Post-industrial approaches to urban development in Denver, Colorado

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Post-industrial approaches to urban development in Denver, Colorado evaluating strategic neighborhood plans
Palmisano, Lucas W. ( author )
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Neighborhood planning -- Colorado -- Denver ( lcsh )
City planning -- Colorado -- Denver ( lcsh )
Neighborhoods -- Colorado -- Denver ( lcsh )
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )


Research has shown that neoliberal economic reforms and globalization have helped foster a post-industrial economy in the United States. As manufacturing has fled for cheaper labor markets, this post-industrial economy increasingly focuses on creative and knowledge-based industries, financial sectors and related service industries, and tourism as economic drivers. This has led to a rise of the "creative class" of labor who specialize in these areas. A literature review has shown that city and regional strategic plans have begun to focus on attracting these industries, the creative class and capital investment rather than focus on building strong communities through social reproduction strategies. This thesis will investigate whether these changes can be observed on a neighborhood planning level by investigating strategic neighborhood plans prepared by the Community Planning and Development department at the City of Denver.
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Colorado Denver.
Includes bibliographic references.
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Department of Political Science
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by Lucas W. Palmisano.

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University of Colorado Denver
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898074609 ( OCLC )


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POST INDUSTRIAL APPROACHES TO URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN DENVER, COLORADO: EVALUATING STRATEGIC NEIGHBORHOOD PLANS by LUCAS W. PALMISANO B.A ., Ohio University, 2000 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado Denver in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Master of Arts Political Science 2014




iii This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Lucas W. Palmisano has been approved for the Political Science Program by Anthony Robinson, Chair Thaddeus Tecza Michael Berry Date: April 27 2014


iv Palmisano, Lucas W. (M.A., Political Science) Post Industrial Approaches to Urban Development in Denver, Colorado: Evaluating Strategic Neighborhoo d Plans Thesis directed by Professor Anthony Robinson ABSTRACT Research has shown that neoliberal economic reforms and globalization have helped foster a post industrial economy in the Unit ed States. As manufacturing has fled for cheaper labor markets, t his post industrial economy increasingly focuses on creative and knowledge based industries, financial sectors and related service industries, and tourism as economic drivers. This has led to a rise of the "creative class" of labor who specialize in these areas. A literature review has shown that city and regional strategic plans have begun to focus on attracting these industries, the creative class and capital investment rather than focus on building strong communities through social rep roduction strategie s. This thesis will investigate whether these changes can be observed on a neighborhood planning level by investigating strategic neighborhood plans prepared by the Community Planning and Development department at the City of Denver. The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication. Approved: Anthony Robinson


v DEDICATION I would like to thank everyone who has helped, inspired or simply put up with me along the way in this endeavor, especially my parents and sisters Collin, Brittany, BO, my friends MDCL ..


vi TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION AND RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 1 II. NEOLIBERALISM AND CHANGING URBAN DYNAMICS 9 Neoliberal Economic Theory 9 Global Economic Trends and Urban Dynamics 14 Urban Planning & Commu nity Development Efforts in the New Global Order 27 The Neoliberal Turn in Planning 35 III. DENVER: A CASE STUDY 50 Denver's Comprehensive Plans 52 Denver's Comprehensive Plan 2000 55 Denver's Changing Planning Philosophy 6 0 The 1976 77 Five Points Neighborhood Plan 64 The 1995 Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan 67 The 2003 River North Small Area Plan 77 The 1981 Westside Neighborhood Plan 82 The 2010 La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan 87 The 1976 Cherry Creek Neighborhood Plan 94 The 2012 Cherry Creek Neighborhood Plan 97 IV. THE CHANGING FACE OF URBAN DEVELOPMENT 106 BIBLIOGRAPHY 110


vii LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE 1. Areas of Change 67 2. Five Points Neighborhood 74 3. Northeast Downtown stu dy a rea 76 4. Ballpark Historic District 80 5. River North small area conceptual plan 87 6. Land use in River North 89 7. La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood character areas 92 8. Single head of h ouseholds and areas of change 97 9. Cherry Creek Neig hborhood 103 10. Cherry Creek pedestrian a reas 108


1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION AND RESEARCH METHODOLOGY In the face of increasing globalization, how have neoliberal economic trends and the movement towards a post industrial economy affected the develop ment of strategic neighborhood plans in American urban cities? The purpose of this paper is to examine the degree to which strategic neighborhood plans are utilized as part of an economic growth strategy as American cities seek their place in a globalizing post industrial economy. This t h esis will investigate the extent to which local neighborhood plans target specific industries investments, development projects, and services that can be understood in the context of cities competing for a "creative econo my" place in the global marketplace. To what extent does urban planning in this new context focus on economic development challenges rather than on the social needs of the community? From the 1930s to the 1960s in accordance with Keynesian economic thou ght that was highly influential at the time planning for the social needs of the community dominated urban development policies. This period saw urban planning department s become more professionalized New Deal urban development policies focused on social programs that sought to strengthen the labor class and expand an American middle class. The s e demand side polic i e s utilized progressive taxation, higher wages, worker protections and social safety net programs to directly support and uplift the poores t and most downtrodden citizens By creating the conditions for more empowered lower and middle class es, Keynesian planning efforts sought to increase economic productivity and lower class buying power, and improve quality of life It was believed these co nditions would lead to a stronger overall economy (Krugman, 2007) This planning model based


2 on social reproduction came to be known as equity planning and is best exemplified in the Cleveland Planning Department in the 1970s under Norman Krumholz. Krum holz believed the duty of city planning department s should be to improve the economic and social standing of the most disadvantaged and destitute of populations (Krumholz, 1996) As a result of New Deal and equity planning policies the middle class was sy stematically built in a generation and the U nited S tates saw the longest sustained period of economic growth the country has ever seen (Krugman, 2007) In the 1970s however, the Keynesian way of dealing with economic issues started to crumble as the inter national economic playing field began to change and adapt to globalization Capital, labor, and cultures became "liberated" as technological advances opened up new markets and facilitated increased travel across borders ( Hackworth, 2007 ). Many of the chang es seen nationally also fostered the capital accumulation crisis of the 1970s. C apital accumulation refers to businesses and individuals earning a profit from capitalist enterprises and then, in turn, using these profits (accumulated capital) to reinvest i n their business and in their quality of life. A capital accumulation crisis emerges when profits decline and therefore pools of investment capital do not accumulate, resulting in stagnant economic growth, declining new business starts, business layoffs an d higher unemployment as well as declining research and development, less savings for individuals, and declining consumer confidence ( Logan & Molotch, 1987; Judd & Fainstein, 1999; and Hackworth, 2007 ). The capitalist accumulation crisis of the 1970s (Ame rica's greatest recessionary period since the Great Depression) coincided with a rise of an increasingly globalized international economy (facilitated by increased connections through communication and


3 transportation). The United States saw manufacturing a nd industry leave for foreign markets as new labor markets allowed for cheaper means to produce goods and services. This flight of manufacturing fed into a broad based capital accumulation crisis in American industrial areas and cities, fueling official de sires for new strategies to kick start local economic growth (Logan & Molotch, 1987) To stay competitive in this troubled environment, city officials and municipal governments changed their management style and the focus of their urban planning efforts Cities changed tact and focused on constantly maintain ing a business friendly environment i n which to attract investment capital ( Hackworth, 2007; and Logan & Molotch, 1987 ). The aim wa s to increase profits an d tax revenues, and the belief wa s eventually t hat some of these profits would trickle down and help the poor (Hackworth, 2007; and Logan & Molotch, 1987). Concurrently, l iterature suggests cities have become growth engines of national economies as metropolitan areas adjust to globalization and neolib eral changes (Logan & Molotch, 1987; Galor, 1997; Friedman, 2006; Campbell & Fainstein, 1996; Hackworth, 2007; Harvey, 2012 ; Sassen, 2001; and Fainstein, 2010 ) As changes in sectors that drive economic growth have led to moves by the U nited S tates away fr om manufacturing sectors American cities are making adjustments to best compete in a post industrial economy by focusing economic development efforts towards developing and attracting creative and service based industries (Florida, 2010). City leaders see k to attract global capital investment in the form of new large scale developments attrac tive to the "creative class," (Florida, 2010 ; and Harvey 2012 ) and to market cities as tourist destinations in order to stimulate economic growth (Judd & Fainstein, 1 999; and Kriznik, 2011)


4 I n a capitalist post industrial society as city leaders target creative class professionals and tourists, investors and developers seek to take advantage of these changes to urban strategy as they seek to invest their surplus ca pital in new profit taking opportunities The rooting of sur plus capital in a physical development is called the spatial fix (a "fix" to the capitalist's need to find new profit making opportunities), and often this spatial fix is found by redeveloping p ost industrial and underdeveloped areas located in inner city neighborhoods. This concept of fix ing capital in a physical development is not unique to the post industrial economy However, under neoliberal economi cs, as cities seek the creative class and i ncreasingly use tourism as an economic driver, inner city and low income residents face increasing chances of seeing large scale developments in their neighborhoods (Judd & Fainstein, 1999; and Harvey, 2012) This investment in large scale urban developmen ts often leads to new, redeveloped, and gentrified neighborhoods that increase property values and exploit rent gaps 1 allowing for investor profit takin g, which is the essence of the spatial fix. Correspondingly, city planning efforts have shifted to a f ocus on planning of medium and lar ge scale symbolic developments. A symbolic development project in this new kind of neoliberal planning regime is one where developers, politicians and decision makers seek to remake the image and fortunes of a particular a rea, city or region through the building of these projects. These projects can be used to build momentum that will spur future development, financial commitments, and a dramatic increase in tourism (Kriznik, 2011). Projects commonly include consumer servic e based businesses such as 1 The rent gap can be described as the gap between the existing capitalized ground rent (land value) derived from the present use of a specific plot of land and the potential ground rent that could be taken if the property was redeveloped to achieve a "higher and better use" (Smith, 1987, pg. 462)


5 hotels, restaurants, and shops, as well as convention facilities, public parks, arts facilities, sports facilities, and large residential complexes (Judd & Fainstein, 1999; Harvey, 2012; and Logan & Molotch, 1987). Though cities have always built large scale developments, the purpose for which they are planned (to drive economic development), and the process by which they are built (through free market, neoliberal programs), have changed. Erecting large scale developments has emer ged as the prominent strategy used by city planners and municipal officials to build a successful city. As cities seek to create conditions necessary to attract investment and facilitate large scale development in order to capitalize on the investors' nee d for a spatial fix, r esearch shows that city and regional strategic plans have adjusted to neoliberal economic trends City and regional strategic plans increasingly focus on the need to attract investment to a city rather than on social reproduction t hrough developing and providing social services or improving neighborhood infrastructure (Logan & Molotch, 1987; Judd & Fainstein, 1999; Campbell & Fainstein, 1996; Hackworth, 2007; Harvey, 1989 & 2012; Sassen, 2001; Fainstein, 2010 ; and Blair, 2004 ). Thi s change in strategies has coincided with increasing budget allocations relating to city and place marketing, the increased role of public private partnerships, increased use of enterprise zones and tax abatements, new strategies for social control over "u ndesirable" social groups, and an increased role by city planning departments in planning these large, strategic developments (Kriznik, 2011; Judd & Fainstein, 1999; Mayer, 2007; Sites, 2007; and Blair, 2004). Thus, the role of the public urban planner has shifted from one of designing an efficient and productive city, allocating limited city resources, implementing cost effective and efficient public infrastructure, insuring


6 adequate health care, job training, and housing programs and improving the lives o f a greater number of citizens through social reproduction strategies to a role focused almost exclusively on economic development through creating an attractive business climate and designing urban redevelopment megaprojects, symbolic developments, and to urist attractions (Fainstein, 2010; Mayer, 2007; and Beauregard, 1996). City plans, in an economy governed by neoliberal principles, focus on stimulating economic growth through attracting global capital and investment, and through the redevelopment of ur ban areas. Can we observe this broad change in urban planning priorities at the local neighborhood level? I hypothesize that the neoliberal trend in American cities, which reflects a broader, globalized turn to a financialized, investor dominated political economy, is reflected in dynamics at the neighborhood planning level. Although neighborhood plans have traditionally focused on such "small scale local needs as improved sidewalks, school quality, and local landscaping plans, it may be the case today th at even local neighborhood plans are increasingly reflecting a focus on economic development strategies to attract international capital through large, strategic developments. The intent of this study is to examine neighborhood planning efforts of the Cit y of Denver to test whether or not strategic plans focused on attracting capital can be seen not just at the state and city level, but at the neighborhood level as well Can a change in neighborhood planning priorities be detected over a course of recent d ecades as dominant political and economic thinking shifted from equity principles to economy planning ? In order to test this possibility the concept s of social reproduction planning through improving neighborhood infrastructure and providing social servic es as well as


7 neoliberal economic neighborhood planning aimed at stimulating economic growth must be operationally defined and systematically charted. Research Design and Methodology A longitudinal case study of neighborhood plans designed by the Den ver Department of Community Planning and Development will be utilized. Case study and content analysis of the change in the over all discourse, priorities, goals, methods, and language used in neighborhood plans of the same or similar geographic areas over a period of 30 40 years will be examined The comparison will include several neighborhood plans completed prior to global changes and neoliberal reforms began in earnest the early 1980s a s well as plans completed since. The City of Denver provides a good case study, as the city is a good example of a growing 21 st century American city seeking to attract foreign investment and tourism (MDEDC, 2013 ; and Clark, 2003 ). In order to measure the changes in the use of strategic neighborhood planning careful exa mination must be performed regarding a plan's focus on social reproduction or economic development goals. Factors of the planning efforts that will be considered in coming to this conclusion will include: the use of marketing, branding, and advertising in urban planning efforts ; methods of financing proposed for developments in the plans 2 ; the use and nature of public private partnerships ; and strategic use and lever aging of public 2 Traditionally municipalities have utilized general obligation bonds (financed through taxes derived from wealth transfer from rich to poor for social reproduction programs such as schools and public works) to finance developments (Peterson, 1981). Other methods for financing increasingly adopted since the neoliberal turn in urban planning include revenue bonds (such as Tax Increment Financing, or TIF) which can only be used to finance projects that "pay for themselves" through future revenues, since revenue bonds must be paid off by revenues from the project itself.


8 infrastructure and assets Research will focus on existing plan s and on neig hborhoods that have completed a number of plans over the longitudinal timeline Examined p lans will include comprehensive citywide plans as well as individual neighborhood and small area plans prepared by the Community Planning and Development Department o f the City and County of Denver. A second step must include developing the parameters by which to measure the effects of the ch anges in urban development planning philosophy Allegedly, cities increasingly are turning to economic development promotion thr ough urban planning rather than supporting social reproduction through supplying basic services and improving the quality of life for city residents. Can we measure the effects of this change in city planning philosophy? An understanding of what services and infrastructure projects were previously offered (and with what official planning goals), and how those services and infrastructure are currently being provided is needed to measure the changes.


9 C HAPTER II NEOLIBERALISM AND CHANGING URBAN DYNAMIC S This chapter includes a literature review on the scholarly work on neoliberal economic theory and planning philosophy. N eoliberal economic theory will be contrasted with Keynesian economic theory global neoliberal economic trends and urban dynamics wil l be investigated urban planning and community development efforts in the new global order will be explored and finally a review of the neoliberal turn in planning efforts will sum up the literature review Neoliberal Economic Theory N eoliberal econom ic policies of the modern era have been described as a liberalization of trade markets through the freeing of capital to flow across borders, the reduction of state regulations and economic intervention, and limiting the scope of government welfare and soc ial programs (Harvey, 2005; and Friedman, 1980) Neoliberals allege that t hese reforms create conditions for greater economic growth which will eventually create a utopian paradise that will eliminate many of the social ills plaguing contemporary society The concept s of neoliberalism conform well with notions of free market capitalism commonly theorized to work best under conditions of liberalized trade and labor markets that allow for the free flow of goods and labor. Since these kinds of neoliberal eco nomic theories a nd ideas on free market capitalism started to gain prominence in the 197 0s, supporters of neoliberal economics ( including the neoliberal patron saint Milton Friedman himself) have aggressively pushed and enacted neoliberal reforms in many c ountries around the world These neoliberals have argued


10 that the role of government in general (and planning in specific) should be to create conditions favorable to capital investors and business interests, so as to support a healthy local economy (Harve y, 2005). It is important to note that neoliberalism has not always dominated economic and political thinking. In fact, there are fundamentally different ways of envisioning the proper role of government and government planners. Following the Great Depres sion prominent economic thinkers could be d ivided into two camps. These were supporters of Egalitarian Liberalism such as President Franklin Roosevelt and John Maynard Keynes whose views clashed with supporters of Classical Liberalism such as Friederick Hayek and Milton Friedman Egalitarian liberals, whose views became commonly known as Keynesianism, have the fundamental belief that markets are not perfectly self regulating and they can "self destruct without targeted intervention by various levels of go vernment" (Hackworth, 2007, p 7) The idea that a regulatory and redistributive framework is needed to reign in capitalism, and sometimes to help capitalist systems work better than when they are perfectly "free" to self destruct, is based on assumptions of theoretical market failures. These include the concept of imperfect competition the idea that firms tend to prefer less competition and mon opoly. Additionally, some goods ( such as roads and bridges ) are considered public or social goods and are colle ctively consumed making them difficult to price on an individual basis. Other failures of the market can be explained through the concept of externalities (such as pollution or the cost of building infrastructure such as water systems, that are not includ ed in the market price or goods, and therefore must be regulated or provided for by government), or when consumers possess imperfect


11 information markets cannot function properly without a completely educated populace regarding such concepts as alternativ e products, workplace conditions, or ingredients that are found in the good offered for sale (Hackworth, 2007). In addition to regulating the harsh edges of capitalism Keynesians believe targeted government expenditures in the economy have multiplier eff ect s especially if focused on "demand side" social reproduction policies that seek to expand the middle class and strengthen the economic lot of the labor class. The se demand side policies expand the economic buying power of the labor class through provis ion of jobs through high wage infrastructure projects labor protections through union representation and collective bar gaining, growing benefits such as health and unemployment insurance and an expanding social safety net for poor and disabled people thr ough such programs as Social Security Medicare, and Medicaid (Krugman, 2007) Additionally demand side policies seek to narrow the wage gap between top and bottom earners through progressive taxation and income redistribution policies that fund social p rograms. Utilizing demand side policies FDR, President Harry Truman and other Keynesians built the American middle class in a generation and saw the longest sustained period of economic gro wth the country has ever seen (Krugman, 2007). Cl assical liberals on the other hand, believe the "highest virtue of a society is the degree to which its individuals ar e allowed to pursue pleasure. Individuals are seen as the most qualified at understanding their needs and wants, so society should be structured around l owering barriers to the individual realization of this pleasure" ( Hackworth 2007, p. 3) The most efficient and effective means to achieve this individualism is through a capitalist pursuit through an unfettered market ensured by a non interventionist sta te


12 solely focused on providing safety, competitive markets, and guaranteeing individual rights and property (Hackworth, 2007 ) What has come today to be known as "Neoliberalism" is in effect a rebirth and rebranding of this earlier version of classical lib eralism. Many studies have shown neoliberal economic reforms have led to the opening of new markets in Asia, Africa and the Americas; a decrease in the role in all levels of government in the lives of citizens; and increased global competition for develop ment and capital investment (Leitner, Sheppard, Sziarto, & Maringanti, 2007; Mayer, 2007; Peck & Tickell, 2007; and Friedman, 2006). While neoliberalism seeks the utopia of free market capitalism it has "in practice entailed a dramatic intensification of c oercive, disciplinary forms of state intervention in order to impose market rule upon all aspects of social life" (Brenner and Theo dore, 2002, p 352). This has resulted in market failures ( such as the housing crisis that precipitated the economic recessio n of 2008 ) social polarization, and uneven development as well as "intensifying inequality, destructive interplace competition, and generalized social insecurity" (Brenner and Theodore, 2002, p. 352). N eoliberalism in practice has proven to be a "histori cally specific, ongoing, and internally contradictory process of market driven sociospatial transformation, rather than as a fully actualized policy regime, ideological form, or regulatory framework" (Brenner and Theodore, 2002, p 353). Initially roll b ack neoliberalism sought to remove regulations and social programs and shrink the size of government by essentially rolling back the Keynesian welfare state Next roll out neoliberalism sought to bring neoliberal economic theory further into the main s tream through "c oncrete programs of


13 institutional modification through which the unfettered rul e of capital is to be promoted" (Brenner and Theodore, 2002, p 363). As neoliberal economic reforms have swept the globe they have combined with increased commu nication and technological capacity and the commo dific ation of kn owledge and creative fields to drive what some call a post industrial economy (Liagouras, 2005). I n this economy, i ncreasing value is placed on so called "creative industries" based on inf ormation, knowledge, communication, and culture as well as on goods and services such as entertainment and tourism (Friedman, 2006; Florida, 2010; and Liagouras, 2005). In practice, advanced economic countries that possess an intellectual and technical sup eriority, such as the United States, have adapted to a post industrial economy by emphasizing, recruiting, and targeting growth and development of knowledge based and creative industries (Liagouras, 2005; Florida, 2002 & 2010; and Hackworth, 2007). This ha s given rise to a "creative class" of labor who specialize in these professional service and knowledge based careers and are often considered young professionals under the age of 40 (Florida, 2002). P ost industrial cities seek to attract this creative clas s of labor to maintain a competitive place in the high tech knowledge based economic sectors of international finance, business services, and creative industries to become what Sassen (2001) calls "global cities." A s developed countries such as the Unite d States enlist development strategies that feature knowledge based and creative industries, the old manufacturing sectors have increasingly shifted elsewhere as trade is liberalized, and new markets are op ened up in developing countries; meaning that new, cheaper sources of labor have been introduced to the global economy ( Friedman, 2006; Fainstein, 2010; Hackworth, 2007; and Florida,


14 2010) As traditional manufacturing and industrial outputs increasingly move to developing countries, traditional industria l powers like the United States must redefine their economy ( Bertho, Crawford, & Fogarty, 2008; Hackworth, 2007; and Florida, 2002 & 2010) It is this economic challenge together with the rise in n eoliberal, free market thinking that has led many Ameri can cities to emphasize strategic neoliberal planning efforts to rebuild their cities in a way attractive to particular forms of global investment capital, and to shift away from planning for local infrastructure social service, education and other social reproduction focused planning efforts. P art of this global trend o f expanding creative industries is the growth of international finance and finance based service industries over the last several decades I nnovation and improvements in communication incre asingly has allowed further commodification of international finance creating new forms of capital mobility in the financial sector (Sassen, 2001) This increased commodification of finance and the growing role of international finance i n shaping global development, ha s led to the increasing role of global financial centers such as New York, London and Tokyo. Around these financial centers an explosion of finance based service industries such as accounting, marketing, advertising, and informati on technolo gy have grown (Sassen, 2001). As the financial sector has grown at higher rates than other industries, c ities are increasingly competing for these financial sector jobs and investment, as will be discussed below. Global Economic Trends and Urban Dynamics Growing global neoliberal economi c trends combined with the fact that a


15 majority of the world's population now lives in rapidly growing urban area s, mean that cities are increasingly the economic growth machines for national economies (UNFPA, 2013; Logan & Molotch, 1987 ; and Davis, 2004 ). A host of studies chronicle the attempts of cities to build tourist economic sectors lure business interests, and attract foreign investment and development in this new global economic order These studies show that wha t is happening on a metropolitan scale is actually a respo n se to fundamental changes and developments at the international level (Logan & Molotch, 1987; Judd & Fainstein, 1999; Galor, 2007; and Summer, 2006 ) In a globalized economy where urban areas becom e growth machines driving national economies, cities must compete against other cities for foreign direct investment in regional, national, and international contexts (Logan & Molotch, 1987; and Judd & Fainstein, 1999). In the face of declining manufacturi ng, cities compensate by seeking to enhance their position within the international spatial division of consumption in retail and tourism sectors as well as developing regional professional service and creative industries (Hackworth, 2007; Judd & Fainstein 1999; and Harvey, 2012). This pattern has led to perceived change s in municipal economic strategies as the role of municipal governments in a post industrial economy has shifted to promoting economic development rather than focusing on social reproducti on needs (Logan & Molotch, 1987; Judd & Fainstein, 1999 ; and Harvey, 1989). International n eoliberal economic developments lead to local changes as u rban governments respond to global changes by increasingly adopting entrepreneurial strategies to attract d evelopment (Harvey, 1989; and Hackworth, 2007). Entrepreneurial a ctions me ant to increase competitiveness and to help urban areas gain positions as


16 functional centers or nodes in the global economy include recruitment of corporate headquarters, branches and creative jobs through the increased use of tax abatement and tax increment financing strategies (i.e., business tax subsidies) expanded use of public private partnerships to promote local business interests, as well as a reorganization of city plann ing departments around the goal of attracting economic growth (Hackworth, 2007 ; Briffault, 2010; Harvey, 2012; and Beauregard, 1996 ). These actions represent a change in urban strategy as cities seek to gain competitive advantages. In the traditional Keyn esian era an emphasis in urban planning wa s placed on mitigating the harsh edges of capitalism by supporting a productive and vibrant workforce through the provision by municipal governments of quality of life public goods, such as low income housing qu ality public education, public works projects, and job training (Florida, 2010; Friedman, 2006 ; Krugman, 2007; and Harvey, 2012 & 1996 ). These kinds of social reproduction strategies seek to mitigate the harsh realities of free market capitalism as well as focus on strengthening the working class with the belief that a stronger working class will inevitably be more productive and this increased productivity will result in an economy of sustained growth (Harvey, 2012 & 1996 ; and Krugman, 2007 ). Opposed to t his theory that government's role is to protect and lift up marginalized social groups in the face of harsh capitalism, neoliberal thinkers urge cities increasingly to strive to attract e conomic growth and development with the hope that the economic benefi ts from business growth and large development s w ill have a trickle down effect, reach poorer citizens and enhance their quality of life (Florida, 2010; Friedman, 2006 ; Krugman, 2007; and Hackworth, 2012 ). As urban governing strategies have changed the in creasing commodification of


17 homes neighborhoods, and public space has paralleled these cha n ges as these spaces increasingly become a commodity bought and sold on an open international market (Logan & Molotch, 1987 ; Harvey, 2012 ). This internationally open marketplace adds to the increased competition between cities as well as fosters fluctuating local housing and property market s as international investors seek new places to invest and develop (Logan & Molotch, 1987). In discussing the increased commodif ication of space i t is important to understand the notion of the constant need of investors to find new ways to take new profits. Without constant new means to earn profit inflation eats away at capital. O ne way for capital to grow is by spatially fixing capital through investment in real estate and taking advantage of rent gaps through redevelopment F ixing capital is nothing new. F ollowing the capital accumulation crisis of the Great Depression, the federal government sought a way to strengthen the labo r class by fix ing capital in high wage public works projects. When the redistributive and progressive New Deal public spending programs and the sustained regulation of industry by the Roosevelt and Truman administrations combined with the heightened indus trial capabilities resulting from the mobilization from World War II the United States saw a dramatic increase in high paying union jobs and a massive growth of the middle class The s e economic changes led to the proliferation of American manufacturing an d industrial sectors and t he Keynesian means of fixing capital through social reproduction programs and expanding the middle class held true for most of the middle of the 20 th Century (Hackworth, 2012; Florida, 2010 ; and Krugman, 2007 ).


18 However in the 19 70s the Keynesian way of addressing the crisis of capital ism through enhan ced regulation and social reproduction began to crumble as the economy was increasingly internationalized. In this international economy, capitalist investors fled areas of high wag es and high regulations (in an effort to make higher profits in lower wage locales), leading to a capital accumulation crisis in the old industrial centers. This capital accumulation crisis, and the inability of traditional Keynesian means to deal with thi s crisis, opened the way for new leaders with neoliberal solutions to gain power (Hackworth, 2010; and Friedman 2006) As the neoliberals gained power, commitments to social reproduction strategies (such as high er education spending and high wage public w orks) waned in favor of rising calls to develop cities attractive to international investors and shoppers, such as developing cities as tourist destinations (Galor, 2007; and Judd & Fainstein, 1999) Developing consumer economic sectors allow s cities to ge nerate ancillary investment, high employment multipliers in the hospitality and retail sectors, and local ta x revenues" (Eisinger, 2000, p. 317). Tourism is a way of importing spending through visitors while also exporting the tax burden through sales tax es or hotel room taxes (Eisinger, 2000). M aking commercial property more valuable in this way allows a city to keep residential property taxes low while still providing services (Turner, 2002). To this end c ities increasingly seek to develop hotels, conve ntion centers, entertainment venues, cultural districts, shopping opportunities and restaurants in the hopes of attracting foreign and domestic tourists (Judd & Fainstein, 1999). As c ities in this a post industrial economy attempt to chang e fortunes thro ugh reinvention they have resorted to the building of large scale symbolic developments, the


19 use of pro business city branding, "creative class" place promotion and signification legitimization of pro growth policies and city wide marketing as a means to attract foreign capital and tourist spending (Kriznik, 2011; and Ursic & Kriznik, 2012) Place promotion strategies are adopted through the "conscious use of publicity and marketing to communicate selective images of specific geographic localities or area s to a target audience (Ward and Gold, 1994, p 2). Districts are designated as artistic, retail or entertainment focused and a conscious effort is devoted to driving investment and visitors to these areas. In addition to the process of pro creative class pro growth signification, the political economy of urban development also involves the legitimization of the pro growth strategy by creating and mobilizing the support of stakeholders, political elites and the public at large (Gottdiener, 1995; and Mele, 2000). There are several strategies used by growth regimes to achieve this end. Upscale new development s such as sports stadiums or luxury h ousing are marketed as serving the public good (Gottdiener, 1995; Hubbard, 1996; Mele, 2000), and such development s are marketed as inevitable or desirable as part of creating an attractive business atmosphere that will entice investment and relocation of corporate entities (Kim, 2009; Holcomb, 2001; Hubbard, 1996; Short, 1999; and Ward, 1998). This urban strategy of plac e making and signification is based on two assumptions First, c ities assume they can gain a competitive advantage over other cities by implementing an effective management strategy utilizing its strategic resources and assets The second assumption i s that benefits actually accrue to most people in the city through ancillary econo mic benefits (trickle down benef its) as a result of city marketing.


20 In accordance with these assumptions, c itywide marketing is an important part of urban economic policy an d is used as a means to make potential tourists and investors aware of the city's unique competitive advantages. City marketing strategies can include the use of flashy images, captivating slogans and sleek logos in planning documents, publicity materials and advertisements that advance the marketing discourse, as well as more sophisticated approaches integrating the boosting of international events and conventions and the promotion of iconic urban projects ( Gottdiener & Lagopoulos, 1986; and Kriznik, 2011) A large amount of resources are invested in promoting a city as a place with an attractive business climate, a high quality of life, and as a desired tourist destination. Through attracting foreign direct investment entertainment/ sporting events, conve ntions, and the relocation of corporate headquarters and branches a city is expected to benefit from economi c growth, urban development, an increase in employment, and a better quality of life (Kriz nik, 2011; Smith, 2005; and Kim & Kim, 2011). In fact ma ny local regimes believe the fate of a city's social and economic quality of life hinges on an effective marketing campaign (Short and Kim, 1998). However, city m arketing alone has limited success in changing the fortunes of an urban area. Cities, therefor e, construct large symbolic flagship deve lopments that aim to replace seemingly blighted urban areas. Through symbolic redevelopment the urban regime se ek s to replace the areas of an urban area deemed to be detrimental to the econom ic growth of a city with "new places of global spectacle, transforming the former into non conflicting tourist attractions of mass consumption" (Kriznik, 2011 p. 295 ). However, i n pursuing big symbolic entertainment projects such as a sports stadium local


21 growth regimes create a hierarchy of interests where concerns of visitors take pr ecedence to city residents. Thus tourist districts, rather than residential neighborhoods, see public investments through city subsidies and the construction of easy transportation access or mass t ransit lines built to upscale city attractions Other city support includes the city provision of new parking for the venues, the rollout of a clean and well lit physical infrastructure and police protection and other tools of physical separation from cou nter cultural personalities marginalized communities poverty, and homeless ness (Eisinger, 2000) This pattern is part of a global trend that increasingly commodifies cities turning them in to spaces lacking historical authenticity and meaning (Kriznik, 2011; and Urry, 2002) T he emphasis of a modern city marketing strategy is more on selling constructed images of the city and less on promoting the actual qualities of a place Cities seek to create a narrative of urban space as a safe and peaceful place with no conflicts E xisting environmental or social injustice issues are rarely addressed and can be intentionally ignored (Kriznik, 2011) For the citizens of a city, increased tourism resulting from symbolic development can improve the quality of life an d generate employment but it can also lead to gentrification and social injustice through segregatio n of poor areas from new developments, harsh policing practices to keep non favored populations away from showcase areas of the city, and the destruction o f community by destroying local places and cultures (Smith, 2002; and Kriznik, 2011). The role of government in the production of urban space in this new system is broad and intense. Symbolic developments are typically part of a pro market master plan for redesigning urban area s and t he planning of these developments is part of the way


22 cities are re sponding to neoliberal changes (Kim, 2009). As an example sports stadiums are held up as massive projects that provide a big boon to the city economically and symbolically, this despite projected revenue generated from games often does not justify the cost of building these symbolic developments S ports stadiums are built on the promise of the increased tax revenue generated by development of surrounding areas even though much of that tax revenue never materializes (Euchner, 1999). Neoliberal g overnment s in this kind of growth regime, share the same goals as the real estate sector and growth regimes : uniting powerful private and public actors to facilitate the redevelopment of property across the city to build a world class destination and revenue generator To the principals of this growth regime, c reating a friendly business climate is crucial to the success of an entire region as cities compete against each o ther on a global scale (Kim, 2009 ; and Stone, 1993 ). U rban renewal however, is rarely only about changing a particular place. It is also a b out how urban officials interpret and present the results of urban renewal, the outcome and the narratives used to g ive significance to a particular place. These narratives can sometimes go against the existing narrative of a particular place and require the inherently contested sacrifice of the pre existing nature of particular spaces (Kriznik, 2011). These growth reg ime sanctioned assaults on the needs of current communities in the pursuit of a redeveloped "creative class" city especially affects the lowest income residents I ncreasingly as neoliberal changes sweep across the globe a struggle over the right to use p ublic spaces intensifies. As public spaces of cities become privatized and carefully patrolled, many citizens (such as the homeless, or counter culture personalities) lose the ability to express themselves outside of the sanit ized and regulated environment


23 (Mitchell, 2003; and Harvey, 2008) Social groups and individuals that do not fit or who oppose the symbolic reconstruction of a partic ular place, as promoted by dominan t economic or political actors, are marginalized or excluded from public life. In fac t, as Eisenger (2000) states the focus of these growth regimes is purely economic and low income people are neglected : T he city as a place to play is manifestly built for the middle classes, who can afford to attend professional sporting events, eat in the new outdoor cafÂŽs, attend trade and professional conventions, shop in the festival malls, and patronize the high and middlebrow arts. Many, if not most, of these are visitors to the city, and in the view of local leaders, they must be shielded from the c ity's residents. The city is no longer regarded as the great melting pot, the meeting place of diverse classes and races (Eisinger, 2000, p 317). Symbolic reconstruction that results from an urban policy meant to increase intercity competition thus beco mes a new form of social and political domination, affect s social polarization, and denies political rights in cities (Kriznik, 2011; and Cho, 2010). Brenner and Theodore (2002) sum up growth regime strategy: "the neoliberal project of institutional creat ion is no longer oriented simply towards the promotion of market driven capitalist growth; it is also oriented towards the establishment of new flanking mechanisms and modes of crisis displacement through which to insulate powerful economic actors from the manifold failures of the market, the state, and governance that are persistently generated within a neo liberal political framework" (p 374). In fact, n eoliberal strategies for redeveloping cities have severely exacerbated many of the regulatory problems they supposedly aspire to resolve such as economic stagnation, high unemployment, class segregation and discrimination, and uneven development (Brenner and Thoedore, 2002). Paralleling this rise in consumer economic strategies, d eindustrialization,


24 automat ion, and a restructuring of the labor process has resulted in a loss of union jobs and their generous ancillary benefits. "Increasingly, economies of makeshift' are replacing steady incomes, as labor markets are polarized between high wage professional em ployment and low wage contingency work in the midst of massive corporate downsi zing" (Wright, 1997, p 82). L ow class workers are shifting to c onsumer oriented service jobs in the face of these traditional union manufacturing jobs flee ing the country (Fain stein, 2010 ; and Wright, 1997). As part of this growth of retail and tourism sectors and accompanying low wage employment, "local culture is used as part of the downtown development strategy to draw external consumers to designated com mercial areas" (Turne r, 2002, p 545 ). Examples include local ethnic artistic or cultural festivals (marketed by local elites), celebrated in an entertainment or retail district where additional shopping is encouraged As t raditional manufacturing jobs are declining in many A merican cities, and as cities seek to grow their position within a global consumer marketplace increasingly economic fortunes are also shaped by international financial activities. The deregulation of global financial flows across the globe, expansion in available credit, and general reorganization of core manufacturing economies towards real estate investment has been aided by the substantial integration between property and financial markets (Hackworth, 2007; Sassen 2001). With global capital markets com es the increasing reality that local communities are markets shaped by activities and choices outside these cities which leads cities everywhere to adopt changes to better attract global capital and their own share of financial sector employment (Sassen, 2001) The leads to cities seeking to create a good business climate through low taxes, infrastructure development friendly to the


25 needs of the downtown financiers, the development of "world class amenities," and related efforts to attract the leaders of g lobal finance and the creative class. Gentrification of traditional low income communities is an associated consequence of these neoliberal efforts to attract global capital and the related creative class. "It marks the replacement of the publicly regulate d Keynesian inner city replete with physical and institutional remnants of a system designed to ameliorate the inequality of capitalism with privately regulated neoliberalized spaces of exclusion" (Hackworth, 2007, p. 120 121) As property markets are increasingly shaped by global investment cycles, g entrification shows how globally connected co rporate brokerage firms, rather than individual homeowners, are increasingly taking risks and earning profit s from urban redevelopment as property and finance ca pital is internationalized and increasingly deployed by corporate developers (Hackworth, 2007 ). In this way, g entrification is often catalyzed not so much by the chance result of thousands of choices by thousands of individual homebuyers and sellers, but rather is the res ult of "structural speculators" (large investors, bank lenders, or local governing officials) who strategically cho o se which neighborhoods deserve systematic re development and reinvestment. Local and federal government intervention in favo r of gentrification for example by tearing down public housing and subsidizing upscale trophy development projects in their place is increasingly prominent and accepted as o pposition movements become marginal ized and gentrification seeps into more rem ote neighborhoods (Hackworth 2007). This resulting politics of exclusion results in the construction of sp aces of pleasure, such as entertainment and shopping districts supported by middle or upper


26 income people living in middle or upper class neighborh oods Conversely low income area s are considered refuse spaces that developers and pro growth elites see as ripe for the opportunity of redevelopment (Wright, 1997) Redevelopment of low income neighborhoods that benefit s a gentrified creative class, does not redistri bute job opportuniti es downward however, thus countering any perc e i ved economic benefits for the poor In fact, "t he consequence of city redevelopment for the very poor and homeless is dispersion to the city periphery or to the interstices betw een developed c ity locations" (Wright, 1997, p 89). Redevelopment therefore reinforces these policies of exclusion, because r edevelopment is a mutually reinforcing process to economic restru cturing which acts to amplify existing social and economic inequa lity To keep the spaces exclusive a ha rs h and cruel edge has been introduced to this process. Since the 1970's, the federal government's "commitment to providing safe, decent and affordable housing has gradually eroded to a practice of merely containin g' the poor and homeless" (Wright, 1997, p 83). Smith (1996) postulates that as cities seek global capital and investment they typically adopt "revanchist" measures to criminalize a good deal of basic human behavior in order to promote an extreme version of cleanliness and safety. As cities face global competition for investment capital they must promote themselves as the most attractive place to invest. A city that is clean and safe is more likely to attract capital and in today's environment, city lead ers pursue such cleanliness and safety with what Smith (1996) calls an angry and militant revanchism even involving the brutal application of police force to enforce standards of proper behavior For example, cities increasingly adopt ordinances making it illegal for homeless people to sit, sleep, or even cover themselves from harsh elements. Racial profiling targets young


27 non whites in downtown areas for especially ha rsh surveillance and policing. Episodes of police violence against the h omeless and low income youth include such small offenses as violating curfew (Wright, 1997) Urban Planning & Community Development Efforts in the New Global Order G lobal economic trends have had substantial influence on local urban planning and community development e fforts A number of studies detail how recent urban planning, neighborhood planning, and community development efforts have adjusted to the new globalization and new economic growth dynamics detailed above (CNU, 2013; APA, 2013; Rohe, 2009; Clay Jr. & Jone s, 2009; Elkins & Sharp, 2000; Vidal, 1997). Historically, the last century has seen a growth in urban planning efforts Starting with Perry (1929) and Mumford's (1953) concept of the Neighborhood Unit, the idea of the city neighborhood as an urban center for all human activities has been advanced through the work of scholars ranging from Jane Jacobs (1961) to Henri Lefebvre (1991). Rather than continue a pattern of unrestrained growth these authors have generally suggested that increased neighborhood pla nning was needed, in order to create livable neighborhoods improve quality of life, and enhance the lives of citizens in order to create a better city (Perry, 1929; Mumford, 1953; Jacobs, 1961; and Lefebvre 1991). This modern increase in planning effor ts was a response to the perceived failures of the turn of the century City B eautiful movement. This movement was based on the idea of beautifying and creating monumental majesty for a city through building wide boulevards, attractive central parks grand public buildings, and other public spaces. The thought was that these architectural feats would create an atmosphere of moral and civil


28 virtue, positiv ity and productivity that would benefit the city as a whole (Wilson, 1996 ) Critics of City Beautiful h owever, claimed it was "excessively concerned with monumentality, empty aesthetics, grand effects for the well to do, and general impracticality" (Wilson, 1996 p 72). In an effort to craft a more practical urban planning profession, t he movements in city planning that followed the City Beautiful movement benefited from increasing specialization and profess ionalism in the planning fields as well as a growing bureaucracy focused on realistic and practical city planning efforts to improve urban living for a ll residents (Wilson, 1996 ). These efforts led to calls for zoning rules limits on factory location, height limits, efficient transportation, parks and playgrounds in dense neighborhoods, and other changes such as developing master plan s for urban develop ment (Wilson, 1996 ). As the city planning profession grew and matu red it became professionalized. "Along with rationality, planners' claim to influence was increasingly based on an ideal of comprehensiveness by looking at the region, city or neighborhoo d as a whole, they could coordinate the different elements of urban development: land use, transportation, production facilities, and so forth, which otherwise were the domains of separate, noncommunicating beaucracies" (F ainst e i n 2010 p. 30) Planners u sed modern tools of statistical and economic analysis and were able to make policy suggestions based on rational conclusions by examining the different systems and functions of various levels of government, comparing alternative policies and choosing the b est alternative that would achieve the stated goals (Fainstein, 2010). This mindset led to an increase in well rounded knowledge for planners K nowledge was no longer limited to just design and training but grew to include social science insights includin g sociolog y, anthropology,


29 psychology and other social sciences. The professionalization of planning had many economic justifications for administering and delivering public goods such as police or fire protection job training or education, public tran sit or the adoption of sensible regulation (such as zoning) in order to guide private developments in a rational direction (Klosterman, 1996) P lanning wa s justified to regulate externalities in the market as well as mitigating "prisoner's dilemma" condit ions in which relying on indi viduals pursuing their own self interest in the market does not lead to an optimal outcome fo r society at large. Underlying the s e ar gu ment s is the belief that "the conscious application of professional expertise, instrumental r ationality, and scientific methods could more effectively promote economic growth an d political stability than the u nplanned forces of market and political competition" (Klosterman, 1996 p 159). As urban planning professionalized it also took a n equita ble Keynesian turn. U rban planning done by cap able local government agencies wa s argued to be necessary because the "market system cannot meet the consumption needs of the working class in a manner capable of maintaining capitalism" (Foglesong, 1996 p 17 0). The task of the state, through equitable urban planning, is therefore to maintain a system of coordination that supports the social reproduction needs of the working class in order to facilitate capitalism and economic growth. The built environment of roads, bridges, sewers, education systems, and other physical infrastructure facil itates capitalist reproduction and p lanning efforts aimed at maintaining this built environment is needed in order to provide the basis for a market in which to sell the comm odities produced through capitalism (Harvey, 1996 ) T he role of the Keynesian equity planner must be understood in this


30 context. Through understanding how the built environment works in coordination with social reproduction needs, a n equity planner must "i ntervene in order to stabilize, to create conditions for balanced growth, to contain civil strife and factional struggles" (Harvey, 1996 p 186 ). The concept of planning to facilitate social reproduction advocates planning efforts as a necessary way to m itigate some of the worst excesses of u nplanned capitalist development and t his notion of planners that engage planning in a way that regulates markets describes many planning efforts that followed the conclusion of World War II. Planning efforts aimed at social reproduction combined with the increase and diversification in knowledge allowed planners to begin to more completely understand the root causes of issues such as homelessness, poverty, and racism and to attempt to alleviate these problems throu gh planning. In this way targeted planning efforts became a strategy for delivering needed services to lower income populations, and these targeted efforts signified a growing effort in planning to specifically relieve societal ills such as poverty or raci sm (Fainstein and Fainstein, 1996; & Fainstein, 2010). As urban planning increase d following World War II so did growth in targeted community development efforts through federal programs (Rohe, 2009; and Clay Jr. & Jones, 2009). National initiatives such a s public works projects, the H ousing A cts of 1949 and 195 4 the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Fair Housing Act reflect this broad commitment to creating a more equitable process of social reproduction through government led urban planning efforts (Rohe, 2009; and Clay Jr. & Jones, 2009) Starting during the Truman Administration for example, the Housing Act of 1949 changed the direction of community development efforts by committing a large amount of nation al


31 resources to the state subsidized expansion of low income housing. The act was viewed as a historic recognition of the importance of cities to our national welfare, as a recognition of the necessity for comprehensive city planning, and for the practical measures which it includes to assist in urban reconstruction" (Wheaton, 1949 p 1 ). The 1949 Housing Ac t brought the federal government into the business of providing affordable housing, provided financing for urban slum clearance, increased authorization for the Federal Housing Administration to p rovide mortgage insurance and provided funds for research into housing and housing techniques (Wheaton, 1949). The 1954 Housing Act further brought urban renewal into the framework as the act sought to supplement the government provision of public housing with more commercially oriented urban renewal projects (Flanagan, 1997) and in a way prophesized a more fundamental turn to free market neoliberal efforts that would come decades later However the act also maintained a commitment to social equity plann ing goals in advanced planning techniques such as the adoption of housing and building codes, the development of comprehensive plans to improve low income neighborhood conditions the development of administrative capacity for local planning, and by provid ing assistance for displaced hous e holds (Rohe, 2009). Under the Johnson Administration's War on Poverty and the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 the Community Action Program (CAP) and the 1966 Model Cities program came into existe nce The s e program s part ially inspired by the Civil Rights M ovement, sought further devolution of housing programs to the local level and an increase in local participation (Clay & Jones, 2009) The CAP funds were provided directly to community action agencies bypassing state an d local governments (Rohe,


32 2009) The program also required the "maximum feasible participation of the members of grou p s and areas to be served" (Office of Economic Opportunity, 1965, p. 3) specifically requiring the significant participation of low incom e and non white individuals in the development and implementation of any planning efforts in their communities. A crowning achievement of u r ban renewal and urban planning during this era was the 1966 Demonstration Cities and Metropolitan Development Act (" Model Cities") that created the Department of Housing and Urban Development and provide d sub stantial technical assistance and grants to low income communities for neighborhood revitalization programs (Rohe, 2009). Additionally, these programs sought to fo ster the development of comprehensive revitalization plans over the creation of strictly brick and mortar solutions (Rohe, 2009). T his was the Civil R ights era ; a time that included calls for programs that facilitated social repro d uc tion needs in response to the rise of consequential urban social movements, and a progressive counter culture (Fainstein, 2010) For example Denver's official Model City Program plan (1968) that emerged during this era begins with "Dignity! Self respect! Self reliance! First cl ass Citizenship! Equality! Justice! These are aspirations of Denver Model City Neighborhood residents that underlie the formal statements of the draft plan which follow" (Den ver Model City Program, 1968, p. 1). A more clear statement of a planning philosop hy dedicated to social reproduction and equity goals could hardly be drafted. The efforts of F ederal plans and policies between World War II and the 1970s, such as the Model Cities initiative, sought to increase upward mobility of low income people through equitable social reproduction, and are described as the Equity Planning


33 style used by Norman Krumholz (1996), as a Cleveland planner in the 1970s. Krumholz (1996) stated that th e overriding goal of Cleveland planning p olicy during this era was "to provi de a wider range of choices for those Cleveland residents who have few if any choices" (Krumholz, 1996, p 345). The planning model was based on a philosophy that the job of a government planner was mostly to increase the quality of life of the most vulner able citizens. These ideals were based on a number of factors listed by Krumholz (1996) including the urgent reality of the conditions of Cleveland, the unfairness of the urban development process, the inability of the local political forces to address the situation, and the perceived moral obligations of the professional planning process. The Equity Planning model sought to bring an activist role to city planning. Krumholz (1996) cites the Code of Ethics of the American Institute of Planners as justificat ion for his activist planning philosophy The AIP ( later renamed the American Institute of Certified Planners) Code of Ethics states "We shall seek social justice by working to expand choice and opportunity for all persons, recognizing a special responsibi lity to plan for the needs of the disadvantaged and to promote racial and economic integration. We shall urge the alteration of policies, institutions, and decisions that oppose such needs" (AICP 1996 ). This activist planning role is articulated through P aul Davidoff's (1996) "Advocacy Planning" model that suggests certain groups and special interests need advocacy in the planning process. Though any group can seek advocacy, often the interests that need the most help are the poorest and most marginalized (Davidoff, 1996). In contemporary discussions Advocacy and Equity Planning are used synonymously (Fainstein & Fainstein, 1996). Equity planning generally and Krumholz specifically sought to promote not just


34 racial diversity but also diversity of gend er, sex, age, culture, and religion, as well as counter culture diversity as a means to provide the benefits of modern society to all (Fainstein, 2010). These ideas have also be en articulated through Lefeb v re (1991) and Mitchell's (2003) concept s of a "rig ht to the city." In defending the "right to the city" by all social groups and alternative personalities, Lefebvre and Mit chell critique more recent (neo liberal) planning efforts that utilize tools of exclusion These policies of exclusion allow the benefi ts of society to not only be monopolized but also allows the well off to hide behind the exclusion from the problems of others (Fainstein, 2010). Critiquing such efforts, e quity planners see the promotion of diversity as important for two reasons O ur soc iety, though made up of individuals, has an obligation to support and help others beyond those we are related to by blood or nationality This is the basis of tolerance of different peoples and cultures and the foundation of comm unity in America The seco nd part of the equity planning commitment to diversity is that "we take seriously the values of the lives of others, including taking an interest in the practices and beliefs that lend them si gnificance" (Fainstein, 2010, p 174 ) Historically, Advocacy a nd Equity planners dominated government efforts from the 1940s through the 1970s, a era defined by the kind of Keynesian governing philosophy wel l expressed by Hubert Humphrey: "T he moral test of government is how that government treats those who are in th e dawn of life, the children; those who are in the twilight of life, the elderly; and those who are in the shadows of life, the sick, the needy and the handicapped (Humphrey 1977 p 3728 ). In practice these measures in poor neighborhoods include public works projects, health care programs, low income housing job training programs parks and recreation centers as well as r equirements for


35 union/living wages for city contracts, progressive taxation, and free tuition for community college (Fainstein & Fain stein, 1996). The Neoliberal Turn in Planning P rogressive urban social movements and expansive government led equity planning efforts helped foster a capital accumulation crisis that challenged Keynesian thinking and would eventually result in a backlash against these kind of c ounter cultural forces This led to a subsequent rise of individualism and neoliberal ideas voiced through figures such as former US Senator and 1964 Republican presidential candidate Barry Goldwater (Hackworth, 2007). A reactionar y response to the transformational advocacy planning movements and the 1970s capital accumulation crisis that followed led to a change in the stated goals of the populace voiced through the e lection of neo liberal conservatives (Fainstein, 2010). As stat ed, t he capital accumulation crisis of the 1970s was a result of the system of regulated capitalism breaking down. Arguably, armed with high redistributive taxes, American locales faced growing competition from a global m arketplace in which employers an d i nvestors could shift production elsewhere. I nvestment by cities in the high cost social reproduction programs of the 1970s began to decline w ages became stagnant, inflation rose, and businesses and individuals had less profits to reinvest ( Hackworth, 2007 ). An example of this capital accumulation crisis can be illustrated in the experience of New York City in the mid 1970s. The S tate of New York, where avowed Keynesian President Franklin Delano Roosevelt served as governor, is the birth place of municipal


36 liberalism and regulated capitalism exemplified in the municipal government of New York City in the early 1970s Over several decades and several mayoral administrations, t he City of New York developed an expansive city budget as a result of generous welf are, education and social servic e provisions for city citizens that accounted for approximately 55% of the City s budget at the time of the fiscal crisis (Stein, 1976 ; and Siegel, 1997 ). The se welfare expenditures include d low cost rental housing and cheap public transportation ( that made the city attractive for low income popul ations ) as well as a city managed public school district and a tuition free university system. Many of these expenditures were mandated by city or dinances or state laws and the c ity paid a higher percentage of these costs as compared to other large urban cities in other states (Stein, 1976 ; and Siegel, 1997 ). Additionally, New York City unions had extensive power and benefits and the city had the highest number of city employees pe r capita when compa red to other large urban cities (Stein, 1976 ; and Siegel, 1997 ). The city also had a high e r than average income tax burden when compared to surro unding states such as New Jersey and Connecticut as well as a sh rinking tax base as the city had seen a decline in manufacturing and population. Debt services and public pension benefits account ed for the rest of the city's mandated expenditures. T he city relied on short term municipal bonds as a means to finance these services aimed at social re production moving away from strictly using such bonds to cover capital expenses such as infrastructure and individual construction projects, ma rking a change in how municipalit i es used bonds This change resulted in the city fiscally overextending and ev entually the city was placed in receivership (McMahon & Seigel, 2005).


37 As a result of this fiscal crisis and after being denied federal assistance by the Ford Administration neoliberal reforms were forced on the city. New York City cut services, privatiz ed services (such as trash collection) charged fees for previously free services (such as university education and health care services) shrank public employment, and sold off public ass e t s ( such as the city's TV and radio stations ) as well as transferre d certain services from city to regional, state or federal responsibility (such as welfare, health care, highways, and public transit) (Stein, 1976 ; and Seigel, 1997 ). During this time benign neglect and p lanned shrinkage were two similar neoliberal plann ing strategies that gained prominence in New York Benign neglect a phrase coined by Nixon advisor and future New York US Senator Daniel Moynihan, is the free market policy that advocated a do nothing approach to dealing with social problems in low inco me and minority neighborhoods in the hopes that problems would take care of themselves (Wallace, 1998). Specifically, Moynihan advocated a tiered priority approach with how the New York Fire D epartment used limited resources to avoid engaging the suppose d persistent threat of arson in poor neighborhoods In reality Moynihan advocated a preference for focusing resources in middle and upper class neighborhoods rather than minority and low income areas. Similarly, "p lanned shrinkage is the policy of active ly cutting services from low income neighborhoods forcing low income residents to move to other are as and leaving these neighborhoods b lighted This policy then allows private developers to come to these blighted areas and redevelop them into sports stad iums, tourist bubbles, cultural districts upscale residential and other spaces of consumption (Wallace, 1998). On a national scale, w hen the capital accumulation crisis of the 1970s combined


38 with escalating demands for increased social programs that were seen as growing out of hand by many, and with a growing popular rebellion against seemingly unresponsive and unsustainable F ederal government programs and ultimately resulted in conservative electoral victories ; the result was policies favoring deregulati on, federal decentralization, shrinking of federal programs decreased budgets for social reproduction and welfare programs and a greater reliance on free market solutions (Hackworth, 2007; & Fainstein, 2010) This period saw technological advances that f acilitated the global flow of capital an increase in the market share of the FIRE (finance, insurance and real estate) sectors, as well as inner urban devalori zation and continued physical ex pansion of the metropolis (Hackworth, 2007). These factors combi ned to foster a change in urban p lanning efforts that turned away from advocacy planning, and became focused on single track economic growth in order to secure global competitiveness (F ainst e i n 2010 ) As conservative figures gained electoral success and neoliberal economic theories started to gain traction the role of the federal government in urban renewal changed as well. As noted, beginning with 1954 Housing act (which undermined the 1949 Housing Act's commitment to low income housing as a means of so cial justice rather than economic profit), and continuing into the 1970s Federa l h ousing programs increasingly focused on commercially oriented solutions (Clay & Jones, 2009; Rohe, 2009 ; and Fainstein, 2010). In 1971, President Nixon a conservative, abol ished the Office of Economic Opportunity created in 1964 (the institutional vehicle for the war on poverty) and cut many of the social programs championed during the Johnson a dministration (Rohe, 2009). The administration of conservative President Gerald Ford terminated the Model


39 Cities program in favor of the Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) program (Rohe, 2009). This program increasingly focused on giving more control to local officials over how federal poverty fighting dollars were spent, suppo rted private market solutions as a means to implement Federal goals and released cities from Model Cities Program era requirements that planning efforts specifically improve the living conditions for low income people and include low income people in the process of planning (Clay & Jones, 2009; and Rohe, 2009). The CDBG program instead allowed local government to use funding meant to combat poverty as a block grant with few conditions on use. This meant that efforts to combat poverty became dominated by b ig business solutions that promised to benefits that would trickle down to the poor but which were less directly beneficial to people in poverty (Clay & Jones, 2009; and Rohe, 2009). As an example of the fundamental difference in approach between the 1960 s 1970s War on Poverty approach to equity planning and the post 1970s shift to supply side economy planning, changes in Denver planning practices are instructive. D uring the Denver Model City Program era, the well known "brown power" activist Corky Gonzale s actually l ed anti poverty efforts as the f ederally funded director of Denver's war on poverty programs. Gonzales, who himself rose out of the low income Latino barrio and who later became the leader of the grass roots "Crusade for Justice," focused on so cial reproduction strategies such as low income housing policies, job training, and other inve stments in impoverished commun it i es (Vigil, 1999). When Community Development Block Grants replaced Denver's Model City Program on the other hand, radical leader s like Corky Gonzales received less g overnment support while projects such as Colorado's Ocean Journey ( an expensive downtown entertainment venue ) were financed with CDBG


40 money and marketed as a means to fight poverty through trickle down economic growth ( Robinson, 2013 ). Also at this time, as national policies embraced neoliberal theory, urban planning followed suit moving to more entrepreneurial models leading to less focus on social reproduction. This was a self reinforcing model as entrepreneurial c hanges in the federal government basically forced municipalities to follow suit. "Local governments are now not only expected to ally with business to improve its plight, they are also increasingly expected to behave as businesses as well. In addition to s hrinking during recessions (as opposed to the Keynesian tendency to expand during such episodes), local governments are more keenly pressured to produce tax revenue generators than before" (Hackworth, 2007, p 26). As a result, urban governments have incr easingly focused on growth promoting policies as a means to stay competitive claiming that growth promoting policies result in the greatest good for the greatest number of people. For example, by the late 1970s urban municipalities began using their sub m arket rate debt raising capacity to secure low cost loans to support a growth of homeownership. While some of these loans went to middle class homeowners often the beneficiaries were highly capitalized, increasingly national and international developers a nd corporations (Hackworth, 2007). The economic changes brought on by the 1970s capital accumulation crisis, growing discontent with larger federal programs perceived as ineffective, increasing globalization, a backlash towards the counter culture of the 1 960s, a rise of conservative ideology, and the harnessing of Nixon's silent majority created a perfect storm. Ronald Reagan, an upshot who challenged sitting President Gerald Ford in the 1976 Republican


41 presidential primary, harnessed his communication ski lls and rode the wave of discontent into the White House in 1981. His rise, paralleled by a similar rise of British conservative Margaret Thatcher, led to a global shift in urban centers from Keynesian egalitarian liberalism to Neoliberal ism 's revival of c lassical liberalism the effects of which are still being felt today (Peck and Tickell, 2007). According to Fainstein (2010) u rban renewal programs since W orld W ar II have been framed as a battle between two forces: growth (the core value of neoliberal ur ban planners) and equity (the core value of Keynesian equity planners) These battles "can take the form of downtown versus the neighborhoods; demolition versus preservation; community stability versus popu lation change; institutional ex pansion and subsidi zed construction of sports facilities versus investments in social housing, education, or community facilities; expressway construction versus public transit; megaevents vers us locally oriented festivities (Fainst e i n 2010 p 80 81) Equity planning is t he latter, economic planning is the former. Fainstein (2010) notes that a focus on economic growth, often through tax abatements or other tax relief and subsidy programs regulatory reductions, TIFs, and other means, usually results in less and less benefi ts that transfer down to the neighborhoods and to lower income people. The p reference in a planning philosophy focused on growth, is in flashy, iconic investment s such as convention centers, luxury housing and sports stadiums, as opposed to soft investment s in areas of human capital such as education and job training (Fainst e i n 2010) As noted, p oliticians, pla nners, and local elite s justify large scale trophy development projects as a means to enhance competitiveness. Even decisions over the allocation of traditional means of social reproduction such as parks or cultural facilities


42 are rationalized based on the potential to raise property values, attract businesses and investment, and enti ce tourists, rather than as a strat egy to serve the human needs of m arginalized populations (Fainstein, 2010). Much of the change in urban planning methods from social reproduction models to ones that promote economic growth are reflected in the wo rk of former Denver City Planning Director Jennifer Moulton In her widely circulated defense of Economy Planning Ten Steps to a Living Downtown, Moulton (1999) cites changing demographics (specifically an increase in young professionals) and urges the use of local public policy to direct economic and demographic changes into a move of the populace back in the central city (Moulton, 1999). Moulton advocates that "in conjunction with private business initiatives, local government can help accelerate potential into action by educating, providing incentives an d removing regulatory obstacles (Moulton, 1999, p 9) as well as through policies that support benign neglect and planned shrinkage of low income neighborhoods Specifically Moulton advocates two particular actions. First the local municipality can seek to attract growth an d investment by providing an environment that seems inviting. This can be found by providing a "comfortable, safe place" (Moulton, 1999 p 10 ) with direct access to food, shopping and services, as well as by providing neighbors and a place to play. These areas must be clean and safe from threats and crime (Moulton, 1999). In order to do this the current population must be controlled and tamed, or removed. Second, downtown areas must offer an investment motive for home ownership so that people with money to spend on housing can be confident that their property values will rise Providing housing options downtown is seen as a cornerstone to


43 redeveloping a thriving downtown and home ownership is a must in order to attract the higher value residents who seek home ownership as a motivating factor and an investment opportunity (Moulton, 1999). In Moulton's a nalysis, capital investment is the driving factor in the development of a thriving downtown neighborhood. Moulton's language even mirrors the revanchist se ntiment described by Smith when she says that after the flight of upper income residents to the suburbs in the 1970s and 1980s, low in come "downtown residents were those who were unwanted as neighbors an y whe re else" (Moulton, 1999, p. 7) She refers to inn er city neighborhoods as "an intimidating moat" (Moulton, 1999 p. 18) of low density and low income residential communities that prevent middle class suburban visitors and shoppers from getting downtown Moulton's defense of economy planning as a strategy to transform these "intimidating moats" of low income communities became widely circulated through urban planning departments through the 1990's (and was featured prominently by think tanks such as the Brookings Institute), and well represents the broader turn in planning towards strategic planning efforts to attract more investment and to develop tourism, upper income neighborhoods, and a creative class demographic as a strategy for global competitiveness (Pammer, 1998; Gallent & Robinson, 2012; Blair, 20 04; and Simpson, 2010). A s Economic Planning has grown and thrived planning models increasingly borrow methods used in the corporate world. Common planning tools now include creative financing through tax increment financing (T IF ) and business improvement districts (BIDs) entrepreneurial governing styles the use of m arketing and branding of a city wide image place signification and legitimization of regime goals Place


44 signification is an active strategy by city governments and planning agencie s to buil d and create a tourist centered space of consumption that is marketed as a hip, popular place at which to be seen in order to drive focused consumer traffic leading to higher tax revenues. The same marketing tools are used to legitimize development s by cr eating a sense of proper a nd progressive inevitability for these polices and projects ( Kriznik, 2011; Gottdiener, 1995; and Mele, 2000 ). T he increased use of tax increment financing (TIF) shows entrepreneurial governing methods when it comes to financing in that this model depends on increasing property values in order to generate the increased tax revenues needed to subsidize developers To utilize TIF financing, cities must designate areas as blighted under most state's enabling legislation, and TIFs t hen create a special taxing district that directs future property taxes i n a district to fund the up front costs of new development s that themselves are responsible for driving up property values and therefore generating the rising property taxes that pay for the development itself The increment available to fun d tax increment financed projects is determined by the difference between property value s at time of blight determination and property values in the subsequent 20 25 years after a development occu rs Tax incre ment financing dedicates most, or all of this incremental growth in property tax revenues back to the developer who built the project that catalyzed the rising property values to begin with (Weber, 2002) Tax Increment Financing can be compar ed to general obligation bonds (used by government to support projects with general tax dollars such as libraries, schools, and parks) and backed by the full faith and credit of the issuer, including the power of the municipality to tax its citizens Where as TIF projects (the dominant form of urban


45 renewal funding today) depend on supported projects being financially feasible and generating their own rising property values and sales tax revenues to pay for themselves, general obligation bonds fund projects with city wide taxation and projects need not be financial money makers, as TIF projects do. In that way, the shift away from general obligation bonds and towards TIF financing represents a broader shift away from social reproduction planning strategies (f unded with General Obligation revenues) and towards economy planning strategies (which are financed by revenues from the redeveloped projects themselves) (Weber, 2002) TIF s have primarily been used for large scale symbolic developments and in gentrifying neighborhoods "bypassing the slow turnover parts of the city where there is little hope of generating additional property tax es" (Weber, 2002, p 535). These areas are often low income public housing, obsolete public facilities ( such as a n outdated hospita l complex ) or vacated industrial areas and are sometimes taken through eminent domain These areas are then gentrified into a hot, new cultural district or entertainment development. As a means to generate revenue, t he current use of TIF s support s the e ntrepreneurial state's involvement in place marketing, tourism, historic preservation, and beautification" (Weber, 2002, p 535). T he expanded use of TIFs show that this financing method has expanded to most types of development rather than to its original use to redevelop blighted areas (Briffault, 2010). Initially, blight was determined to be a legitimate condition necessary to destroy and replace the built environment in order to prevent crime and disease. But following the 1954 Housing Act, cities were able to expand their use of blight to areas where there was a future potential for blight O ver the following decades obsolescence was


46 determined to meet many states' requirement of blight. Obsolescence is when a particular structure becomes old and out dated (such as a structure with high ceilings that lead to high energy costs) but is not necessarily blighted ." Obsolescence tends to suppress rental income and exchange values (the ability to sell a property for a healthy profit) but not necessarily uti lity or use values (the ability to healthily live in a property) (Weber, 2002). Using blight and (especially) obsolescence standards in this way to justify wholesale demolition and redevelopment of communities, "urban renewal pulverized the inner city in t he middle of the century, funneling billions of federal dollars into costly downtown commercial projects, highways, and sanitize d streetscapes" (Weber, 2002, p 528) From 1949 1964 urban renewal projects resulted in the eviction of over a million mostly l ow income people as a means to prevent urban decay and blight. As noted, other changes following the 1970s included increasing global investment, a decreasing manufacturing sector in terms of economic production and jobs, a growth of financial and real es tate sectors, an increase in speculative investment, increased communication, and an increase in the speed of "financial resources churning rapidly wit hin the system" (Weber, 2002, p 529). Real estate became "progressively dematerialized and deterritorial ized" (Weber, 2002, p 529) as urban leaders and property speculators sought to attract highly liquid and mobile global capital Investment became detached from the sense of place real estate inherently possesses. This development was actively facilitated and supported by all levels of government as they sought competitive advantage through regressive tax strategies, tax abatements and shelters, and land giveaways. Additionally, the secondary mortgage market of securitized debt aided in the increasing deter ritorialized real estate market.


47 Whereas blight allowed earlier Keynesian redevelopment to focus on assisting victims, o bsolescence and a deterritorialized real estate market led to redevelopment without having to deal with local social responsibilities ( Weber, 2002). As opposed to addressing the needs of impoverished communities directly, Economy Planning places importance on developing "world class" cultural assets in mode rn urban development strategies (Weber, 2002) and c ities must leverage these world class cultural attractions and amenities in order to thrive (Moulton, 1999 ). This is part of the effort to improve a city's attractiveness to gl obal investors and the creative class, thereby spurring more city development (Sirgy & Cornell, 2002; and Rosen stein, 2011) In reality, t hese cultural assets tend to be concentrated in downtowns and in cultural districts and away from neighborhoods. This shift to "world class" trophy developments therefore, leads to the existing assets of local communities going under recognized and being insufficiently supported (Rosenstein, 2011). These geographically centered cultural districts can become tourist bubbles" (Judd and Fainstein, 1999 ) as these areas are marketed towards suburban visitors and tourists through loc al arts commissions, film and music offices, and visitors and convention bureaus ; and carefully segregated and protected from unsightly images of poverty ( such as homeless encampments or low income neighborhoods) or marginal personalities (such as unlicens ed street performers and vendors or collections of loitering young non white men) ( Wright, 1997; and Smith, 1996 ) As Eisinger eloquently states: Thus it is all too common for a city to use its scarce resources not to build infrastructure, fund youth recr eation programs, subsidize homeless shelters, or enrich the schools but to help wealthy investors construct entertainment facilities for well off visitors who produce few payoffs for residents. When local leaders fail to calibrate


48 public expenditures to pu blic returns and speak instead of creating a "big league" image or a "world class" city as a way of justifying expenditures on entertainment amenities, then it is fair to conclude that they are offering their constituents not the best basic services that h ave long been core municipal responsibilities but rather the thin sustenance of bread an d circuses (Eisinger, 2000, p. 331). This narrow focus by growth regime elites on developing world class amenities and upscale downtown neighborhoods tends to crowd ou t efforts to support the lives of everyday residents and low income neighborhoods as these peripheral neighborhoods are not well integrated into broader policy decisions by local elites ( Logon and M olotch, 2007 ; and Rosenstein, 2011). Further, as Moulton (1999) desired, downtown residential neighborhoods are now being designed to stimulate commercial development rather than to stabilize the existing populace (through building affordable housing or provision of services) as successful downtown development is seen as a means to improve the lot of commercial business. "Financed with public subsidies, private development companies are rapidly transforming downtown areas into middle class consumer landscapes with expensive shopping districts, luxury townhouse, franchise shops, and entertainment complexes, often at the expense of the city's p oorer clients" (Wright, 1997, p 87). The development of these projects coincides with a loss of public space as the use of such development districts seeks to leverage pub lic authority over the area for private gain (Summer, 2006). Creating upscale districts like this is a way to encourage consumer spending in urban areas through marketing and the direction of resources while also allow ing for the pri vate provision of safe and clean environments, and for measures that seek to keep poor people out. Thus "public planning is not empowering if it serves only to privatize space and use public authority for social control of that space" (Turner,


49 2002, p 544). In these ways, E co nomy Planning seeks to create a vibrant city that can attract suburban and fo reign tourist spending through marketing & branding, strategic capital expenditures, and urban design standards as well as by seeking to attract creative industries and creative class workers (Calthorpe, 1993). However, economic planning policies that have evolved to support tourism and the creative economy also encourage gentrification and incentivize urban real estate development that has led to an undermining of diversity stre ngth, and vibrancy in urban neighborhoods (Rosenstein, 2011 ; and Peck & Tickell, 2007 ). The remainder of the this study will provide on a case study of Denver planning efforts to illustrate how these global trends towards neoliberal economic planning, as cities seek to gain a competitive place in the post industrial economy, are reflected in on the ground changes in local urban planning efforts. The case study will show that not only do these global trends affect citywide planning policies but they also s hape individual neighborhood planning efforts.


50 CHAPTER III DENVER: A CASE STUDY The City of Denver, Colorado provides an excellent opportunity to study the neoliberal turn in community planning efforts on a neighbor hood level. The City of Denver has been actively seeking a place in a post industrial economy through strategic planning efforts t o target creative and knowledge based industries and workers as well as to develop a thriving tourism sector. Denver's planners have been leaders in national planni ng networks, as represented by the i nfluential work of Director of City Pl anning Jennifer Moulton in 1990s, whose defense of "economy planning" was featured nationally by the Brookings Institute ( Moulton, 1999 ) and whose thoughts are commonly cited by sch olars and planners nationwide as representin g the "economy planning" mood (see, fo r example, Gibson's 2004 work, Sec uring the Spectacular City ) Additionally, Denver's Community Planning and Development Department has produced a large number of community a nd neighborhood plans that will provide the basis of this examination. Several community development plans for my study time exist for Denver neighborhoods. These plans include citywide comprehensive plans neighborhood plans, corridor plans, as well as sp ecia l district plans from the 1970s to the present day This study will compare comprehensive plans from 1977 and 2000 as they set the stage for the development of neighborhood and small area plans within the study area. Next neighborhood plans for three specific neighborhoods will be compared and discussed Comparing these plans will serve as a means to understand the differences over time as neighborhood planning efforts have adapted to developments such as globalization


51 neoliberal economic trends, and an emergence of a post industrial economy in Denver. The contention of this paper is that neighborhood plans created by the Denver Community Planning and Development Department prior to a neoliberal turn in the mid 1980s focused primarily on social repro d uction. These neighborhood plans serve d as supplements to the 1977 Comprehensive Plan. The planning efforts of these plans were explicit in their mission to protect, stabilize, and encourage healthy residential neighborhoods through provision of housing, s ervice delivery, and protecting the character of the neighb orh oods. These social reproduction goals can be measured by the degree to which new housing development s advocated in plans were meant to provide suitable housing and a decent living environment to all citizens and by the degree to which economic development encourage s in the plan focus on local business, small business and complement residential neighborhoods In Denver, the 1986 Downtown Denver Plan and the 1989 Comprehensive Plan mark ed a turnin g point in the nature of planning efforts. Further, the Comprehensive P lan of 2000 codified the neoliberal turn in planning efforts as new neighborhood and small area plans prepared as supplements to the 2000 Comprehensive Plan offered up goals and strate gies that reflect their effort to adapt to changing economic times, including the challenges of globalization, as well as advances in communication and other technology The focus of neighborhood planning efforts that followed the neoliberal turn in the 19 80s increasingly had a single track focus on economic development through attracting capital investment post industrial economy activity and the creative class. These plans still include a focus on housing development and service delivery but as the cas e study will show these resource allocations are p art of a coordinated strategy focused on leveraging


52 upscale economic development. As will be detailed, neighborhood plans prepared by Denver's Community Planning and Development Department following the ne oliberal economic turn contain portions aimed at growing cultural tourism, building symbolic flagship development s and place promotion, as well as a general aim to create pedestrian oriented places and spaces to attract the mobile "creative class As bot h citywide and neighborhood plans are investigated the format for discussion will follow a similar design Each set of plans, one from before the neoliberal turn and one from after, will be juxtaposed by investigating language and descriptions of the goa ls, visions, and priorities of the plans as well as the st rategy to implement the s e actions. This analysis will include an examination of sections concerning land use, transportation, urban design and other sections concerning the built environment of both generations of plans. Finally, comparing and contrasting each plan's focus on social reproduction versus economic development goals will conclude each comparison. Denver's Comprehensive Plans The C ity of Denver has periodically released a comprehensive p lan that seeks to guid e the development of the city over a long term period of twenty or more years In order to measure the effect on neighbo rhood planning efforts result ing from national and international changes in global finance and trade liberalizatio n as the United States moves to a post industrial economy a detailed look at Denv er 's comprehensive plans from both eras will prove useful C omprehensive plans a re guiding documents that steer future decisions by political elites, business and development interests, neighborhood groups, and others. These documents set up the framework for the development of neighborhood


53 and small area plans that serve as supplement s to the comprehensive plan. For that reason the 1977 document Planning Toward the Future: A Comprehensive Plan for Denver as well as the Denver Comprehensive Plan 2000 and its accompanying document Blueprint Denver ( 2000 ) will be investigated. The plans' organizational structure and conten t sections are nearly the same. H owever t he 2000 docume nts unlike the 1977 document also include detailed section s on economic development (which is suggestive of the broader shift to economy planning between the 1970s and more recent decades). In 1977 the document Planning T oward the Future: A Comprehensive P lan for Denver was created as a response to the critical issues of the day. This plan was heavily influenced by regional, national and international concern s regarding energy production and the environment The 1977 Comprehensive Plan was focused on creat ing and maintaining stable neighborhoods through providing the built environment of roads and bridges, schools and public health facilities, police, fire and other services The 1977 plan sought to strengthen the labor class and social base through social reproduction measures and programs The 1977 plan had such a uniform focus on local and regional issues that it does not specifically mention global competition at all. The 1977 plan follows a model of equity planning through social reproduction by utiliz ing federal, state and local government actions, programs and solutions to stabilize all Denver neighborhoods, including lower income communities. This includes developing coordinated improvement programs for deteriorating neighborhoods, creating conservat ion programs, supporting neighborhood housing services programs, job training programs, and utilizing other service provision programs to significantly improve re sidential neighborhoods that were beginning to decline (Comprehensive Plan 1977).


54 The utilizat ion of government programs and investment is not unique to one plan or the other, however the 1977 plan focused on taking advantage of government programs aimed at affordable housing, service provision, and promoting and developing residential neighborhood s rather than pursuing programs focused on economic development. In reference to housing strategy, the 1977 plan advocates programs to conserve Denver's housing stock by offering incentives for homeowners and landlords who upd ate and upgrade their propert y, and by encouraging homeownership as a means of improving the economic lot of residents (Comprehensive Plan, 1977). The vision of the plan is simple as the plan states that "it is recognized that poor housing conditions are related to insufficient househ old income to buy or rent sound housing; therefore, the overall strategy must address the providing of jobs or better jobs for low income people" (Comprehensive Plan, 1977, p. 17). The plan continued "housing should be provided on a non discriminatory basi s so that people can obtain housing in any part of Denver without regard to their race, color, religion, sex or national origin" (Comprehensive Plan, 1977, p. 22). This quote shows the equity planning efforts also include d combatting discrimination and pre judice. Though both plans contain sections dealing with social reproduction measures, t he 1977 plan had few components that deal with economi c development. The 1977 plan did advocate generally supporting business expansion and relocation to Denver as a mea ns to provide needed services and jobs, but in a clear advocacy of equity goa ls, the plan specifically stated that developers should "equitably participate in the provision of needed public facilities" (Comprehensive Plan, 1977, p. 15). Though the 1977 pl an's se ction on public facilities called for providing public


55 services because "it protects the public interest with sound investments that offer benefits over a period of many years, and it serves as a catalyst for private development in the city" (Compre hensive Plan, 1977, p. 57) the plan notes that these investments should be "quality public facilities appropriately located and equitably distributed to all segments of the population" (Comprehensive Plan, 1977, p. 57). This focus as we will see, is a di fferent strategy from how the 2000 Comprehensive Plan allocates resources. Additionally, t he equitable 1977 plan specified "an economic development strategy for Denver must recognize that one of Denver's prime economic resources is its people and their po tenti al" (Comprehensive Plan 1977, p 27). The plan went on to say t hese equitable planning efforts "would also help to increase the dema nd for retail goods and services and create jobs for present residents, especially unemployed and underemployed low in come people" (Comprehensive Plan, 1977, p. 27). Like other sections of the 1977 plan, the space devoted to economic development, in addition to highlighti ng the need for equity, included themes favoring preserving residential neighborhoods, strengthening t he social base and skilled labor force through a strong education system, providing jobs and job training, and providing adequate public services. Denver's Comprehensive Plan 2000 T he 2000 Comprehensive Plan similarly responds to issues of the day, and h as similar goals and priorities of improving the quality of life for residents and businesses However, the 2000 pl an's opening language is indic ative of the ch ange in the scope of the plan. While the 1977 plan wa s focused on maintaining Denver's edge as t he regional


56 capital for business, investment, population and cul t ure, the 2000 plan seeks to extend this reach to national and international levels. As stated in the 2000 plan, "Denver must capitalize on its unique geographical opportunity as a national tr ansportation and technology center, the gateway to the Rocky Mountain recreation and natural resources empire, the nation's most central port of the air age, and the most populous western intersection of the interstate highway system" (Comp rehensive Plan, 2000, p. 6). This expansion to national and international markets reflects the City's response to global changes in communication and trade liberalization as well as Denver's response to the competitive nature that pits cities against each other in compet ition for foreign investment. The priorities of the 2000 plan however differ from the older plan as it states that encouraging "economic activity will remain a top priority in the early 21st century in 2000, the challenge is to sustain and spread a stro ng economy. A strong economy will not sustain itself without strategic planning and action, and without aggressive economic development there will be no partnerships of the City with the private business sector and metropolitan, state and national governme nts" (Comp rehensive Plan, 2000, p. 123). As can be see n from this quote the clear focus of this plan is on stimulating continued economic development and growth The 1989 Denver Comprehensive Plan which first included a detailed section on economic devel opment and upo n which the 2000 comprehensive p lan builds targeted eight economic sectors on which to focus economic development efforts including : telecommunications, tourism, international trade, health care, insurance, higher education, retail, and bus iness and financial services (Comp rehensive Plan, 2000). Since


57 1989 the economy shifted from one of high regional unemployment to one with a skilled labor shortage and as the 2000 plan notes the service sector of Denver's economy became the largest emplo yment area with a third of all workers falling into this category (Comp rehensive Plan, 2000). The regional economy also saw an increase in government jobs and a decrease in tradition al manufacturing, mining, and agriculture. These economic changes reflect national and international economic changes as manufacturing, mining and agriculture have declined and have been replaced by telecommunications, tourism, international finance and the relating service indu s tries that accompany these sectors As t hese chan ges in regional economic sectors have transpired a changing vision for Denver and the metropolitan area has also occur r ed. As the 2000 plan states: "T hrough thoughtful planning, significant public and private investment, and active historic preservation, Downtown Denver has redefined itself from a daytime workplace to a 24 hour, seven days a week neighborhood with world class amenities, m any of them built in the 1990s (Comp rehensive Plan, 2000, p. 125). These world class amenities many publically funded, include Coors Field (a baseball stadium) the Pepsi Center (a basketball and hockey arena) Mile High Stadium (a football stadium) the Colorado Convention C enter, and the Denver Performing Arts C omplex as well as significant investment in public transpor tation through T Rex (an expansion of a major highways coupled with the addition of light rail lines along the corridors) and FasTracks ( six additional passenger rail lines ) These investments have led to a boom ing downtown as restaur ants, nightclubs, art galleries, retail, movie theaters and other entertainment options have establis hed or


58 relocated to the area The 2000 plan takes notice of the added economic benefits to the downtown area as event goers add dinner, drinks or shopping to attendance of a sp orting or cultural event in the area (Comp rehensive Plan, 2000). Accord ing to the 2000 plan, c reating this vibrant and cultural 24 hour world class city is crucial to develop ing an attractive brand as the c ity seeks a growth in tourism and retail sectors. The partner document to the 2000 C omp rehensive P lan is Blueprint Denver Blueprint Denver (2000) is focused on land use and planning and serves as a supplement to Denver C omp rehensive Plan 2000 The central framework of Blueprint Denver (2000) is designat ing places as Areas of Change where new development will be directed, and Areas of Stability where efforts are meant to solidify the current neighborhood dynamics T he Areas of C hange (F igure 1) are predominantly low income areas. Both Denver C omprehens ive Plan 2000 and Blueprint Denver ( 2000 ) r ecommend completing neighbo rhood and area plans for these A reas of Change as a means to guide future growth (Comprehensive Plan 2000, 2000). The 2000 p lans specifically move away from planning that seeks to sustai n low income communities, and instead aim to transform, convert and gentrify these communities into something that is new, fits the "world class" brand, and drives economic growth The 2000 plan follow s the economic planning model as it pr escribes land us e decisions that specifically target low income communities for "change," and because the plan is built around "invest (ing) in public infrastructure and amenities strategically to promote community identity and attract development" (Comp rehensive Plan, 200 0, p. 98) Proposed strategies include directing invest ment towards primary arterials through


59 Figure 1. Areas of Change landscaping and streetscaping, invest ing in significant interse ctions and gateways to the city and creating consumer oriented distr icts and public spaces that entice visitors with event and theater venues, public parks and spaces and retail These strategies combine with a city promoted brand to market a vibrant and en ticing image of the city that seeks to attract both tourists seeki ng urban experiences and creative class young professionals seeking an urban lifestyle. While strategically targeting public investments is not new to the 2000 plan, the 2000 plan specifically directs the public sector to use public investments to develop a climate that attracts private investment and create s opportunities for economically rewarding development (Blueprint Denver, 2000). This marks a


60 major break away from the 1977 document As noted above Blueprint Denver (2000) developed the concept of dividing the City of Denver into Areas of Stability and Areas of Change in order to steer redevelopment in to preferred areas The vast majority of space s in Denver are considered Areas of Stability where minimal change is expected over the next twenty year s (following the completion of the plan in 2000) But the plan does imagine some areas of Denver changing dramatically. Blueprint Denver (2000) lists features of an Area of Change to include: u nderutilized land near downtown, areas experiencing positive ch ange and expecting continued growth, areas near existing and planned transit stations, areas along bus corridors that could accommodate a pedestrian friendly shopping environment, and areas where major p ublic or private investments have been designated. Mo st Areas of C hange are somewhat developed and have existing infrastructure but are underutilized and lack urban design elements such as street scapin g landscaping or public spaces that meet the goals, image and brand of Denver C omp rehensive Plan 2000 (Bl ueprint Denver, 2000). As the plan also notes, to be designated as an area of change t he se neighborhoods should have evidence of disinvestment such as deteriorating housing, high vacancy, high unem ployment, or high poverty rates In other words, Areas of Change ," which the city officially wishes to change, are predominately low income neighborhoods. Denver' s Changing Planning Philosophy Since the development of the 1977 plan the shift towards planning for economic development has b een drastic. As previou sly noted these changes include rebranding the


61 city as a vibrant 24 hour world class city increased use of marketing to target tourism and business, capitalizing on culture and arts, building symbolic developments to attract further investment, and attra cting and promoting high tech creative and service industries and creativ e class young professionals that follow Building on this change, t he 1980s had seen business and government leaders focus on "major efforts to diversify the region's economy, specif ically concentrating on retaining and attracting growth industries of the future that offer higher paid employment" (Comprehensive Plan, 2000, p. 15). As Denver's service sector grew the city used targeted public investments to change the brand and market ing of the city. "With the Colorado Convention Center (opened in 1990), the Denver Performing Arts Complex (the second largest in the U.S.), Coors Field baseball stadium, and the Denver Pavilions shopping center as major attractions for residents and visit ors alike, Downtown has transformed itself from a daytime workplace to a 24 hour city offering an expanding array of restaurants, shopping, entertainment, housing and employment" (Comprehensive Plan, 2000, p. 15). The plan seeks to build on that foundation and to strengthen Denver's image as a destination for business, tourism, and convention visitors by expanding national and international airline connections to Denver International Airport and building and marketing the Central Platte Valley and the Downt own area as a recognized national and international location for sports, culture, performing and visual arts, and convention activities (Comprehensive Plan, 2000). The economic vision of this new era of planning includes making Denver an international lea der in new technological industries recognized on the global economic map with well developed business connections worldwide and strong passenger and


62 freight transportation connections to international locations. The metro area with Denver at its core wil l be a global hub for information technology, mining and energy services, environmental technology and financial services" (Comp rehensive Plan, 2000, p. 129) Denver C omprehensive Plan 2000 seeks to continually expand economic opportun ity through an ongoi ng process of updating the target industries in terms of any advancement in the industries as well as emerging industry clusters. As a key indicator of economic planning priorities, the plan specifically notes that "maintaining and increasing the City's ta x base is a priority" (Comp rehensive Plan, 2000, p. 126). Objectives to maintain this tax base include creating a good business environment by improving the regulatory climate in city government by focusing on customer service and accountability (Comp rehen sive Plan, 2000) This entrepreneurial take on m anagement has the c ity run as if it were a business and citizens being customers. Additionally note the economic planning focus in the plan, as the plan suggests that the city "reinforce and maintain Denver' s attractive quality of life as an economic asset. Denver's natural environment, climate and outdoor activities; well maintained and architecturally diverse neighborhoods; professional sports, recreation, cultural and arts activities; post secondary educat ion; and real and perceived public safety all contribute to Denver's attractiveness to businesses as well as residents" (Comprehensive Plan, 2000, p. 132). The 2000 Comprehensive Plan also takes note of the importance of the arts in Denver as it frames t he arts as a tool of economic growth The plan notes that e conomically the arts and cultural sector is the 11th largest nongovernment employer and the 2000 plans seek to enhance the ability of arts and culture to grow as an economic generator. The arts enhance Denver's appeal as a center of cultural tourism"


63 (Comprehensive Plan, 2000, p. 195) and as world class city Further, the plan seeks to develop Denver into a cultural and artistic capital recognized nationally and internationally. The plan seeks to accomplish this aim by "incorporate(ing) Denver's arts and cultural activities, institutions and attractions into economic development and marketing plans that promote Denver as a center for tourism, conventions and business" (Comprehensive Plan, 2000 p. 202). T he plan calls for cultivation of the arts in Denver's neighborhoods through supporting festivals, performing and visual arts events, and cultural activities as well as embracing the development of cultural and artistic facilities (Comp rehensive Plan 2000) The final section of Denver C omprehensive Plan 2000 deals with implementation. Here the plan sounds the call for use of neoliberal and entrepreneurial management techniques. "V irtually every goal in Plan 2000 requires investment of resources from the public, private and nonprofit sectors. In its approach to civic investment, the City should be creative and entrepreneurial in leveraging its resources by building partnerships with neighborhood organizations, special districts, businesses, nonprofit institutions, other metropolitan jurisdictions, regional and state sources, and federal agencies" (Comprehensive Plan, 2000, p. 225). Finally Blueprint Denver (2000) aligns with Denver C omp rehensive Plan 2000 when it suggests a public p rivate partnership can utilize public funds or activities to directly foster private investment and development activity that otherwise would not occur (Blueprint Denver 2000). The comparison between comprehensive plans clearly shows a current turn towards a more neoliberal aim of economic development through economy planning. The 1977 plan has a clear focus on social reproduction through support for the development


64 of stable residential neighborhoods and a healthy work force and what it calls "equitable" economic developme nt Additionally t he 1977 plan seeks to strengthen the working class through the provision of a steady and su pportive built environment including e ducation, equitable provision of parks and recreation facilities, adequate social services, and job trainin g. Finally, the 1977 plan seeks to al l eviate discrimination and prejudice through planning efforts On the other hand, t he 2000 plan s focus has taken note of global cultural, political, and economic changes as it primarily seeks economic development and growth and maintaining competitiveness on an international scale Through the use of Areas of Stability and Areas of Change, t he plan seeks to remake and gentrify low income neighborhoods by driving economic development and investment into these areas. Th e 2000 plans actively seek and promote an at mosphere attractive to creative class professionals and visitors through the embrace of tourism financial sectors and business and consumer services. While an investigation of Denver's comprehensive plans clea rly show the neo liberal turn in planning, can this same turn be detected in local neighborhood plans? To investigate this question, t hree neighbor h oods have been chosen These neighborhoods have both contemporary and past plans to compare reflect areas w here the Denver Community Planning and Development Department has geographically focus ed its efforts and are considered Areas of Change in Blueprint Denver (2000) The 1976 77 Five Points Neighborhood Plan The Five Points Neighborhood plan focuses on th e historical heart of the black


65 community in North Denver. The study area consists of sev eral smaller subareas that form the n ortheast inner rim neighborhood outside of Downtown Denver ( Figure 2 ). The Five Points stud y area was the first suburb of thriving turn of the century Denver and saw boom times first as a wealthy white neighborhood and then as a thriving neighborhood of early twentieth century African American culture. Since the flight of the affluent to the suburbs following the suburbanization of American cities after World War II however, the neighborhood declined. The historical nature of the architecture and the neighborhood in general the proximity to downtown, the state of disrepair and dilapidation of the neighborhood, the high percentage o f low income people, the concentration of mi noritie s, and the potential of the neighborhood for redevelopment have made this study area a pr ime candidate for investigation. The Five Points Neighborhood Plan 1976 77 was developed following the two year Comm unity Renewal Program (CRP) study of eastside neighborh oods. The strategy of the CRP was developed in response to a housing need, the changing nature of land use in the neighborhood, and the need for "a strong consistent policy to protect and improve envir onment al quality" (Five Points Plan, 1977 p. 1). The 1977 Five Points Neighborhood Plan included descriptive sections on population, housing, land use, parks and open space, schools, libraries, police, institutions, and circulation; a nd the analysis secti on included socioeconomic, land use and zoning, and public facilities subsections. There wa s no section exclusively devoted to economic development. The 1977 Five Points Neighborhood Plan as has been postulated, was focused on social reproduction and thi s plan contained many goals and recommendations that sought this end. The strategy of the 1977 Plan is focus ed is on creating and maintaining a stable


66 Figure 2. Five Points Neighborhood residential neighborhood through social reproduction measures such as the provision of housing, rezoning for greater density, exploiting proximity to employment opportunities (in the adjacent Central Business District, the nearby hospital district, and the northeast industrial area) and containing existing busines ses rather than on promoting new, transformational economic development. The 1977 plan suggested that any lack of public facilities such as parks and health care providers should be remedied on a high priority basis. This plan also had emphasis on strengt hening the lot of lower income residents through ample job provision, strengthening housing options, increasing residential wealth and stability through homeownership, and catalyzing the provision of publicly and privately provided services such as parks, infrastructure, health care and other services (Five Points Neighborhood Plan, 1976). The 1977 Five Points Plan did not contain a separate section de voted to economic development and t he only specific reference to economic development in the p la n wa s to s tudy the concept of tax incentives to encourage private investment (Five Points Plan, 1977). As can be seen this plan is


67 focused on strengthening current neighborhoods and current populations rather than gentrifying and transforming the neighborhood with new residents. The 1995 Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan The geographic area that made up t he 1977 Five Points P lan has experienced more recent planning efforts, and is now covered by a number of neighborhood and small area plans that serve as supplem ents to Comprehensive Plan 2000 This study will investigate the Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan (Figure 3) as well as the River North P lan (2003). T he Northeast Downtown Neighborhood P lan (1995) reflects major changes on the ground that include the d evelopment of Coors Field ( the home field for the Colorado Rockies professional baseball team ) and the resulting development and buildout of the surrounding Lower Downtown neighborhood changes which were much of the impetus for the creation of the North east Downtown Neighborhood Plan (1995) Reflecting Economy Planning goals, t he vision statement of the 1995 Plan is to "transform a primarily industrial area into an attractive mixed use, inner city industrial, business, entertainment, and residential dis trict" (Northeast Downtown Plan, 1995, p. 7). Major goals include tackling social issues such as the treatment and housing needs of the homeless and minimizing the existing related social service features in the neighborhood ( through clustering of service providers or requiring design specifications such as high fences or landscaping that hide service provision from a ffluent tourists on the street) that are perceived to lower the economic value and potential of the neighborhood. Additionally, economic dev elopment goals include developing a marketing plan to promote the area's commercial and residential d evelopment potential (Northeast


68 Figure 3. Northeast Downtown study a rea Downtown Plan, 1995). The 1995 plan, unlike the 1977 plan, contains a chapter specifically devoted to economic development and notes "economic and housing development is of fundamental importance to the City and County of Denver" and "was one of the primary motivations for preparing this Plan" (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 26). Given the predominant non residential nature of the neighborhood the 1995 plan notes economic development will likely be the larger focus. Further, t he plan notes the "popular and universal promotion of economic development' in planning an d community development circles," suggests the purpose of this economic development is


69 to create employment opportunities, and urges local governments take on an active role in this endeavor (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 208). The plan n otes six areas where the City must take this active role in economic development including direct investment in planning, financing and implementing large developments, marketing the City's advantages, creating a good business climate, and making sure the developments proceed as planned (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995). The 1995 plan goes on to say "most of the Plan's recommendations support, directly or indirectly, the goals of economic development" and the plan list s several strategies to cre ate an environment that make economic development more viable (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 210). These strategies incorporate historic preservation, improved transit options, urban design standards, and land use and zoning as well as the creation of a comprehensive social services plan specifically focused on homelessness and the negative impacts due to the high concentration of these services in the neighborhood (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995). Top policy recommendations are to "prepare economic and housing development strategies, develop and implement a comprehensive marketing plan and program to promote the area's distinctive qualities, and explore and secure funding resources to carry out development opportunities and impr ove the area" (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 27). Additionally, the 1995 plan suggests the marketing plan "promotes the image, name, identity, comparative advantages, and assets" of the community in order to further spur economic developme nt (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995). This language smacks of neoliberal economic thinking, as the quote promotes a comprehensive marketing plan, economic development strategies, and


70 improving the image and brand of the area. As a specific econ omic growth strategy, the 1995 plan notes that Northeast Downtown has peaked as an indu strial area and as it transitions to a mixed use area it "functions very well as an incubator area,' providing a relatively low cost, centrally located area to small bu sinesses and entrepreneurs" (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 212). This language is obviously geared towards the recruitment of middle class creative class young professionals to a community that was once low income and primarily non white. The 1995 plan notes the importance of financing to achieve these goals, and lists several ways for which businesses can gain financing including through en trepreneurial public financing at the local, state and Federal level as well as through private bank s, public private partnerships, business improvement districts, tax increment financing levera ging public funds, and tax abatement (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995). The plan does note the "vigorous competition for development" the neighborhood has with other areas and suggests a coordinated economic development strategy is needed to manage economic development (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995 p. 235 ). In a separate chapter, the Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan (1995) seeks to cr eate a housing development plan that is an integral part of the redevelopment and revitalization of the neighborhood, and a component of the overall economic development strategy. Increasing the residential base in the neighborhood promotes new and existin g development because "an active populace results in a safer and more progressive urban environment" (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p.


71 243). Through adaptive reuse of industrial buildings and targeted infill, this economic development strateg y seeks upscale housing to attract creat ive class young professionals by converting industrial buildings to lofts, live/work studio residences, and new mixed use residential and commercial/retail developments. The Northeast Downtown Denver Market Analysi s was completed as part of the planning process and incorporated as a chapter in the 1995 Plan. F indings include "the need to improve its rough and unkempt image in order to expand the range of its market opportunities" (Northeast Denver Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 12) as well as the use of Coors Field to create new market interest Additionally, a priority of the 1995 plan is to help define and (re) name the neighborhood area of Northeast Downtown in order to foster a n ew identity (Northeast Downtown Neighbo rhood Plan, 1995). As part of the intention to create a new brand, the 1995 plan seeks to capitalize on Coors Field through a drive to create the Ballpark Historic District (Figure 4) This historic district is touted as a way that historic preservation and urban design standards can have a role in "stabilizing development conditions and facilitating appropriate re development" (Northeast Denver Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 17). Reflecting these goals of using historical themes as a development opportunity the architects of Coors Field considered the historical nature of the neighborhood as the ballpark design was meant to resemble a modern take on an early 20 th Century urban ballpark (Ballparks of Baseball, 2013) ; though one with ample commercial and ente rtainment options meant to anchor the development of Lower Downtown to the south and west and Northeast Downtown to the north and east In fact, the 1995 Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan refers to Coors Field as an "entertainment palace built into the neighborhood" and suggests restaurants,


72 Figure 4. Ballpark Historic District re use opportunities for residential development, arts related or business showrooms, and offices as development opportunities around the ballpark (Northeast Downtown Neighbor hood Plan, 1995, p. 17). The ballpark serves a s the anchor for the 1995 plan's desire to create an entertainment district and leverage these attractions when seeking investment in new commercial and residential development The marketing analysis notes the new market exposure the neighborhood will experience by the influx of baseball fans from Coors Field and that the "opportunity to showcase these areas on a repeated basis at no cost to the subarea is a tremendous market opportunity" (Northeast Downtown N eighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 44). The plan suggests the creation of this mixed use Northeast Downtown neighborhood will "maximize market


73 opportunities and, in time, create an exciting and distinctive part of Denver" (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 199 5, p. 21). The 1995 plan's focus for the Ballpark subarea as an entertainment district is indicative of the focus by local government on entertainment and tourism as economic growth sectors. The plan further seeks to capitalize on the cultural and histori c nature of the neighborhood when it notes, in the land use section, that this area's history and identity is associated with the influx of many different ethnic groups "who want to preserve and expand that multicultural heritage in a marketplace of divers e ethnic stores and shops" (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 123). This commercially oriented, symbolically cultural area would include theme restaurants and bars, entertainment and recreation areas, and retail uses, many consisting of "indiv idual or entrepreneurial stores rather than national or regional chains" with an "overriding theme, common streetscape and amenities, a promotions program, organized events and street festivals, and an interest group to address and promote parking issues, financing availability and coordination with the City for police and other services" (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 63). The 1995 plan includes such branding language as creating "a more attractive, workable, cohesive, and distinctive part of Denver" (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 22). The plan further notes one subarea's focus should be as a mixed use residential and neighborhood retail area with live/work situations, offices, and neighborhood support services. It suggests a second subarea's distinguishing brand mix" (Northeast Denver Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 20), should include traditional industrial and residential but also creative class draws such as industrial arts, studios, live/work


74 buildings offices, and other support and service uses. The 1995 Plan references the need to develop a distinctive marketable image for the neighborhood as a means to both separate it from the adjacent Lower Downtown neighborhood but to also cultivate its own identity. The 1995 Plan su ggests the neighborhood has a "walk on the wild side feel to it" and that "while it wants to upgrade itself and remove its rougher elements, it desires to retain a certain reverse chic' feel and character" (Northeast Denver Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 19) This quote well expresses the goal of planners to create a sense of safety and cleanliness in the community even as they further build a brand that capitalizes upon the neighborhood's existing image. Design goals also include capitalizing on natural feat ures such as the nearby South Platte River and mountain views, making the neighborhood more pedestrian and bicycle friendly, and improving the physical appearance of through streetscaping, wayfinding improvements, and design guidelines (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995). As will be further discussed later in the investigation of the Cherry Creek neighborhood, the importance of creating vibrant pedestrian focused areas is a central feature in the economic planning model. The marketing summary furt her seeks to create a positive image and brand for the neighborhood by recommending the creation of design guidelines for retail business, traffic controls, design controls on parking lots, and coordinated security for baseball games and events "so that pa trons have a positive experience and impression of the area" (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 49). As the 1995 plan notes "the primary benefit of local residents is as a core business clientele" and as "a desirable and secure image for other visitors to the area" (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan,


75 1995, p. 64). The se quotes show the secondary place residents hold in planning efforts as the importance of ballpark and game tourists, downtown workers, and national and international travelers as po tential clientele for potential dining and entertainment businesses is stressed over the welfare of the neighborhoods low income citizens (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995). As part of this brand the 1995 plan seeks to create its version of a safe and clean environment. Among the recommendations are : increased landscaping but "without creating meeting places as hang outs' for people perceived to be physically threatening" (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 48); promoting nigh ttime security along pedestrian areas and sidewalks to create a safe feeling in order to attract visitors; and "dressing up" the portion of one subarea adjacent to the ball park (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 50). The marketing summary high lights the importance of making and keeping the area visually and physically attractive in order to appeal to repeat business and notes this strategy must include a "solid, evolving business base and organized festivals and activities to draw new and repea t visitors to the area" (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 65). Finally, as the Marketing Analysis seeks to capitalize on public and private investment in the neighborhood, it notes the market reality that "it is important that capital invest ment and operating costs enable businesses to succeed with a limited share of the total market, given the substantial competition" (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 65). The plan does note a lack of services (such as a grocery store or commun ity meeting place) located in the neighborhood as well as a need for improved pedestrian and bicycle connectivity The 1995 plan lists areas where "potential


76 market stimulating' interventions" by the City could help including transportation plans, zoning and infrastructure improvements (Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 52). Following these efforts, t he 1995 Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan does address several social issues, including the concentration of several social service facilit ies that focus on homelessness in the neighborhood. Although the plan does reference the root causes of homelessness as it notes that some homeless are runaway/throwaway youth, suffer from mental illness and substance abuse problems, or are "economically d isadvantaged" (Northeast Denver Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 15) the plan does not offer proactive solutions to these structural issues, but instead offers reactionary actions to a range of problems peripheral to these root causes, including proposals to a ddress public safety issues such as public drunkenness, vandalism, and prostitution; the publi c health issues such as garbage; lack of access to public r estrooms and drinking fountains; presence of disease such as HIV ; lack of a City response to "aid falle n/stricken clients (detox) ; public nuisance and welfare issues including loitering, "curbside feeding ; and the negative impact on property owners and pedestrians (Northeast Denver Neighborhood Plan, 1995, p. 15 16). Overall, the plan states a desire to move social service providers focused on homelessness away from the economically viable downtown and adjacent inner rim neighborhoods, to an undisclosed location further from downtown. Unsurprisingly, the plan does not specify a place and recognizes the im probability of such an endeavor. In an attempt to disassociate the neighborhood from the negative image of homelessness the plan advocates shielding the public from the provision of social services as best as


77 possible through means such as grouping the pr oviders together geographically and advocating certain design and zoning standards on buildings that shield the nature and function of the service provider from the street While taking full stock of the problems associated with homelessness, the language used in this area of the plan is in line with Neil Smith's concept of re vanchism. Though the plan seems to offer some sympathy, it mostly advances a need to address these social issues not as a social or moral imperative but rather as a means to create a better business climate. Though recommendations include drug and alcohol treatment, housing programs, mental health initiatives, job counseling, and a comprehensive social services plan for city initiatives, the measures are wrapped in punitive measures as other recommendations include the suspension of provision of any additional emergency shelters, day shelters or food lines in Northeast Downtown until a broader social services plan is prepared and implemented (which could, of course, never occur); and a legislative push to restrict the sale of fortified wines and associated liquors, which is a relatively punitive measure that does little to solve the actual structural problems of homelessness (Northeast Denver Neighborhood Plan, 1995). The 2003 River No rth Small Area Plan The River North Plan (2003) is the first small area plan by Denver's Community Planning and Development Department following the creation of the Comprehensive Plan 2000 and Blueprint Denver ( 2000 ) and is in the same vein as the 1995 Nor theast Downtown Plan The River North P lan (2003) includes th ree distinct c orridors a proposed light rail station and surrounding transit oriented development ( TOD ) and a


78 special events district. M ost o f the plan's study area is designated as an Area of Change in accordance with Blueprint Denver (2000). The River North Plan (2003) while encompassing parts of many of Denver traditional statistical neighborhoods, does not include the predominantly residentially zoned areas of these neighborhoods but rathe r targets old, industrially zoned areas (River Nort h Plan, 2003) (Figure 5) The River North P lan (2003) seeks to promote these old industrial area s as ne w growth areas for the creative class economy, to identify new locations for development and to creat e a mixed use neighborhood focused on arts, culture, events, and t ransit by capitalizing on recent public investments in transportation improvements (River North Plan, 2003). The study area contains several connected corridors, small districts, amenities a nd activity centers each with their own development potential. The 2003 plan suggests developing the Brighton Blvd. corridor (a boulevard seen as a gateway to downtown) in a way that enhances the overall image of the street and promote s new investment (Ri ver North Plan, 2003). Parallel to the Brighton Blvd Corridor is the South Platte River Corrid or, a natural open space where t he 2003 plan seeks to attract new residential development to "take advantage of the river and enhance it as an open space corridor (River North Plan, 2003, p. 60). Additionally, two suggested major redevelopment sub areas on opposite ends of the parallel corridors, offer the potential to "establish a unique Transit Oriented Development in the vicinity of the proposed 40 th and 40 th s tation in which the station is incorporated into the development and facilitate the redevelopment of the Denargo Market area into an exciting mixed use community" (River North Plan, 2003, p. 59). Seeking to capitalize on a close connection to the Platte River and close proximity


79 Figure 5. River North small area conceptual p lan to downtown, the 2003 plan suggests the redevelopment of Denargo Market into a mixed use festival marketplace with niche commercial retail uses. The 2003 plan seeks to steer hou sing to the Denargo Market area and near the 40 th and 40 th TOD area as well as promote the possibility that "residential in other locations especially artist's studios, may be appropriate" (River North Plan, 2003, p. 94). One final subarea in cluded in the River North Plan (2003) is the events district. This district, located on the edge of the study area furthest from downtown, includes the National Western Stock Show (a national draw) and other venues that offer opportunities for year round entertainment and economic activity (River North Plan, 2003). The 2003 plan seeks to utilize similar economic planning techniques as the 1995


80 Northeast Downtown Plan For example, in describing the planned transit oriented development around the 40 th St and 40 th Ave rail stop, the plan reinforces economic planning goals of branding a safe and inviting space by supporting "pedestrian oriented and transit supportive character of the station area that creates a friendly and useable public space" (River North Plan, 2003, p. 74). Additionally, The River North Plan (2003) looks to capitalize on public investment, noting improvements to bike and pedestrian thoroughfares are crucial for River North to achieve the ultimate vision of creating a vibrant, mixed use area (River Nor th Plan, 2003). C entral to this vision is the symbolic 40 th St. and 40 th Ave TOD area as t he area provides a good opportunity for a symbolic mixed use development that capitalizes on an expanding transit system and could serve to instigate further develo pment. The River North Plan (2003) seeks to capitalize on the attractiveness of TOD to the creative class by suggesting that "in addition to residential, office, and retail development, this area could include research and development and corporate office headquarters" that can h ost both creative and knowledge based industries and their employees (River North Plan, 2003, p. 71 72). Much like the 1995 Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan t he 2003 River North Plan includes a chapter specifically devoted to economic growth B ased on Blueprint Denver (2000) the Economic Development section of the River North Plan (2003) identifies future land uses for housing, retail, light manufacturing, research and development and commercial office s pace (River North Plan, 2003). As noted, most of the River North area is industrial so a large amount of residential growth is planned through the conversion of outdated industrial or commercial buildings to new uses (Figure 6) The plan states "efforts should reflect the theme or vision, for the land use


81 Figure 6. Land use in River North area, thus supporting that private investment which can most effectively leverage public initiatives" (River North Plan, 2003, p. 39). The River North P lan ( 2003 ) identifies an events mat rix that cites possible "events" that could help change the land use, character, and image of the area and work in tandem with this "creative class" oriented residential development The plan suggests land use or capital planning documents can serve as an impetus for further development and these events include major infrastructure projects such as commuter rail, completion of new developments, and adaptive reuse that can serve as symbolic developments and "prove up the market" (River North Plan, 2003, p. 3 7). Additionally, the economic


82 activity chapter of the River North Plan (2003) seeks to capitalize on the Denver Coliseum and Stock Show Pavilion as a "catalyst for supportive commercial development that could also benefit the neighborhood" (River North Pl an, 2003, p. 79). As part of economic development, t he plan also notes Downtown's rapidly growing residential market and suggests River North could capitalize by developing new retail and service options including art istic uses that can increase the day and nighttime population and serve as the impetus for more commercial development (River North Plan, 2003). In order to retain existing business and attract new business economic incentives for development or redevelopment should be offered, the plan note s, and public amenities, services and infrastruct ure impro vements should be leveraged (River North Plan, 2003). As can be seen from this comparison the differences between the foci of the two generations of plans are stark. The 1977 Five Points Neighborho od Plan was primarily geared towards social reproduction through stabilizing the residential portion of the neighborhood through provision of jobs and job training, expanding housing options for low income individuals and by containing business in current ly zoned industrial areas. On the other hand, more recent planning efforts such as the Northeast Downtown Neighborhood Plan (1995) and the River North Plan (2003) seek to use the full neoliberal toolbox to attract development through marketing and brandin g, symbolic developments, leveraging public projects, and creating a pedestrian oriented environment. The 1981 Westside Neighborhood Plan The second neighborhood study area has many of th e similar qualities as the first


83 study area The Westside, or La Al ma/Lincoln Park neighborhood is located just south of Downtown and has cultural and historical significance as an inner rim suburb and Chicano neighborhood. The La Alma/Lincoln Park neighborhood (Figure 7) saw improvements during the City Beautiful Moveme nt in the 1920's under Mayor Speer. These included improvements to the city parkway of Speer Blvd, the development of the sprawling Sunken Gardens Park and adjacent placement of West High School, and the opening of the public Denver Heal th Hospital (Westsi de Neighborhood Plan, 1981). T he study area has high concentrations of low income residents and a high minority p opulation. The study area boasts a close proximity to downtown, and mu ch like the Northeast Downtown N eighborhood La Alma/Lincoln Park has eno rmous potential for invest ment and redevelop ment in a neoliberal post industrial global economy The 1981 Westside Neighborhood P lan focuses on the La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborh ood as well as the nearby Baker Neighborhood though my focus will be exclusiv ely on La Alma/Lincoln Park While the plan did rec ognize that the neighborhood had a large number of industrial and non residential uses "the plan generally addresses these areas only to the extent that they impact the residential areas" (Westside Neigh borhood Plan, 1981, p. 1). This wa s due to the findings t hat most of the problems in Westside we re in the residential areas and most concerns were voiced from the residential sectors (Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981). The residential population at the tim e was predominately lower income, upward of 70% Chicano, and a higher percentage of the population was unemployed as compared to the City as a whole (Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981). These resident's concerns are recognized by the plan's desire to "maint ain an appropriate balance of land uses that preserves the


84 Figure 7. La Alma/Lincoln Park character a reas residential stability of the Westside community" (Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981, p. 12) This desire to foster stability in the existing (low i ncome) population is seen in the plans efforts to discourage further expansion of industrial and commercial uses by containing them in appropriately zoned areas and encouraging residential infill of residentially zoned vacant land. The 1981 Westside p lan as with the Five Points Neighborhood Plan (1977), was produced in response to the 1972 Denver Community Renewal Program 's designation of the study areas a s blighted and wa s seen as a way to capitalize and continue some public and private investment already underway in these areas at the time of the writing (Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981). The emphasis of the 1981 plan, much like the 1977


85 Five Points p lan, was on the residential portions of the neighborhoods and contains recommendations on how to stabiliz e, maintain and improve these areas through equitable social production measures (Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981). The strategies for achieving these equitable goals were through planning to enhance the existing built environment and improving job opport unities for existing residents For example, t he 1981 plan includes a section titled Environment reflecting environmental concerns of the day such as air pollution but also included recommendations in other sections that contribute to the equity tone of the plan. These efforts include such things as tree planting programs, litter removal, alley paving programs improvements to public spaces, sidewalk improvements, funding for community art, provid ing dumpsters for areas that didn 't have them, enforcement of truck prohibition routes, and public infrastructure improvements (Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981). In another nod to equity planning for the built environment, the 1981 plan noted "community facilities are important to both the identity and quality of life in the Westside neighborhoods since they help to meet the educational, recreational, and social needs of the residents. They influence the desirability of the community and are essential to its full development" (Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981, p 24). The plan contained a detailed list of several schools, parks, recreation facilities, libraries and social services within the neighborhood; and objectives included continued development of community facilities as the need arose, as well as increasin g awareness of the existence of these facilities (Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981). Noting the importance of stable employment for growing a healthy residential


86 community the plan stated that adequate employment opportunity "says something about its resi dents' ability to own and maintain property as well as their needs for public facilities and "must also be considered in a description of the community's people to better understand housing, transportation, and public facility needs" (Westside Neighborho od Plan, 1981, p. 4). S ome of the plan's stated goals we re the desire to improve job opportunities for residents especially for young adults, through better communication between residents and employers; to improve availability of job training programs; a nd to encourage adoption of affirmative action programs by local businesses (Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981). Additional social reproduction employment related recommendations include d provision of day care facilities, encouraging local businesses to hir e local residents, and first hire priorities ( hiring residents from the neighborhood ) for City sponsored cap ital improvement projects in neighborhood (Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981). The 1981 plan further stressed the importance of homeownership to a s table neighborhood and noted that the ownership rates of the La Alma/Lincoln Park neighborhood were low compared to the city average. Though the 1981 plan sought to expand homeownership, it also noted that three of the greatest concerns with home ownership growth are displacement of lower income residents, the loss of rental units, and a significant increase in rental rates and home purchase prices (Westside Neighbor hood Plan, 1981). The plan noted that in the four years prior to the completion of the 1981 Plan there has been a "substantial amount of real estate speculation and "these sales, resales, appreciation rates, and climbing values are of concern to both the City and the neighborhood since housing costs are now beyond the reach of many low


87 income i ndividuals and families that formerly could afford to live in the Westside" (Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981, p. 15). The plan listed several options to assist in the purchase or rental of homes by low income people an d families, and asserted specific go als of retaining La Alma/Lincoln Park as a residential neighborhood by preserving housing stock and "encouraging independence and self sufficiency through low income home ownership" (Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981, p. 16). One final equity planning goal wa s "to preserve or maintain the community's diversity of income, age, race, and culture by providing housing types, sizes, and densities to satisfy the varying needs and desires of all economic segments of the neighborhoods, giving special attention to lo w income and elderly persons" (Westside Neighborhood Plan, 1981, p. 16). The 2010 La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan The 2010 La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan on the other hand follows Blueprint Denver's (2000) economic planning inspired conce pt of Areas of Change and Areas of Stability The 2010 p lan 's executive summary like other contemporary plan s notes the historical significance of the neighborhood and begins to brand the La Alma/Lincoln Park as a "dynamic, mixed use neighborhood at the heart of Denver" (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010 p. 4 ). The vision seeks to "create opportunities for economically rewarding development" (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 22) through the development of a mass transit friendl y, pedestrian oriented neighborhood with new community gathering spaces, and diverse housing options as well as incubating entrepreneurial businesses (La Alma/Lincoln Par k


88 Neighborhood Plan, 2010 ). The strategy of the 2010 plan develops several Character Area plans for targeted economic development and strategic provision of public projects. These include a Main Street Corridor, a mixed use area, a residential area, an institutional area, an industrial area, and the transit oriented development area. These area plans are meant to develop the character and "infuse the areas with a sense of place" to guide future development for residents, public officials and private developers (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighb orhood Plan, 2010, p. 38). Reflecting a broader turn to economy planning, t he plan notes: "high volume transportation corridors offer opportunities for economic development, increased density, and increased transit use" (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 40) Further the plan suggests that the city should "assist in paying for local improvements to spur development in Areas of Change" (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 22). As can be seen the focus is not to lift up the current low income residents but to transform this neighbor hood into something new, exciting and able to generate development and wealth. As an example n otice in the accompanying maps (Figure 8 ) that the area s with the highest concentration of female single head of households are also the same areas that are cons idered Areas of Change The 2010 plan utilizes neoliberal economic planning strategies to achieve the s e investment and development goals include marketing and branding, promoting cultural and art districts, developing pedestrian friendly spaces, util izi ng transit, taking advantage of natural features and historic institutions, building symbolic developments, and leveraging public improvements. For example, t he Santa Fe Blvd corridor is considered a Main Street in the 2010 plan and has an "emerging ident ity as an arts and cultural


89 Figure 8. Single head of households and Areas of Change


90 district with a Latino character that provides a unique cultural opportunity" (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 33). This is an example of urban planning seeking to capitalize on culture for economic development. The plan utilizes marketing to create a "consistent visual identity" (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 45) of the corridor to achieve the goal of fostering the brand of the consum er oriented Santa Fe Arts District. This is achieved by making the area a stable pedestrian corridor and "enhance(ing) the convenience, ease and enjoyment of transit, walking, shopping, and public gathering" (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p 40). To support this aim, regulatory tools, design standards and targeted financing seek to promote a "vital core of arts and commercial uses" and the area as a destination for locally owned shops, restaurants and artistic venues (La Alma/Lincoln Park Ne ighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 39). The 2010 plan also capitalizes on public infrastructure improvements in order to "recapture the pedestrian and transit friendly character" of the Santa Fe Blvd. corridor through streetscaping, wayfinding, landscaping, lightin g, provision of benches, and enhanced retail and commercial uses (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 39). Other means to capitalize on the historical nature, culture, and popular amenities of the neighborhood include "enhance(ing) the S. Plat te River as an amenity" (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 5), and the desire to make sure the "proximity to the Cherry Creek Trail and Speer Boulevard Parkway are capitalized upon" (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 17) in o rder to both inspire improvements to the area and to attract more dense residential and retail (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010). Other public improvements in the


91 neighborhood include wayfinding signage, gateway features, lighting, landscapin g, enhanced building facades, and streetscaping while capitalizing on historically significant buildings. Additionally, t he Transit Oriented Development an Area of Change located near the 10 th and Osage light rail station provides a n excellent example of a symbolic development in the neighborhood The area has access and demand for transit options, close proximity to the Auraria Higher Education campus and Downtown, and the "ability to simulate economic development, as well as reinvestment in historic res ources" (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 4). The 2010 p lan lists five guidi ng principles for the TOD area, several of which further illustrate a neoliberal turn in planning. These principles include "place making" or branding through "crea ting safe, comfortable, varied and attractive station areas with a distinct identity" (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 50) as well as providing a mix of locations for employment, play, shopping and residential uses (popular to the creativ e class) to maximize location efficiency. The 2010 p lan also notes the TOD area's symbolic role as a "central organizing feature and link to the existing la Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood and Santa Fe Arts & Business corridor" (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighb orhood Plan, 2010, p. 52), by advocating the creation an east west commercial space between the TOD and the Santa Fe corridor. This space between the TOD and Santa Fe Blvd. will be pedestrian friendly and encompass a network of parks and pavilions. The pla n then lists several key recommendations that planners believe will best serve the TOD. These include "creat(ing) an amenity for TOD housing" (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan,


92 2010, p. 52) through locating commercial and retail in the ground floors of high density development near the station, and creating new open spaces that connect and increase positive use of the existing park bearing the neighborhood's name These recommendations seek to steer public investments to the TOD area and to capitalize on public spaces in leveraging fundamental transformation of the area. The desire to reinvent this space as a high den sity, pedestrian friendly place serves the mobile creative class professional well. The TOD is intended to create an active environment, popular for residents an d tourists alike, that includes "incubator spaces for entrepreneurial businesses," live/work opportun ities, and ground floor services (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 52). This active environment is hoped to lead t o increased economic development, higher tax revenues, and an increase in population specifically middle class creative professionals. The 2010 plan does list several equitable land use goals for the TOD including supporting locally owned and local supp orting businesses, sustainable development, providing amenities such as a community gathering place, job training, and affordable housing but also clearly states that these developments are meant to serve several economy planning goals such as creating opp ortunities for local entrepreneurs attracting creative class professionals, and capitalizing on the area as a "destination to serve as the area's cultural identity" (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010, p. 54). U nlike the 1981 Westside Neighborh ood Plan, the 2000 La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan as with the 1995 Northeast Downtown and 2003 River North plans, includes a specific chapter devoted to economic development. Generally, the 2010 plan

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93 notes that the neighborhood provides an employm ent base and calls for supporting retail, office, live/work, and residential infill within walking distance of each other This call aims to support local businesses and enhance local employment The plan suggests employment can be found in high end servic e sector jobs, light industrial sectors nontraditional employment and live/work opportunities popular for the creative class (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010). Specifically, the economic development section does suggest promoting equitable l ocal programs that support small business and workforce development provide ga p financing through the City's O ffice of Economi c Development, promote adaptive reuse, and improve public inf rastructure as means to revitalize the neighborhood (La Alma/Lincoln Park Neighborhood Plan, 2010). These goals should be viewed in an economic planning context however, as t he 2010 plan also lists several "Catalyst Projects" that will lead to desired change in the neighborhood and can serve as symbolic developments to fu rther attract investment As an example, development of public plazas and green spaces along 10 th Avenue would serve to connect the TOD and Santa Fe Corridor This will make the connecting corridor a "signature street" where a mix of commercial and retail uses are encouraged (La Alma/Lincoln Par k Neighborhood Plan, 2010) As can be seen from the investigation of this neighborhoo d the focus of the 1981 plan is on preserving the residential character of the neighborhood while the focus of the 2010 p lan is o n economic development This e conomic growth aims to transform the neighborhood and the population into something new and different, and is promoted through the 2010 plan by creating a brand that capitalizes on the culture and historical

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94 nature of the neig hborhood and the Santa Fe corridor by symbolic ally developing the transit stop and surrounding TOD, and by leveraging public infrastruc ture projects and improvements. The 1976 Cherry Creek Neighborhood Plan The third and final set of neighborhood plan s t o be investigated in this study are plans prepared for the Cherry Creek Nei ghborhood ( Figure 9 ) Unlike other plans discussed in this study the Cherry Creek Neighborhood does not border downtown, however the neighborhood has long been an activity center f or the City of Denver. The neighborhood boasts a number of retail shopping options that are highlighted in both the 1976 and the 2012 plan s developed for this area Because this area has been and continue s to be a thriving retail district economic deve lopment surrounding this district has been a part of the neighborhood's strategy since before the time of my longitudinal study. Tracking the change in focus of these efforts from the 1976 plan to the 2012 plan should illustrate the neoliber al economic tu rn observed national ly and international ly. The Cherry Creek Neighborhood P lan of 1976 was comple ted prior to the comprehensive p lan of 1977 but the contents we re in line with the E quity P lanning model outlined in the 1977 Comprehensive plan. The purpose o f the plan was "t o provide an immediate action program by identifying resources that meet neighborhood needs" (Cherry Creek Plan, 1976, p. 3). These needs, as noted in the 1977 Comprehensive Plan, were deemed to be programs to retain the stability of resid ential neighborhoods. Similar to other 1 970s era plans, the policy actions focused on growing the neighborhood through

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95 Figure 9 Cherry Creek Neighborhood "orderly and balanced development and improvement" that sought to accommodate the projec ted population of the neighborhood and keep the character as a mixed density neighborhood (Cherry Creek Plan, 1976, p. 2). In order to create stable neighborhoods t he 1976 Cherry Creek Neighborhood Plan sought to solidify housing stock, create employment opportunities and create an environment that allowed workers to thrive through social reproduction programs Programs meant to drive social reproduction included actions to increase

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96 homeownership, job training and other social services programs as well as developing, placing and retaining community amenities such as libraries, schools, parks, and recreation centers. The 1976 p lan noted concerns over a number of elementary schools based on perceptions of increasing population in the neighborhood and in cluded a significant summa ry on public libraries that asserted the benefits of the library as a public space (Cherry Creek Plan, 1976, p. 10). Among policy reco mmendations, the plan encouraged the neighborhood to remain a mixed density and mixed income res idential neighborhood while emphasizing the conservation of single family homes and included the goal of inc reasing home ownership (Cherry Creek Plan, 1976). Additionally, the 1976 p lan included recommendations for land use and zoning, transportation, an d public facilities that emphasized preserving the character of the residential neighborhoods T he pla n sought to build and maintain stable residential neighborhood s t hrough t he creation o f buffers between residential and commercial subareas ef fectively t ransporting people around through a circulator bus route developing parkland and a hiking/bike path to connect the Cherry Creek Greenway with the shopping center, develop ing senior citizen activities at local p ark s and encouraging street tree planting (C herry Creek Plan, 1976). Given the existing retail areas in the neighborhood the plan sought to promote the economic health of the neighborhood through the provision of both retail and service facilities, as well as by strategically placing employment an d transportation facilities to bring workers and shoppers into the area and to transport workers outside the neighborhood (Cherry Creek Plan, 1976). Though the Cherry Creek neighborhood had

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97 ample retail and commercial businesses, the 1976 plan focused on c ontaining these businesses in a certain district and preventing them from encroaching on residential neighborhoods. Economic development was achieved by ensuring businesses had healthy, qualified, and educated workers through provision of the aforementione d job training and social services. Though there were passing mentions of tax and other incentives meant to stimulate economic growth, economic development was not a main focus of 1976 plan (Cherry Creek Plan, 1976). The 2012 Cherry Creek Neighborhood Pla n The 2012 Cherry Creek Neighborhood Plan on the other hand, has a primary focus on economic development that initially begins with creation of an image for the Cherry Creek neighborhood The vision for the neighborhood of the 2012 plan is one that is "co nnected, distinctive, green, and prosperous" (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 10). The plan states that the neighborhood can build on a "great regional and national image and signature identity for Denver" as a "compact live, work and play community" (Cherry C reek Plan, 2012, p. 10). The vision asserts the Cherry Creek Neighborhood shoul d build on its assets including diverse shopping options, regional and local amenities, cultural diversity and the walkable nature of the neighborhood (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012 ). The language used here sets the stage for the rest of the plan seemingly created to stimulate economic growth. T he plan discusses each of the four factors noted in the vision ( connected, distinctive, green, and prosperous ) in some detail noting how tra ditional planning segments such as land use urban design, and transportation fit into the vision For example, a key part of the Cherry Creek image is the identity of the

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98 neighborhood as a prosperous one. Following the planning direction outlined in Denv er's Comprehensive Plan 2000 of "enhancing existing business centers to retain and expand a variety of high quality uses, support Denver's business climate, create jobs, complement neighboring residential areas and to generate public revenue" (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 44) the neighborhood plan seeks to support this goal and image when branding the neighborhood as prosperous. This brand is used to attract not only tourists and shoppers but also to attract well to do residents, creative class professional s, upscale retail, and cultural amenities. In order to remain prosperous, a "connected" Cherry Creek must build on its transit options. The more current neighborhood plan assert s that the area is a destination for "employees, national and international tou rists, hotel guests in Cherry Creek, everyday shoppers, business travelers, Downtown hotel guests and conventioneers" (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 15). The ability to connect to other parts of the city and the airport is very important to maintain the abil ity to attract an increasing amount of tourists, shoppers and hotel guests. The 2012 plan, when describing a "distinctive Cherry Creek," talks about the unique image and brand of the neighborhood based on the perceived desirability of the neighborhood, the urban form, the mix of land uses, and the distinct subareas. As we break down the overall vision of the plan we see how the plan is oriented towards finding and taking advantage of redevelopment opportunities in order to capitalize on the tourist and ser vice draws in the neighborhood and to continue to attract tourists, shoppers, hotel guests and the tax receipts that follow (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). As part of being "connected," and a s has been suggested in previous investigations of neoliberal neighb orhood plans focused on economic development

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99 creating a pedestrian oriented atmosphere is an important component in eco nomic planning efforts. The Cherry Creek Neighborhood Plan (2012) offers the most direct and specific reason as to why, when it states walkability equals prosperity: national trends indicate that pedestrian oriented, mixed use communities will prove most attractive to the creative class, young professionals, seniors, and families, as well as empty nesters" (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 47) The plan continues by suggesting, "pedestrian oriented development creates the visual interest and eyes on the street to encourage walking in an attractive, convenient and safe area. Providing attractive connections within the Cherry Creek area assures that the subareas are well connected and interrelated" (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 47). As these quotes illustrate, creating pedestrian oriented nirvanas lined with open spaces, amenities and services is part of a strategy t o attract tourists and creative class workers as well as to promote an inviting, safe space all of which is aimed at economic growth and increased tax revenues (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). As part of this pedestrian oriented strategy, the 2012 plan calls for concentrating economic activ ity and higher density mixed use buildings along multi modal streets, prominent intersections, and major public spaces to connect to transportation and enhance the pedestrian nature as well as using urban design standards in order for new development to fi t in with existing development (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012) ( Figure 10 ) To support this strategy, the 2012 Cherry Creek Neighborhood Plan suggests use of regulatory too ls creating a Pedestrian Priority Zone (PPZ) to support the existing mixed use development plan of the neighborhood, the retail and commercial businesses, and the high transit ridership (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). The PPZ would be the second such zone in Denver after Downtown and the plan urges both future public and private development

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100 Figure 10 Cherry Creek pedestrian areas to take this into account when drawing up development plans (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). The 2012 plan further reasons that pedestrian oriented "public spaces form the heart of any community. They promote health, ha p piness and well being. They celebrate a community's assets. Successful public spaces attract people, economic vitality and investment in an area. Failed public spaces create a perception of emptiness and can result in a lack of investment" (Cherry Creek Pl an, 2012, p. 35). Pedestrian oriented public spaces serve to activate a place by giving it additional function and by attracting

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101 people. This helps people to escape the urban jungle by creating a recreational or passive oasis as well as serving as a way to connect people to the space (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). The 2012 plan seeks to capitalize on public investment in public spaces, parks and infrastructure and turn this public investmen t into asset s that attract private investment and creative class young p rofessionals. To this end, the 2012 plan suggests maximizing the impact of public investment in streets and streetscapes by creating so called "festival streets" as a means to stimulate economic growth. Accomplished through a partnership between the Busin ess Improvement District, business and property owners, and residents, these streets would be used to host community and cultural events that foster social interaction, attract visitors and tourists, and support the identity of the Cherry Creek Neighborhoo d (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). As an example, The recently completed Fillmore Plaza is an exemplary street designed for enhanced pedestrian, event and retail activity that benefits businesses, residents, shoppers and visitors on the block, and also serves a s the primary gateway to Cherry Creek North from the Shopping Center and 1st Avenue. The plaza establishes an identity for the area through enhanced lighting, trees and landscaping, pavers, street furniture, wayfinding signage and a central iconi c structur e spanning the street (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 42). This quote has it all. The plan seeks to attract visitors and tourists by developing the identity and brand of the neighborhood through capitalizing on the culture of the neighborhood and leveraging public infrastructure improvements. The signature event for the neighborhood is the annual Cherry Creek Arts Festival, a regional and national attraction, which takes place on many of the neighborhood's festival streets. The arts are an important feature and brand for the neighborhood as it seeks to capitalize on its artistic identity to attract visitors, tourists,

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102 and creative class residents and employees. The neighborhood also boasts eighteen art galleries and uses a mixed art and garden design scheme t hroughout the Cherry Creek North subarea (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). In addition to representing a "connected" neighborhood, m any of the recommendations concerni ng the creation of pedestrian oriented spaces represent the vision of a "Green" Cherry Creek. P art of this vision is the desire to take advantage of the underused Cherry Creek Greenway that runs adjacent to the shopping district and forms the neighborhood's southern boundary. By improving access and tying in the Greenway with increased development, the 2012 Plan seeks to capitalize on the natural amenity to stimulate economic development and growth (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). In similar ways, the 2012 p lan also looks for other economic opportunities that capitalize on public green space. This includes increasing connections between subareas and public parks, utilizing parks for community or cultural events by possibly adding an amphitheater, and by creating a public private partnership between the premier Cherry Creek Arts Festival, the Cherry Creek No rth subarea Business Improvement District, and the Denver Botanic Gardens to create a sculpture garden as a means to capitalize on these public spaces by attracting more visitors and thus more tourist spending (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). Much of the emphas is placed on branding and market ing the neighborhood is based in the expectation that Cherry Creek is expected to grow over the next two decades. "This growth has the potential to benefit existing businesses, property owners and residents through greater d iversity of housing types, increased business revenues, higher property values, additional public and private investment and a greater diversity of shops, restaurants and cultural ameniti es" (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p 29). The Areas of

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103 Change in Cherry C reek are perceived to be the areas that can best accommodate this growth, both in terms of market demand and available land. The plan notes that not every property or area will see redevelopment but that overall the entire Cherry Creek neighborhood will "b enefit from new development, reinvestment, and more intense use" Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 29). Cherry Creek's designation in the Denver Comprehensive Plan 2000 is as a premier retail destination. The neighborhood generates nearly 5% of Denver's sales t ax revenue on 0.14% of Denver's land area (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). As the plan states: Enhancing the attractiveness and competitiveness as a mixed use neighborhood with local, regional and national appeal is essential to the economic well being of the Ch erry Creek Area and the City. Optimizing economic and development opportunities benefits residents as well as businesses with more choice of shops and restaurants, access to amenities, and attractive street and building design. National research and best p ractices are demonstrating that walkable, mixed use communities are desirable for all age groups and have retained their value and thrived in tough economic times ( Cherry Cree k Plan, 2012, p 44). As this quote from the 2012 plan shows, the belief of cit y planners in the economic planning model is that economic development benefits businesses as well as residents (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). Much of the strategy to capitalize on the growth in the Cherry Creek area lies in creating a pedestrian district, ut ilizing design and architecture standards (through setbacks and public space requirements), through specified land use and by creating access to and from the neighborhood's shopping and amenities. Additionally, the plan seeks to utilize public infrastruct ure investments because "successful streetscape design reinforces the pedestrian scale and character and enhances the quality, identity, physical function, and economic vitality of an area" (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 42). The plan suggests that continue d success in sustaining the economic prosperity of

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104 this area of Denver depends on attracting more visitors and tourists to the area and by creating higher density residential areas in or de r to have more people live within walking distance of the business and retail areas (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). The 2012 plan suggests that th e Cherry Creek Neighb orhood currently has substantial market surplus in almost every category of retail. Thus economic success depends on bringing more shoppers who do not live in t he neighborhood into the area through better transit options and a pedestrian atmosphere (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). The plan states "hotel guests add necessary pedestrian vitality, supporting the surrounding businesses and restaurants. The lodging and meet ing/event facilities are important to area businesses, as well" ( Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 45). The plan also notes the tourist focused nature of the neighborhood when it states "visitors whether families coming for a day, hotel guests coming for a week, or conventioneers seeing the sites are an important economic driver for Cherry Creek retail" (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 46) The 2012 plan claim s t hat t he shopping center brings an estimated 1.3 million visitors per month of whom three in t en are touri sts from outside Colorado's Front Range and suggests partnerships with the downtown neighborhood, Denver International Airport and the conventions bureau at Visit Denver will only become more important (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012). The plan states, "adding mo re rooms in Cherry Creek and improving access to and from Downtown ( especially Denver Union Station, the Convention Center and 14th Street hotels, the Theatre Dist rict, and the 16th Street Mall) and Colorado Boulevard hotels is importa nt" (Cherry Creek Pla n, 2012, p 46 47). The strategy is logically consistent as m ore hotels mean more tourists and visitors more tourists and visitors mean more shoppers, and more shoppers mean more tax revenues.

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105 In addition to a reputation as a premier retail destination, t he Cherry Creek Neighborhood has become a recognized office sector in Denver. The 2012 plan claims that 14,500 people are employed in the Cherry Creek Neighborhood and notes the area is "increasingly a regional hub for financial services, and it also attr acts advertising, creative media, architecture and design firms, as well as boutique medical offices" (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 45). The plan continues that "continuing to provide high quality office space for these boutique firms and creative industrie s is essential to the mixed use character of Cherry Creek and the continued attraction of a broad demographic of visi tors" (Cherry Creek Plan, 2012, p. 45) As can be derived from this quote th e focus is economic development through attracting business se rvices and creative knowledge based industries as well as small scale meetings and conventions. Fundamentally different than the 1981 plan, the strategy of the 2012 plan is primarily focused on promoting economic development and growth. The 2012 plan seeks to promote tourism through shopping, arts and culture; finance and business services through provision of office and meeting space; and entertainment through arts, culture and a connection to the Cherry Creek Greenway. As can clearly be drawn from this re view the changes between the 1976 plan to the 2012 plan show how the neighborhood planning process has shifted from providing stable residential areas, and thus focusing on social reproduction, to providing a guide for economic development opportunities. Though the Cherry Creek Neighborhood was a thriving retail and commercial district in the 1970s much as it is currently, the focus of the planning has changed to one that actively support s continued economic development and growth rather than residential stability

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106 CHAPTER IV THE CHANGING FACE OF URBAN DEVELOPMENT T he effects of globalization, the emergence of a post industrial economy, and neoliberal economic reform s are part of the modern economic playing field and likely are here to stay. Technologic al advances in communication and connectivity, and an increasing international flow of capital and people resulting from globalization have brought countries, peoples, and economies closer together. Neoliberal economic reforms have led to increased competi tion among cities and countries as trade barriers are removed and new labor forces enter the market. As traditional industrial sectors of manufacturing and agricultural production increasingly move to developing countries traditional industrial powers suc h as the United States must devel op new post industrial economic sectors with an increasing focus on creative, knowledge based, and commercial and business service sectors. As the United States continues to move to wards a post industrial economy urban com munities feel compelled to find new ways of stimulating economic growth as p olitical, business, and other elite interests continue to push municipal government s to focus on economic development in order to survive in the global marketplace As economic gro wth increasingly becomes a function of local government these urban growth regimes have turned towards entrepreneurial and corporate management styles increasing amounts of strategic planning, and innovative financing techniques to stimulate this growth These entrepreneurial management styles infect the local planning and community development departments and economic development increasingly replaces social reproduction as the primary focus of community planning efforts

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107 By focusing on neighborhood pla ns completed by the City of Denver's Community Planning and Development Department, this study has demonstrated that strategic economic development planning not on ly is the primary focus of city wide comprehensive plans but also defines recent neighborhood planning efforts By investigating the planning e fforts of three Denver n eighborhoods examples of a primary focus on economi c planning even at the neighborhood level have been detailed Though economic planning efforts continue to contain bromides geared towards traditional social reproduction goals, these efforts are meant to be a component of an overall economic growth strategy, and do not reflect a primary aim to stabilize residential neighborhoods and strengthen the working class. The City of Denver in corporates marketing and branding, the leveraging of public infrastructure capitalization on cultural, entertainment, and recreational amenities, and the building of symbolic developments in neighborhood planning efforts as a mean s to attract investment growth and economic development Through neighborhood planning efforts the City of Denver attempts to create a welcoming business climate and a high quality of life to attract financial and professional service sector jobs and the creative class young pr ofessionals that staff these jobs N eighborhood planning efforts seek to capitalize on cultural diversity arts, historical features, and en tertainment venues as a means to strengthen tourism centered sectors of the economy and to attract suburban visitors conventions, and international tourists The research suggest s that each city and urban area copes with these changing economic and global forces in different ways that reflect the different characteristics and dynamics of the individual neighborhood. E ach neighborhood area seek s to leverage

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108 different strengths and amenities and employs different ec onomic development actors ; j ust as each neighborhood area deals with unique constituencies, different community standards, different forms of local governance and different urban growth regimes This suggests there is no one standard no one right way to s timulate economic development as e ach city and each small neighborhood area plan represents a unique approach to planning for economic growth Many of the pl ans acknowledge the importance of a healthy and stable neighborhood, and of maintaining certain equity planning measures such as public education, parks and recreation, employment programs job training, and social services. In fact as has been noted, a m ajority of Denver 's Neighborhoods are considered Areas of Stability by Denver planners, which do not warrant a large amount of effort to stimulate growth and economic development However, through Blueprint Denver's (2000) mechanism of designating Areas of Change targeted for economic growth the study clearly shows a shift in Denver's Community and Planning Department towards an economic planning model and the risks this change brings to low income "areas of change." Another conclusion suggests that plann ing efforts ref lect contemporary public opinion power dynamics and political ideology. The rise of Keynesian economics that paralleled the professionalization of planning over the middle of the 20 th century led the pendulum of professional planning to sw ing towards the equity side of the spectrum during the 1960s and 1970s The rise of Neoliberal economic theory and the ascendency of pro business President Ronald Reagan and his followers over the past three plus decades however, has led the balance of pl anning efforts to swing to the economic planning model This swing has led to increasing entrepreneurial and corporate municipal

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109 governing styles. The role of planners in the process of preparing citywide, neighborhood, and small area plans deserves furthe r study. This study also concludes that planning efforts aside from a few extreme cases such as Norman Kru mholz in Cleveland, have al ways followed a hybrid model Both generations of plans deal with both equity planning goals of social reproduction as wel l as economic planning goals of stimulating economic growth. However, the la ter generation of plans contain sections that go much more in depth on the subject of economic development and growth. The effectiveness and level of success that Denver has seen i n economic development through coordinated neighborhood planning efforts suggests that planning needs a bala n ce of both equity and economic planning in order to succeed. As the planning profession seeks to define the role of neighborhood and small area pla ns over the next century it will be important to reflect upon these planning efforts with an understand ing of the balance between equity and economic planning.

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