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Benefits and barriers

Material Information

Title:
Benefits and barriers outcomes of an emergent volunteer industry in Tanzania
Creator:
Fleischer, Chelsie Lynne ( author )
Place of Publication:
Denver, CO
Publisher:
University of Colorado Denver
Publication Date:
Language:
English
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1 electronic file (75 pages). : ;

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Master's ( Master of Arts)
Degree Grantor:
University of Colorado Denver
Degree Divisions:
Department of Anthropology, CU Denver
Degree Disciplines:
Anthropology

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Voluntarism -- Developing countries ( lcsh )
Voluntarism -- Tanzania ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Abstract:
Volunteer Organizations have been present in East Africa for decades, and have been perceived by some to exist within a larger, emergent, volunteering industry. This industry specifically recruits, places, manages, and assists volunteers from other countries for the purpose of providing social welfare services to Tanzanian residents. This thesis sought to identify benefits that individuals may receive, either directly or indirectly, through their involvement with a volunteer organization; by way of volunteering, accepting services provided by volunteers, or becoming employed by the volunteer organization itself. The benefits or non-benefits that are received by individuals are highly variable, regardless of what intentions led to them, and this may inform larger investigations into the outcomes of the volunteer industry presence in Tanzania. This thesis sought a broader understanding of human motivations to volunteer, as well as some of the social and cultural context that has been created through the volunteer industry in Usa River, Tanzania. In viewing the networks of volunteers, employees, and community members that are affiliated in one way or another to a specific organization, we realize that this industry does not operate independently, and that multiple layers and forces influence outcomes despite the strongest of intentions. Through the application of decentered power and grounded theories, we may realize that these relationships have the potential to create dynamics of power that can cause separation between volunteers, employees, and community members that influence outcomes of volunteer organization processes. The presence of a developing volunteer industry within Usa River may also have created a power dynamic that dictates and inhibits communication between volunteers and the community members that they intend to serve. This power has been shown to both provide benefits and non-benefits to each cohort of players assessed. A means of understanding the relationships between motivations and subsequent outcomes, in this context or any other, will provide advanced theoretical knowledge relating to Anthropology and related volunteer studies.
Thesis:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Colorado Denver. Anthropology
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographic references.
System Details:
System requirements: Adobe Reader.
General Note:
Department of Anthropology
Statement of Responsibility:
by Chelsie Lynne Fleiwscher.

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Source Institution:
University of Colorado Denver
Holding Location:
|Auraria Library
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All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
898041656 ( OCLC )
ocn898041656

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Full Text
BENEFITS AND BARRIERS: OUTCOMES OF AN EMERGENT
VOLUNTEER INDUSTRY IN TANZANIA
by
CHELSIE LYNNE FLEISCHER B.S., Juniata College, 2006
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Anthropology
2014


This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Chelsie Lynne Fleischer has been approved for the Anthropology Program by
John Brett, Chair Marty Otanez
Deborah Thomas


Fleischer, Chelsie Lynne (MA, Anthropology)
Benefits and Barriers: Outcomes of an Emergent Volunteer Industry in Tanzania Thesis directed by Associate Professor John Brett
ABSTRACT
Volunteer Organizations have been present in East Africa for decades, and have been perceived by some to exist within a larger, emergent, volunteering industry. This industry specifically recruits, places, manages, and assists volunteers from other countries for the purpose of providing social welfare services to Tanzanian residents. This thesis sought to identify benefits that individuals may receive, either directly or indirectly, through their involvement with a volunteer organization; by way of volunteering, accepting services provided by volunteers, or becoming employed by the volunteer organization itself. The benefits or non-benefits that are received by individuals are highly variable, regardless of what intentions led to them, and this may inform larger investigations into the outcomes of the volunteer industry presence in Tanzania.
This thesis sought a broader understanding of human motivations to volunteer, as well as some of the social and cultural context that has been created through the volunteer industry in Usa River, Tanzania. In viewing the networks of volunteers, employees, and community members that are affiliated in one way or another to a specific organization, we realize that this industry does not operate independently, and that multiple layers and forces influence outcomes despite the strongest of intentions. Through the application of decentered power and grounded theories, we may realize that these relationships have the potential to create dynamics of power that can cause separation between volunteers,
in


employees, and community members that influence outcomes of volunteer organization processes. The presence of a developing volunteer industry within Usa River may also have created a power dynamic that dictates and inhibits communication between volunteers and the community members that they intend to serve. This power has been shown to both provide benefits and non-benefits to each cohort of players assessed. A means of understanding the relationships between motivations and subsequent outcomes, in this context or any other, will provide advanced theoretical knowledge relating to Anthropology and related volunteer studies.
The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication.
Approved: John Brett
IV


DEDICATIONS
This thesis is dedicated, firstly, to the people of Usa River who were incredibly generous and welcoming, and also to the volunteers who graciously gave of themselves to increase the quality of the lives of those living in Usa River.
To my mentor, guide, and translator in Usa River, Saidi Keffa Mbisso, for helping with every detail of data collection. You are a genuine friend.
To my thesis committee members, Deb Thomas, Marty Otanez, and John Brett. Thank you for your unending enthusiasm and for making research fun. And especially to my advisor, John, for your constant support and encouragement over the last few years.
None of this, truly, could have been done without you.
And to my husband, Paul, for honestly believing that I can do anything that I put my mind to. Because you believe it, I believe it.


TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION.....................................................1
Aid in Tanzania...............................................3
The Evolution of Volunteerism in Tanzania.....................5
Research Focus in Usa River...................................9
II. BACKGROUND.....................................................12
Colonization and Social Welfare..............................12
Tanzanian Socialism: Ujamaa..................................16
III. THEORETICAL FRAMING...........................................21
Grounded Theory..............................................21
Recognizing Social Realities through Decentered Power Theory.22
IV. METHODS.......................................................28
Field Site and Sampling.....................................29
Data Collection.............................................31
V. ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION.......................................35
Volunteer Organization Structure and Function................35
Volunteer Intentions and Expectations.......................37
Cohorts and the Interactions Between Them...................40
Benefits Among Cohorts......................................46
An Emergent Theme: Communication............................49
Barriers and Relationships of Power Created by Volunteer Organizations.58
VI. CONCLUSIONS AND FURTHER REMARKS...............................61
vi


REFERENCES.................................................64
APPENDIX...................................................67
vii


CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
While searching for measurable changes in the lives of Africans after so many decades of international aid and development, questions arise regarding the ground-level impacts of such efforts. One way to begin to assess the impacts of aid in Africa is to look more closely at the relationships between international volunteers and the people they serve. This thesis research proposes to describe the benefits and non-benefits that individuals receive through their affiliation with a volunteer organization, to frame the larger questions of how and why participation is initiated, and what changes are being made in the community.
This project was based in the small community of Usa River, Tanzania, where an
ethnographic approach and a subsequent theoretical analysis were applied to create a
deeper understanding of the volunteer network in this community. American volunteers
began officially arriving in East Africa in 1961, with other internationally based
development groups arriving decades earlier (Eckert 2004). An increase in
transcontinental volunteering shifted the way the First World dealt with public health and
humanitarian aid when Democratic candidate John F. Kennedy asked an audience if they
would be willing to help others in need. Shortly after taking office, President Kennedy
signed the executive order to create the Peace Corps, and in August of 1961 the first
volunteers left for The United Republic of Tanzania (Tanzania):
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is requirednot because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
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Democratic Candidate John F. Kennedy (Rose 2004:379).
In addition to independent volunteering, President Kennedys proposition marked the beginning of a monumental growth in large-scale efforts made by federal governments of the United States and other First World nations to promote community development in struggling countries. Through the decades that followed, efforts increased to cover public health, economic development, poverty reduction and education, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, by nonprofit organizations (NPOs), nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), independent volunteer organizations (VOs), and global institutions like The World Bank (Akintola 2011). Currently, African countries are receiving the most foreign aid per capita in the world, causing some to argue that receiving countries have developed symptoms of dependence (Goldsmith 2001). Some studies have shown that large amounts of aid over long periods of time can reduce democratic decision-making and accountability within government. A study reviewed by Goldsmith notes that, ...foreign aid mainly benefits elites in the aid-receiving countries, not the poor who are supposed to be helped (2001:426). A common countering assessment describes a more responsible, self-governing, state that can rise from longterm foreign support (Goldsmith 2001).
As we have seen, many parties claim that the solution to poverty in the Third World lies in the development itself, but these parties lack decisiveness on whether capitalistic growth will benefit or exclude a nation that sits behind in the race. Hubbard and Duggan see a simple solution to poverty: business development. They suggest diverting the millions of dollars that are sent for relief work to the business sector, for the sake of prosperity for everyone (2009). Other humanitarian and nongovernmental groups
2


emphasize the need for great funds and swarms of volunteers to be placed in the areas of greatest need (Easterly 2009; Rose 2004). Within the anthropological literature a continuing split is noted, where the problem of aid and development and its lack of success shifts between socio-political, environmental, and human behavioral sources of explanation (Ferguson 2004; Easterly 2009; Akintola 2011). What we can conclude from this wide spectrum of arguments is that the presence of various types of aid in sub-Saharan Africa over the previous decades has not made a significant impact on the quality of life, level of poverty, or global economic status in any country (Easterly 2009). A possible hypothesis [as to] why Africa is poor is that it is in some version of a poverty trap, which depends purely on initial conditions. The competing explanation is that Africas poverty is determined by fundamentals, regardless of initial conditions
(Easterly 2009:384). To move beyond the placement of blame, this thesis places focus on the volunteerism itself, and the kind of entity that it has become. To remove ourselves from the vacuum of Why isnt aid working? we can attempt to follow a similar gaze to that of James Ferguson, where the industrys motivations and outcomes are subject to analysis (1990).
Aid in Tanzania
From the mid-1970s to the mid-1990s, the average African country received between $600 and $1,500 per capita in foreign aid, though this number has grown substantially in recent years (Goldsmith 2001; The World Bank 2013). Tanzania, alone, received collective funding from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, The World Bank, and the International Development Association in the amount of 928 million dollars in 2010 (The World Bank 2013). The highest average
3


contribution per year to Tanzania comes from the World Bank, with amounts that hovered close to 1.4 billion dollars between 2000 and 2010 (Tripp 2012). In November 2013 the United Kingdom announced they would be investing 20 million pounds in projects in Tanzania aimed at increasing private sector involvement in economic development (Kabendera 2013).
Beginning in the 1960s, transnational NGOs such as Oxfam and ActionAid became increasingly present in East Africa, with intentions of developing, implementing, and expanding social and educational revitalization programs with the support of local government (Aikman 2010). Larger issues of debt relief, poverty alleviation, social equity, and human rights were viewed and used as links to a needed access to education among African communities, and these are the majority of the underlying motivations of such international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) currently (Aikman 2010). Such actions by local and international NGOs can still be found in current volunteer organization programs in rural Tanzania, where education is considered to be the key to a future of success for individuals and families who are struggling with poverty, hunger, and disease. In a meeting with volunteers, one volunteer organization (VO) manager advised, The poverty is in their brain...we must change the mindset so that they may live. The first president of the United Republic of Tanzania, Julius Nyerere, implemented a nation-wide system of Education for Self-Reliance, which remains the dominant philosophy for education and development currently (Jennings 2002; Field Notes). With education as a priority for the state, it became the core of much international volunteer-guided relief and development, making connections between community members and the state the central implementation point for INGO efforts
4


(Aikman 2010). Organizations such as Oxfam began such efforts by working with both community members and states because, though they march to different rhythms, they theoretically share goals of increasing quality of life through a thriving economy.
When we compare the motivations that first triggered trends in volunteer aid, those which inspired Peace Corps members to save those with swollen bellies, with the intentions of volunteers today, we may find that not much has changed. Many volunteers, when asked today, reason that it would be foolish not to take the chance to see other parts of the world while helping. Some go so far as to admit that volunteer work in Tanzania is all they would wish to spend their energy on, if they didnt have daily work and family responsibilities at home. But even intentions taken at face-value are misleading, as was demonstrated by the groups of Black Americans that joined the Peace Corps to serve in African countries in the 1960s.
The Evolution of Volunteerism in Tanzania
Volunteering abroad largely began with the implementation of the Peace Corps during President Kennedys term in the United States. Given the dramatic racial issues of the time, Peace Corps officials were directed behind closed doors to largely recruit and train Black Americans to serve in African nations to both boost national support for the presidency and to appease requests from African state leaders to send volunteers that could more easily relate to their own nationals (Zimmerman 1995). However, actual perceptions and attitudes toward Africa remained homogenous and singular. Though the Peace Corps highly sought to point out the diversity of the continent and its relevance to American volunteers, they neglected to train them on the differences between cultures, regions, religions, attitudes, and genders between and within the African nations that they
5


would be serving (Zimmerman 1995). Much to the surprise of Peace Corps officials and volunteers, Africans did not place nearly as much emphasis on racial difference as expected, or as was observed in the United States. They instead turned conversations with foreign nationals to their own personal agonies. During the first decade of the Peace Corps, Black members, while serving in African nations, were questioned about their escape from Birmingham or why they were preaching such messages of freedom and democracy when they did not enjoy such privileges themselves in the still-segregated United States (Zimmerman 1995:1019). Such an example of the first attempts at extending aid across continents emphasizes the ability of simple, yet altruistic, intentions to lead to unintended and quite offensive outcomes of communication and aid.
Passing even further past unintended outcomes, highly altruistic intentions could bring the possibility of creating results of disregard or harm to others. Participation as an international volunteer with an organization that recruits and places individuals into the heart of Africa involves a newly emergent trend of travel, accommodation, adventure, and experience perks. At the same time, this thesis was developed so that we can continue to explore the ripples of these perks, as it could be possible that more benefits for volunteers comes to equal less benefits for community members and an overall lack of sustainability and effectiveness among volunteer projects. Intentions are vital to the analysis of human action, but they do not fully determine outcomes. James Ferguson describes an anthropological approach to development aid that demotes the intentions of actors to the status of an interesting problem, one level among many others (1990:17). This approach, as Ferguson describes, is not meant to treat outcomes as mistakes or traces of unknown or undiscovered intentions, but as riddles, or anthropological puzzles. An
6


application of this aim to current intentions and outcomes of volunteer organizations would allow us to potentially identify the social, political, and ecological structures that have produced such outcomes. It is possible that the initial version of volunteerism involving selflessness and sympathy for change has morphed into an industry for promotion of the privileged to experience travel and foreign culture. After the countless financial donations and able bodies working to dig a continent out of misery, have we merely built an institution to benefit the privileged? In complement to this question, we may also ask which individual or entity holds the power in situations of volunteer recruitment, placement, and program implementation in rural Tanzanian communities. The intention of this research study was to develop a richer understanding of the volunteer industry in rural Tanzania, with a particular focus on the benefits and nonbenefits that are gained by different players in a network of volunteer organizations and community programs, analyzed and deciphered through theories of power.
Volunteering involves committing time and energy to provide a service that benefits someone, society or the community without expecting financial or material rewards (Akintola 2011:54). Perhaps in light of the volunteer industry that has emerged from early non-profit and nongovernmental actions in Africa, how we define volunteerism may need to change. I do not mean to imply that altruism has left us for good, I am merely questioning the shift in which party involved with a volunteer organization is receiving the benefit, and further, who may be expecting it. It has been acknowledged that some organizations find a great challenge in maintaining volunteer satisfaction and retention over extended periods of time, and a recent qualitative study called motivation into question. Through interviews and focus groups, Akintola (2011)
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found that the most commonly occurring reason for action among volunteers was to fulfill altruistic or humanitarian concerns. This study was done among 57 participants volunteering in their local communities in South Africa over a 17-month period. What is more intriguing is that the second leading motivation among participants concerned career-related benefit, though overall the majority of participants had several reasons serving more than one function; values, career, community, reciprocity, and recognition (Akintola 2011). The author concluded, given that volunteers are not remunerated, ensuring volunteer satisfaction should be a key concern for these organizations
(Akintola 2011:60). Several inferences should be made from this study, the first being that the consideration of volunteer satisfaction by organization leaders is worthy of further investigation. This could have larger implications on overall organization and community sustainability. Secondly, these findings force us to consider the importance of volunteers in developing countries and how this could be diverting attention from those who are seeking aid. Another study focusing on the willingness of police officers living in Dar es Salaam to enroll in an HIV vaccine trial revealed differing motives among participants. These mostly involved personal pride and public and peer recognition for enrolling in a study that could potentially save lives, especially given the risks and stigmatization that could come with enrollment (Tarimo 2010). Though the type of volunteerism is not the same, these studies shed light on the emerging assumption that volunteers should receive something in return for their services, regardless of the effort or risk.
Beginning with the first Peace Corps volunteers, and ending with the abundance of college-aged, middle-class, white volunteers that fill most of the registration spots with
8


VOs today, we have seen a trend involving a dominant stereotype among individuals who volunteer (Zimmerman 1995). It is possible that we have conjured an industry of volunteerism that ends up sending First World citizens to save the world with underlying expectations of reciprocation. Absorbing a chance to tour the globe while fulfilling personal, altruistic needs certainly holds appeal. Development charity has become the favorite cause of school children in rich countries, high school seniors feature it on their college applications, and the list of celebrities who add their names and millions is growing all the time (Hubbard and Duggan 2009:8). This research was intended to pinpoint and analyze the motivations, intentions, and subsequent outcomes of involvement with a volunteer organization, at an individual level. This was done through the researchers entree into a community in rural Tanzania, with a working hypothesis that adapted to changes in the field, participants, and incoming data, and with an overall goal of producing a deeper understanding of the interactions between international volunteers and the communities that they intend to support. Participants, events, and locations were chosen based on their perceived ability to reveal rich information on the research question, all the while illuminating the meaning of human behavior (Ulin 2002:57).
Research Focus in Usa River
The United Republic of Tanzania currently consists of the mainland, still referred to in some literature as Tanganyika, and the separate island of Zanzibar. The total population of Tanzania in 2012 was 44.9 million, with 43.6 million of those individuals residing on the mainland. The Arusha Region held 3.9 percent of that total in 2012, with a population density of 45 persons per square kilometer (NBS 2013). In 2002, the
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population of only the Arumeru District of the Arusha Region, where Usa River is located, was 516,814 (NBS 2013).
The site of data collection was chosen due to previous development experience and familiarity of the researcher with the community as a volunteer in 2009. Many informal interviews and observations that took place during that time contributed to the current research question. Additionally, the initial rapport that was built through these previous volunteer efforts in Usa River allowed for increased communication during this thesis work with other volunteers, volunteer organization employees and management, community members, and individuals of authority within the village. The viewing of volunteer organizations as an emergent industry in 2009 led to the development of this thesis, which was intended to gather rich information on the receiving of benefits and non-benefits by volunteers, community members, and employees through affiliation, and to describe the dynamics of power that exist among these groups. During my volunteer period, strains of cyclical poverty, stigmatization surrounding HIV/AIDS, and poor environmental conditions plagued the community despite the presence of volunteer projects for decades (Rose 2004). Patterns were noted of what could be viewed as dependency on local volunteer efforts by community members, as well as many unforeseen benefits to the volunteers directly. In 2009, the community members of Usa River continually sought varying types of aid, and their struggles with poverty were not observed by the researcher to be lessened on any larger scale than through help with daily needs.
Rather than struggling to start a business, many individuals in third world countries gain employment with local NGOs or government agencies (Hubbard and
10


Duggan 2009). Working as a driver for an organization pays much better than farming or trading, and with the substantial presence of aid and volunteer organizations in most African nations this opportunity has become common. Some volunteer organizations were founded with hopes of providing a source of empowerment and employment for Tanzanian locals, in addition to providing a support system for struggling community members, through multiple project sites. Often the main goal of a volunteer organization involves aiding area community members with whatever they may need to live, through the placement of international volunteers in relief or development community projects. The focus of this study was to evaluate the benefit that the organization has brought to each of the parties involved.
The cohorts of emphasis within this study are categorized as volunteers, community members, and employees. A volunteer, for the purposes of this paper, is considered to be any individual who travels to Tanzania from another country with the intention of contributing to an increasing quality of life for Tanzanians through physical, emotional, financial or material support. In all cases but one, volunteers who were interviewed were not paid by a VO for their efforts in any monetary form. Those individuals employed by a volunteer organization to maintain the volunteer house (cooks, groundskeepers, security guards, drivers, and site organizers) or to work within administrative, logistical, or any other branching department of a VO are referred to as employees. Lastly, community members are those who currently utilize or have utilized in the past a VOs services relating to education, health and medical care, career development, poverty reduction, or any other sector.
11


CHAPTER II
BACKGROUND
About half the World Bank's development projects have some involvement of local and international NGOs.. .Worldwide, about $9 billion in official aid is funneled annually through these groups, or 15 per cent of all aid, not including the private funds that NGOs raise and spend on charitable activities (Goldsmith 2001:415). Like most other African countries, Tanzania could be said to suffer economically and socially from the historical trauma of colonialism, with contemporary ease coming from the international influence and support of lending organizations and nations, NGOs, NPOs, grassroots organizations, small community groups, and individuals. Community development, social welfare, and disease relief are just a few of the areas that remain as the focus of international aid, which is funneled to each through donations, investment, or private support (Tarimo 2010).
Colonization and Social Welfare
In 1918, what is now known as Tanzania was part of German East Africa, but was placed under British rule following World War I. Once under British mandate, the region was named Tanganyika (Eckert 2004:469 fn). A prominent Muslim, polygamous population lived and still currently lives in the southern and coastal regions; remnants of early Arab trading. The contrasting, largely monogamous Christian population of Tanzania now exists due to an influx of Roman Catholic Franciscan missionaries during Portuguese occupation in the 1500s (UP 2013).
During the 1940s and 1950s a period of shifting political power took place, when older African economies met the attempt at a new capitalist colonial economy (Lai 2010).
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The first decades of colonial rule had no inclusion of social welfare policy; the colonists instead expected the local economy to take on the responsibilities of social security (Eckert 2004:473). Britain first introduced institutionalized systems of social security in African territories in the early 1940s, during a period when some European colonizers still superficially perceived Africans to be nothing but primitive tribesmen (Eckert 2004). By 1945 there were countless development experts arriving in Tanganyika, bringing assertions for building democratic foundations on the rural local level (Eckert 2004). This form of initial development was mainly aimed at the creation of the modem urban African worker, with intentions of turning perceived peasants into hard-working townspeople for the benefit of the colonys economic position (Eckert 2004). British officials believed their own development strategies would make the colonies more productive, and sent experts to East Africa to address the efficiency of certain development sectors as well as to restructure welfare, education, and health policies (Eckert 2004).
In Tanganyika, long existing features of colonial rule such as weak control of local officials by the metropole, racist thinking, and a slow dialogue between London and Dar es Salaam led to a specific outcome: the new generation of experts, aiming at generating development through health, education and agrarian programmes, remained subordinate to the local administration (Eckert 2004:469). London finally allocated £50,000 in 1944 from the Colonial Development and Welfare Fund for the procurement of social welfare centers in Tanganyika (Eckert 2004). Though the centers received small amounts of subsidy from the government, they were mostly intended to ran on their own means because the British were confident that .. .this form of financing would improve
13


the sense of responsibility of Africans concerning social and financial matters (Eckert 2004:478). Social welfare became the more favored means of approach to certain colonial issues after World War II. Though new development professionals began pouring in, the costs were not backed by the British. Further, any support of social welfare programs was still considered to be the responsibility of the African citizens. The underlying philosophy, that social security is not the responsibility of the individual or of his family, is alien to Africa (Eckert 2004:475). This argument of demonstrated lack of effort by the Tanganyikans to take control of their own social welfare persists today, though in different contexts. The causes of current social and financial disparities that plague East Africa are often connected to an early disregard for African community self-worth by colonizing entities (Eckert 2004:476). These very same disparities currently initiate large amounts of financial and material support from donating individuals, organizations, and nations, including Great Britain (Eckert 2004).
With the influx of development experts in the late 1940s and the establishment of social welfare centers in Tanganyikan communities, came the goal of civilization instruction (Eckert 2004:476). Instantly, however, these centers well ill-received by citizens; they did not have interest in the kind of training that was being provided. London was shifting from the promotion of civilization to the increasing of colonial wealth, while creating a new generation of working-class, educated, Africans that could be on par with international standards. Many Africans experienced the incorporation of welfare centers as state control that could be avoided simply by not attending. The strategy for the centers was based within the concept of offering more possibilities for social and economic progress among individuals (Eckert 2004). One of the earliest
14


development projects was established in North Pare, approximately fifty miles from Kilimanjaro, in the form of a literacy campaign (Eckert 2004). Regardless of the restrictions and miseries of colonization, most Tanzanians were successful during this period in ignoring and defying attempts by the state on social development. And upon the granting of independence, they maintained refusal to become involved with state entities and institutions that sought to continue social and economic development (Eckert 2004). Tanganyika officially gained independence inl961 and later formed a union with Zanzibar in 1964, to become known as the United Republic of Tanzania (Eckert 2004).
In keeping with the theme of revitalization through community efforts, Vice President Rashidi Kawawa introduced a law in 1966 to mandate all college students into a national service commitment immediately following graduation (Ivaska 2005). In what came to be known as the beginning of the National Service Crisis, nearly four hundred students from the University College of Dar es Salaam walked in protest of the proposed law, which applied to all university, Form VI (equivalent to Grade 12), and professional school graduates. The stipulations of the compulsory service, such as a minimum two year commitment, required uniforms, and limited pay, caused outrage among the young adults of Tanzania, who claimed that such required service infringed upon their abilities to work and pay back their parents investments in their education, among other reasons (Ivaska 2005). Debates ensued by those strongly opposed to the mandate over the following weeks. The first president of the newly independent nation, Julius Nyerere, gave a clear yet brutal speech in response to the protesting, and demanded that they were all, even he, belonging to a class of exploiters and that he would surely cut salaries, as the students asked, because those salaries are what built this kind of attitude in the
15


educated people (Ivaska 2005:98). In the end of the National Service crisis, protesting students were expelled and Nyerere and Kawawa held their ground (as well as reduced their salaries, as promised), prompting the students to issue a formal apology sometime later.
Tanzanian Socialism: Ujamaa
It could be argued that the insistence of the use of democracy and capitalism within Tanzania by both colonizing nations and sources of international aid were what prompted an immediate push to early African socialism. President Nyerere introduced a large campaign of community-family cooperation and integration with The Arusha Declaration, which was passed in 1967 (Jennings 2002). With this declaration came the nation-wide promotion of Ujamaa, or familyhood (Lai 2010). Newly established rural economic and social communities where families would live and work together for the benefit of everyone was to be the new mode of life, through the promotion of a nuclear family tradition. Ujamaa was expected to be the driving force for national agricultural expansion, development, and funding, according to Nyerere (Jennings 2002). At the same time, an emerging NGO sought to build an alliance with the Tanzanian state by accepting a role in the development and implementation of community programs like Ujamaa (Jennings 2002). Though Oxfam was founded decades earlier, it reached a point of internal restructuring when it became actively tied to social development in Tanzania. In the same regard, Tanzania was a newly independent nation and was just beginning to form international relationships of support. The Ujamaa project was spearheaded by Oxfam, though it was called the Ruvuma Development Association (RDA) internally (Jennings 2002). Tanzania used an initial development approach of agricultural and
16


industrial expansion during the first few years of independence. Under this format, rural areas would support economic and social development nationally by increasing agricultural production (Jennings 2002). The nation-wide development strategy of Ujamaa, which specified an emphasis on nuclear families, created problems in many areas due to varying family approaches that had already been established. These norms of cultural and religious influence were primarily driven by survival strategies and social resources through flexible family and gender roles (Lai 2010). In other words, many men would marry more than one woman to increase his access to family resources and opportunities to have children.
Between 1967 and 1972, the villagization of Ujamaa was a voluntary transition to socialism in communities, where individuals or families would relocate to newly established communities that only adhered to new Ujamaa policies. But with the introduction of Operation Vijiji in 1973, resettlement became mandatory. In this mass effort, the achievement of complete relocation began to overshadow the underlying goal of true Ujamaa, which emphasized community cooperation (Lai 2010:3 fn). All the while, Nyerere was hoping to witness a natural extension of Tanzanian kinship and family through collective efforts to maintain a mutually cooperating and integrated community. Ujamaa practice grew to be strictly promoted and enforced, yet only fifteen percent of the population had been relocated to registered villages by 1973. A count in 1976 revealed that ninety-five percent of the population had resettled through villagization after even stronger restrictions were put in place on residents (Jennings 2002). These restrictions were promoted on the ground by a fleet of young male militants who were trained to inspire a revolution through their forced operations within
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communities (Lai 2010:2). Women were also required to enforce Ujamaa within the domestic sphere through their support and protection of the standard nuclear family and its everyday functions.
Known to many as the decade of development, the 1960s in Tanzania was a time of great internal debate and residential upheaval. Cooperation with the Tanzanian government by Oxfam came at the same time that the NGO itself was taking on new challenges. It was transitioning from a committed collection of individuals to a structured group of committees that design, implement, and evaluate projects (Jennings 2002:513). Countless unwilling families were forced to relocate to registered Ujamaa villages with the backing of Oxfam and its dedication to human rights and emergency and poverty relief. It could be said that one of the largest resettlement campaigns in African history was the product of INGO intervention, though the full scale of knowledge regarding this matter on the part of Oxfam is unknown (Jennings 2002). Given the nature of this thesis research question, the significance of Oxfams willingness to become involved with this type of development project speaks volumes to the ability of outcomes to largely stray from intentions.
The first Field Director appointed within Oxfam had a direct relationship with several Tanzanian government officials, as well as with Nyerere himself (Jennings 2002). By 1965 the RDA program based in Tanzania had become entirely externally funded, with volunteers being recruited and placed at sites by Volunteer Teachers for Africa and the American Friends Service Committee (Jennings 2002). Ujamaa villagization was based upon the assumption that living together would lead to working together, which did fall in line with Oxfams overall mission. The INGO became a full partner in Nyereres
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Ujamaa plan, and named Tanzania as its main focus for development in the 1960s, with all other Oxfam efforts in the country at the time tailored to support Ujamaa. The Oxfam Field Director named Tanzania the organizations model Oxfam country, where they were aiming to produce the kind of development, the kind of society, that Oxfam supporters would like to see everywhere (Jennings 2002:512). Oxfam saw their relationship with the Tanzanian government as a collective effort, a meeting of the minds, working toward the same end goals through the same strategies. During the same period, however, the country took a dramatic turn towards authoritarianism (Jennings 2002:513).
Suddenly and unexpectedly, after a visit from government officials in 1969, the Ruvuma Development Association was shut down. At this point the project had already consisted of 17 villages when ground militants closed the grain and timber mills, confiscated all property and assets, and redistributed teaching staff (Jennings 2002).
The same government that had held up the RDA as a paragon of Ujamaa-type development....had within the space of a year destroyed it (Jennings 2002:519). The reasoning for this abrupt shut-down is vaguely detailed in the literature, but some point to the cause of program termination being linked to alleged threats on the lives of some Tanzanian Central Committee members (Jennings 2002).
Several political shifts took place since then, though it could be said that none were as dramatic as the promotion of Ujamaa by Nyerere. He resigned in 1985, and the new leadership of Tanzania took a turn toward privatization of businesses and an even more willing acceptance of outside sources of support and assistance. Fast forwarding to 1993, for the first time the internationally-founded Development Assistance Committee
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(DAC) specifically advocated that all affiliated developing countries write procedures that would allow ordinary people to have a say in shaping public policies that affect their own lives (Goldsmith 2001). In contrast, however, foreign assistance became increasingly conditional, nearing 1975, on evidence of democracy and human rights, suggesting that only those nations that demonstrate such conditions be given support. Both governmental and non-governmental donors began to make it clear that receiving states must shape up politically or lose all access to credit or benefits. Almost three-fourths of the programs being implemented by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund in Africa between 1997 and 1999 were founded on political conditions (Goldsmith 2001). In turn, only the most democratic countries in Africa received sizable amounts of aid or resources in comparison to their socialist, war-ravaged, and politically corrupt neighbors.
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CHAPTER III
THEORETICAL FRAMING Grounded Theory
Data collection and analysis for this thesis were shaped predominantly by theories of power, influenced by James Fergusons decentered power theory (1990), which were initially guided through the application of grounded theory. A theoretical approach using decentered power theory considers social contexts in which power is concentrated within entities that do not realize they are holding power that influences situational outcomes. Decentered power is that which is not executed by any single individual but collectively by a group. Such a theoretical application remained in the back of my mind during data collection, as a grounded theory approach was first applied. Grounded theory was used to seek patterns within the data that pertained to relationships and exercises in power that were not immediately obvious. This approach allowed for a solidified and appropriate theory of power to be developed throughout the research process rather than being strictly instituted from the beginning. Intentions of subjects were identified in conjunction with outcomes of their involvement with volunteer organizations to produce situational decentered power relationships that further dictate social realities.
The influence of collected data on the overall theoretical framing was expanded on through the use of grounded theory, as utilized by Horton and Barker, where they investigated the social, political, and biocultural contexts of a situation to understand what was really going on (2010). They explain that ...tracking the effects of social and policy contexts required analysis at multiple levels (2010:204). Their approach was inductive; grounded in the data as opposed to deductive. We read through each body
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of data and isolated a series of relevant themes, some of which also recurred in the literature (Horton and Barker 2010:204). This iterative analysis technique was applied during data collection in Usa River in order to outline underlying themes from coded interviews and field observations that were relevant to relationships of power, which in turn led to further clarification of applied theory. To satisfy research in grounded theory, Horton and Barker interviewed a representative of every possible angle of their concept. To determine how and why farmworkers children were gaining stigmatized biologies, the researchers interviewed caregivers, children, clinic directors, dentists (public and private), federal insurance office managers, billing clerks, and others, until they were able to analyze and interpret the appropriate context. Through this, they identified the social vulnerability of the population in question. Theoretical framing for this thesis was developed in a similar manner, although the guidance of decentered power theory influenced the application of grounded theory from the beginning, where Horton and Barker relied on grounded theory initially to develop the appropriate framing.
Recognizing Social Realities through Decentered Power Theory There are two main camps within the literature of development Anthropology; one group sees development as a provider of poverty alleviation and overall progress, through its role as a behavioral change enforcer. The second camp places a critical focus on Marxist-interpretations and dependency theory associated with development; seeing capitalist expansion as a reactionary force rather than a progressive one (Ferguson 1990). But whether capitalism causes poverty or provides a source of exit from poverty is not a question of importance within this context. Neither is the concept of doing good or bad with the presence and enhancement of development aid over the years, ...the task is not
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to denounce the rural development establishment for what it is not, but to analyze it... (Ferguson 1990:14). If the underlying purpose of a development project is to aid capitalist expansion in a given country, as some argue, then the plan has not yet entirely succeeded. It may, in fact, be true that certain large corporations, political or social organizations, or entire countries have interests in providing development aid in order to support their own interests, but this does not account for the thousands of humanitarian aid organizations that do not seek such investment. Intentions are significant to outcomes as they obviously influence them, but they also provide a means of understanding where the power exists and why (Ferguson 1990).
As an anthropologist, one cannot assume, for instance, as many political economists do, that a structure simply and rationally represents or expresses a set of objective interests; one knows that structures are multi-layered, polyvalent, and often contradictory, and that economic functions and objective interests are always located within other, encompassing structures that may be invisible even to those who inhabit them (Ferguson 1990:17). This statement translates into the fact that any variation of investigation into the realm of development is only operating within its own set of social and cultural structures, and cannot provide for assumptions or generalizations that are widely applicable. In this case, the intertwined and overlapping structures that create, sustain, and hold the social realities of the volunteer industry in Usa River, Tanzania, are unique, though the temptation to generalize the successes or failures of development applications does remain pressing, with so many development programs showing similar intentions with similar results. James Ferguson notes the replication involved in each new aid project in one area of Africa that turns to failure: again and again development
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projects in Lesotho are launched, and again and again they fail; but no matter how many times this happens there always seems to be someone ready to try again with yet another project (1990:8). This situation is not by any means unique to Lesotho; it rings true to any development aid in the Third World (Easterly 2009). We will see that, perhaps because the transformational approach has been dominant, aid ideas have often been cyclical, with the same ideas going out of fashion only to come back again many years later a pattern that is suggestive of lack of learning (Easterly 2009:377). The cycle has become so routine that the development itself has become an institution, with its own discourse, strategy, collection of experts, and means of project implementation. This trend is vital to the contextualization of theories of development, and in particular, the theoretical framing of this thesis. The notion of an evolution of sorts within the roles and actions of volunteer organizations in Tanzania manifests an as emergent industry rather than simply a collection of entities. The network of VOs in Usa River and the broader Arusha Region may be viewed as a collective volunteer industry that rests within the political-ecological structure of the area. The volunteer industry, which specializes in the recruitment and placement of volunteers in the homes, social groups, schools and other institutions which a VO deems necessary, exists as an identifiable subject.
Ferguson labels the development industry as a global phenomenon, and where he places focus on development as an entity, this thesis will examine a collection of local volunteer organizations as a portion of a larger and growing industry that feeds international volunteers into program sites in rural Tanzania. Where he conceptualizes development institutions and the decentralized power struggles they cause, this thesis will pinpoint the role of volunteer organizations in the lives of the individuals who work for
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the organization, the individuals who volunteer for it, and the individuals who seek help from it. Instead of ascribing events and institutions to the projects of various actors, an anthropological approach must demote the plans and intentions of even the most powerful interests to the status of an interesting problem, one level among many others, for the anthropologists knows well how easily structures can take on lives of their own that soon enough overtake intentional practices (Ferguson 1990:17).
Intentions are important, but they are not the last stop in defining the structural actions of an institution. Outcomes of planned social interventions can end up coming together into powerful constellations of control that were never intended and in some cases never even recognized, but are all the more effective for being subjectless (Ferguson 1990:19). Here there is no central concentration or being of power, and the volunteer organization was never created with intentions of imposing power (or we will at least assume so for their benefit). The application of a decentered power theory can explain the unintentional rise of power among an institution or industry, considering its lack of specificity to any place or individual. It is through the planned social actions and interventions of the institution that the unintended control manifests (Ferguson 1990). A decentered power approach attempts to create an understanding of how the nature of a social reality is created by results of actions, and not by the existence of guiding intentions that initiated a particular situation (Ferguson 1990). ....but this is not to say that such institutions do not represent an exercise of power; only that power is not to be embodied in the person of a powerful subject. A development project may very well serve power, but in a different way than any of the power actors imagined, it may only wind up in the end turning out to serve power (Ferguson 1990:18-19). Intentional plans
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may interact with unacknowledged structures to turn out power upon a social situation. This sequence of events provides the possibility that such volunteer industry outcomes exist despite lacking the knowing or backing by subjects of power within the industry.
This description of theory, as articulated by Ferguson, applies to the current study but in a slightly different format. Decentered power will be used as the theoretical guide of a study based in grounded theory. Fergusons applications are extremely relevant, and have guided this investigation on the volunteer industry. This thesis research also used such application of theory to multiple sites in and near Usa River, using the influence of Carolyn Nordstroms ethnography of shadow markets. In a uniquely structured multi-sited ethnography, she examined the nature and power of such markets, which are not just singular economies but compilations of economic, political, and sociocultural forces. Nordstrom explains the integration and blending of such non-legal networks of arms trades, human labor, sex trafficking, and gems procurement as the basis of her theoretical framework: no single network operates in solitude. Though each network may belong to a different moral universe, they combine to make up an entire arena of shadow markets. Each network uniquely involves several players, from the gem miners to the dictators of underground revolution movements to the elites of distant countries. By uncritically disaggregating the various spheres of extra-state activities analyses not only miss the overlapping connections among the various networks, but also fail to add up the sum total of extra-state phenomena and their impact on global finances, security, politics, and economic systems (Nordstrom 2000:40). The presence of development and humanitarian aid within the Third World is nothing new, but the recently defined role of the volunteer organization as an industry is. And this network, like the shadow market,
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does not operate in isolation. This new industry of volunteerism has roots in the motivated intentions of a number of investors, from corporations to government institutions to inspired individuals. The question of why regarding development need not be established, as the variation is too great, but the actions of the organizations create real time effects within each community. As Nordstrom points out, weapons and gems traders depend on those who mine, and those who mine depend on the industry to provide commodities for their livelihood (2000). These networks are not merely markets -devoid of social, cultural, political and legal ramifications (Nordstrom 2000:46). To realistically map the ripples of a volunteer organization, as part of a larger emergent industry, we must see it as an integrated network that spans from the home countries and social spaces of the volunteers to the rural undertakings of those Tanzanian community members who seek volunteer industry aid. The organization, the volunteers, the employees, and the families that access donated efforts do not operate apart from one another, but rather exist in a complicated network that operates under the influences of many internal and external actions. This framework of integrated networks was used to follow the motivations and outcomes of each player involved. Through participant-observation, the researcher sought to understand the decentered power within an organization that connects volunteers, employees, and community members. An application of grounded theory led to a more stable, yet derived theory of power that contextualizes the intentions of good that lead to outcomes that are non-beneficial.
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CHAPTER IV
METHODS
Ethnography takes the position that human behavior and the ways in which people construct and make meaning of their worlds and their lives are highly variable and locally specific. (LeCompte and Schensul 1999a: 1)
Through familiarization and rapport building, the ethnographer naturally becomes closely involved with the community under study (Lecompte and Schensul 1999a). For this thesis in particular, I was returning to this site for a second time, and was already moderately involved and recognized within the Usa River community. Throughout the data collection process, my attempt to gain information about volunteer organizations and their affiliates was often perceived by community members and employees to be a volunteer effort in itself. Rapport had been previously established with many local organization staff members and local community members who utilized organization programs. Volunteers, in general, are a well-established portion of the community in Usa River. And though the individuals themselves come and go, volunteers as a larger group are constantly present and commonly well-received. That being said, there was a naturally occurring response by the community to seek reciprocity in my own contributions. Participant observers are often expected to give back to the community which they are studying and participating in, as a more formal member (Lecompte and Schensul 1999a). Because ethnographers are virtually in the field at all times, my role as researcher in this study simultaneously existed as ethnographer, volunteer, community member, teacher, friend, and health consultant.
With several roles being juggled during ethnographic data collection, the researcher must also be aware of how their own class status (race, ethnicity, gender) and
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power relationships with the participants affect how the phenomenon is studied and how the data is interpreted (Lecompte and Schensul 1999a). Additionally, ethnographic research is rooted in the context of the culture under study, so the ears and eyes of the researcher act as the primary modes of data collection; therefore attention to situational meaning is vital (Lecompte and Schensul 1999a).
Field Site and Sampling
Data collection took place in the Arusha Region of Tanzania, centered in the small village of Usa River, for a period of seven weeks during June and July of 2013. A significant portion of data collection was spent conducting interviews with representative individuals from each of the three different cohorts involved with local volunteer organizations: volunteers, employees, and community members. Participants may have been currently involved or previously involved with a volunteer organization. Within this study, a volunteer organization was considered to be any nonprofit or nongovernmental entity that actively supported and managed community programs at least partially through the utilization of volunteers that have been recruited internationally. The recruitment process could vary within any given organization; where some used third-party organizations to bring in volunteers, and others recruited and placed them directly, primarily through websites. The community programs could also differ between volunteer organizations, as they were observed to include microfinance programs, shelters for street children, orphanages, schools, school sponsorship programs, vocational training centers, food banks, daycare centers, HIV/AIDS relief efforts, home visiting, and widows support programs.
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First contact was made with volunteer informants who were placed at a daycare center in Usa River. Sampling was kept within the population boundaries of involvement, whether currently or in the past, with a local volunteer organization in any of the means discussed above. The originally outlined method of initial sampling was altered in the field due to changing circumstances. The volunteer house where first contact with participants was to be made had been relocated, so instead of spending time tracking down the new location of the volunteer house, a new focus was placed on the community of Usa River. Where the original proposal called for the establishment of volunteer sources by way of a specific VOs house and placement sites, field methods shifted to utilize different, centrally located volunteer placement sites within the village of Usa River that were affiliated with various volunteer organizations. Purposive sampling was used to ensure selection of participants based on their abilities to provide rich information regarding the research topic (Ulin 2002). Selection was theoretically informed and guided to make connections with informants who were seemingly well-informed on the topic of volunteer organizations (Lecompte and Schensul 1999b:232). This method was supported by the use of snowball sampling, in which informants identified others with a similar or specific understanding of the volunteer industry in the area. This allowed for a small though significant pool of knowledgeable informants and information-rich resources to be formed. Occasional instances were taken advantage of using opportunistic sampling as well, where a necessary on-the-spot decision was made to make a new connection or establish a new informant (Ulin 2002). This sampling method was especially useful during impromptu meetings or discussions where research-specific observations or other data were previously unexpected.
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Data Collection
A total of nine formal interviews were held; four volunteers, three community members, and two employees. The employee cohort included any individuals who worked directly for the volunteer organization or for one of the VO-supported community programs, either currently or previously. The community member group included any Tanzanian resident who directly or indirectly utilized a community program and had at least some recognition of volunteer efforts in the community. Finally, the volunteer cohort was represented by any individual who traveled internationally in order to be placed within a community program, through a volunteer organization, for a temporary period of time.
Using Horton and Barkers method of investigating one occurrence from multiple angles, all players involved were interviewed to analyze the benefits that were received, directly or indirectly, through their volunteer organization involvement (2010). One ultimate goal of this research was to provide an understanding of the benefits that are gained by varying cohorts associated with a volunteer organization. This transparency was expected to uncover which cohort receives the most benefit from their involvement (whether on the receiving or giving end, or somewhere in between) with any local volunteer organization, and how this affects relationships of power between cohorts.
Through the use of semi-structured interviews, this research was initiated to navigate through the network of varying groups that came to be involved with local volunteer organizations to make clear the beneficial gains of each party involved (Gravlee 2011). These gains may be related to employment, reciprocity, money, recognition, means of sustenance, or any other kind of individual gain (Akintola 2009).
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The questions focused on how, when, and why an individual initiated association with an organization, and what benefits or non-benefits resulted from that association (See Appendix for full question guides). Opinions on the quality and quantity of volunteer programs and their effectiveness, their perceptions of the purpose of programs, and how a programs presence has affected their own lives was also recorded. The use of semi-structured interview questions allow for the researcher to predetermine exact wording and sequence of questions while also allowing for flexibility if the interview turns in a different direction. Semi-structured and open-ended questions allow the respondents to answer the same general questions, which increases comparability of responses. These responses become data that are mostly complete, with all topics being addressed (Ulin 2002). However, standardization of wording does limit naturalness of answers and relevance of questions to each (Ulin 2002:64 Table 3.3). This risk was somewhat lessened by the minor modifications made to each cohort question guide, so that questions covered the same topic but from a different perspective.
Interviews were meant to be held until saturation of information was reached, though time added a limiting factor to data collection (Morse 2000). To supplement interview data, participant-observation was utilized to document an accurate reflection of the views and perspectives of the participants in the research (Lecompte and Schensul 1999a: 12). Observations were performed on individuals from each group, as well as interactions between groups, to more thoroughly understand how participants interacted with the organization, and to note certain benefits and advantages that they may not have noticed themselves or discussed during interviews. This method was also used to note any community groups affiliated with local volunteer organizations that may have been
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overlooked in the proposal, such as residual employees of schools or orphanages that are connected with volunteer organizations (Gravlee 2011). Participant-observation and informal conversations with varying cohort members occupied most of the data collection time, despite the analysis emphasis on interview transcriptions. Though narratives and quotes from interviews show more obvious links to the theoretical background of the research, observations and unrecorded conversations provide the basis for analysis, and thus were given much more time in the field than interviews. On a typical day, up to four hours of observations were recorded as field notes, with most evenings being devoted to informal discussions with volunteers, community members, and employees over meals or other activities. Recorded observations were taken at multiple sites, but the majority were done at volunteer placement sites, such as schools and orphanages, and during VO meetings. Analyzed codes, in accordance with field notes and observations, outline the benefits of each cohort to determine which groups receive the most and least benefit, and how these benefits are individually and collectively perceived.
A web-based electronic application was used for data analysis; interviews were first transcribed using a word processing program and then uploaded into Dedoose, where excerpts were electronically highlighted and assigned codes. The application of codes and the content of excerpts were used to view patterns and connections within the data.
In particular, benefits to a cohort or individual were identified through the perceptions and informed-decisions of the researcher. There were some instances in which an individual directly stated that they or someone else received a benefit through involvement with a VO, but the majority of Benefits Received or Non-Benefits Received code applications to interviews or field notes were done so at the discretion of
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the researcher. The Benefits Received code was applied to any interview or observation where a desired or unexpected outcome occurred that brought satisfaction or happiness. The Non-benefits Received code was assigned based on observations of physical stress, emotional or mental distress, unwanted or unwarranted financial costs, lack of attempted communication with another individual or group, or any other undesired result or action. The Dedoose code co-occurrence tool was used to locate higher frequencies of the Benefits Received code or Non-Benefits Received code that were used in conjunction with a particular cohort. Other code applications were used to view occurrences of a lack in communication between cohorts and instances where a VO controlled a situation in which its outcome was not in agreement with its original intention.
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CHAPTER V
ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION
Over the approximately two months spent in Tanzania, the application of grounded theory allowed for the gradual appearance of trends in benefits and relationships of power within and between cohorts. Interviews and observations highlighted the variation in individual intentions and subsequent perceptions of their presence within the network of volunteer organizations in Usa River. What motivated each player to become involved with a VO proved to not fully account for the outcomes of that players involvement, as data showed that outcomes were highly influenced by the control of the VO itself. This situational control is highly likely to be unknown to the VO, though further research is warranted to explore that question. What this thesis research has revealed is that the benefits and non-benefits that each player receives through VO affiliation may also be dictated by that VO. The concept of decentered power agrees with the observed power structures of volunteer organizations and their network of players in Usa River, where a controlling power exists and is turned out by an entity or institution that does not realize that it has done so. Further, this exercise of power cannot be pinpointed to any one subject within a structure, but is rather created and distributed by a collection of individuals and their actions. Through such exercise of control by VOs, and the relationships of power that are created, the intentions of individuals no longer truly influence the outcomes of their involvement.
Volunteer Organization Structure and Function Of the volunteer organizations observed in the Usa River area, some were founded by Tanzanian community members and some by outside enterprises such as an
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international NPO or NGO. One VO that proved to be prominent in the area was managed by a man who grew up in Tanzania himself, and moved to Usa River after finishing university studies, with the intention of reducing the poverty and lack of education in the area through volunteer placement sites. This VO was very much like others in that it either directly recruited volunteers internationally through a website, or utilized larger international VOs for recruitment. Once registered, volunteers are given guidance on how to acquire flights, visas, lodging while in Usa River, and any other logistic processes before arrival. Volunteers can indicate in their registration applications what type of placement they would prefer using broader categories, such as education, domestic labor, farming, or healthcare, though it is made clear initially that there can be no promises. Registration also involves a fee that covers meals, lodging, and airport transportation for the length of their stay, while volunteers are also responsible for their own air fare. Once they have arrived in Usa River, they are introduced to their placement sites, which are commonly schools, orphanages, or daycares where teaching is involved. At their placements, volunteers often teach classes and assist teachers with lesson planning and grading. In addition to their duties at placement sites, countless opportunities are given to volunteers to help other individuals or the entire organization through material, monetary, or other donations. For example, several volunteers offered to purchase goats for one VO program that raised the animals for profit for local women who were struggling financially. Other volunteers took it upon themselves to give money or materials to schools, students, local community members that they came to know, or employees and their families. Some volunteers who stayed for long periods of time or who returned for more than one volunteering period became more involved in project
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development and organization administration, such as helping employees with making excel spreadsheets to monitor the organizations budget.
Volunteer organization goals would commonly involve the use of outside sources, such as recruited labor or externally raised funds, to provide education and social welfare services to communities. These external sources also support the organization itself, which reinforces the mission of providing for the communitys wellbeing. VOs utilize the cost-free mental and physical labor of volunteers to address the most pressing needs of community members, which commonly involve larger goals of providing education to all as a key to ending regional poverty.
Volunteer Intentions and Expectations
Upon arrival in Tanzania, volunteers are greeted at the airport by a volunteer organization manager and driver, who escort them to their living quarters. Such hospitality was not expected by all of the volunteers who were interviewed or observed. What also came as a surprise to most volunteers was the reasonable quality of living conditions, meals, showers, and transportation. The volunteers are continually thanked for their time and asked if there is anything that they might need during their stay. Locals who are employed by volunteer organizations also give nothing but respect to volunteers; ushering them from place to place after dark, providing a village tour and orientation, and naming buildings, farms, or other structures after prominent donors. Special breakfasts and hot bath water are offered so that volunteers may feel more at home. While occurrences such as these were counted as benefits for volunteers, they were simultaneously perceived as non-benefits because of the feelings of guilt that volunteers developed in response. Many volunteers felt that all VO efforts for increased comfort for
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them should be directed toward the community, especially the children and elders,
instead. Realizing that the living conditions and privileges of their home countries far
outweigh those of Tanzanians, they felt guilty for receiving so much attention and
hospitality. Perceptions of Tanzania before their journeys led many volunteers to believe
that they would be living in mud huts with minimal food and no opportunities to shower.
Where in fact, volunteers were housed in concrete buildings with electricity, they
received buckets of hot water daily for bathing, linens and mosquito nets, and meals that
were well balanced and considered for the most part to be delicious. All volunteers were
only asked to be at their placements during the morning, so that after lunch they were free
to use their time as they pleased. Expectations of volunteers were met and often
exceeded in terms of living arrangements, food, hospitality of host families, condition of
the streets and buildings, and opportunities to communication in English. One volunteer
remarked, I know I wanted to go Africa, and I felt like I could do something helpful, but
[also] traveling and seeing stuff so I tried to do as much as possible in my free time to see
as much as possible, and have some plans and also it feels like to be able to help...at the
same time. So I really like it, its better than I expected actually.
Some community members consider volunteers to be receiving benefits by
experiencing Tanzania with their own eyes instead of sending money or goods from their
homes. It is considered by them to be a benefit to see what is really happening, and what
the needs really are by learning about the life situation in Tanzania. Many volunteers
expressed their agreement with this perception of benefits.
I got more, like, more perspective of things I guess...you read about all of this stuff but then you get to see it with your own eyes and stuff, and get a better understanding of how things really are, but uh I guess you get an experience for you, for your life, its just
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a good experience I think because you can always read about things but you can never actually experience it if you dont go here, so thats the best thing.
Tanzania provides a mellow introduction into Africa for first time visitors, which is why it is a chosen entry point for so many volunteers. In Tanzania, volunteers are given an experience of African culture without the frightening experiences of war or government coups, with many individuals that speak English, and weather that, even during the rainy season, can be considered mild in comparison to the winters of North America or Western Europe. For some, volunteer periods are transitions into permanent, paid, positions with local NGOs or other institutions that provide volunteer work and other forms of aid or development. Volunteer status, as far as the Tanzanian state is concerned, is less expensive for the volunteer and the VO than employment status, so some individuals travel with intentions of staying for longer periods of time and working with a VO, but begin as volunteers to build a place for themselves first. And this comes with the perk of discover(ing) East Africa while accessing networking opportunities that could lead to a future paid position.
A significant portion of the volunteers who were observed or interviewed were in the middle of university studies, and registered with a VO to gain world or career experience during their summer vacation, with a perk of adding an adventure to their time off. New volunteers were coming and going all the time, and some were extremely involved with development, strategic planning, and education. Others came for shorter stints and mostly spent time teaching and playing with the children. There were some volunteers that mostly traveled during their stay in Tanzania, occasionally visiting schools, and who seemed mostly to use the VO like a hostel and gateway to local culture.
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Volunteers came with varying states of mind, expectations, goals, and intentions. Some volunteered for a once in a lifetime experience, and others continued to return because their work in Tanzania is truly what they would like to do with their time, if it werent for the obligations of work and family in their home countries.
But this (financial planning) is not the job that really is in my heart, I prefer to work with people and children... I want to go there and help the people do this with children. And AIDS and HIV was something that always interested me a lot, from when I was young... as soon as the disease was known.
Cohorts and the Interactions Between Them
The employees who work for volunteer organizations fill many roles, with most of them working in direct contact with volunteers. There are primary employees who run the VO administrative offices, manage volunteers, or oversee field operations, and there are secondary employees who work at project sites, such as teachers, daycare providers, cooks, or drivers. Primary and secondary employees both see volunteers daily, but secondary employees involvement in project planning or volunteer placement is minimal to nonexistent. Employee salaries are largely funded by volunteer registration fees or fundraising efforts made by volunteers in their home countries. Local residents are also hired by VOs to work at the schools, daycares, or orphanages to perform odd jobs such as driving, farming, cooking, security, cleaning, construction or general labor. On occasion these positions turn into more permanent, salaried positions. In addition, such perks of employment include the chance to use the VO grounds or facilities, or to live and/or eat within the VO buildings. Some employees take advantage of their direct access to volunteers as a way to improve their English, which is considered by many Tanzanians to be one way out of poverty. Through these encounters, often lasting friendships are
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developed with volunteers, who find ways to stay connected through email or other social media outlets. These relationships could also turn into benefits for an employees family, as there have been instances of volunteers offering to sponsor an employees child in school or to buy gifts or food for the family. Volunteers have also offered donations so that employees can pursue future investments for their family, such as personal business development.
The community members of Usa River are the most variable in terms of their ties to local volunteer organizations. Women in the community who have HIV or AIDS, most of whom are widows, receive home visits from VO employees or volunteers through social welfare programs. During home visits they may get medication, food, home supplies, or just enjoy the chance to have company. These services are completely free for the women, who frequently also have children who attend VO daycare centers or receive school fee payments from volunteers or VO sponsors in other countries. Because of the prominent presence of VOs in these rural communities, their affiliations with community members are spanned through networks of families and acquaintances. Thus family members or friends of individuals who utilize VO programs become aware of their presence and the resources that they provide.
At least one volunteer organization in Usa River provided several microfinance programs for community members and widows in particular. And for those who registered, free financial management classes were provided. The microfinance programs also offered loans to the general public at a lower interest rate than banks. For the children of registered microfinance members, their school tuitions each year are paid up front by the group so that their parents can pay the tuition amount slowly over time with
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no interest. Many other VO community programs were present within the community and provided a range of services, from discounted school uniforms to food to domestic animals. In addition, grocery stores, markets, stationary and tailoring shops, and school bus services were run by employees and were developed as additional income-generators for VOs. Through these connections, most community members were at least somewhat familiar with why volunteers are present, and what they do for the larger community. Community Members would often have chance encounters with volunteers at markets or schools, and others would become closely familiar with them through frequent utilization of VO programs.
Perceptions of volunteers and their efforts by Tanzanians also vary, of course, but many agree that the altruistic actions of volunteers will be rewarded in one way or another. One employee commented, ... when you do this you know God will pay you and give you a good life. Because when they say oh I do this in order for money for paying me, dont believe that. But do it to volunteer yourself... God too will guide your life. Along those same lines, volunteers often begin to feel a personal connection to the people and the places that they visit during their time in Tanzania. It has been observed that first-hand experience with the children and people of the community has caused volunteers to want to return again and again because of the cherished friendships they have formed, which further leads to continued support from abroad. As expressed by at least one community member, the ability to keep up with technology and advanced forms of communication with the rest of the world allows for increased access to volunteers and the services that they bring. Thus, if the community members are able to keep up with technology and global communication, they will receive more volunteer-related benefits.
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One community member commented, But here, for the group of Arusha people, [they] are aware of what is going on in this world. They know about communication and they can communicate with the other people [about] how to create a conducive environment for volunteers to care.
Volunteers in Usa River were often praised for the encouragement they provided to children. According to several community members, encouragement is an immense benefit that allows the children to pursue goals and dreams that would otherwise drown in an environment where it can be difficult to find comfortable living or an ideal quality of life. For the children, many volunteers also bring in outside educational tools that local teachers normally dont use in their classrooms or dont know about. Within some of the schools near Usa River, activities like word and math games, using prizes as reinforcement, singing, teaching about foreign or Western cultures, etc. were not observed to be used by local teachers, but were by volunteers. Exposure to new learning methods and tools is beneficial to all students who are exposed to volunteers who teach, and the change of pace creates a new excitement among students. Their presence in schools lets teachers catch up on grading, helps to bring students to milestones quicker, and makes learning enjoyable for them. Often during observations, students were seen sitting quietly in classrooms for entire periods while teachers were preoccupied with other tasks. The intended purpose of this was never clearly expressed by teachers, but it seemed like it was a combination of a lack of staff and the cultural belief that childrens brains can only retain so much information in a given period, and that they must be given time to take breaks because their minds are full At the same time, teachers burdens of dealing with a 1/40 teacher/student ratio are lightened by the presence of volunteers.
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With all assignments being completed in written form, a lot of time is taken away from actual classroom guidance by local teachers to complete grading and course documentation.
Those of the teaching profession are highly regarded for their knowledge and ability to help struggling students succeed. In fact, a majority of volunteer intentions and subsequent efforts were directed toward the children within the community of Usa River. A common perception of the community members and employees who were interviewed was that children benefit greatly by volunteer actions. Tasks such as helping with homework, playing games, and learning new lessons also benefit the parents who are struggling with life and dont have time for such attention to their childs formal education.
Those who are coming.... those volunteers, they are more friendly and I dont know [if] its because they are staying temporarily or what. Most of them are very kind to the children and because they have time, maybe those who they used to stay with them they are very busy fighting for life and no time to stay with the children or whatever. But those volunteers who came here, they have time to stay with children, singing with them, playing games, taking them to the playgrounds. So I think they are benefitting a lot, thats what I know.
Volunteers often end up sponsoring some of the students that they teach, as well as buying supplies for a child independently or for the school as a whole. They have offered money to schools or organizations, have been observed paying for new backpacks or shoes, food for lunches, rugby balls, lollipops, games, toothbrushes, and toothpaste.
They spend time playing and giving special attention while playing music, dancing, playing baseball, giving kisses, hugs, special handshakes, or piggyback rides; things that their regular caretakers were not ever seen doing. Volunteers have purchased the kids occasional biscuits and sodas from the store, or additional fruit, rice, vegetables, and
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cooking oil for the preparation of their meals. They have contributed to the upkeep of the organization and the grounds through website assistance, fundraising, marketing, recruiting other volunteers and sponsors, bringing supplies for the garden and building maintenance, or purchasing goats, pigs, chickens for the microfinance fund and other womens programs. Some VOs specialize in housing and caring for abandoned or otherwise street children, with special support staff and volunteers for addressing their health and educational needs. Volunteers also provide manual labor for institutions: building dams, farming, herding goats, feeding animals, repairing property items (fixing leaking pipes), etc. They do VO fundraising in their home countries, with charity drives, raffles, Christmas markets, etc. to raise money for sponsorships or program support.
Some also solicit funding from their own governments. Community members, employees, VO managers, and children also benefit from the knowledge and funds that are offered by volunteers in matters of health and education. During home visits, volunteers have been observed purchasing cooking oil, a mattress, charcoal, vegetables, beans, rice, fruit, and vitamins for the women. Without the lagging due to language translation and additional questions, the manager would get through a lot more visits in a day, but the benefits could go down. Though none of the volunteers visiting during the time of data collection were professionally trained in health and nutrition, they collectively offered advice to the women during home visits that seemed helpful and essential, such as the need for more fruits, vegetables, and protein in their diets, occasionally getting some sun exposure, and suggesting that community members discuss certain things with their doctors the next time they visit the clinic. Such advice and
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donations are not provided when managers do home visits alone, mostly due to a lack in funding.
Benefits Among Cohorts
Though no children were formally interviewed, the topic of their well-being was discussed in eight out of nine interviews, and their presence within the volunteer industry in Usa River was well-observed. The cohorts that were initially assigned during protocol development did not include a group for children; this cohort developed during the collection process because it was observed and described so frequently as a group that received benefits and non-benefits. Three out of the four volunteers interviewed specified services relating to childrens education or health as their main focus of personal efforts. All cohorts received non-benefits through their affiliation with a VO, but the children received the fewest of them. From the beginning of the analysis process, it was clear that a large amount of benefits were received by all cohorts, though they varied by kind, degree, frequency, and situation. Through the use of the Dedoose code co-occurrence analysis tool, results showed that the volunteer cohort code occurred most frequently with the benefit code, as well as the non-benefit code, meaning that interviews and field observations revealed that the largest amount of both benefits and non-benefits were associated with volunteers. The cohort to show the second most co-occurrences with benefits was children, which was followed by employees, and finally community members. In looking at non-benefit occurrences, the associated code co-occurred least frequently with children, followed, in increasing order, by community members and employees. The amount of benefits received is relevant to this research, but what is more
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relevant is what intentions initially led to the creation of such benefits, and how and why they were received.
When it came to giving out direct benefits, there was a collective sense among volunteers that they should be able to control where their money went in any given situation, after it had been donated to an individual or an organization. They often felt angry or betrayed if the intended receiver of a material or monetary gift did not use the donation the way it was initially specified to be. After such an instance occurred where a gift was used differently, there seemed to be a hesitation among volunteers from making future similar donations, for fear that they were being lied to about where their donations would go. In this case, volunteers may expect the benefit of dictating where their donated time, efforts, materials, or money is being directed. This sort of situation was discussed during interviews as well as during meetings between volunteers and VO employees and managers. The ability of donors to monitor their donations was sometimes a crucial piece of their willingness to give, whether they were physically in Tanzania or have been sending donations from abroad. One VO in particular had previously promised that quarterly report cards, letters, and updates would be sent through mail to student sponsors, though their efforts to keep up this promise faded in light of other pressing issues such as ensuring that the orphanage had enough food for the month. But, as one volunteer pointed out, the sponsors living abroad are not exposed to this pressure and sometimes bail out of sponsorship if they are not updated because they think they are being deceived. Reciprocation of sponsors had a large influence on the decision-making during volunteer/manager meetings. One volunteer commented, New generations of donors will give even if they receive something small, but they like to get
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something in return, even if it is a pen, t-shirt, photo, or annual report card. This has become a trend in the West and sponsorship might be more solidified if this could happen. Volunteers and VOs benefit mutually by cooperation on projects; volunteers ensure that their sponsorship and support is recognized, and they help the VO with things that help to make the programs run more efficiently. Within one particular VO, volunteers who agreed to sponsor a student with a partnering school were given a discounted yearly tuition rate, which was a few hundred dollars less expensive than if they had not sponsored a child with the facilitation of that VO. The benefit also goes largely to the children, who, without asking, are marketed as needing sponsors by the VO.
Outside of the formal meetings, more than a few volunteers expressed concern about their own capability to trust that the managers and employees of VOs are spending funds correctly or efficiently, though none had ever addressed this topic directly with a representative. There was also an overwhelming sense that the volunteers wanted to be sure that their efforts would create change, but with a great deal of doubt that they would. One volunteer expressed her wishes to spread awareness through volunteer efforts, in addition to providing funding.
So its a double thing... of course I want to help [the VO] but I also want people to know that things are not right, things are unjust, things should change. So its not only the fact that doing an activity is OK, we are raising funds for [the VO], but its also showing to people that things are not good, things are not right.
And, if every time we have an activity for [the VO] there is one person who understands this, and who says Yeah, thats right we have to change things. Then it is OK, there is that defense we have which is very good, but then next to it there is another person who sees that things have to change.
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An Emergent Theme: Communication
Despite intentions among cohorts, a trend involving a lack of communication between volunteers and community members emerged within the first few interviews, and became clearer through continued interviews and observations. The first two interviews in the field were with volunteers who had traveled from Sweden and had been placed at a VO-sponsored daycare and education center for children who could not afford school tuition. Both volunteers expressed doubt about their ability to create effective poverty reduction in the area, and these doubts were strengthened by what little information they knew about the needs of the daycare. Although these particular volunteers had only been in Usa River for less than two weeks, they had not yet had conversations with the teachers or any other community members, employees, or students about their needs or a volunteers potential role in aiding the community. This trend was further expressed in interviews with other volunteers, community members, and observations of children. When asked if she had any conversations with the daycare teacher about the needs of the center, one volunteer responded, No, not that much actually. Like, mostly the previous volunteer told us what was needed, she said this is needed, but thats just something that she herself thought, like yeah they need some protein so you should buy some nuts, but this is not anything that the teacher told us. In the same regard, employees and community members dont have much idea about how VOs make decisions regarding volunteer programs. One employee was asked if she had an opinion on what the volunteers should be focusing on in their daily work. The translator replied on her behalf; So she is saying that maybe the leaders of this center are the ones who are knowing what the volunteers can do, but [she] is her really. She cannot
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say that the volunteers maybe do this and this, when there is any problem she must see the top there...then maybe the leader can talk to the volunteer but herself she cannot. Throughout data collection, the iterative nature of grounded theory allowed for relationships of power, and the subsequent application of power theories, to become clear. Continual reassessment of completed interviews and observations informed further data collection, which led to the realization that VOs could potentially act as barriers between volunteers and communities, thus possibly inhibiting an organizations goal of effectively utilizing volunteers in poverty relief and education efforts. The existence of this conceptual barrier was further solidified through interviews that included concerns for the spatial concentrations of volunteers in more populated areas and/or larger cities. One community member explained that individuals in more rural areas, like where she worked, have no access to volunteer resources and may not even realize that such resources exist.
But I want to give you a difference between places and places, that you can see some of the places there are so many, I dont know, concentration of many centers and volunteers are so many. But in other areas there are very few. And sometimes you cannot see them. For example, the secondary region where Im working is very close from here but there are no volunteers. While there are so many children in the region in which I am talking about, there are many children who are needing the same helping which the children here are getting. But because of the awareness, most of the people in Arusha are aware to look for this help, to look for volunteers who came. Because you cannot come if there is no connection between those who are here and there...
This particular community member worked as a teacher within the Manyara Region,
which borders the Arusha Region but does not have a central location where volunteer
organizations could base themselves. Throughout the interview, the community member
detailed the importance of communication between community members and volunteers,
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and the inability of community members even in the Arusha Region to contact them
directly for help, despite being so close.
You know people themselves they dont know how to find volunteers. They know nothing. You know, to get a volunteer you must have a connection.... So they dont know how to find unless otherwise those owners, the directors of the centers, with the connection with those volunteers...can go around looking for children who need help.... So there is no connection between people themselves and volunteers, but they used to go to those coordinators of the center and look for help.
In a separate interview with a VO employee, the benefits of having direct
communication with volunteers were highlighted. This employee, because he interacted
with volunteers outside of their placement sites, was able to acquire sponsorship for two
of his five children, as well as receive large amounts of material and monetary support
over the years that he worked for the VO. Though he is no longer employed by that VO,
he remains in communication with many volunteers who he considers personal friends,
and who continue to return to visit him and offer gifts to his family.
You know, they told me we want to sponsor [my son], so every year they pay the whole year... so on Monday I will send her the report from examination of [my son] and the cost of school fees for this time.
The privilege of maintaining close communication with volunteers, which also
commonly leads to friendships, is exampled by this employees ability to buy a new,
larger, home for his family and to begin building a barber shop and tailoring business to
support them. This employee directly credits his relationships with volunteers as the
driving force that kept his family out of poverty.
You know if I have one volunteer or two volunteers] that could sponsor my kids, any one kid or two kids would be good. It would help me to control life. And if I will get this, it will be enough for
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me.. .to build another step, to build my room there in order to start my business.
Through these examples and descriptions of how benefits were received by those with
access to volunteers and the resources that they provide, and additionally how others
were not provided with the opportunities that they sought through volunteer support, it
became evident that a barrier exists outside the actions and presence of VOs.
Through their words and actions, many volunteers also demonstrated an
apprehension of overstepping cultural and social boundaries. Volunteers intended to
supply opportunities for progress and growth to children, community members,
employees, and volunteer organizations. Though the nature of defining progress and
growth is very subjective, volunteers expressed wishes to present options but not to
impose actions or ideas on anyone.
I mean, we are not imposing like some project...for us we came, you know, because [there] were are a lot of projects] who [are] staying for a few years and left. So a lot of groups were already formed when we came, but it has to be like their own [idea to] ask, we dont front them. They have to be like [a] volunteer too....Even when we work with them, they take the decision.
At the same time, progress was described by some community members to begin
with an established communication between themselves and the volunteers. One Usa
River community member described the benefits of having volunteers who came directly
to her community to teach about HIV and AIDS prevention and awareness.
So they came and moved around to different places teaching people about HIV and AIDS, so I think that it also something, it is also about community: a connection about community and volunteers.
This gives the impression that an established connection between volunteers and community members is a mutual benefit, and is welcomed. What was observed,
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however, was a distinct barrier that has been created between volunteers and community members by the existence of the volunteer industry, and the sense that the VOs do not recognize that they are representing such a barrier. This research possibly demonstrates a distinct separation in the movements of volunteers and community members, with the buffer being a volunteer organization which dictates interactions between these players. An element of control is exercised by the volunteer organization or entity, where volunteers intentions and motives can be voiced, but ultimately roles and projects are approved and enacted by the volunteer organization. In fact, this position of control by the VO has been observed to be encouraged by volunteers as they otherwise feel that they would be stepping on the toes of the managers and employees if they expressed their differing opinions on things like project implementation. At the same time, volunteers expressed concern for their ability to make positive changes in the communities that they serve. Many note traditions or trends that emerge from a revolving door of entering and exiting volunteers that only have a limited amount of time to assess and address the needs of a community. Even further, when they decide that changes should be made within a particular situation, their attempts are often met with resistance or complete disregard by VO representatives.
There was a noted lack in some situations of direct communication between volunteers, employees, and community members regarding projects, goals, and the role of each cohort within VO involvement. Volunteers were never witnessed verbally expressing their frustrations to employees or managers, but they often felt that many situations should be handled differently. They would offer suggestions for an increased efficiency or success of any one program, but would very rarely discuss with a VO
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manager the details of what they perceived to be impeding progress for fear of exhibiting disrespect.
I have the impression that we can give [VO president] advice but we never want to push things. We dont want to tell him now you do this and this and this... No, its his project, its his ideas. And if he asks for advice we will give them advice and if he wants to improve things and he doesnt know how we are glad to help him but its not our intention that he should start working like we should work in our country. I really dont want that, because its not because its not a Western way of working that it is the wrong way. I am very convinced that we dont have all the knowledge...
There was also an observed and described apprehension among volunteers when it came
to fully immersing themselves in the foreign culture in which they were serving.
Volunteers expressed worries of replacing employees or being too forceful with
cultural and social differences. They also expressed notions that they werent sure if their
presence was actually making a significant impact in the long run. Simultaneously, there
were purposeful motions made by employees and representatives of the VO to ensure that
volunteers were treated to the familiarities of their own cultures, such as hot bath water,
electricity, three meals a day, chaperoning while completing errands and traveling
through town, and making any outside arrangements such as safaris, Kilimanjaro treks, or
further travel plans. As mentioned previously, these gestures of hospitality were intended
to make volunteers feel welcome and at ease, but ended up in some cases to cause
volunteers to feel guilt and frustration. Volunteers, at times quite clearly, expressed their
disapproval to each other regarding the amount of time and effort that was made by VO
employees at ensuring volunteer comfort, rather than directing those efforts toward
themselves and the children.
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In addition to creating a barrier in communication between volunteers and community members, volunteer organizations have limited the geographic locations of volunteer work by restricting volunteer placement to sites that are local to the VO office. The Arusha Region showed a particular concentration of volunteer organizations, likely because of the resources that a city provides to such organizations. Volunteers were observed to be assigned to placement sites in groups of two to six in Usa River and surrounding villages. Such concentrations of volunteers at any one placement appeared to be common, especially during seasons of high influxes of volunteers. Because so many volunteer organizations are based in Arusha, volunteer efforts are localized to the city and surrounding areas. A volunteer may only work as far as a daily bus ride to placement and back can take them, making the community members of the Arusha Region more frequently exposed to volunteer efforts than their neighbors in surrounding rural regions. The Manyara Region, located to the west of Arusha, was mentioned by one community member to be in dire need of volunteers for the children, though not many travel there because no volunteer organizations are based locally. This situation seems to have created a larger bubble of benefits for children in the Arusha Region, which includes Usa River, than in surrounding regions with no central locations for volunteer organizations to become established.
The social barrier that has been created by the presence of the volunteer industry is highlighted also by clear differences in treatment between community members, employees, and volunteers by other Tanzanians. The hospitality discussed above is one such example, but there are other noted differences during volunteer activities. Though volunteers expressed their willingness and want to help with the daily activities of their
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Tanzanian counterparts, chaperoning was always insisted upon. The following example highlights several aspects of the position of power of a volunteer organization within the lives of volunteers, employees, and community members. It touches on differences in treatment between volunteers and Tanzanians and the lack of communication between cohorts due to the barriers put in place by the actions of VOs. It also shows how easily an action that has been initiated with specific intentions can lead to unintended or undesirable outcomes. As one volunteer witnessed the difficulties of domestic labor that existed at the orphanage where he was staying, he wished to help with some of the tasks, as well as to create an event that would bring happiness to the employees and children that lived there. So that the volunteer could make this happen, a chaperone was assigned by the VO operations manager to help and oversee his work in the kitchen, and additionally to find all the necessary items, plan the meal, and negotiate prices with shop keepers. The volunteer expressed clear intentions of relieving the orphanage staff for a night while treating them and the children to a special meal. He intended to do all of the preparation, cooking, and clean-up so that the house staff could take a night off to enjoy themselves. But the staff did not rest and eat with their fellow employees; they ate only after all the children, managers, and volunteers were served and they did so in the kitchen, away from the rest of the party. This separation of cohorts was maintained during this special event at the request of the volunteer organization president, who did not reveal his request to the volunteer, and seemingly did so because he thought the volunteers would be more comfortable during the party. The staff also helped because, although the volunteer put in a large amount of effort during preparation, he was not able to complete all of the work on his own and required assistance.
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As the children quietly ate during the party, the volunteers watched over them, smiling, constantly asking Is it good? and Are you happy? The benefit of creating happiness for others was painfully sought throughout the whole night by the volunteer, as well as the fulfillment of benefits that he intended for the employees and children. But, because the party ran a bit late, the women were forced to put the children to bed later than usual before they could return to the kitchen to clean everything. Other VO employees stayed after the party to put away the borrowed tables, chairs, and soda crates while the volunteers stayed late, sipping wine and beer with the managers and their families. It was difficult to assess the benefits in comparison to non-benefits of this entire action, but the volunteers initial intentions of relieving labor was not achieved, though he did succeed in providing a meal that is not often shared inside the walls of the orphanage because of the cost. Happiness is also an impossible feeling to accurately measure in others. The joy of having a full stomach before bed, or of sharing a meal with friends, is difficult to compare to the extra physical labor and lack of sleep that was exchanged for it. These additional burdens were never verbally expressed by any VO employee or Usa River community member, but the differences were noted through observation. The barrier that exists and that has been created by a volunteer organizations dictation of volunteer efforts has been observed to limit intended progress. The ease of producing unintended and/or harmful outcomes through altruistic intentions becomes evident through this example. Despite the volunteers intentions of sharing a meal with everyone and temporarily relieving the staff of daily chores, the social structure of the situation, as dictated by the VOs purposeful separation of employees and volunteers during meals, prevented those intentions from being carried out. Instead, the
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volunteer created extra work and less sleep for those he intended to relieve, while creating an inviting and enjoyable atmosphere for the volunteers and managers to relax.
Barriers and Relationships of Power Created by Volunteer Organizations
What became evident through a deconstruction of the lines of communication between and among cohorts was the power exercised by the volunteer organization as a whole in many situations. Several interviews from both the community member and volunteer cohorts highlighted a significant lack of communication between the two, and the role of the VO in negating such terms. There is a collective sense among all volunteers interviewed that the VO is the entity which controls how programs are initiated and implemented, where funds are to be allocated, which issues of relief are of highest priority, and which concentrations the volunteers should be utilized within.
When asked, 3 of 4 volunteers indicated that they had not had a conversation with an Usa River community member about what needs were most important to them or their family and friends. Two of the four volunteers pointed to exploration, adventure, and new experience when they discussed why they made the decision to volunteer. Another intended to use a volunteer status as a stepping stone to employment with an NGO, and another expressed the urge to battle injustice and apathy, along with lasting interest in working with children and individuals who have been affected by HIV/AIDS. Though the intentions for their volunteering commitment vary, their actions within the community were directed by the VO. Community Members expressed their inability to ask for help from volunteers directly, as their communication with volunteers has been dictated by VOs. Aside from initiating affiliation with a VO social welfare program, community members have no idea how to access the benefits that may be provided by
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volunteers in their communities. Volunteers are recruited and placed at sites at the discretion of the volunteer organization, and in the same regard, community members only have access to volunteer efforts if they visit such designated sites. Resting in the middle of this communication dynamic, VO employees potentially have increased access to benefits from volunteers through their higher frequency of interactions. The exercised control of such instances of communication between volunteers and community members is represented by Fergusons decentered power. The entity which holds control over the direction of volunteer efforts and the ability to have access to these efforts is the volunteer organization itself, within the larger context of a volunteer industry presence. The power is turned out by VO decisions and actions, but is not held specifically by any one subject. In addition, the intentions of VOs to create opportunities for education and poverty eradication within their communities are inhibited by their own restrictions on volunteer accessibility. Though other outreach efforts are made by some VOs, such as through community microfinance programs, their goals of community aid through volunteer work are limited by their own, likely unacknowledged, role as a communication barrier.
The social realities that are dictated by power, as exercised by volunteer organizations, are frequently masked by the common assumption that incoming volunteers, because of their personal access to wealth and education at home, bring a knowledge and skill set that become immediately respected and sought after by VO employees, managers, and community members. In many situations volunteers act as consultants on issues of health, education, and financial planning. They are idealized in situations by their perceived expertise, regardless of whether their efforts in Tanzania are
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backed by their professional of educational background experience. Most incoming volunteers are placed as teachers, though not all are professional teachers in their home countries. Volunteers are viewed by Tanzanians to possess a wide variety of knowledge, and this gives the impression that volunteers hold power over many situations because of their contributions. However, this execution of power by the volunteer, to contribute to decisions concerning school curriculum, organization project development and implementation, fundraising efforts, or sponsorship recruitment may be merely superficial, as decentered power exists within the collection of VO actions and decisions. Volunteers may hold very little control over their efforts, though they are sometimes led to believe otherwise. The volunteer industry dictates the actions, efforts, communications, and abilities of volunteers, regardless of their original intentions.
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CHAPTER VI
CONCLUSIONS AND FURTHER REMARKS
The results of this study cannot be generalized based on the sample size and the contextual nature of the data collection process. However, this qualitative approach can enable further research on the power dynamics, motivations, and benefits that are shown to be associated within volunteer organizations and their network of players in rural Tanzania. This thesis outlines the potentially unforeseen benefits and non-benefits that arise through VO participation or affiliation, and the relationships of power that help to create them.
It could be suggested that the relationships of power that have been unknowingly, I assume, created by volunteer organizations could be degraded through a mutual understanding of the situational power that exists. Volunteers often express their hesitation in over-stepping boundaries for fear of offending their VO hosts, but in doing so they potentially create and reinforce a social status for themselves that is perceived as one in need of chaperoning. Similar hesitations are noted among VO managers, employees, and community members, in which a strong emphasis is placed on the comfort and well-being of volunteers. Such an emphasis is likely in place because volunteers are continuously needed and relied upon, and it is possible that their on-going support of VOs is dependent upon their comfort while volunteering. This collection of assumptions, worries, and hesitations by so many players in the VO industry seems to have contributed to the creation of barriers by a strong VO presence. As with many other social barriers, it is possible that a deeper communication between and among cohorts could allow for more intentions to be fulfilled and more goals to be reached. If
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volunteers make clear their intentions to VO managers upon arrival, and are also given more chances to directly discuss with community members what their work is for, then the ultimate goals of aiding Usa River residents could be within reach. Of course, larger questions regarding the effectiveness of aid in African countries cannot be addressed through such a small suggestion, but I cannot deny that multiple minor changes, such as increased communication, could eventually lead to a positive end for this and other communities in Africa. For this thesis I have purposely assumed a critical role in data analysis and discussion in hopes that a critical, applied anthropology can contribute to a better quality of life for those who I have observed and interviewed. My previous experience as a volunteer in Usa River certainly influenced my perceptions of the volunteer industry, and naturally further influenced my criticisms of the industry. I approached each volunteer site with skepticism, hoping that my hunches about laziness and selfishness among any VO cohorts would be proved wrong. And I am pleased that during many observations, this was the case. In writing, the larger political and social realities of poverty in East Africa seem daunting and hardly lessened by decades of volunteer presence, and it is always worth mentioning. But the trademark on the ground approach of Anthropological research brings to light the human element of the volunteer industry. These connections are what I do not what to be lost in the research, despite my harsh critique. Changes need to be made within the VO industry and the barriers that I believe have been created absolutely need to be broken down, but the genuine intention of each player to contribute to others happiness is something that must be preserved and appreciated. I can say with much certainty that any minor adjustments to one small volunteer organization in Usa River will not be relevant to larger issues of
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economic policy, political power, and cultural differences that play a role in any current quality of life situation. But a critical and applied Anthropology is key to any necessary first step in progressive change.
Continued research regarding the dynamics of power in relation to volunteer organizations, in particular, the awareness of VOs of their own role in dictating communication, should be pursued. This thesis has also brought up many new questions about the importance of communication between communities and the volunteers that are working within them, as well as the relevance of the amount of benefits that children, employees, community members, and volunteers receive in relation to larger questions of the effectiveness of volunteer efforts. We have seen that despite the intentions of players, all of those who become involved with a volunteer organization are subject to larger influences of power which have the ability to dictate outcomes.
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2010 Stigmatized Biologies: Examining the Cumulative Effects of Oral Health Disparities for Mexican American Farmworker Children. Medical Anthropology Quarterly 24(2): 1999-219.
Hubbard, R. Glenn, and William Duggan
2009 The Aid Trap. New York: Columbia University Press.
Ivaska, Andrew M.
2005 Of Students, Nizers, and a Struggle over Youth: Tanzanias 1966 National
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Service Crisis. Africa Today 51(3):83-107.
Jennings, Michael
2002 Almost an Oxfam in Itself: Oxfam, Ujamaa and Development in Tanzania. African Affairs 101(405):509-530.
Kabendera, Erick
2013 UK invests £20m in Tanzania amid push to replace aid with trade: International development secretary announces cash injection for Tanzanias tea farmers and other agricultural initiatives. The Guardian, November 5.
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Lai, Priya
2010 Militants, Mothers, and the National Family: Ujamaa, Gender, and Rural Development in Postcolonial Tanzania. Journal of African History 51 (1): 1 -20.
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1999b Ethnographic Sampling. In The Ethnographers Toolkit, book 2: Essential Ethnographic Methods: Observations, Interviews, and Questionnaires. Pp. 231-269. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.
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2000 Determining Sample Size. Qualitative Health Research 10(l):3-5.
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2000 Shadows and Sovereigns. Theory, Culture & Society 17(4):35-54.
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2004 Parts Unknown: Undercover ethnography of the organs-trafficking underworld. Ethnography 5(1 ):29-73.
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Tarimo, Edith A.M., Anna Thorson, Theda W. Kohl, Joachim Mwami, Muhammad Bakari, Eric Sandstrom and Asli Kulane 2010 Balancing collective responsibility, individual opportunities and risks: a qualitative study on how police officers reason around volunteering in an HIV vaccine trial in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. BMC Public Health 10:292-302.
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2012 Donor Assistance and Political Reform in Tanzania. United Nations University WIDER Working Paper No. 2012(37): 1-26, online 978-92-9230-500-0.
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Zimmerman, Jonathan
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APPENDIX
Volunteer Question Guide
What made you want to come to Tanzania? How long will you be staying? What were you doing before you traveled here? Did you travel here alone?
What programs are you working on right now? Where are you staying? What made you choose to register and volunteer through Organization X?
What does your typical day consist of while living here?
How do your experiences in Tanzania thus far compare to what you expected?
Do you have supervisors, mentors, or team members while volunteering? If yes, have they coached you on which community needs you should address? How did you decide to work on the specific project that you are? What motivates you to do such work?
How close are you to the local community members that you work with? Have you ever had the chance to talk with them about your specific project/program and how they perceive it? If yes, how has this information influenced your work?
On what level do you think your project/program is affecting this community? Are you helping as much as you intended to?
Would you volunteer through Organization X again? Do you have plans to volunteer in any other places?
Do you have any other concerns about your work and the locals that live in Usa River that I have not asked about?
Community Member Question Guide
Did you grow up in Usa River? If not, how long have you lived here and where did you travel from?
Tell me about your family and where you live... Does your household include children? Husband/Wife? Parents? Friends?
Tell me about a typical day for you....
Do you know any of the volunteers that work in Usa River? Where have you seen them? When was the first time that you met a volunteer from a different country?
Do you like having volunteers in your community? Are they always around?
Which institutions/programs from Organization X do you use? (schools, orphanages, health clinics, food banks, etc.) How have these programs impacted your daily life?
Have the volunteers ever asked you what you would like them to work on? If yes, what did you tell them? Did they work on what you asked?
What have they done in your community that you have benefitted from the most? Have they brought any programs to Usa River that you didnt like? If yes, what did you dislike about it?
Do you think the projects and programs that we talked about will be up and running for a longtime? Would you like them to be?
Is there anything else concerning volunteer programs through Organization X that I havent asked about but which you think is important to mention?
Employee Question Guide
Did you grow up in Usa River? If not, how long have you lived here and where did you travel from?
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Tell me about your family and where you live... Does your household include children? Husband/Wife? Parents? Friends?
Tell me about a typical day for you....
When and how did you find work with Organization X? How long have you worked for them? What are you daily job tasks and requirements?
What do you know about Organization X and what it does in your community? Do you think the volunteer projects are good for you community?
Have any volunteer projects ever benefitted your or your family outside of work? Please explain.
Are there specific ways in which your life has improved upon your employment with Organization X? Do you enjoy working here? Why or why not?
Do you plan to work here for a while? Why or why not?
Is there anything else regarding your position with Organization X that you would like to discuss?
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Full Text

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BENEFITS AND BARRIERS: OUTCOMES OF AN EMERGENT VOLUNTEER INDUSTRY IN TANZANIA by CHELSIE LYNNE FLEISCHER B.S., Juniata College, 2006 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fu lfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Anthropology 2014

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ii This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Chelsie Lynne Fleischer has been approved for the Anthropology Program by John Brett, Chair Marty Otaez Deborah Thomas April 18, 2014

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iii Fleischer, Chelsie Lynne (MA, Anthropology) Benefits and Barriers: Outcomes of an Emergent Volunteer Industry in Tanzania Thesis directed by Associate Professor John Brett ABSTRACT Volunteer Organizations have been pre sent in East Africa for decades, and have been perceived by some to exist within a larger, emergent, volunteering industry. This industry specifically recruits, places, manages, and assists volunteers from other countries for the purpose of providing soc ial welfare services to Tanzanian residents. This thesis sought to identify benefits that individuals may receive, either directly or indirectly, through their involvement with a volunteer organization; by way of volunteering, accepting services provided by volunteers, or becoming employed by the volunteer organization itself. The benefits or non benefits that are received by individuals are highly variable, regardless of what intentions led to them, and this may inform larger investigations into the outc omes of the volunteer industry presence in Tanzania. This thesis sought a broader understanding of human motivations to volunteer, as well as some of the social and cultural context that has been created through the volunteer industry in Usa River, Tanzan ia. In viewing the networks of volunteers, employees, and community members that are affiliated in one way or another to a specific organization, we realize that this industry does not operate independently, and that multiple layers and forces influence o utcomes despite the strongest of intentions. Through the application of decentered power and grounded theories, we may realize that these relationships have the potential to create dynamics of power that can cause separation between volunteers,

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iv employees, and community members that influence outcomes of volunteer organization processes. The presence of a developing volunteer industry within Usa River may also have created a power dynamic that dictates and inhibits communication between volunteers and the community members that they intend to serve. This power has been shown to both provide benefits and non benefits to each cohort of players assessed. A means of understanding the relationships between motivations and subsequent outcomes, in this context or any other, will provide advanced theoretical knowledge relating to Anthropology and related volunteer studies. The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication. Approved: John Brett

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v DEDICATIO NS This thesis is dedicated, firstly, to the people of Usa River who were incredibly generous and welcoming, and also to the volunteers who graciously gave of themselves to increase the quality of the lives of those living in Usa River. To my mentor, gui de, and translator in Usa River, Saidi Keffa Mbisso, for helping with every detail of data collection. You are a genuine friend. To my thesis committee members, Deb Thomas, Marty Otaez, and John Brett. Thank you for your unending enthusiasm and for mak ing research fun. And especially to my advisor, John, for your constant support and encouragement over the last few years. None of this, truly, could have been done without you. And to my husband, Paul, for honestly believing that I can do anything that I put my mind to. Because you believe it, I believe it.

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vi TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. II. Tanzanian Socialism: Ujamaa III. Grounded Theo IV. V. Volunteer Organization Structure and Function..............................................35 Volunteer Intentions and Expectations............................................................37 Cohorts and the Interactions Between The m...................................................40 Benefits Among Cohorts.................................................... ..............................46 An Emergent Theme: Communication Barriers and Relationships of Power Created b y Volunteer Organizations.....58 VI. CONCLUSIONS AND FURTHER REMARKS.................................................6 1

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vii 4 APPENDIX

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1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION While search ing for measurable changes in the lives of Africans after so many decades of international aid and development, questions arise regarding the ground level impacts of such efforts. One way to begin to assess the impacts of aid in Africa is to look more clo sely at the relationships between international volunteers and the people they serve. This thesis research proposes to describe the benefits and non benefits that individuals receive through their affiliation with a volunteer organization, to frame the la rger questions of how and why participation is initiated, and what changes are being made in the community. This project was based in the small community of Usa River, Tanzania, where an ethnographic approach and a subsequent theoretical analysis were app lied to create a deeper understanding of the volunteer network in this community. American volunteers began officially arriving in East Africa in 1961, with other internationally based development groups arriving decades earlier (Eckert 2004). An increas e in transcontinental volunteering shifted the way the First World dealt with public health and humanitarian aid when Democratic candidate John F. Kennedy asked an audience if they would be willing to help others in need. Shortly after taking office, Pres ident Kennedy signed the executive order to create the Peace Corps, and in August of 1961 the first volunteers left for The United Republic of Tanzania (Tanzania): To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

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2 Democratic Candidate John F. Kennedy (Rose 2004:379). the beginning of a monumental growth in large scale efforts made by federal govern ments of the United States and other First World nations to promote community development in struggling countries. Through the decades that followed, efforts increased to cover public health, economic development, poverty reduction and education, particul arly in sub Saharan Africa, by nonprofit organizations (NPOs), nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), independent volunteer organizations (VOs), and global institutions like The World Bank (Akintola 2011). Currently, African countries are receiving the mos t foreign aid per capita in the world, causing some to argue that receiving countries have developed symptoms of dependence (Goldsmith 2001). Some studies have shown that large amounts of aid over long periods of time can reduce democratic decision making and accountability within government. A study reviewed by receiving countries, assessment describes a mor e responsible, self governing, state that can rise from long term foreign support (Goldsmith 2001). As we have seen, many parties claim that the solution to poverty in the Third World lies in the development itself, but these parties lack decisiveness on whether capitalistic growth will benefit or exclude a nation that sits behind in the race. Hubbard and Duggan see a simple solution to poverty: business development. They suggest diverting the millions of dollars that are sent for relief work to the busi ness sector, for the sake of prosperity for everyone (2009). Other humanitarian and nongovernmental groups

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3 emphasize the need for great funds and swarms of volunteers to be placed in the areas of greatest need (Easterly 2009; Rose 2004). Within the anthr opological literature a continuing split is noted, where the problem of aid and development and its lack of success shifts between socio political, environmental, and human behavioral sources of explanation (Ferguson 2004; Easterly 2009; Akintola 2011). W hat we can conclude from this wide spectrum of arguments is that the presence of various types of aid in sub Saharan Africa over the previous decades has not made a significant impact on the quality of life, level of poverty, or global economic status in a ny country (Easterly 2009). trap, which depends purely on initial conditions. The competing explanation is that (Easterly 2009:384). To move beyond the placement of blame, this thesis places focus on the volunteerism itself, and the kind of entity that it has become. To remove ourselves e can attempt to follow a similar gaze to analysis (1990). Aid in Tanzania From the mid 1970s to the mid 1990s, the average African country received between $600 and $1,5 00 per capita in foreign aid, though this number has grown substantially in recent years (Goldsmith 2001; The World Bank 2013). Tanzania, alone, received collective funding from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, The World Bank, an d the International Development Association in the amount of 928 million dollars in 2010 (The World Bank 2013). The highest average

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4 contribution per year to Tanzania comes from the World Bank, with amounts that hovered close to 1.4 billion dollars between 2000 and 2010 (Tripp 2012). In November 2013 the United Kingdom announced they would be investing 20 million pounds in projects in Tanzania aimed at increasing private sector involvement in economic development (Kabendera 2013). Beginning in the 1960s, transnational NGOs such as Oxfam and ActionAid became increasingly present in East Africa, with intentions of developing, implementing, and expanding social and educational revitalization programs with the support of local government (Aikman 2010). Larger issues of debt relief, poverty alleviation, social equity, and human rights were viewed and used as links to a needed access to education among African communities, and these are the majority of the underlying motivations of such international nongovernme ntal organizations (INGOs) currently (Aikman 2010). Such actions by local and international NGOs can still be found in current volunteer organization programs in rural Tanzania, where education is considered to be the key to a future of success for indivi duals and families who are struggling with poverty, hunger, and disease. In a meeting with volunteers, one volunteer organization (VO) manager t of the United Republic of Tanzania, Julius Nyerere, implemented a nation wide system of Education for Self Reliance which remains the dominant philosophy for education and development currently (Jennings 2002; Field Notes). With education as a priority for the state, it became the core of much international volunteer guided relief and development, making connections between community members and the state the central implementation point for INGO efforts

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5 (Aikman 2010). Organizations such as Oxfam began such efforts by working with both theoretically share goals of increasing quality of life through a thriving economy. When we compare the motivations that first triggere d trends in volunteer aid, intentions of volunteers today, we may find that not much has changed. Many volunteers, when asked today, reason that it would be foolish no t to take the chance to see other parts of the world while helping. Some go so far as to admit that volunteer work in and family responsibilities at home. But even i ntentions taken at face value are misleading, as was demonstrated by the groups of Black Americans that joined the Peace Corps to serve in African countries in the 1960s. The Evolution of Volunteerism in Tanzania Volunteering abroad largely began with the implementation of the Peace Corps the time, Peace Corps officials were directed behind closed doors to largely recruit and train Black Americans to serve in African nations to both boost national support for the presidency and to appease requests from African state leaders to send volunteers that could more easily relate to their own nationals (Zimmerman 1995). However, actual the Peace Corps highly sought to point out the diversity of the continent and its relevance to American volunteers, they neglected to train them on the differences between cultures, regions, religions, attitudes and genders between and within the African nations that they

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6 would be serving (Zimmerman 1995). Much to the surprise of Peace Corps officials and volunteers, Africans did not place nearly as much emphasis on racial difference as expected, or as was obse rved in the United States. They instead turned conversations with foreign nationals to their own personal agonies. During the first decade of the Peace Corps, Black members, while serving in African nations, were questioned about their segregated United States (Zimmerman 1995:1019). Such an example of the first attempts at extending aid across contin ents emphasizes the ability of simple, yet altruistic, intentions to lead to unintended and quite offensive outcomes of communication and aid. Passing even further past unintended outcomes, highly altruistic intentions could bring the possibility of creat ing results of disregard or harm to others. Participation as an international volunteer with an organization that recruits and places individuals into the heart of Africa involves a newly emergent trend of travel, accommodation, adventure, and experience perks. At the same time, this thesis was developed so that we can continue to explore the ripples of these perks, as it could be possible that more benefits for volunteers comes to equal less benefits for community members and an overall lack of sustainab ility and effectiveness among volunteer projects. Intentions are vital to the analysis of human action, but they do not fully determine outcomes. James Ferguson describes an anthropological approach to development aid that demotes the intentions of actor This approach, as Ferguson describes, is not meant to treat outcomes as mistakes or traces

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7 application of this aim to current intentions and outcomes of volunteer organizations would allow us to potentially identify the social, political, and ecological structures that have produced such outcomes. It is possible that the initial versio n of volunteerism involving selflessness and sympathy for change has morphed into an industry for promotion of the privileged to experience travel and foreign culture. After the countless financial donations and able bodies working to dig a continent out of misery, have we merely built an institution to benefit the privileged? In complement to this question, we may also ask which individual or entity holds the power in situations of volunteer recruitment, placement, and program implementation in rural Tan zanian communities. The intention of this research study was to develop a richer understanding of the volunteer industry in rural Tanzania, with a particular focus on the benefits and non benefits that are gained by different players in a network of volun teer organizations and community programs, analyzed and deciphered through theories of power. benefits someone, society or the community without expecting financial or material re from early non profit and nongovernmental actions in Africa, how we define volunteerism may need to change. I do not mean to imply that altruism has left us for good, I am merely questioning the shift in which party involved with a volunteer organization is receiving the benefit, and further, who may be expecting it. It has been acknowledged that some organizations find a great challenge in maintaining volunteer satisf action and retention over extended periods of time, and a recent qualitative study called motivation into question. Through interviews and focus groups, Akintola (2011)

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8 found that the most commonly occurring reason for action among volunteers was to fulfi ll altruistic or humanitarian concerns. This study was done among 57 participants volunteering in their local communities in South Africa over a 17 month period. What is more intriguing is that the second leading motivation among participants concerned c areer related benefit, though overall the majority of participants had several reasons serving more than one function; values, career, community, reciprocity, and recognition d, (Akintola 2011:60). Several inferences should be made from this study, the first being that the consideration of volunteer satisfaction by organization leaders is worthy o f further investigation. This could have larger implications on overall organization and community sustainability. Secondly, these findings force us to consider the importance of volunteers in developing countries and how this could be diverting attentio n from those who are seeking aid. Another study focusing on the willingness of police officers living in Dar es Salaam to enroll in an HIV vaccine trial revealed differing motives among participants. These mostly involved personal pride and public and pe er recognition for enrolling in a study that could potentially save lives, especially given the risks and stigmatization that could come with enrollment (Tarimo 2010). Though the type of volunteerism is not the same, these studies shed light on the emergi ng assumption that volunteers should receive something in return for their services, regardless of the effort or risk. Beginning with the first Peace Corps volunteers, and ending with the abundance of college aged, middle class, white volunteers that fill most of the registration spots with

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9 VOs today, we have seen a trend involving a dominant stereotype among individuals who volunteer (Zimmerman 1995). It is possible that we have conjured an industry of volunteerism that ends up sending First World citize underlying expectations of reciprocation. Absorbing a chance to tour the globe while become the favorite cause of school children in rich c ountries, high school seniors feature it on their college applications, and the list of celebrities who add their names and intended to pinpoint and analyze the motivations, intentions, and subsequent outcomes of involvement with a volunteer organization, at an individual level. This was done through that adapted to changes in the field, par ticipants, and incoming data, and with an overall goal of producing a deeper understanding of the interactions between international volunteers and the communities that they intend to support. Participants, events, and locations were chosen based on their perceived ability to reveal rich information on the 2002:57). Research Focus in Usa River The United Republic of Tanzania currently consists of the mainland, still referr ed to in some literature as Tanganyika, and the separate island of Zanzibar. The total population of Tanzania in 2012 was 44.9 million, with 43.6 million of those individuals residing on the mainland. The Arusha Region held 3.9 percent of that total in 2 012, with a population density of 45 persons per square kilometer (NBS 2013). In 2002, the

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10 population of only the Arumeru District of the Arusha Region, where Usa River is located, was 516,814 (NBS 2013). The site of data collection was chosen due to prev ious development experience and familiarity of the researcher with the community as a volunteer in 2009. Many informal interviews and observations that took place during that time contributed to the current research question. Additionally, the initial ra pport that was built through these previous volunteer efforts in Usa River allowed for increased communication during this thesis work with other volunteers, volunteer organization employees and management, community members, and individuals of authority w ithin the village. The viewing of volunteer organizations as an emergent industry in 2009 led to the development of this thesis, which was intended to gather rich information on the receiving of benefits and non benefits by volunteers, community members, and employees through affiliation, and to describe the dynamics of power that exist among these groups. During my volunteer period, strains of cyclical poverty, stigmatization surrounding HIV/AIDS, and poor environmental conditions plagued the community d espite the presence of volunteer projects for decades (Rose 2004). Patterns were noted of what could be viewed as dependency on local volunteer efforts by community members, as well as many unforeseen benefits to the volunteers directly. In 2009, the com munity members of Usa River continually sought varying types of aid, and their struggles with poverty were not observed by the researcher to be lessened on any larger scale than through help with daily needs. Rather than struggling to start a business, man y individuals in third world countries gain employment with local NGOs or government agencies (Hubbard and

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11 Duggan 2009). Working as a driver for an organization pays much better than farming or trading, and with the substantial presence of aid and volunte er organizations in most African nations this opportunity has become common. Some volunteer organizations were founded with hopes of providing a source of empowerment and employment for Tanzanian locals, in addition to providing a support system for strug gling community members, through multiple project sites. Often the main goal of a volunteer organization involves aiding area community members with whatever they may need to live, through the placement of international volunteers in relief or development community projects. The focus of this study was to evaluate the benefit that the organization has brought to each of the parties involved. The cohorts of emphasis within this study are categorized as volunteers, community members, and employees. A volun teer, for the purposes of this paper, is considered to be any individual who travels to Tanzania from another country with the intention of contributing to an increasing quality of life for Tanzanians through physical, emotional, financial or material supp ort. In all cases but one, volunteers who were interviewed were not paid by a VO for their efforts in any monetary form. Those individuals employed by a volunteer organization to maintain the volunteer house (cooks, groundskeepers, security guards, drive rs, and site organizers) or to work within administrative, logistical, or any other branching department of a VO are referred to as employees. Lastly, community members are those who currently utilize or have utilized to education, health and medical care, career development, poverty reduction, or any other sector.

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12 CHAPTER II BACKGROUND official aid is funneled annually through these groups, or 15 per cent of all aid, not including the private funds other African countries, Tanzania could be said to suff er economically and socially from the historical trauma of colonialism, with contemporary ease coming from the international influence and support of lending organizations and nations, NGOs, NPOs, grassroots organizations, small community groups, and indiv iduals. Community development, social welfare, and disease relief are just a few of the areas that remain as the focus of international aid, which is funneled to each through donations, investment, or private support (Tarimo 2010). Colonization and Social Welfare In 1918, what is now known as Tanzania was part of German East Africa, but was placed under British rule following World War I. Once under British mandate, the region was named Tanganyika (Eckert 2004:469 fn). A prominent Muslim, polygamous popu lation lived and still currently lives in the southern and coastal regions; remnants of early Arab trading. The contrasting, largely monogamous Christian population of Tanzania now exists due to an influx of Roman Catholic Franciscan missionaries during P ortuguese occupation in the 1500s (UP 2013). During the 1940s and 1950s a period of shifting political power took place, when older African economies met the attempt at a new capitalist colonial economy (Lal 2010).

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13 The first decades of colonial rule had n o inclusion of social welfare policy; the colonists (Eckert 2004:473). Britain first introduced institutionalized systems of social security in African territories in the early 1940s, during a period when some European colonizers 2004). By 1945 there were countless development experts arriving in Tanganyika, bringing assertions for b uilding democratic foundations on the rural local level (Eckert 2004). This form of initial development was mainly aimed at the creation of the modern urban African worker, with intentions of turning perceived peasants into hard working townspeople for th officials believed their own development strategies would make the colonies more productive, and sent experts to East Africa to address the efficiency of certain development sectors as wel l as to restructure welfare, education, and health policies (Eckert 2004). local officials by the metropole, racist thinking, and a slow dialogue between London and Dar es Sala am led to a specific outcome: the new generation of experts, aiming at generating development through health, education and agrarian programmes, remained £50,000 in 1944 from the Colonial Development and Welfare Fund for the procurement of social welfare centers in Tanganyika (Eckert 2004). Though the centers received small amounts of subsidy from the government, they were mostly intended to run on their own means because

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14 2004:478). Social welfare became the more favored means of approach to certain colonial issues after World War II. Though new development professionals began pouring in, the costs were not backed by the British. Further, any support of social welfare programs was still considered to be the responsibility of the African citizens. philosophy, that social security is not the responsibility of the individual today, though in different contexts. The causes of current social and financial disparities self parities currently initiate large amounts of financial and material support from donating individuals, organizations, and nations, including Great Britain (Eckert 2004). With the influx of development experts in the late 1940s and the establishment of soc received by citizens; they did not have interest in the kind of training that was being provided. Lo wealth, while creating a new generation of working class, educated, Africans that could be on par with international standards. Many Africans experienced the incorporatio n of welfare centers as state control that could be avoided simply by not attending. The strategy for the centers was based within the concept of offering more possibilities for social and economic progress among individuals (Eckert 2004). One of the ear liest

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15 development projects was established in North Pare, approximately fifty miles from Kilimanjaro, in the form of a literacy campaign (Eckert 2004). Regardless of the restrictions and miseries of colonization, most Tanzanians were successful during thi s period in ignoring and defying attempts by the state on social development. And upon the granting of independence, they maintained refusal to become involved with state entities and institutions that sought to continue social and economic development (E ckert 2004). Tanganyika officially gained independence in1961 and later formed a union with Zanzibar in 1964, to become known as the United Republic of Tanzania (Eckert 2004). In keeping with the theme of revitalization through community efforts, Vice Pre sident Rashidi Kawawa introduced a law in 1966 to mandate all college students into a national service commitment immediately following graduation (Ivaska 2005). In what ed students from the University College of Dar es Salaam walked in protest of the proposed law, which applied to all university, Form VI (equivalent to Grade 12), and professional school graduates. The stipulations of the compulsory service, such as a min imum two year commitment, required uniforms, and limited pay, caused outrage among the young adults of Tanzania, who claimed that such required service infringed upon their abilities other reasons (Ivaska 2005). Debates ensued by those strongly opposed to the mandate over the following weeks. The first president of the newly independent nation, Julius Nyerere, gave a clear yet brutal speech in response to the protesting, and demande d that they were

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16 onal Service crisis, protesting students were expelled and Nyerere and Kawawa held their ground (as well as reduced their salaries, as promised), prompting the students to issue a formal apology sometime later. Tanzanian Socialism: Ujamaa It could be argue d that the insistence of the use of democracy and capitalism within Tanzania by both colonizing nations and sources of international aid were what prompted an immediate push to early African socialism. President Nyerere introduced a large campaign of comm unity family cooperation and integration with The Arusha Declaration, which was passed in 1967 (Jennings 2002). With this declaration came the nation wide promotion of Ujamaa economic and social commun ities where families would live and work together for the benefit of everyone was to be the new mode of life, through the promotion of a nuclear family tradition. Ujamaa was expected to be the driving force for national agricultural expansion, development and funding, according to Nyerere (Jennings 2002). At the same time, an emerging NGO sought to build an alliance with the Tanzanian state by accepting a role in the development and implementation of community programs like Ujamaa (Jennings 2002). Thoug h Oxfam was founded decades earlier, it reached a point of internal restructuring when it became actively tied to social development in Tanzania. In the same regard, Tanzania was a newly independent nation and was just beginning to form international rela tionships of support. The Ujamaa project was spearheaded by Oxfam, though it was called the Ruvuma Development Associati on (RDA) internally (Jennings 2002). Tanzania used an initial development approach of agricultural and

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17 industrial expansion during the first few years of independence. Under this format, rural areas would support economic and social development nationally by increasing agricultural production (Jennings 2002). The nation wide development strategy of Ujamaa which specified an emphasis o n nuclear families, created problems in many areas due to varying family approaches that had already been established. These norms of cultural and religious influence were primarily driven by survival strategies and social resources through flexible famil y and gender roles (Lal 2010). In other words, many men would marry more than one woman to increase his access to family resources and opportunities to have children. Ujamaa was a voluntary transition to socia lism in communities, where individuals or families would relocate to newly established communities that only adhered to new Ujamaa policies. But with the introduction of Operation Vijiji in 1973, resettlement became mandatory. In this mass effort, the ac hievement of complete relocation began to overshadow the underlying goal of true Ujamaa which emphasized community cooperation (Lal 2010:3 fn). All the while, Nyerere was hoping to witness a natural extension of Tanzanian kinship and family through colle ctive efforts to maintain a mutually cooperating and integrated community. Ujamaa practice grew to be strictly promoted and enforced, yet only fifteen percent of the population had been relocated to registered villages by 1973. A count in 1976 revealed t hat ninety five percent of the population had resettled through villagization after even stronger restrictions were put in place on residents (Jennings 2002). These restrictions were promoted on the ground by a fleet of young male militants who were train

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18 Ujamaa within the domestic sphere through their support and protection of the standard nuclear family and its everyday functi ons. time of great internal debate and residential upheaval. Cooperation with the Tanzanian government by Oxfam came at the same time that the NGO itself was taking on new challen structured group of committees that design, implement, and evaluate projects (Jennings 2002:513). Countless unwilling families were forced to relocate to registered Ujamaa villag es with the backing of Oxfam and its dedication to human rights and emergency and poverty relief. It could be said that one of the largest resettlement campaigns in African history was the product of INGO intervention, though the full scale of knowledge r egarding this matter on the part of Oxfam is unknown (Jennings 2002). Given the nature involved with this type of development project speaks volumes to the ability of outc omes to largely stray from intentions. The first Field Director appointed within Oxfam had a direct relationship with several Tanzanian government officials, as well as with Nyerere himself (Jennings 2002). By 1965 the RDA program based in Tanzania had be come entirely externally funded, with volunteers being recruited and placed at sites by Volunteer Teachers for Africa and the American Friends Service Committee (Jennings 2002). Ujamaa villagization was based upon the assumption that living together would lead to working together, which did

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19 Ujamaa plan, and named Tanzania as its main focus for development in the 1960s, with all other Oxfam efforts in the country at the time tailored to support Ujamaa The Oxfam gs 2002:512). Oxfam saw their same period, however, the country took a dramatic turn to wards authoritarianism (Jennings 2002:513). Suddenly and unexpectedly, after a visit from government officials in 1969, the Ruvuma Development Association was shut down. At this point the project had already consisted of 17 villages when ground militants closed the grain and timber mills, confiscated all property and assets, and redistributed teaching staff (Jennings 2002). Ujamaa type (Jennings 2002:519). The reasoning for this abrupt shut down is vaguely detailed in the literature, but some point to the cause of program termination being linked to alleged threats on the lives of some Tanzanian Central Committee members (Jennings 2002 ). Several political shifts took place since then, though it could be said that none were as dramatic as the promotion of Ujamaa by Nyerere. He resigned in 1985, and the new leadership of Tanzania took a turn toward privatization of businesses and an even more willing acceptance of outside sources of support and assistance. Fast forwarding to 1993, for the first time the internationally founded Development Assistance Committee

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20 (DAC) specifically advocated that all affiliated developing countries write pro cedures their own lives (Goldsmith 2001). In contrast, however, foreign assistance became increasingly conditional, nearing 1975, on evidence of democracy and human ri ghts, suggesting that only those nations that demonstrate such conditions be given support. Both governmental and non governmental donors began to make it clear that receiving lmost three fourths of the programs being implemented by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund in Africa between 1997 and 1999 were founded on political conditions (Goldsmith 2001). In turn, only the most democratic countries in Africa received s izable amounts of aid or resources in comparison to their socialist, war ravaged, and politically corrupt neighbors.

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21 CHAPTER III THEORETICAL FRAMING Grounded Theory Data collection and analysis for this thesis were shaped predominantly by theor ies initially guided through the application of grounded theory. A theoretical approach using decentered power theory considers social contexts in which power is concentra ted within entities that do not realize they are holding power that influences situational outcomes. Decentered power is that which is not executed by any single individual but collectively by a group. Such a theoretical application remained in the back of my mind during data collection, as a grounded theory approach was first applied. Grounded theory was used to seek patterns within the data that pertained to relationships and exercises in power that were not immediately obvious. This approach allowed for a solidified and appropriate theory of power to be developed throughout the research process rather than being strictly instituted from the beginning. Intentions of subjects were identified in conjunction with outcomes of their involvement with volunt eer organizations to produce situational decentered power relationships that further dictate social realities. The influence of collected data on the overall theoretical framing was expanded on through the use of grounded theory, as utilized by Horton and Barker, where they investigated the social, political, and biocultural contexts of a situation to understand 010:204). Their approach was

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22 of data and isolated a series of relevant themes, some of which also recurred in the ive analysis technique was applied during data collection in Usa River in order to outline underlying themes from coded interviews and field observations that were relevant to relationships of power, which in turn led to further clarification of applied th eory. To satisfy research in grounded theory, Horton and Barker interviewed a representative of every possible angle of their concept. the researchers interviewed caregi vers, children, clinic directors, dentists (public and private), federal insurance office managers, billing clerks, and others, until they were able to analyze and interpret the appropriate context. Through this, they identified the social vulnerability o f the population in question. Theoretical framing for this thesis was developed in a similar manner, although the guidance of decentered power theory influenced the application of grounded theory from the beginning, where Horton and Barker relied on groun ded theory initially to develop the appropriate framing. Recognizing Social Realities through Decentered Power Theory one group sees development as a provider of poverty allevia tion and overall progress, through its role as a behavioral change enforcer. The second camp places a critical focus on Marxist interpretations and dependency theory associated with development; seeing capitalist expansion as a reactionary force rather th an a progressive one (Ferguson 1990). But whether capitalism causes poverty or provides a source of exit from poverty is not a with the presence and enhancement of

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23 capitalist expansion in a gi succeeded. It may, in fact, be true that certain large corporations, political or social organizations, or entire countries have interests in providing development aid in order to support the ir own interests, but this does not account for the thousands of humanitarian aid organizations that do not seek such investment. Intentions are significant to outcomes as they obviously influence them, but they also provide a means of understanding where the power exists and why (Ferguson 1990). s are multi layered, polyvalent, and often within other, encompassing structures that may be invisible even to those who inhabit nt translates into the fact that any variation of investigation into the realm of development is only operating within its own set of social and cultural structures, and cannot provide for assumptions or generalizations that are widely applicable. In this case, the intertwined and overlapping structures that create, sustain, and hold the social realities of the volunteer industry in Usa River, Tanzania, are unique, though the temptation to generalize the successes or failures of development applications do es remain pressing, with so many development programs showing similar intentions with similar results. James Ferguson notes the replication involved in each

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24 projects in Lesotho are launched, and again and again they fail; but no matter how many times this happens there always seems to be someone ready to try again with yet another to because the transformational approach has been dominant, aid ideas have often been cyclical, with the same ideas going out of fashion only to come back again many years later become so routine that the development itself has become an institution, with its own discourse, strategy, collection of experts, and means of project implementat ion. This trend is vital to the contextualization of theories of development, and in particular, the theoretical framing of this thesis. The notion of an evolution of sorts within the roles and actions of volunteer organizations in Tanzania manifests an as emergent industry rather than simply a collection of entities. The network of VOs in Usa River and the broader Arusha Region may be viewed as a collective volunteer industry that rests within the political ecological structure of the area. The volunte er industry, which specializes in the recruitment and placement of volunteers in the homes, social groups, schools and other institutions which a VO deems necessary, exists as an identifiable subject. phenomenon, and where he places focus on development as an entity, this thesis will examine a collection of local volunteer organizations as a portion of a larger and growing industry that feeds international volunteers into program sites in rural Tanzani a. Where he conceptualizes development institutions and the decentralized power struggles they cause, this thesis will pinpoint the role of volunteer organizations in the lives of the individuals who work for

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25 the organization, the individuals who voluntee r for it, and the individuals who seek help anthropological approach must demote the plans and intentions of even the most powerful interests to the status of an interesting problem, one level among many others, for the anthropologists knows well how easily structures can take on lives of their own Intentions are important, but they are not the l ast stop in defining the structural together into powerful constellations of control that were never intended and in some cases never even recognized, but are all the m (Ferguson 1990:19). Here there is no central concentration or being of power, and the volunteer organization was never created with intentions of imposing power (or we will at least assume so for their benefit) The application of a decentered power theory can explain the unintentional rise of power among an institution or industry, considering its lack of specificity to any place or individual. It is through the planned social actions and interventions of the instit ution that the unintended control manifests (Ferguson 1990). A decentered power approach attempts to create an understanding of how the nature of a social reality is created by results of actions, and not by the existence of guiding intentions that initia that such institutions do not represent an exercise of power; only that power is not to be serve po wer, but in a different way than any of the power actors imagined, it may only wind up in the end turning out to serve pow er 19). Intentional plans

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26 This sequence of events provides the possibility that such volunteer industry outcomes exist despite lacking the knowing or backing by subjects of power within the industry. This description of theory, as articulated by Ferguson, applies to the current study but in a slightly different format. Decentered power will be used as the theoretical guide have guided this investigation on the volunteer industry. This thes is research also used such application of theory to multiple sites in and near Usa River, using the influence of sited ethnography, she examined the nature and power of such markets, which are not just singular economies but compilations of economic, political, and sociocultural forces. Nordstrom explains the integration and blending of such non legal networks of arms trades, human labor, sex trafficking, and gems procuremen t as the basis of her theoretical framework: no single network operates in solitude Though each network may belong to markets. Each network uniquely involves several players from the gem miners to the uncritically disaggregating the various spheres of extra state activities analyses not only miss the overlapping connections among the vario us networks, but also fail to add up the sum total of extra state phenomena and their impact on global finances, security, politics, humanitarian aid within the Third World is noth ing new, but the recently defined role of the volunteer organization as an industry is. And this network, like the shadow market,

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27 does not operate in isolation. This new industry of volunteerism has roots in the motivated intentions of a number of invest ors, from corporations to government institutions to inspired individuals not be established, as the variation is too great, but the actions of the organizations create real time effects within each commun ity. As Nordstrom points out, weapons and gems traders depend on those who mine, and those who mine depend on the industry to provide devoid of social, cultural, political realistically map the ripples of a volunteer organization, as part of a larger emergent industry, we must see it as an integrated network that spans from the home countries and social spaces of the voluntee rs to the rural undertakings of those Tanzanian community members who seek volunteer industry aid. The organization, the volunteers, the employees, and the families that access donated efforts do not operate apart from one another, but rather exist in a c omplicated network that operates under the influences of many internal and external actions. This framework of integrated networks was used to follow the motivations and outcomes of each player involved. Through participant observation, the researcher so ught to understand the decentered power within an organization that connects volunteers, employees, and community members. An application of grounded theory led to a more stable, yet derived theory of power that contextualizes the intentions of good that lead to outcomes that are non beneficial.

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28 CHAPTER IV METHODS Ethnography takes the position that human behavior and the ways in which people construct and make meaning of their worlds and their lives are highly variable and locally specific. (LeCom pte and Schensul 1999a:1) Through familiarization and rapport building, the ethnographer naturally becomes closely involved with the community under study (Lecompte and Schensul 1999a). For this thesis in particular, I was returning to this site for a se cond time, and was already moderately involved and recognized within the Usa River community. Throughout the data collection process, my attempt to gain information about volunteer organizations and their affiliates was often perceived by community member s and employees to be a volunteer effort in itself. Rapport had been previously established with many local organization staff members and local community members who utilized organization programs. Volunteers, in general, are a well established portion of the community in Usa River. And though the individuals themselves come and go, volunteers as a larger group are constantly present and commonly well received. That being said, there was a naturally occurring response by the community to seek reci proci ty in my own contributions. Participant observers are often expected to give back to the community which they are studying and participating in, as a more formal membe r (Lecompte and Schensul 1999a). as researcher in this study simultaneously existed as ethnographer, volunteer, community member, teacher, friend, and health consultant. With several roles being juggled during ethnographic data collection, the researcher must also be a ware of how their own class status (race, ethnicity, gender) and

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29 power relationships with the participants affect how the phenomenon is studied and how the data is interpreted (Lecompte and Schensul 1999a). Additionally, ethnographic research is rooted in the context of the culture under study, so the ears and eyes of the researcher act as the primary modes of data collection; therefore attention to situational meaning is vital (Lecompte and Schensul 1999a). Field Site and Sampling Data collection took pl ace in the Arusha Region of Tanzania, centered in the small village of Usa River, for a period of seven weeks during June and July of 2013. A significant portion of data collection was spent conducting interviews with representative individuals from each of the three different cohorts involved with local volunteer organizations: volunteers, employees, and community members. Participants may have been currently involved or previously involved with a volunteer organization. Within this study, a volunteer o rganization was considered to be any nonprofit or nongovernmental entity that actively supported and managed community programs at least partially through the utilization of volunteers that have been recruited internationally. The recruitment process coul d vary within any given organization; where some used third party organizations to bring in volunteers, and others recruited and placed them directly, primarily through websites. The community programs could also differ between volunteer organizations, as they were observed to include microfinance programs, shelters for street children, orphanages, schools, school sponsorship programs, vocational training centers, food banks, daycare centers, HIV/AIDS relief efforts, home visiting, and widows support progr ams.

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30 First contact was made with volunteer informants who were placed at a daycare center in Usa River. Sampling was kept within the population boundaries of involvement, whether currently or in the past, with a local volunteer organization in any of the means discussed above. The originally outlined method of initial sampling was altered in the field due to changing circumstances. The volunteer house where first contact with participants was to be made had been relocated, so instead of spending time tr acking down the new location of the volunteer house, a new focus was placed on the community of Usa River. Where the original proposal called for the establishment of shi fted to utilize different, centrally located volunteer placement sites within the village of Usa River that were affiliated with various volunteer organizations. Purposive sampling was used to ensure selection of participants based on their abilities to p rovide rich information regarding the research topic (Ulin 2002). Selection was theoretically informed and guided to make connections with informants who were seemingly well informed on the topic of volunteer organizations (Lecompte and Schensul 1999b:232 ). This method was supported by the use of snowball sampling, in which informants identified others with a similar or specific understanding of the volunteer industry in the area. This allowed for a small though sign ificant pool of knowledgeable informan ts and information rich resources to be formed. Occasional instances were taken advantage of the to make a new connection or establish a new informant (Ulin 2002). This s ampling method was especially useful during impromptu meetings or discussions where research specific observations or other data were previously unexpected.

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31 Data Collection A total of nine formal interviews were held; four volunteers, three community memb ers, and two emp loyees The employee cohort included any individuals who worked directly for the volunteer organization or for one of the VO supported community programs, either currently or previously. The community member group included any Tanzanian r esident who directly or indirectly utilized a community program and had at least some recognition of volunteer efforts in the community. Finally, the volunteer cohort was represented by any individual who traveled internationally in order to be placed wit hin a community program, through a volunteer organization, for a temporary period of time. angles, all players involved were interviewed to analyze the benefits that were recei ved directly or indirectly, through their volunteer organization involvement (2010). One ultimate goal of this research was to provide an understanding of the benefits that are gained by varying cohorts associated with a volunteer organization. This tra nsparency was expected to uncover which cohort receives the most benefit from their involvement (whether on the receiving or giving end, or somewhere in between) with any local volunteer organization, and how this affects relationships of power between coh orts. Through the use of semi structured interviews, this research was initiated to navigate through the network of varying groups that came to be involved with local volunteer organizations to make clear the beneficial gains of each par ty involved (Gravl ee 2011). The s e gains may be related to employment, reciprocity, money, recognition, means of sustenance, or any other kind of individual gain (Akintola 2009).

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32 The questions focused on how, when, and why an individual initiated association with an organi zation, and what benefits or non benefits resulted from that association (See Appendix for full question guides). Opinions on the quality and quantity of volunteer programs and their effectiveness, their perceptions of the purpose of programs, and how a p structured interview questions allow for the researcher to predetermine exact wording and sequence of questions while also allowing for flexibility if the interview turns in a different direction. Semi structured and open ended questions allow the respondents to answer the same ge neral questions, which increases comparability of responses. These responses become data that are mostly complete, with all topics being addressed (Ulin 2002). However, standardization of wording does limit naturalness of answers and relevance of questions to each (Ulin 2002:64 Table 3.3). This risk was somewhat lessened by the minor modifications made to each cohort question guide, so that questi ons covered the same topic but from a different perspective. Interviews were meant to be held until saturation of information was reached, though time added a limiting factor to data collection (Morse 2000). To supplement interview data, participant obse 1999a:12). Observations were performed on individuals from each group, as well as interactions between group s, to more thoroughly understand how participants interacted with the organization, and to note certain benefits and advantages that they may not have noticed themselves or discussed during interviews. This method was also used to note any community group s affiliated with local volunteer organizations that may have been

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33 overlooked in the proposal, such as residual employees of schools or orphanages that are connected with volunteer organizations (Gravlee 2011). Participant observation and informal convers ations with varying cohort members occupied most of the data collection time, despite the analysis emphasis on interview transcriptions. Though narratives and quotes from interviews show more obvious links to the theoretical background of the research, ob servations and unrecorded conversations provide the basis for analysis, and thus were given much more time in the field than interviews. On a typical day, up to four hours of observations were recorded as field notes, with most evenings being devoted to i nformal discussions with volunteers, community members, and employees over meals or other activities. Recorded observations were taken at multiple sites, but the majority were done at volunteer placement sites, such as schools and orphanages, and during V O meetings. Analyzed codes, in accordance with field notes and observations, outline the benefits of each cohort to determine which groups receive the most and least benefit, and how these benefits are individually and collectively perceived. A web based electronic application was used for data analysis; interviews were first transcribed using a word processing program and then uploaded into Dedoose where excerpts were electronically highlighted and assigned codes. The application of codes and the conte nt of excerpts were used to view patterns and connections within the data. In particular, benefits to a cohort or individual were identified through the perceptions and informed decisions of the researcher. There were some instances in which an individua l directly stated that they or someone else received a benefit through Benefits

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34 the researcher observation where a desired or unexpected outcome occurred that brought satisfaction or physical stress, emot ional or mental distress, unwanted or unwarranted financial costs, lack of attempted communication with another individual or group, or any other undesired result or action. The Dedoose code co occurrence tool was used to locate higher frequencies of the that were used in conjunction with a particular cohort. Other code applications were used to view occurrences of a lack in communication between cohorts and instances where a VO controlled a situati on in which its outcome was not in agreement with its original intention.

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35 CHAPTER V ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION Over the approximately two months spent in Tanzania, the application of grounded theory allowed for the gradual appearance of trends in benefits and relationships of power within and between cohorts. Interviews and observations highlighted the variation in individual intentions and subsequent perceptions of their presence within the network of volunteer organizations in Usa River. What m otivated each player to become involved with a VO proved to not fully account for the outcomes control of the VO itself. This situational control is highly likely to be unknown to the VO, though further research is warranted to explore that question. What this thesis research has revealed is that the benefits and non benefits that each player receives through VO affiliation may also be dictated by that VO. The concep t of decentered power agrees with the observed power structures of volunteer organizations and their an entity or institution that does not realize that it has done so Further, this exercise of power cannot be pinpointed to any one subject within a structure, but is rather created and distributed by a collection of individuals and their actions. Through such exercise of control by VOs, and the relationships of power that are created, the intentions of individuals no longer truly influence the outcomes of their involvement. Volunteer Organization Structure and Function Of the volunteer organizations observed in the Usa River area, some were founded by Tanzanian communi ty members and some by outside enterprises such as an

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36 international NPO or NGO. One VO that proved to be prominent in the area was managed by a man who grew up in Tanzania himself, and moved to Usa River after finishing university studies, with the intent ion of reducing the poverty and lack of education in the area through volunteer placement sites. This VO was very much like others in that it either directly recruited volunteers internationally through a website, or utilized larger international VOs for recruitment. Once registered, volunteers are given guidance on how to acquire flights, visas, lodging while in Usa River, and any other logistic processes before arrival. Volunteers can indicate in their registration applications what type of placement t hey would prefer using broader categories, such as education, domestic labor, farming, or healthcare, though it is made clear initially that there can be no promises. Registration also involves a fee that covers meals, lodging, and airport transportation for the length of their stay, while volunteers are also responsible for their own air fare. Once they have arrived in Usa River, they are introduced to their placement sites, which are commonly schools, orphanages, or daycares where teaching is involved. At their placements, volunteers often teach classes and assist teachers with lesson planning and grading. In addition to their duties at placement sites, countless opportunities are given to volunteers to help other individuals or the entire organization through material, monetary, or other donations. For example, several volunteers offered to purchase goats for one VO program that raised the animals for profit for local women who were struggling financially. Other volunteers took it upon themselves to give money or materials to schools, students, local community members that they came to know, or employees and their families. Some volunteers who stayed for long periods of time or who returned for more than one volunteering period became more involved i n project

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37 development and organization administration, such as helping employees with making Volunteer organization goals would commonly involve the use of outside sources, such as recruited labor or externally raised funds, to provide education and social welfare services to communities. These external sources also support the organization itself, the cost free men tal and physical labor of volunteers to address the most pressing needs of community members, which commonly involve larger goals of providing education to all as a key to ending regional poverty. Volunteer Intentions and Expectations Upon arrival in Tanz ania, volunteers are greeted at the airport by a volunteer organization manager and driver, who escort them to their living quarters. Such hospitality was not expected by all of the volunteers who were interviewed or observed. What also came as a surpris e to most volunteers was the reasonable quality of living conditions, meals, showers, and transportation. The volunteers are continually thanked for their time and asked if there is anything that they might need during their stay. Locals who are employed by volunteer organizations also give nothing but respect to volunteers; ushering them from place to place after dark, providing a village tour a nd orientation and naming buildings, farms, or other structures after prominent donors. Special breakfasts an d hot bath water are offered so that volunteers may feel more at home. While occurrences such as these were counted as benefits for volunteers, they were simultaneously perceived as non benefits because of the feelings of guilt that volunteers developed i n response. Many volunteers felt that all VO efforts for increased comfort for

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38 them should be directed toward the community, especially the children and elders, instead. Realizing that the living conditions and privileges of their home countries far outw eigh those of Tanzanians, they felt guilty for receiving so much attention and hospitality. Perceptions of Tanzania before their journeys led many volunteers to believe that they would be living in mud huts with minimal food and no opportunities to shower Where in fact, volunteers were housed in concrete buildings with electricity, they received buckets of hot water daily for bathing, linens and mosquito nets, and meals that were well balanced and considered for the most part to be delicious. All volunt eers were only asked to be at their placements during the morning, so that after lunch they were free to use their time as they pleased. Expectations of volunteers were met and often exceeded in terms of living arrangements, food, hospitality of host fami lies, condition of the streets and buildings, and opportunities to communication in English. One volunteer [also] traveling and seeing stuff so I tried to do as muc h as possible in my free time to see as much as possible, and have some plans and also it feels like to be able to help...at the Some community members consider volunteers to be receiv ing benefits by experiencing Tanzania with their own eyes instead of sending money or goods from their homes. It is considered by them to be a benefit to see what is really happening, and what expressed their agreement with this perception of benefits. I got more, like about all of this stuff but then you get to see it with your own eyes and stuff, and get a better understa nding of how things really are,

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39 a good experience I think because you can always read about g. Tanzania provides a mellow introduction into Africa for first time visitors, which is why it is a chosen entry point for so many volunteers. In Tanzania, volunteers are given an experience of African culture without the frightening experiences of war or government coups, with many individuals that speak English, and weather that, even during the rainy season, can be considered mild in comparison to the winters of North America or Western Europe. For some, volunteer periods are transitions into perman ent, paid, positions with local NGOs or other institutions that provide volunteer work and other forms of aid or development. Volunteer status, as far as the Tanzanian state is concerned, is less expensive for the volunteer and the VO than employment stat us, so some individuals travel with intentions of staying for longer periods of time and working with a VO, but begin as volunteers to build a place for themselves first. And this comes ng opportunities that could lead to a future paid position. A significant portion of the volunteers who were observed or interviewed were in the middle of university studies, and registered with a VO to gain world or career experience during their summer time off. New volunteers were coming and going all the time, and some were extremely involved with development, strategic planning, and education. Others came for shorter stints and mostly spent tim e teaching and playing with the children. There were some volunteers that mostly traveled during their stay in Tanzania, occasionally visiting schools, and who seemed mostly to use the VO like a hostel and gateway to local culture.

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40 Volunteers came with v arying states of mind, expectations, goals, and intentions. Some volunteered for a once in a lifetime experience, and others continued to return because the obli gations of work and family in their home countries. But this (financial planning) is not the job that really is in my there and help the people do this with children. And AIDS and HIV was som ething that always interested me a lot from when I as soon as the disease was known. Cohorts and the Interactions Between Them The employees who work for volunteer organizations fill many roles, with most of them working in direct contact with volunteers. There are primary employees who run the VO administrative offices, manage volunteers, or oversee field operations, and there are secondary employees who work at project sites, such as teachers, daycare providers, cooks, or drivers. Primary a nd secondary employees both see volunteers daily, but to nonexistent. Employee salaries are largely funded by volunteer registration fees or fundraising efforts made by volunteers in their home countries. Local residents are also hired by VOs to work at the schools, daycares, or orphanages to perform odd jobs such as driving, farming, cooking, security, cleaning, construction or general labor. On occasion these positio ns turn into more permanent, salaried positions. In addition, such perks of employment include the chance to use the VO grounds or facilities, or to live and/or eat within the VO buildings. Some employees take advantage of their direct access to voluntee rs as a way to improve their English, which is considered by many Tanzanians to be one way out of poverty. Through these encounters, often lasting friendships are

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41 developed with volunteers, who find ways to stay connected through email or other social med school or to buy gifts or food for the family. Volunteers have also offered dona tions so that employees can pursue future investments for their family, such as personal business development. The community members of Usa River are the most variable in terms of their ties to local volunteer organizations. Women in the community who ha ve HIV or AIDS, most of whom are widows, receive home visits from VO employees or volu nteers through social welfare programs. During home visits they may get medication, food, home supplies, or just enjoy the chance to have company. These services are co mpletely free for the women, who frequently also have children who attend VO daycare centers or receive school fee payments from volunteers or VO sponsors in other countries. Because of the prominent presence of VOs in these rural communities, their affil iations with community members are spanned through networks of families and acquaintances. Thus family members or friends of individuals who utilize VO programs become aware of their presence and the resources that they provide. At least one volunteer or ganization in Usa River provided several microfinance programs for community members and widows in particular. And for those who register ed fre e financial management classes we re provided. The microfinance programs also offer ed loans to the general publ ic at a lower interest rate than banks. For the children of registered microfinance members, their school tuitions each year are paid up front by the group so that their parents can pay the tuition amount slowly over time with

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42 no interest. Ma ny other VO community programs we re present within the community and provide d a range of services, from discounted school uniforms to food to domestic animals. In addition, grocery stores, markets, stationary and tailoring shops, and school bus services we re run by e mployees and were developed as additional income generators for VOs. Through these conne ctions, most community members we re at least somewhat familiar with why volunteers are present, and what they do for the larger community. Community Members would oft en have chance encounters with volunteers at markets or schools, and others would become closely familiar with them through frequent utilization of VO programs. Perceptions of volunteers and their efforts by Tanzanians also vary, of course, but many agree that the altruistic actions of volunteers will be rewarded in one way or people and the places that they visit during their time in Tanzania. It has been observed t hat first hand experience with the children and people of the community has caused volunteers to want to return again and again because of the cherished friendships they have formed, which further leads to continued support from abroad. As expressed by at least one community member, the ability to keep up with technology and advanced forms of communication with the rest of the world allows for increased access to volunteers and the services that they bring. Thus, if the community members are able to keep up with technology and global communication, they will receive more volunteer related b enefits.

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43 One community member are aware of what is going on in this world. They know about communication a nd they can communicate with the other people [about] how to create a conducive environment Volunteers in Usa River were often praised for the encouragement they provided to children. According to several community members, encour agement is an immense benefit that allows the children to pursue goals and dreams that would otherwise drown in an environment where it can be difficult to find comfortable living or an ideal quality of life. For the children, many volunteers also bring i n outside educational tools that local schools near Usa River, activities like word and math games, using prizes as reinforcement, singing, teaching about foreign or W estern cultures, etc. were not observed to be used by local teachers, but were by volunteers. Exposure to new learning methods and tools is beneficial to all students who are exposed to volunteers who teach, and the change of pace creates a new excitement among students. Their presence in schools lets teachers catch up on grading, helps to bring students to milestones quicker, and makes learning enjoyable for them. Often during observations, students were seen sitting quietly in classrooms for entire per iods while teachers were preoccupied with other tasks. The intended purpose of this was never clearly expressed by teachers, but it seemed like it was a combination of a lack of staff and the cultural belief brains can only retain so much information in a given period, and that they must be given s dealing with a 1/40 teacher/student ratio are lightened by the presence of volunteers.

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44 With all assignme nts being completed in written form, a lot of time is taken away from actual classroom guidance by local teachers to complete grading and course documentation Those of the teaching profession are highly regarded for their knowledge and ability to help st ruggling students succeed. In fact, a majority of volunteer intentions and subsequent efforts were directed toward the children within the community of Usa River. A common perception of the community members and employees who were interviewed was that ch ildren benefit greatly by volunteer actions. Tasks such as helping with homework, playing games, and learning new lessons also benefit the parents who are education. Tho se who are coming.... those volunteers, they are more friendly what. Most of them are very kind to the children and because they have time, maybe those who they used to stay with them th ey are very busy fighting for life and no time to stay with the children or whatever. But those volunteers who came here, they have time to stay with children, singing with them, playing games, taking them to the playgrounds. So I think they are benefitt what I know. Volunteers often end up sponsoring some of the students that they teach, as well as buying supplies for a child independently or for the school as a whole. They have offered money to schools or organizations, have been obser ved paying for new backpacks or shoes, food for lunches, rugby balls, lollipops, games, toothbrushes, and toothpaste. They spend time playing and giving special attention while playing music, dancing, playing baseball, giving kisses, hugs, special handsha kes, or piggyback rides; things that their regular caretakers were not ever seen doing. Volunteers have purchased the kids occasional biscuits and sodas from the store, or additional fruit, rice, vegetables, and

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45 cooking oil for the preparation of their m eals. They have contributed to the upkeep of the organization and the grounds through website assistance, fundraising, marketing, recruiting other volunteers and sponsors, bringing supplies for the garden and building maintenance, or purchasing goats, pig s, chickens for the microfinance fund and other health and educational needs. Volunte ers also provide manual labor for institutions: building dams, farming, herding goats, feeding animals, repairing property items (fixing leaking pipes), etc. They do VO fundraising in their home countries, with charity drives, raffles, Christmas markets, etc. to raise money for sponsorships or program support. Some also solicit funding from the ir own governments. Community m embers, employees, VO managers, and children also benefit from the knowledge and funds that are offered by volunteers in matters of health and education. During home visits, volunteers have been observed purchasing cooking oil, a mattress, charcoal, vegetables, beans, rice, fruit, and vitamins for the women. Without the lagging due to language translation and additional questions, th e manager would get through a lot more visits in a day, but the benefits could go down. Though none of the volunteers visiting during the time of data collection were professionally trained in health and nutrition, they collectively offered advice to the women during home visits that seemed helpful and essential, such as the need for more fruits, vegetables, and protein in their diets, occasionally getting some sun exposure, and suggesting that community members discuss certain things with their doctor s th e next time they visit the clinic Such advice and

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46 donations are not provided when managers do home visits alone, mostly due to a lack in funding. Benefits Among Cohorts Though no children were formally interviewed, the topic of their well being was disc ussed in eight out of nine interviews, and their presence within the volunteer industry in Usa River was well observed. The cohorts that were initially assigned during protocol development did not include a group for children; this cohort developed during the collection process because it was observed and described so frequently as a group that received benefits and non benefits. Three out of the four volunteers interviewed of personal efforts. All cohorts received non benefits through their affiliation with a VO, but the children received the fewest of them. From the beginning of the analysis process, it was clear that a large amount of benefits were received by all cohort s, though they varied by kind, degree, frequency, and situation. Through the use of the Dedoose code c o occurrence analysis tool, results showed that the volunteer cohort code occurred most frequently with the benefit code, as well as the non benefit code meaning that interviews and field observations revealed that the largest amount of both benefits and non benefits were associated with volunteers. The cohort to show the second most co occurrences with benefits was children, which was followed by employ ees, and finally community members. In looking at non benefit occurrences, the associated code co occurred least frequently with children, followed, in increasing order, by community members and employees. The amount of benefits received is relevant to t his research, but what is more

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47 relevant is what intentions initially led to the creation of such benefits, and how and why they were received. When it came to giving out direct benefits, there was a collective sense among volunteers that they should be ab le to control where their money went in any given situation, after it had been donated to an individual or an organization. They often felt angry or betrayed if the intended receiver of a material or monetary gift did not use the donation the way it was i nitially specified to be. After such an instance occurred where a gift was used differently, there seemed to be a hesitation among volunteers from making future similar donations, for fear that they were being lied to about where their donations would go. In this case, volunteers may expect the benefit of dictating where their donated time, efforts, materials, or money is being directed. This sort of situation was discussed during interviews as well as during meetings between volunteers and VO employees and managers. The ability of donors to monitor their donations was sometimes a crucial piece of their willingness to give, whether they were physically in Tanzania or have been sending donations from abroad. One VO in particular had previously promised t hat quarterly report cards, letters, and updates would be sent through mail to student sponsors, though their efforts to keep up this promise faded in light of other pressing issues such as ensuring that the orphanage had enough food for the month. But, a s one volunteer pointed out, the sponsors living abroad are not exposed to this pressure and sometimes bail out of sponsorship if they are not updated because they think they are being deceived. Reciprocation of sponsors had a large influence on the decis ion generations of donors will give even if they receive something small, but they like to get

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48 something in return, even if it is a pen, t shirt, photo, or annual report card. This h as become a trend in the West and sponsorship might be more solidified if this could ensure that their sponsorship and support is recognized, and they help the VO with thi ngs that help to make the programs run more efficiently. Within one particular VO, volunteers who agreed to sponsor a student with a partnering school were given a discounted yearly tuition rate, which was a few hundred dollars less expensive than if they had not sponsored a child with the facilitation of that VO. The benefit also goes largely to the children, who, without asking, are marketed as needing sponsors by the VO. Outside of th e formal meetings, more than a few volunteer s expressed concern abou t their own capability to trust that the managers and employees of VOs are spending funds correctly or efficiently, though none had ever addressed this topic directly with a representative. There was also an overwhelming sense that the volunteers wanted t o be sure that their efforts would create change, but with a great deal of doubt that they would. One volunteer expressed her wishes to spread awareness through volunteer efforts, in addition to providing funding. t to help [the VO] but I also want people to know that things are not right, things are unjust, showing to people that things ar e not good, things are not right. And, if every time we have an activity for [the VO] there is one have which is very good, b ut then next to it there is another person who sees that things have to change.

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49 An Emergent Theme: Communication Despite intentions among cohorts, a trend involving a lack of communication between volunteers and community members emerged within the first few interviews, and became clearer through continued interviews and observations. The first two interviews in the field were with volunteers who had traveled from Sweden and had been placed at a VO sponsored daycare and education center for children who c ould not afford school tuition. Both volunteers expressed doubt about their ability to create effective poverty reduction in the area, and these doubts were strengthened by what little information they knew about the needs of the daycare. Although these particular volunteers had only been in Usa River for less than two weeks, they had not yet had conversations with the teachers or any other community members, employees, or students This trend was further expressed in interviews with other volunteers, community members, and observations of children. When asked if she had any conversations with the daycare much actually. Like, mostly the previous volunteer told us what was needed, she said this is VOs make decisions regarding volunteer programs. One employee was asked if she had an opinion on what the volunteers should be focusing on in their daily wo rk. The the ones who are knowing what the volunteers can do, but [she] is her really. She cannot

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50 say that the volunteers maybe do this and this, when there is a ny problem she must see Throughout data collection, the iterative nature of grounded theory allowed for relationships of power, and the subsequent application of power theories, to become clear. Continual reassessment of completed interviews and observations informed further data collection, which led to the realization that VOs could potentially act as barriers between volunteers and communities, thus possibly inhibit effectively utilizing volunteers in poverty relief and education efforts. The existence of this conceptual barrier was further solidified through interviews that included concerns for the spatial concentrations of volunteers in more populated areas and/or larger cities. One community member explained that individuals in more rural areas, like where she worked, have no access to volunteer resources and may not even realize that such resources exist. But I want to give you a di fference between places and places, that concentration of many centers and volunteers are so many. But in other areas there are very few. And sometimes you cannot see them. For example, the very close from here but there are no volunteers. While there are so many children in the region in which I am talking about, there are many children who are needing the same helping which the children here are getti ng. But because of the awareness, most of the people in Arusha are aware to look for this help, to look for volunteers who came. Because you cannot come if there is no This particular community member work ed as a teacher within the Manyara Region, which borders the Arusha Region but does not have a central location where volunteer organizations could base themselves. Throughout the interview, the community member detailed the importance of communication be tween community members and volunteers,

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51 and the inability of community members even in the Arusha Region to contact them directly for help, despite being so close. volunteers. They know nothing. You know, to get a volunteer you otherwise those owners, the directors of the centers, with the nnection between people themselves and volunteers, but they used to go to those coordinators of the center and look for help. In a separate interview with a VO employee, the benefits of having direct communication with volunteers were highlighted. This e mployee, because he interacted with volunteers outside of their placement sites, was able to acquire spo nsorship for two of his five children, as well as receive large amounts of material and monetary support over the years that he worked for the VO. Thou gh he is no longer employed by that VO, he remains in comm unication with many volunteers who he considers personal friends, and who continue to return to visit him and offer gifts to his family. You know, they told me so ever y r eport from examination of [my son] and the cost of school fees for this time. The privilege of maintaining close communication with volunteers, which also commonly leads to friendships, is larger, home for his family and to begin building a barber shop and tailoring business to support them. This employee directly credits his relationships with volunteers as the driving force that kept his f amily out of poverty. You know if I have one volunteer or two volunteer[s] that could sponsor my kids, any one kid or two kids would be good. It would help me to control life. And if I will get this, it will be enough for

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52 ld my room there in order to start my business. Through these examples and descriptions of how benefits were received by those with access to volunteers and the resources that they provide, and additionally how others were not provided with the opportunit ies that they sought through volunteer support, it became evident that a barrier exists outside the actions and presence of VOs. Through their words and actions, many volunteers also demonstrated an apprehension of overstepping cultural and social boundar ies. Volunteers intended to supply opportunities for progress and growth to children, community members, employees, and volunteer organizations. Though the nature of defining progress and growth is very subjective, volunteers expressed wishes to present options but not to impose actions or ideas on anyone. I mean, we are not imposing like some project...for us we came, you know, because [there] were are a lot of project[s] who [are] staying for a few years and left. So a lot of groups were already formed when we came, but it has to be like their own [idea to] ask, when we work with them, they take the decision. At the same time, progress was described by some community members to begin with an established communication between themselves and the volunteers. One Usa River community member described the benefits of having volunteers who came directly to her community to teach about HIV and AIDS prevention and awareness. So they came and move d around to different places teaching people about HIV and AIDS, so I think that it also somethin g, it is also about community: a connection about community and volunteers. This gives the impression that an established connection between volunteers an d community members is a mutual benefit, and is welcomed. What was observed,

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53 however, was a distinct barrier that has been created between volunteers and community members by the existence of the volunteer industry, and the sense that the VOs do not recog nize that they are representing such a barrier. This research possibly demonstrates a distinct separation in the movements of volunteers and community members, with the buffer being a volunteer organization which dictates interactions between these player s. An element of control is exercised by the volunteer organization or entity, where approved and enacted by the volunteer organization. In fact, this position of con trol by the VO has been observed to be encouraged by volunteers as they otherwise feel that they differing opinions on things like project implementation. At the same ti me, volunteers expressed concern for their ability to make positive changes in the communities that they and exiting volunteers that only have a limited amount of time to assess and address the needs of a community. Even further, when they decide that changes should be made within a particular situation, their attempts are often met with resistance or complete disregard by VO representatives. There was a noted lack in some situations of direct communication between volunteers, employees, and community members regarding projects, goals, and the role of each cohort within VO involvement. Volunteers were never witnessed verbally expressing their frustrations to employees or managers, but they often felt that many situations should be handled differently. They would offer suggestions for an increased efficiency or success of any one program, but would very rarely discuss with a VO

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54 manager the details of what they perceived to be impeding progress for fear of exhibiting disrespect I have the impression that we can give [VO president] advice but as. And if he asks for advice we will give them advice and if he wants to There was also an observed and described apprehension among volunteers when it came to fully immersing thems elves in the foreign culture in which they we re serving. presence was actually m aking a significant impact in the long run. Simultaneously, there were purposeful motions made by employees and representatives of the VO to ensure that volunteers were treated to the familiarities of their own cultures, such as hot bath water, electricit y, three meals a day, chaperoning while completing errands and traveling through town, and making any outside arrangements such as safaris, Kilimanjaro treks, or further travel plans. As mentioned previously, these gestures of hospitality were intended to make volunteers feel welcome and at ease, but ended up in some cases to cause volunteers to feel guilt and frustration. Volunteers, at times quite clearly, expressed their disapproval to each other regarding the amount of time and effort that was made by VO employees at ensuring volunteer comfort, rather than directing those efforts toward themselves and the children.

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55 In addition to creating a barrier in communication between volunteers and community members, volunteer organizations have limited the ge ographic locations of volunteer work by restricting volunteer placement to sites that are local to the VO office. The Arusha Region showed a particular concentration of volunteer organizations, likely because of the resources that a city provides to such organizations. Volunteers were observed to be assigned to placement sites in grou ps of two to six in Usa River and surrounding villages. Such concentrations of volunteers at any one placement appeared to be common, especially during seasons of high influ xes of volunteers. Because so many volunteer organizations are based in Arusha, volunteer efforts are localized to the city and surrounding areas. A volunteer may only work as far as a daily bus ride to placement and back can take them, making the commun ity members of the Arusha Region more frequently exposed to volunteer efforts than their neighbors in surrounding rural regions. The Manyara Region, located to the west of Arusha, was mentioned by one community member to be in dire need of volunteers for the children, though not many travel there because no volunteer organizations are based locally. This situation seems to have created a larger bubble of benefits for children in the Arusha Region, which includes Usa River, than in surrounding regions with no central locations for v olunteer organizations to become established The social barrier that has been created by the presence of the volunteer industry is highlighted also by clear differences in treatment between community members, employees, and vol unteers by other Tanzanians. The hospitality discussed above is one such example, but there are other noted differences during volunteer activities. Though volunteers expressed their willingness and want to help with the daily activities of their

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56 Tanzani an counterparts, chaperoning was always insisted upon. The following example highlights several aspects of the position of power of a volunteer organization within the lives of volunteers, employees, and community members. It touches on differences in tr eatment between volunteers and Tanzanians and the lack of communication between cohorts due to the barriers put in place by the actions of VOs. It also shows how easily an action that has been initiated with specific intentions can lead to unintended or u ndesirable outcomes. As one volunteer witnessed the difficulties of domestic labor that existed at the orphanage where he was staying, he wished to help with some of the tasks, as well as to create an event that would bring happiness to the employees and children that lived there. So that the volun teer could make this happen a chaperone was assigned by the VO operations manager to help and oversee his work in the kitchen, and additionally to find all the necessary items, plan the meal, and negotiate pric es with shop keepers. The volunteer expressed clear intentions of relieving the orphanage staff for a night while treating them and the children to a special meal. He intended to do all of the preparation, cooking, and clean up so that the house staff co uld take a night off to enjoy themselves. But the staff did not rest and eat with their fellow employees; they ate only after all the children, managers, and volunteers were served and they did so in the kitchen, away from the rest of the party. This sep aration of cohorts was maintained during this special event at the request of the volunteer organization president, who did not reveal his request to the volunteer, and seemingly did so because he thought the volunteers would be more comfortable during the party. The staff also helped because, although the volunteer put in a large amount of effort during preparation, he was not able to complete all of the work on his own and required assistance.

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57 As the children quietly ate during the party, the volunteers watched over them, happiness for others was painfully sought throughout the whole night by the volunteer, as well as the fulfillment of benefits that he intended for th e employees and children. But, because the party ran a bit late, the women were forced to put the children to bed later than usual before they could return to the kitchen to clean everything. Other VO employees stayed after the party to put away the borr owed tables, chairs, and soda crates while the volunteers stayed late, sipping wine and beer with the managers and their families. It was difficult to assess the benefits in comparison to non benefits of this entire entions of relieving labor was not achieved, though he did succeed in providing a meal that is not often shared inside the walls of the orphanage because of the cost. Happiness is also an impossible feeling to accurately measure in others. The joy of hav ing a full stomach before bed, or of sharing a meal with friends, is difficult to compare to the extra physical labor and lack of sleep that was exchanged for it. These additional burdens were never verbally expressed by any VO employee or Usa River commu nity member, but the differences were noted through observation. The barrier that exists and that has been created by a volunteer The ease of producing unintended and/or harmful outcomes through altruistic intentions meal with everyone and temporarily relieving the staff of daily chores, the social structure of the situation, as dictated by the VOs purposeful separation of employees and volunteers during meals, prevented those intentions from being carried out. Instead, the

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58 volunteer created extra work and less sleep for those he intended to relieve, while creating an inviting an d enjoyable atmosphere for the volunteers and managers to relax. Barriers and Relationships of Power Created by Volunteer Organizations What became evident through a deconstruction of the lines of communication between and among cohorts was the power exer cised by the volunteer organization as a whole in many situations. Several interviews from both the community member and volunteer cohorts highlighted a significant lack of communication between the two, and the role of the VO in negating such terms. The re is a collective sense among all volunteers interviewed that the VO is the entity which controls how programs are initiated and implemented, where funds are to be allocated, which issues of relief are of highest priority, and which concentrations the vol unteers should be utilized within. When asked, 3 of 4 volunteers indicated that they had not had a conversation with an Usa River com munity member about what needs we re most important to them or their family and friends Two of the four volunteers pointe d to exploration, adventure, and new experience when they discussed why they made the decision to volunteer. Another intended to use a volunteer status as a stepping stone to employment with an NGO, and another expressed the urge to battle injustice and a pathy, along with lasting interest in working with children and individuals who have been affected by HIV/AIDS. Though the intentions for their volunteering commitment vary, their actions within the community were directed by the VO. Community Members ex pressed their inability to ask for help from volunteers directly, as their communication with volunteers has been dictated by VOs. Aside from initiating affiliation with a VO social welfare program, community members have no idea how to access the benefit s that may be provided by

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59 volunteers in their communities. Volunteers are recruited and placed at sites at the discretion of the volunteer organization, and in the same regard, community members only have access to volunteer efforts if they visit such des ignated sites. Resting in the middle of this communication dynamic, VO employees potentially have increased access to benefits from volunteers through their higher frequency of interactions. The exercised control of such instances of communication betwee n volunteers and community members direction of volunteer efforts and the ability to have access to these efforts is the volunteer organization itself, within the large r context of a volunteer industry presence. any one subject. In addition, the intentions of VOs to create opportunities for education and poverty eradication within th eir communities are inhibited by their own restrictions on volunteer accessibility. Though other outreach efforts are made by some VOs, such as through community microfinance programs, their goals of community aid through volunteer work are limited by the ir own, likely unacknowledged, role as a communication barrier. The social realities that are dictated by power, as exercised by volunteer organizations, are frequently masked by the common assumption that incoming volunteers, because of their personal ac cess to wealth and education at home, bring a knowledge and skill set that become immediately respected and sought after by VO employees, managers, and community members. In many situations volunteers act as consultants on issues of health, education, and financial planning. They are idealized in situations by their perceived expertise, regardless of whether their efforts in Tanzania are

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60 backed by their professional of educational background experience. Most incoming volunteers are placed as teachers, th ough not all are professional teachers in their home countries. Volunteers are viewed by Tanzanians to possess a wide variety of knowledge, and this gives the impression that volunteers hold power over many situations because of their contributions. Howe ver, this execution of power by the volunteer, to contribute to decisions concerning school curriculum, organization project development and implementation, fundraising efforts, or sponsorship recruitment may be merely superficial, as decentered power exis ts within the collection of VO actions and decisions. Volunteers may hold very little control over their efforts, though they are sometimes led to believe otherwise. The volunteer industry dictates the actions, efforts, communications, and abilities of v olunteers, regardless of their original intentions.

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61 CHAPTER VI CONCLUSIONS AND FURTHER REMARKS The results of this study cannot be generalized based on the sample size and the contextual nature of the data collection process. However, this q ualitative approach can enable further research on the power dynamics, motivations, and benefits that are shown to be associated within volunteer organizations and their network of players in rural Tanzania. This thesis outlines the potentially unforeseen benefits and non benefits that arise through VO participation or affiliation, and the relationships of power that help to create them. It could be suggested that the relationships of power that have been unknowingly, I assume, created by volunteer organi zations could be degraded through a mutual understanding of the situational power that exists. Volunteers often express their hesitation in over stepping boundaries for fear of offending their VO hosts, but in doing so they potentially create and reinforc e a social status for themselves that is perceived as one in need of chaperoning. Similar hesitations are noted among VO managers, employees, and community members, in which a strong emphasis is placed on the comfort and well being of volunteers. Such an emphasis is likely in place because volunteers are continuously needed and relied upon, and it is possible that their on going support of VOs is dependent upon their comfort while volunteering. This collection of assumptions, worries, and hesitations by so many players in the VO industry seems to have contributed to the creation of barriers by a strong VO presence. As with many other social barriers, it is possible that a deeper communication between and among cohorts could allow for more intentions to b e fulfilled and more goals to be reached. If

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62 volunteers make clear their intentions to VO managers upon arrival, and are also given more chances to directly discuss with community members what their work is for, then the ultimate goals of aiding Usa River residents could be within reach. Of course, larger questions regarding the effectiveness of aid in African countries cannot be addressed through such a small suggestion, but I cannot deny that multiple minor changes, such as increased communication, coul d eventually lead to a positive end for this and other communities in Africa For this thesis I have purposely assumed a critical role in data analysis and discussion in hopes that a critical, applied anthropology can contribute to a better quality of lif e for those who I have observed and interviewed. My previous experience as a volunteer in Usa River certainly influenced my perceptions of the volunteer industry, and naturally further influenced my criticisms of the industry. I approached each volunteer during many observations, this was the case. In writing, the larger political and social realities of pover ty in East Africa seem daunting and hardly lessened by decades of s to light the human element of the volunteer industry. T hese connections are what I do not what to be lost in the research, despite my harsh critique. Changes need to be made within the VO industry and the barriers that I believe have been created absolutely need to be broken down, but the genuine intention of be preserved and appreciated. I can say with much certainty that any minor adjustments to one small volunteer organization in Usa River will not be relevant to larger issues of

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63 economi c policy, political power, and cultural differences that play a role in any current quality of life situation. But a critical and applied Anthropology is key to any necessary first step in progressive change. Continued research regarding the dynamics of power in relation to volunteer organizations, in particular, the awareness of VOs of their own role in dictating communication, should be pursued. This thesis has also brought up many new questions about the importance of communication between communities and the volunteers that are working within them, as well as the relevance of the amount of benefits that children, employees, community members, and volunteers receive in relation to larger questions of the effectiveness of volunteer efforts. We have see n that despite the intentions of players, all of those who become involved with a volunteer organization are subject to larger influences of power which have the ability to dictate outcomes.

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65 Service Crisis. Africa Today 51(3):83 107. Jennings, Michael Ujamaa and Development in Tanzan ia. African Affairs 101(405):509 530. Kabendera, Erick 2013 UK invests £20m in Tanzania amid push to replace aid with trade: International agricultural initiative s. The Guardian, November 5. http://www.theguardian.com/global development/2013/nov/05/uk invests tanzania trade china accessed December 8, 2013. Lal, Priya 2010 Militants, Mothers, and the National Family: Ujamaa Gender, and Rural Development in Postcolonial Tanzania. Journal of African History 51(1):1 20. LeCompte, Margaret D. and Jean J. Schensul 1999a What is Ethnography. In The Ethnograp Conducting Ethnographic Research, An Introduction. Pp. 1 32. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield. 1999b Ethnographic Sampling. In Ethnographic Methods: Observations, Interviews, and Questionnaires. Pp. 231 269. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield. Morse, Janice M. 2000 Determining Sample Size. Qualitative Health Research 10(1):3 5. National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) and Office of Chief Government Statistician (OCG S) 2013 2012 Population and Housing Census: Population Distribution by Administrative Unites; Key Findings. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania: NBS and OCGS. Nordstrom, Carolyn 2000 Shadows and Sovereigns. Theory, Culture & Society 17(4):35 54. Rose, Cynthia, e d. 2004 American Decades Primary Sources, vol. 7: 1960 1969 What You Can Do for Your Country: An Oral History of the Peace Corps. Detroit: Gale. 379 384. Gale Virtual Reference Library. Scheper Hughes, Nancy 2004 Parts Unknown: Undercover ethnograp hy of the organs trafficking underworld. Ethnography 5(1):29 73.

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66 Tarimo, Edith A.M., Anna Thorson, Thecla W. Kohl, Joachim Mwami, Muhammad 2010 Balancing collective responsibility, individual opportunities and risks: a qualitative study on how police officers reason around volun teering in an HIV vaccine trial in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. BMC Public Health 10:292 302. Tripp, Aili Mari 2012 Donor Assistance and Political Reform in Tanzania. United Nations University WIDER Working Paper No. 2012(37):1 26, online 978 92 9230 500 0. Ulin, Priscilla R., Elizabeth T. Robinson, Elizabeth E. Tolley, and Erin T. McNeill 2002 Qualitative Methods: A Field Guide for Applied Research in Sexual and Reproductive Health. Research Triangle Park, NC: Family Health International. Zimmer man, Jonathan 1995 Beyond Double Consciousness: Black Peace Corps Volunteers in Africa, 1961 1971. The Journal of American History 82(3):999 1028. The World Bank 2013 http://www.worldbank.or g/en/country/tanzania accessed November 17, 2013. University of Pennsylvania African Studies Center (UP) 2013 East African Living Encyclopedia: Tanzania. http://www.africa.upenn.edu/NEH/treli gion.htm accessed December 6, 2013 Population Reference Bureau (PRB) 2012 World Population Data Sheet http://www.prb.org/DataFinder/TopicRankings.aspx?ind=14 accessed November 17 2013.

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67 APPENDIX Volunteer Question Guide What made you want to come to Tanzania? How long will you be staying? What were you doing before you traveled here? Did you travel here alone? What programs are you working on right now? Where are you staying? What made you choose to register and volunteer through Organization X? What does your typical day consist of while living here? How do your experiences in Tanzania thus far compare to what you expected? Do you have supervisors, mentors, or team members while volunteering? If yes, have they coached you on which community needs you should address? How did you decide to work on the specific project that you are? What motivates you to do such work? How close are you to the local community memb ers that you work with? Have you ever had the chance to talk with them about your specific project/program and how they perceive it? If yes, how has this information influenced your work? On what level do you think your project/program is affecting this community? Are you helping as much as you intended to? Would you volunteer through Organization X again? Do you have plans to volunteer in any other places? Do you have any other concerns about your work and the locals that live in Usa River that I have not asked about? Community Member Question Guide Did you grow up in Usa River? If not, how long have you lived here and where did you travel from? Tell me about your family and where you live... Does your household include children? Husband/Wife? Parents ? Friends? Tell me about a typical day for you.... Do you know any of the volunteers that work in Usa River? Where have you seen them? When was the first time that you met a volunteer from a different country? Do you like having volunteers in your commun ity? Are they always around? Which institutions/programs from Organization X do you use? (schools, orphanages, health clinics, food banks, etc.) How have these programs impacted your daily life? Have the volunteers ever asked you what you would like them to work on? If yes, what did you tell them? Did they work on what you asked? What have they done in your community that you have benefitted from the most? Have a bout it? Do you think the projects and programs that we talked about will be up and running for a long time? Would you like them to be? Is there anything else concerning volunteer programs through Organization X that I ink is important to mention? Employee Question Guide Did you grow up in Usa River? If not, how long have you lived here and where did you travel from?

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68 Tell me about your family and where you live... Does your household include children? Husband/Wife? Par ents? Friends? Tell me about a typical day for you.... When and how did you find work with Organization X? How long have you worked for them? What are you daily job tasks and requirements? What do you know about Organization X and what it does in your com munity? Do you think the volunteer projects are good for you community? Have any volunteer projects ever benefitted your or your family outside of work? Please explain. Are there specific ways in which your life has improved upon your employment with Organization X? Do you enjoy working here? Why or why not? Do you plan to work here for a while? Why or why not? Is there anything else regarding your position with Organiz ation X that you would like to discuss?