art and Times of the Guitar: An Illustrated History of Guitars and Guitarists (Toronto: Collier-MacMillan Canada Ltd., 1969), 274. 72 Burrows, Guitar 86-90. 73 Andr Millard, after the collaborative paper with Rebecca McSwain, Heavy Metal: From Guitar Heroes to Guitar Gods, in The Electric Guitar: A History of an American Icon ed. Andr Millard (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), 163-180. 74 Musicians Friend Holiday Gift Catalog. 2005. 75 Strohm, Women Guitarists: Gender Issues in Alternative Rock, 181-200. 76 Millard, after the collaborative paper with Rebecca McSwain, The Guitar Hero, 143-162. 77 Strohm, Women Guitarists: Gender Issues in Alternative Rock, 181-200. 78 Millard, after the collaborative paper with Rebecca McSwain, The Guitar Hero, 143-162. 79 Strohm, Women Guitarists: Gender Issues in Alternative Rock, 181-200; Rickenbacker International Corporation. 1936 Catalog. 80 Strohm, Women Guitarists: Gender Issues in Alternative Rock, 181-200. 81 Oldenziel, Making Technology Masculine, 10. 82 Lisa L. Rhodes, Electric Ladyland: Women and Rock Culture (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), xv. 83 Patricia Kennealy-Morrison, Rock Around the Cock, in Rock She Wrote, eds. Evelyn McDonnell and Ann Powers (New York: Delta, 1995), 357-363. 84 From Frying Pan to Flying V: The Rise of the Electric Guitar located at , November 1996-present; sponsored by National Museum of American History in collaboration with the Smithsonian Institution and the Lemelson Center for the Study of Invention and Innovation; Monica Smith and Gary Sturm, curators; Marcia Daft and Charlie McGovern, contributing authors; Rodney J. van Zyl, designer; accessed February 20, 2006. 85 Radio Smithsonian. Background. Guitar: Electried, Amplied and Deied; available from ; Internet; accessed February 20, 2006. 86 Rolling Stone The 100 Greatest Guitarists of All Time. (August 27, 2003); available from ; Internet; accessed April 16, 2006. 87 Guitar Player March 2006.
2007 Historical Studies Journal 83 88 Mavis Bayton, Women and the Electric Guitar, in Sexing the Groove: Popular Music and Gender ed. Sheila Whiteley (New York: Routledge,1997), 37-49. 89 Strohm, Women Guitarists: Gender Issues in Alternative Rock, 181-200. 90 Gibson Guitar Corporation, Gibson USA Presents 15 New Guitars for 2006, available from ; Internet; accessed March 4, 2006; History, About; available from ; Internet; accessed March 4, 2006; Mission, About; available from ; Internet; accessed March 4, 2006. 92 Daisy Rock Guitars. FAQ, available from ; Internet; accessed March 4, 2006; Mission, Press/News; available from ; Internet; accessed March 4, 2006; Tish Ciravolo, Press/News; available from ; Internet; accessed March 4, 2006. 93 Daisy Rock Guitars, Tish Ciravolo. 94 David Segal, No Girls Allowed? In the World of Guitar Boasts, Few Women Let Their Fingers Do the Talking, Washington Post 22 August 2004; available from ; Internet; accessed March 4, 2006. SOV I ET FAI TH I N TE C HNOLOGY: Soviet Ideology and its Practical Application in the 1920s1930sNicholas Coombs1. Richard Stites, Revolutionary Dreams: Utopian Vision and Experimental Life in the Russian Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 245. 2. John Barber and Mark Harrison, The Soviet Home Front 1941-1945: A Social and Economic History of the USSR in World War II (London: Longman Group UK Limited, 1991), 9. 3. Don K. Rowney, Transition to Technocracy: The Structural Origins of the Soviet Administrative State (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989), 46. 4. Paul Gregory, Before Command: An Economic History of Russia from Emancipation to the First Five-Year Plan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 25-26. 5. Rowney, Transition to Technocracy 128. 6. Vladimir Lenin, quoted in Rowney, Transition to Technocracy 1. 7. Stites, Revolutionary Dreams 48. 8. Ibid., 49. 9. Anatole Kopp, Constructivist Architecture in the USSR (New York: St. Martins Press, 1985), 88. 10. Rowney, Transition to Technocracy 123. 11. Ibid., 13. 12. Robert Lewis, Technology and the Transformation of the Soviet Economy, in R.W. Davies, Mark Harrison, and S.G. Wheatcroft, eds., The Economic Transformation of the Soviet Union 1913-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 185. 13. Ibid., 186. 14. El Lissitzky, Russia: An Architecture for World Revolution trans. Eric Dluhosch (Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press, 1970), 27. 15. Ibid., 31. 16. Arthur Voyce, Russian Architecture: Trends in Nationalism and Modernism (New York: Greewood Press, 1948), 141. 17. Lissitzky, Russian Architecture, 27. 18. Valentin Kataev, Time, Forward!, (Moscow: Federatsia, 1932; reprint and trans. Charles Malamuth, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1976), 158-159 (page citations are to the reprint edition). 19. John Scott, Behind the Urals: An American Worker in Russias City of Steel (Boston: Houghton Mifin, 1942; reprint, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), 92. 20. Kataev, Time, Forward!, 48. 21. Ibid., 185. 22. Ibid.
84 Endnotes 23. Kopp, Constructivist Architecture in the USSR 103. 24. Ibid. 25. Rowney, Transition to Technocracy 128. 26. Mary Schaeffer Conroy, The Soviet Pharmaceutical Business During Its First Two Decades (1917-1937), (New York: Peter Lang Publishing Inc., 2006), 109. 27. Vladimir Lenin, quoted in Stites, Revolutionary Dreams 147. 28. Sheila Fitzpatrick, Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times: Soviet Russia in the 1930s (Oxford; Oxford University Press, 1999), 71. 29. Stites, Revolutionary Dreams 155. 30. Rowney, Transition to Technocracy 171. 31. Josef Stalin, quoted in Paul Gregory, The Political Economy of Stalinism: Evidence from the Soviet Secret Archives (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 52. 32. Josef Stalin, quoted in Lewis H. Siegelbaum, Masters of the Shop Floor: Foremen and Soviet Industrialization, in William G. Rosenberg and Lewis H. Siegelbaum, eds., Social Dimensions of Soviet Industrialization (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993), 188. 33. Stites, Revolutionary Dreams 156. 34. F.V. Gladkov, Cement (1925; reprint and trans. A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh, New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1977), 17 (page citations are to the reprint edition). 35. Kopp, Constructivist Architecture in the USSR 68. 36. Ibid. 37. Ibid., 61. 38. Kataev, Time, Forward!, 166. 39. Siegelbaum, Masters of the Shop Floor, 183. 40. Aleksei Stakhanov, The Stakhanov Movement Explained By Its Initiator Aleksei Stakhanov (1936), in James von Geldern and Richard Stites, eds., Mass Culture in Soviet Russia: Tales, Poems, Songs, Movies, Plays, and Folklore, 1917-1953 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995), 242-243. 41. R. W. Davies, The Management of Soviet Industry, 1928-41, in William G. Rosenberg and Lewis H. Siegelbaum, eds., Social Dimensions of Soviet Industrialization (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993), 111. 42. Kataev, Time, Forward! 122. 43. Siegelbaum, Masters of the Shop Floor, 184. 44. Ibid., 183. 45. Kopp, Constructivist Architecture in the USSR 19. 46. Lissitzky, Russia: An Architecture for World Revolution 34. 47. John Scott, Behind the Urals: An American Worker in Russias City of Steel (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), 90. 48. Vladimir Paperny, Architecture in the Age of Stalin: Culture Two (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 251. 49. Quoted in Stites, Revolutionary Dreams 49. 50. Kopp, Constructivist Architecture in the USSR 103. 51. Hiroaki Kuromiya, The Commander and the Rank and File: Managing the Soviet Coal-Mining Industry, 1928-1933, in William G. Rosenberg and Lewis H. Siegelbaum, eds., Social Dimensions of Soviet Industrialization (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993), 158. 52. Ibid., 156. 53. Ibid., 152, 156. 54. Ibid., 151. 55. Ibid., 158. 56. Scott, Behind the Urals 175. 57. Maurice Hindus, Red Bread: Collectivization in a Russian Village, (1931, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988), 237. 58. Siegelbaum, Masters of the Shop Floor, 170. 59. Ibid. 60. Scott, Behind the Urals 165. 61. Siegelbaum, Masters of the Shop Floor, 172. 62. Ibid. 63. Scott, Behind the Urals 48.
2007 Historical Studies Journal 85 64. Stephen Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain: Stalinism as a Civilization (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 94. 65. Ibid., 74. 66. Hindus, Red Bread 338. 67. Ibid., 339. 68. Scott, Behind the Urals 97. 69. Ibid., 91. 70. Hindus, Red Bread 358. 71. Quoted in Davies, The Management of Soviet Industry, 110. 72. Ibid., 115. 73. Ibid., 110-114. 74. Ibid., 117. 75. Ibid. 76. Conroy, The Soviet Pharmaceutical Business 128-129. 77. Ibid., 111-112. 78. Hugh D. Hudson Jr., Blueprints and Blood: The Stalinization of Soviet Architecture 1917-1937 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 200. 79. Ibid. 80. Kathleen Berton, Moscow: An Architectural History (New York: St. Martins Press, 1977), 222. 81. S. Fredrick Starr, Melinkov: Solo Architect in a Mass Society (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), 10. S W EETS TO THE SU I TES? The Preservation Challenges of an Abandoned Sugar Beet FactoryDebra Faulkner1 Boettcher Foundation website. Available at http://ww.boettcherfoundation.org/pdf/BoettcherTimes.pdf, Accessed January 16, 2006. 2 Great Western Sugar exhibit (timeline), Loveland Museum and Gallery, Loveland, Colorado, visited February 4, 2006. 3 Boettcher Foundation website. 4 Suzette Brewer, 1905 When Sugar was King, Denver Business Journal, November 12, 1999, p6. 5 Suzette Brewer, Denver Business Journal. 6 Fort Collins Library web site; available at: library.ci.ft-collins.co.us/local_historytopics/Ethnic/ mex-sugar.htm; Internet; accessed 31 January, 2006. 7 Sidney Mintz, Sweetness and Power (New York: Viking, 1985), 282. 8 Fort Collins Library web site. 9 Fort Collins Library web site. 10 Great Western Sugar exhibit, Loveland Museum and Gallery, Loveland, Colorado, visited February 4, 2006. 11 Adams County website, History of Adams County, available from http://www.co.adams.co.us/ services/service/county/about_adams/history_11.html; Internet; accessed 14 March, 2006. 12 Collaborative Digitization Program Heritage web site, Handout #1 Great Western Sugar Company, available at: http://www.cdpheritage.org/educator/documents/sweet1.doc; Internet; accessed 27 January, 2006. 13 Great Western Sugar exhibit, Loveland Museum. 14 Tom Noel, email to the author, January 29, 2006. 15 Fort Collins Library web site. 16 William May, Jr., review of The Great Western Sugarlands in Journal of Economic Literature, June 1991, v29, i2, 713. 17 Brwere, Denver Business Journal. 18 Judge Larry Bohning and attorney Alan Boles recalled hearsay at the time, blaming White for running GW into the ground. But business database and Internet searches to substantiate this information produced nothing specic.
86 Endnotes 19 Fort Collins Library web site. 20 Great Western Sugar exhibit, Loveland Museum. 21 GW exhibit, Loveland Museum. 22 Larry Walsh, telephone interview by the author, 2 February, 2006. 23 Nathan Klein, telephone interview by the author, 2 February, 2006. 24 Alicia Herbstreit, Developers Plan Facelift for Sugar Factory, Loveland Reporter-Herald, August 9, 2004, 3-A. 25 Alicia Herbstreit, Loveland Reporter-Herald, August 9, 2004. 26 Nathan Klein interview 27 Alicia Herbstreit, Great Western Sugar Factory Site Put on Hold, Temporarily, Loveland Reporter-Herald, August 10, 2004, 3A. 28 Ibid. 29 Klein interview. 30 Larry Walsh interview. 31 Rachel Carter, Our Way or The Citys Way, Reporter-Herald, November 15, 2004, 1-A. 32 Rachel Carter, Sugar Deal Sours, Loveland Reporter-Herald, November 19, 2004, 1-A. 33 Bill Jackson, Greeley Sugar Factory For Sale at $14 Million, Greeley Tribune, January 24, 2006; available at: http://www.greeleytrib.com; Internet. 34 Phil Greenwald, Longmont Transportation Planner, telephone interview by the author, 11 April, 2006. 35 Manuel Esquibel, Brighton Assistant City Manager, telephone interview by the author, 7 April, 2006. 36 Colorado Sweet Gold web site, available at http://coloradosweetgold.com/history.htm. 37 Cindy Harns, Director, Windsor Museum, telephone interview by the author, 6 April, 2006. 38 EPA web site, available at: http:www.epa.gov/fedgstr/EPA-WASTE/2004/December/Day-20/ f27551.htm; Internet, accessed 6 April, 2006. 39 Greg Grifn, Sweet Dreams, Denver Post, February 17, 2006, 1-C. 40 Klein interview. 41 Original poem by the author. T HE P OL I T IC S O F WI LDE R NESS DES I GN A T I ONS: Controversies Concerning Rocky Mountain National ParkJean Kingston1 The Wilderness Act Public Law 88-577, Section 1c. 2 The Wilderness Institute at http://www.wilderness.net reports the percentage of total Wilderness acres for the top states as follows: Alaska 53.78%; California 13.43%; Arizona 4.24%; Washington 4.04%; Idaho 3.75%; Montana 3.22%; Colorado 3.18%. 3 In the 85th Congress Aspinall was acting Chair because the nominal Chair, California Representative Clair Engle, while running for U.S. Senate, delegated the position to Aspinall, the next most senior Democrat on the committee. 4 See http:www.blm.gov/nhp/300/wo320/MiningClaims.pdf. The laws regarding mining claims on federal lands are complex, involving both state and federal statutes and court decisions. According to the Bureau of Land Management, which administers mining claims on BLM land as well as National Forest land, nineteen states (including Colorado) currently allow for mining claims in which the land may be purchase if a prudent man would accede that because of a visible vein of a valuable mineral, the land is more valuable for mining than for agriculture. The claimant must maintain the site and pay yearly fees. 5 Steven C. Schulte, Wayne Aspinall and the Shaping of the American West (Boulder: The University Press of Colorado, 2002), 131. 6 Ibid, p. 116. 7 Tom Lorang Jones, Colorados Continental Divide Trail: The Ofcial Guide, (Westcliffe Publishers), 55. 8 The Wilderness Act Public Law 88-577, Section 4d.
2007 Historical Studies Journal 87 9 Bob R. OBrien, Our National Parks and the Search for Sustainability (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1999), 84-85. 10 The Wilderness Act Public Law 88-577, Section 4c. 11 See E. E. Schattschneider, The Semisovereign People: A Realists View of Democracy in America (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1960). 12 Peter Jacques and David M. Ostergren, The End of Wilderness: Conict and Defeat of Wilderness in the Grand Canyon, Review of Policy Research 2006, 38. 13 C. W. Buchholtz, Rocky Mountain National Park: A History (Niwot CO: University of Colorado Press, 1983), 214-216. 14 Greg Campbell, Using the Park as a Pawn? Fort Collins Weekly October 4, 2006. 15 Mark Udall Congressman for Colorados 2nd district, telephone interview by the author, 25 October, 2006. 16 Kevin Darst, Salazar Not Ditching Issue in Visit, The Coloradoan October 26, 2006. 17 This is due to the huge tracts in Alaska; in the other 49 states the NPS is not the major administrator. 18 Mark Udall interview. 19 C. W. Buchholtz, Classroom lecture, University of Colorado at Denver, November 14, 2006. This retired park ranger and respected authority on RMNP spoke of this common sentiment found among those who may visit the park regularly or rarely. Either way, to them the park is a monument, unchanging in a world of transient landscapes. 20 Rocky Mountain National Park historian Curt Buchholtz agrees with this assessment, having heard this sentiment directly expressed by conservation advocates, e-mail to author from C. W. Buchholtz, executive director of the Rocky Mountain Nature Association, December 21, 2006. 21 Mike Matz, The Politics of Protecting Wild Places, in Ted Kerasote, ed., Return of the Wild: The Future of Our National Lands (Washington: Island Press, 2001), 97. S IR WA LTE R RA LEGH, Guiana, and the Conceptualization of the New WorldMichael Lee1 Norman Lloyd Williams, Sir Walter Raleigh (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1962), 245. 2 Willians, 21. 3 Williams, 23, 38. 4 John Winton, Sir Walter Ralegh (New York: McCann & Geoghegan, 1975) 27, 28. 5 Williams, 69, 73. 6 D.B. Quinn, Raleigh and the British Empire, (London: The English Universities Press, 1947), 164. 7 Quinn, 165, 166. 8 Sir Walter Ralegh, Discoverie of the Large, Rich and Bewtiful Empyre of Guiana, with a relation of the great and Golden Citie of Manoa (which the Spanyards call El Dorado) and of the Provinces of Emeria, Arromaia, Amapaia, and other Countries, with their rivers, adjoining ed. Neil L. Whitehead (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1997), 127-128. 9 Quinn, 167. 10 Neil L. Whitehead, ed. The Discoverie as ethnological text, in the Discoverie of the Large, Rich and Bewtiful Empyre of Guiana by Sir Walter Ralegh, 72. 11 Whitehead, The Discoverie as ethnological text, 73. 12 Williams, 122-123. 13 Quinn, 178-179. 14 To Sir Robert Cecil. [From Durham House], 20 September 1594, in The Letters of Sir Walter Ralegh eds. Agnes Latham and Joyce Youings (Exeter: Exeter University Press, 1999), 119. 15 To Sir Robert Cecil. From Sherborne, 1 January 1595. in The Letters of Sir Walter Ralegh eds. Agnes Latham and Joyce Youings (Exeter: Exeter University Press, 1999), 123. 16 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 130. 17 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 134. 18 V.T. Harlow, ed. Introduction to the Discoverie of Guiana by Sir Walter Ralegh (London: Argonaut Press, 1928), lxix.
88 Endnotes 19 Whitehead, ed. Discoverie 135n. 20 Quinn, 195. 21 To Sir Robert Cecil. From Sherborne, 10 November 1595, in The Letters of Sir Walter Ralegh eds. Agnes Latham and Joyce Youings (Exeter: Exeter University Press, 1999), 125. 22 To Sir Robert Cecil. From Sherborne, 12 November 1595, in The Letters of Sir Walter Ralegh eds. Agnes Latham and Joyce Youings (Exeter: Exeter University Press, 1999), 126. 23 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 186. 24 To Sir Robert Cecil. From Sherborne, 26 November 1595, in The Letters of Sir Walter Ralegh eds. Agnes Latham and Joyce Youings (Exeter: Exeter University Press, 1999), 133. 25 Steven J. Greenblatt, Sir Walter Ralegh (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973), 105. 26 Sir Walter Raleghs Prose, Times Literary Supplement (January 31, 1935), 53. 27 N.M. Penzer. Preface to the Discoverie of Guiana by Sir Walter Ralegh (London: Argonaut Press, 1928), vi. Although N.M Penzer is identied as Editor under the title lines facing the preface, V.T. Harlow is actually listed as the person responsible for editing the original text and writing the introduction, notes, and appendixes. 28 Whitehead, The Discoverie as enchanted text, in the Discoverie of the Large, Rich and Bewtiful Empyre of Guiana by Sir Walter Ralegh 10. 29 Sir Walter Raleghs Prose, 53. 30 Theodore de Bry, Discovering the New World ed. Michael Alexander (New York: Harper and Row, 1976), 168. 31 Whitehead, The Discoverie as enchanted text, 10. 32 The John Carter Brown Library, Catalogue of the John Carter Brown Library vol.1 (New York: The Kraus Reprint Corporation, 1961), 455-457. 33 Whitehead, The Discoverie as enchanted text, 10-11. 34 Bernadette Bucher, Icon and Conquest (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press), 5. 35 Michael Alexander, ed. Introduction to Discovering the New World by Theodore de Bry, 7. 36 Bucher, 11, 12. 37 Whitehead, The Discoverie as ethnological text, 101, 103. 38 De Bry, 170, 171. The translations for the captions and descriptions of the plates are by Michael Alexander the editor, who used the German edition of Americae 39 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 133. Ralegh tells of Berrios various cruelties towards the natives on Trinidad. 40 De Bry, 173. 41 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 167-168. 42 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 141. 43 De Bry, 176. 44 De, Bry, 177. 45 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 159. 46 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 162-163. 47 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 146, 178. 48 Levinus Hulsius, Brevis & admiranda descriptio regni Guianae, auri abundantissimi, in America seu novo orbe, sub linea aequinoctilia siti, quod nuper admodum, annis nimirum 1564 [sic] 1595 & 1596 (Nuremburg: Levinus Hulsius, 1599). Microche. Unfortunately, the page numbers are badly mutilated, but the plates are easy to spot in such a tiny volume. Additionally, it appears that the same plates accompany the 1599 German edition. N.P. 49 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 146, 199. 50 Hulsius, n.p. 51 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 146. 52 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 146. 53 Hulsius, n.p. 54 Hulsius, n.p. 55 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 136; Hulsius. 56 Oxford English Dictionary (2002), El Dorado. 57 Sir Walter Raleghs Prose, 53. 58 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 163.
2007 Historical Studies Journal 89 59 John Milton, Paradise Lost in The Norton Anthology of English Literature, vol. 1, seventh edition, ed. M.H. Abrams (NewYork: W.W. Norton & Company, 2000), book 4, lines 131-142 60 Milton, book 4 line 153; Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 163. 61 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 176. 62 Milton, book 4 lines 227-267. 63 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 122. 64 Milton, book 11 lines 407-411. 65 George Chapman, De Guiana, Carmen Epicum in The Poems of George Chapman ed. Phyllis Brooks Bartlett (New York: Russell & Russell, 1962), lines 14-29. 66 Chapman, line 153. 67 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 196-199. Raleghs plans for empire are laid out most explicitly in these pages, but the rest of the book leaves the reader with the same sense of conquest. 68 Chapman, lines 180-184. 69 John Donne, Cales and Guyana in The complete English Poems compiled by C.A. Patrides (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1991), 132. 70 Patrides, ed. The Complete English Poems 132n. 71 J.A.J. de Villiers, Famous Maps in the British Museum, The Geographical Journal 44, no.2 (Aug, 1914), 181. 72 Richard Willes, The History of Travayle (London, 1577), dedicatory letter to the Countess of Bedford; quoted in R.A. Skelton, Ralegh as a Geographer The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 71 (1963), 131-132. 73 Skelton, Ralegh as a Geographer, 139. 74 Villiers, Famous Maps, 181. 75 Skelton, 140, 141. 76 Villiers, Famous Maps, 181. 77 D. Graham Burnett, El Dorado on Paper (Ph.D. diss. University Library Cambridge, 1997), gure 2.5. 78 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 167, 172. Although Ralegh does not speak of the tortoises themselves he does speak of their eggs, which he obviously delighted in eating. 79 Villiers, Famous Maps, 181, 182. 80 John Obilby, America (London, 1671), 607. Microform. 81 Robert Morden, Geography Rectied 3rd ed (London, 1683), 561. Microform. 82 Gerard Mercator, Jodocus Hondius, and Joannes Janssonius. Atlas (Amsterdam, 1636), 451-452. Facsimilie. Vol. 2. Chicago: Rand McNally, 1968. 83 Alain Manesson Mallet. Description de lunivers, contenant les differents systmes du monde, les cartes generales & particulieres de la geographie ancienne & moderne: les plans & les proles des principales villes & des autres lieux plus considerables de la terre; avec les portraits des souverains qui y commandent, leurs blasons titres & livres: et les moeurs, religions, gouvernemens & divers habillemens de chaque nation vol 5 (Paris: D. Thierry, 1683), 352. Translated by Mme Hunsinger, Professor of French at Metropolitan State College of Denver, Department of Modern Languages. 84 Katherine S. Van Eerde, John Ogilby and the taste of his times (Kent, UK: Wm Dawson and Sons, 1976), 121. 85 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 176, 179, 186, 193, 194, 195. 86 Ogilby, 609; Morden, 560. 87 Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 176, 179, 186, 193, 194, 195. 88 Mercator, 452; Morden, 561; Ogilby, 619; Mallet 350. 89 Mercator, 452; Ralegh, Discoverie ed. Whitehead, 140; Walker Chapman, The Golden Dream (New York: The Bobbs-Merill Company, 1967), 294. Mercators Atlas confuses Diego de Ordas for Johannes Martines (also known as Juan Martn de Albujar) whose story Ralegh was the rst to publish and popularize. 90. J.A.J de Villiers, The Foundation and Development of British Guiana, The Geographical Journal 38, no.1 (July, 1911),9-15. 91. Williams, 264-275. 92. Villiers, The Foundation and Development of British Guiana, 19. 93. Rev. W.T. Veness, El Dorado or British Guiana as a eld for Colonisation (London: Cassell, Petter, and Galpin, 1866).
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