SOAP AND SUDS: ALCOHOL CONSUMPTION AMONG THE RESIDENTS OF SOAP SUDS ROW by GWENDOLYN WALLEN SENA B.A., University of Michigan Dearborn, 2008 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Anthropology Program 2014
2014 GWENDOLYN WALLEN SENA ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
ii This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Gwendolyn Wallen Sena has been approved for the Anthropology Program by Tammy Stone Chair Julien Riel Salvatore Jean Scandlyn April 28, 2014
iii Wallen Sena, Gwendolyn (M.A., Anthropology) Soap and Suds: Alcohol Consumption Among the Residents of Soap Suds Row Thesis directed by Professor Tammy Stone. ABSTRACT Women of the Victorian era were expected to adhere to a level of morality and domesticity that prohibited the consumption of alcohol on the grounds that it was lewd, offensive, and morally damaging. Yet the Victorian women who traveled to the American West and specifically those of the working class, were not inescapably tied to the same ideologies as those preached among the middle and upper classes in the East. While apparently living under the same restrictive moral code as their sisters, frontier women may have found it easier to subvert popular culture due to their harsh, isolated environment. Unfortunately, few archaeological studies have investigated the researched as is the case at historic military posts the perspective of women has frequently been ignored in favor of that of the soldiers and officers who lived and worked alongside them. Recent excavations from Victorian era forts in southern Colorado have made effo rts to mitigate this imbalance, however. Material correlates from preliminary excavations at Fort Massachusetts in southern Colorado have provided much evidence for understanding the daily lives of the women who resided there, including evidence of alcohol consumption within living and work spaces recognized as specific to post laundresses. A study of identity and agency among Victorian era frontier
iv women is proposed here through an analysis of alcohol related containers collected from laundress quarters ac ross sites at three frontier forts The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication. Approved: Tammy Stone
v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank the Fort Massachusetts Field School, Dr. Richard Goddard, Tim Goddard, the field director, crew chiefs, and all the students and volunteers who helped make this research possible. Additional thanks go out to the Kansas State Archaeologist Robert J. Hoard, as well as the Kansas State Historical Society for allowing me access to their archaeological archives. Finally, a special acknowledgment goes to Sandy Lowry from the Fort Laramie Historical Association for sending me all of their electronic archives.
vi TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1 The Victorian Period 4 The Victorian American Army and Laundresses 8 II. THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE 18 Identity as Self 19 The Dramaturgical Approach 22 Identity and Space 29 Identity and Gender 31 Agency 33 Consumption 37 Alcohol Consumption as Consumption 38 Identity and Agency in Perspective 41 III. RESEARCH AREA 43 45 IV. METHODOLOGY 54 57 Survey and Artifact Collection and De
vii Bottle Glass Technolog Liquor, Wine, Champa gne, Beer, and Ale Containers 67 Other Alcohol related 69 Non Alcohol related 69 Artifact ual 71 71 75 V. DISCUSSION 77 80 91 REFERENCES 94 APPENDIX A. Census from Fort Laramie 103 B. Fort Laramie Military R ecords 107 C. 118
1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION For the better part of the 19 th century, the laundresses were an integral part of the United States Army, yet their existence is far from common knowledge. Similar to countless other groups of women and minorities in the past, hist ory has all but ignored Army washer women and their contributions to the military and to the men and women they served on post. Historical references are scarce when compared to the abundance of published information available related to enlisted men, offi cers and their wives, and frontier era forts. History is far from the only field to have overlooked the impact the lives of these women have had; archaeology has equally failed to include Army washer women into interpretations of numerous military sites. A rchaeological projects focusing on military forts have rarely taken into account the washer women who lived and assists in resolving this issue by seeking to elucidate the id entity of these women through an evaluation of archaeological material discovered in laundress living and work spaces. The lack of consideration afforded laundresses in the field of archaeology is not treatment (or lack thereof) of women treated, discounted, or deliberately disregarded in archaeological interpretations. The old, white men who once dominated the field wrote and publ ished academic articles that
2 constructed the past from an undeniably male perspective. Even the oft touted the subservient status that can be recognized as denoting that women were not hing more than sustenance assistants in societies that were purportedly governed and provided for as less substantial and less important than those of men. With the onse t of the second w ave feminist movement of the mid to late 20 th century (so called for succeeding the first wave of the late 19 th and early 20 th century suffragettes) however, much of this began to change; many scholars in anthropology and sociology began to reconsider previous perceptions of the past and include the feminine perspective in their analyses. contributions. Not until the third any of these biases reconsidered at any great length. Archaeologists such as Joan Gero, Margaret Conkey, and Janet Spector introduced to the field a new understanding of gender and identity. These and other early feminists protested the ill treatment and virtual invisibility of women in archaeological reconstructions of the past. Prior to this time, there had been no systematic work on gender in archaeology and no methodological or theoretical discourse on the subject (Conkey and Spector 1984). The femini st push for gender equity forced archaeologists to reassess the reality of the aptly wome n are directly accessible as subjects, but rather that the researcher is prepared to
3 subjects worthy of investigation, feminist activism was able to greatly influence the foundation of a subfield of gender archaeology. Such liberating perspectives brought about a revolution in the way archaeologists tended to interpret the past, but there remains a considerable amount of work left to be done in rectifying the underrepresent ation of women in the field of archaeology. This is again glaringly obvious from the lack of research into the lives of laundresses who lived on frontier forts. By instituting a gendered approach to study at frontier forts that have been previously excavat ed, the focus can be shifted towards identifying these women and the freedoms and constraints that existed for them based on the predominant Victorian ideologies of that time. Moreover, an understanding can be gleaned concerning how laundresses may have be en able to resist those constraints within the context of their own personal space. This thus allows for an improved interpretation of notions of identity and agency among Army laundresses on the frontier. Certain behaviors are more indicative of social identity, one of which is alcohol consumption. The consumption of goods is directly linked to individual identity; consumption both creates and recreates identity (Reimer and Leslie 2004). Through habits of consumption, individuals profess something about themselves and their perception of their social self. Deliberate decision making is necessarily involved in the voluntary purchase of goods, indicating acts of agency, and inherently of identity. During periods such as the Victorian era, with its aversion to and stringent regulation of alcohol,
4 conspicuous consumption of alcohol related products would be an especially good indication of individual identity. While it is already possible to divulge how Victorian society would have potentially perceived these individuals, the if, when, and where of alcohol consumption among Army laundresses could reveal a great deal more about how these women may have felt about their own position in Victorian society. The Victorian Period What would come to be known as the V ictorian period officially began in England with the coronation of Queen Victoria in 1837, and debatably ends at her death in 1901. Like many fashionable trends of the time, the framework of British Victorian ideology was quickly exported to the United Sta tes where it too became the dominant culture of the period. At this point, Western culture was experiencing dynamic breakthroughs in science and technology so much so that the Victorian period was unquestionably a time of social, economic, scientific, and political change. This inundation of change would bring with it an ideology that venerated concepts of order, power, and control in ways that were both advantageous and detrimental to select members of Victorian society. The people of the Victorian Period believed in Progress wit notion of P rogress invol ved an ever expanding knowledge recognizable to the Victorians through remarkable advancements in the areas of science, religion, education, and social
5 organization. Progress was seemingly unstoppable and possibly even inevitable to those living during this age of innovation. Critical t o the perpetuation of Progress was change, but this change would ultimately bring about a better and greater stage of development an era of perfection, so to speak (Houghton 1957). Although the realization of perfection and a newly founded Utopia could n ot be achieved during their lifetime, it would most certainly be realized in the coming generations (Houghton 1957). Nonetheless, Utopia would not be reached unless order was rigorously maintained. Strict social order meant that members of the upper and m iddle socioeconomic classes did not associate with those of the lower working classes unless it was for the sake of charity and goodwill. The Victorian desire for order further included the organization of men and women into separate and discrete realms. I n the course of distinct and unequal ideologies that located the proper sphere of male influence in the public world and confined female influence to the private world of t 2002:27). Men would come to represent the most visible and publicly social aspect of humanity. The y were the ones who went out in to the vast and potentially brutal world of business and finance all the while holding the weight of responsibil ity on their broad shoulders. Women, on the other hand, were far too delicate and too simple minded to have such accountability. It was better and more fitting for them to take care of the hearth and home. Women would see to the everyday running of the hou sehold and care of the children both things an ambitious husband would be too busy to concern himself with. This relegation of women to the domestic sphere would become variously
6 and the Moral Based on the above, it is not difficult to understand why the Victorian era is one that is often thought of as overly conservative, restrictive, and constraining especially for women. The Victorians held in high esteem the qualities of piety, purity, was one who embodied these virtues and who could exploit them in such a way so as to tic women came to be Wood 2006:156). It was expected that, becaus e woman was so much more pure and virtuous than her other half, that she could be the positive influence that led to a higher moral standard. As a consequence, the majority of Indeed, the ideal woman of so moral obligations of her time. She should be docile and dutiful. She should love, honor, is what made her the moral manag ers of the household (Spencer Wood 2006). As moral managers, Victorian women were responsible for the moral standing of not just their men but of the entire family. All of this moral goodness women carried with them could be used to keep the home separate from the outside world as a sanctuary, rendering
7 of peace upheld by woman, away from the sinful world outside, where man could escape from the corruption of capitalism (Ho ughton 1957). This association of women with purity and high er moral authority was not a concept restricted to the middle and upper classes in which it originated. According to e of the well. Much in the same way that trends frequently made their way over the Atlantic from Europe, popular culture had a way of filtering down into the working class es so that while working class women were forced outside the home and into the work force, those same women were still expected to model the Victorian pious ideology Thus, activities including tobacco and alcohol consumption that were deemed by the highe r echelons to be morally debilitating were approached with attitudes of temperance and ultimately complete abstinence across social classes beginning in the 19 th century. The popularity of these ideals among the general populace led to adjustments in accep tance and tolerance so much that such behaviors began to convey a social stigma. The social stigma applied to alcohol consumption was not evenly dispersed across the population. While Anglo Americans might generally have considered alcohol consumption abho rrent, many other ethnic groups, including individuals of Hispanic descent, did not share the same perspective. Likewise, alcohol consumption was more acceptable among men than women. For white women in the United States, alcohol consumption in public was unacceptable behavior. Of course, women did not always abide by canon, and closet alcoholism was not uncommon in the 19 th century. Among
8 white men in the United States, on the other hand, sentiments towards alcohol consumption differed according to class. Social drinking was considered acceptable among men of the middle and upper classes, while the same was not true for the working class. Men of these lower classes were considered fundamentally incapable of controlling their emotions while under the influ ence of alcohol (Bourke 2008). The standards governing alcohol consumption that were disproportionately applied to members of differing social status have at times been interpreted as a kind of class conflict. Reckner and Brighton (1999) suggest that the proposition of abstinence from alcohol emerged among the social elite as a way to assert power over the lower ( Smith 2008:3), and this enthusiasm is recognized by Reckner and Brighton (1999) as an expression of social identity within class relations As a result of this class consciousness, m any institutions controlled by the upper and middle classes including the United States Army began to institute regulations against behavior s considered abhorrent by popular Victorian culture. The Victorian American Army and Laundresses The United States Army carried along traditional Victorian ideologies with it to its frontier posts. Taking a strong position regarding proper moral behavior, and believing that the presence of women on post would be uplifting for the morality and morale o f the enlisted men, the Army officially established the position of laundress in 1802.
9 General E.O.C. Ord was quite clear about his feelings in reference to the position of laundress: "[Laundresses] are not only useful, but I think they make the men more 2002:28). General Winfield Scott Hancock seems to have agreed: "At frontier posts effect upon the men" (Wood 2002:28). At the time of its creation, the position of post laundress was the only position for women formally recognized by the United States Army; all other women associated with the Army were considered camp followers (Porter 2012). The Army laundress would remain an often valued, though sometimes disparaged, part of the military until the positi on was dissolved in 1878. Even still, washer women were not forcibly relieved of their stations, and many who were married to enlisted men continued to be employed on post (Wood 2002). The Army mandated everything from the number of laundresses active on post, what they should be paid, where they should reside, and how one was expected to properly behave. The number of laundresses permitted per company and the rations they received were controlled by the Army just as they were for the enlisted men. In 1861 each company (approximately 100 men) was allowed 4 laundresses; eventually, this would be modified to one laundress allotted for ev ery 19 men (War Department 1863 ; Wettemen 1998). As part of their benefits as members of the Army, washer women were also granted one daily ration. Commonly included in the rations were salted meats, bread, flour, corn meal, and, prior to the Victorian period, whiskey (Army
10 Laundresses, 1802 1882 2008; Hammons 1983). What was included in the rations varied according to access ibility and at times would have included dry beans, coffee, brown sugar, and various household items such as pots, bedding, and soap (Army Laundresses, 1802 1882 2008). were t wages at the pay table and before any other debt was settled (War Department 1863 ). The amount was determined by the Council of Administration a nd also varied over time. In 1845 at Fort Scott, Kansas, laundresses were paid 50 cents per month per soldier, with extra costs incurred for additional work such as mending or alterations (see Figure 1) (Williamson 1983:8). Twenty years later at Fort Bois e, ID, laundresses had gained a large pay increase, with enlisted men charged $2.00 per month for laundry and officers $5.00 per month (Army Laundresses, 1802 1882 2008). Based on these numbers and the amount of work most laundresses would have been requir ed to perform, each woman would have been able to make upwards of $40 a month (Porter 2012). Considering that $32 a month was deemed the necessary doing fairly well fo r themselve s (Deutsch 2000:79). In contrast to the enlisted men, o fficers were individually respo nsible for paying the laundress, which sometimes resulted in conflicts between the laundresses and officers (see Appendix B).
11 FIGURE 1 : 1845 Council of A dministration Laundry Price List (Williamson 1983:6) Even so, laundry itself was tedious work ( see Figure 2 ). One complete load of laundry (wash, boil, and rinse) required the use of almost 50 gallons of water. In almost all instances, this water was personally hauled by washer women from the nearest water source such as a well, river, or water barrels on hand. On posts such as Fort Massachusetts in which the location of the laundress quarters was so near to the Ute Creek, this would not have been too terrible during go od weather. Unfortunately, weather in the mountains of the San Luis Valley is rarely fair but either magnificently hot
12 or bitter cold and snowy. This meant that in the summer, laundresses would be forced to stand over a cook fire in already sweltering heat In the winter, this meant trudging through the snow in freezing temperatures to break the ice covering the creek with an ax. In addition to the physical labor involved in hauling water and scrubbing wash, there were health related issues as well. Soaps u sed for the wash were generally made using lye ( see Figure 3) a potentially caustic and dangerous material and laundresses could have their arms in heavy tubs of soapy water for hours on end. Making a Profitable Monday 1. Make various piles of your soil ed things: delicates, whites, bright colors, heavy things and very badly soiled wash in this order. 2. You should have two large tubs to wash in as well as a boiler or kettle for hot water. If you need to haul your water, start your fire early and use the l argest kettle available for heating water. Your washboard and soap as well as a pail and ladle for the hot water should be close at hand. 3. Use mildly warm water for delicates and avoid the use of the washboard. Press soapy water gently through clothes then Give them a good shake and hang to dry. 4. White things need hotter water. Put the clothes in first. Now rub the board with soap and wash each item on the board. Add more hot water as the clothes sit and soak. Check for stains or spots. Put the clothes in your in a basket or on a blanket to drain and proceed to do the same with the other piles. 5. To rinse, you must empty your first tub and refill it with mildl y warm water. Take the draining clothes and rinse in the same order you washed. You may use a stick or ladle to stir the clothes. If the wind is strong, leave your clothes in the rinse water until conditions improve. 6. Have a stiff pole set in the ground around which you can loop each thing to wring it. Shake the things out and stretch them to their original shape. 7. Hang clothes securely and in a manner that does not distort their shape. FIGURE 2 : Laundry Instructions from Ca mp of Instruction, Fort Laramie (Williamson 1982:17)
13 The quarters assigned to laundresses are further indication of the endorsement of popular Victorian ideology during the 19 th century. As a way of preventing unwanted relations between the m en and washer women, the laundresses were typically given quarters and/or work areas that were spatially circumscribed from than tents, huts, or shanties (Thomas and Marjenin 2010:2). On some posts, including Fort Massachusetts, Fort Garland, and Fort Laramie among others, the laundress quarters were more substantial, permanent structures constructed from wood or adobe. Althoug h these quarters may have appeared superficially to be more lavish than a tent or shanty, conditions in the Homemade Soap Recipe To make 9 pounds of pure, hard, smooth soap suitable for toilet, laundry or soap flakes, follow this simple recipe: 1 can lye 2 pints cold water 6 pounds clean fat (tallow or lard or some combination of tallow and lard) *Note 6 pounds of fat is about 6 pints or 13 standard cups of liquid fat Dissolve lye in water (never use an aluminum container). Stir until dissolved and let cool to correct temperature. Melt fat to clear liquid and let cool gradually to correct temperatur e or until the fat offers resistance to the spoon. Stir from time to time to prevent the crystals of fat reforming. Pour the lye solution into the fat in a thin, steady stream with slow, even stirring. (Rapid addition of lye solution or hard stirring is li able to cause a separation. A honey like texture is formed which in about 10 or 20 minutes becomes thick with all the lye incorporated into the fat. Pour this mixture into a wooden box that has been
14 soaked in water and lined with clean cotton cloth dipped in water and wrung nearly dry. Place in a protecting pan. Cover with a board or cardboard then with a rug or blanket to retain the heat while it is texturing out. Let it remain undisturbed for 24 hours then cut and lift from mold. To remove the soap from the mold, lift it by the ends of the overhanging cotton lining. Cut into bars by wrapping the soap once with a fine wire or string, crossing ends and pulling. Place soap so air can reach it, but avoid drafts and cold. Soap protected from drafts and cold l athers better. In 10 to 14 days it is ready for use. Aging improves soap. *Note do not let soap freeze during the first two weeks. FIGURE 3 : Soap Recipe (Williamson 1983:3) Despite what may have been considered horrendous conditions even at that time for some of the women who worked as laundresses, this was not necessarily unfamiliar treatment. Laundresses were working class women, frequently immigrants, and commonly illiterate (yet another reason for the dearth of historical documentation). As a res ult of the Great Potato Famine in Ireland during the 19 th century, laundresses were increasingly underprivileged Irish women who came to the United States for an opportunity to improve their way of life (Hammons 1983). These were poor women who most likely were accustomed to hard work both in Ireland and here in the U.S. They were willing to tolerate substandard living quarters because it was free, as was their food, which would have allowed them to accrue and save much of their wages (Thomas and Marjenin 2 010; Wood 2002). This low social status, however, meant that they had to endure far more than shoddy housing. It was popular knowledge that the upper class coarse and of l ow morals (Williamson 1983).
15 Military Handbook and Soldiers Manual of Information, laundresses wer e expected to from Army Headquarters prior to appointment ( Porter 2012; War Department 1863 ). ttractive, for laundresses to be married to a soldier in order to collect rations, some laundresses may have been married to enlisted men but others were not married at all (Ditmore 2006) Most would still have had some sort of connection to someone in the Army as mother, sister, or cousin. For those who were not married, it was expected that they would not involve themselves romantically with any of the enlisted men (Porter 2012). In fact, men were not to be caught loitering along Soap Sud s Row unless picking up or dropping off laundry, thus maintaining the notion of laundresses as honorable, respectable women ( Evans 1866 ; Porter 2012). Should laundresses prove themselves to be less than morally vigorous they could be court martialed for ostensibly improper behavior including fraternizing with the men, public intoxication, or foul mouthing an officer (Porter 2012). In some cases, a court martial for such behavior could ultimately result in discharge from the Army such as the account of a washer woman who was court martialed for allegedly foul mouthing an officer and ordered to be discharged from her regiment until that same officer overtur ned the sentence (Porter 2012). Similarly, a rchives from Fort Laramie include a
16 letter pertaining to the behavior of a laundress named Martha Kelly. She was relieved of duty from Company G of the 4 th sayi ng that she would be damned if she would do any more [sic] wa shing for the Company Commander Powell 1874 ). A similar anecdote recounts the story of a naughty Army laundress by the name of Mrs. Simpson who was reported to her superiors for being publicly drunk and disorderly as well as for having a soldier in her quarters (Army Laundresses, 1802 1882 2008). It is evident from the above that Army laundresses were socially and culturally restricted by the pedantic Victorian ideologies of acceptable feminine behavior. It is further obvious from the above, that at least some of these women resisted the restrictions placed upon them by the Army and society at large. In addition to historical documentation and personal anecdotes, evidence for subversion can be f ound in the archaeological record. Preliminary excavations conducted at Fort Massachusetts have produced evidence for alcohol consumption via fragments of alcohol related containers such as champagne bottles as well as evidence for other restricted behavio rs in the form of tobacco pipes all of which have been collected from laundress row Complementary evidence appears in assemblages collected during previous ly completed excavations at Fort Garland and Fort Smith In order to gain a more complete underst anding of the behaviors of women in the past, a comprehensive study into the preponderance of alcohol consumption among the laundresses of frontier forts and its association to self identity and agency vis vis Victorian ideologies is proposed. As part of this evaluation, the study will draw on data
17 collected from not only the laundress quarters, but from areas understood as laundress work stations. The study asks: how can the presence of alcohol related containers in consumption and its reflection on self identity in terms of Victorian feminine ideals? Answering this question will utilize data from the ongoing excavations at Fort Massachusetts as well as comparative data from previously collected assemblages from Fort Garland and Fort Smith The behaviors of these women revealed by the objects they left behind will demonstrate that the realities of these womanhood.
18 CHAPTER II THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE Theories of identity are typically divided into two categories: the aptly termed identity and social identity. These theories are related to one another in their interest in the association of social structures with identity form major theoretical emphasis on a multi faceted and dynamic self that mediates the Although these two perspectives share in basic tenets, they can be differentiated according to level of analysis, functionality of group behavior, the relationship between roles and groups, and the implications of social context and identity (Hog et al. 1995). In general, identity theory focuses on the individ ual level with a concentration on individual behavior. Social identity theory works on the group level to identify group processes and intergroup relations (Hog et al. 1995). Despite their similarities and the utility of social identity theory on the macro level, its effect is clearly lost on archaeological studies concerned with identifying the individual. Therefore, the emphasis here will be on how theories of identity can be used to identify individuality and individual behavior. Identity is a complex an d dynamic concept. Indeed, many theorists have struggled with how to define identity and identity formation. By taking a social interactionist perspective, it becomes possible to realize that these difficulties arise out of the very nature of identity; ide ntity formation is neither static nor stationary but is
19 instead a process. Identity is not inherent but is achieved dialectically engaged in identity construction and reconstruction both internally and externally by way of performance (Smith 2007). Identity is thus correspondingly imposed, and is continuously asserted and reasserted in 2009:210). In short, identity is personal and social. It is in this way that identity becomes integrally linked to theoretical perspectives of agency and these in turn become fundamental factors in conceptions of space and consumption. Indeed, it is nearly impossible to discuss one perspective without reference to another. Identity as Self It is at times taken for granted that readers will intrinsically understand what is it is notions of self identification, selfhood, selfdom, self conception, and selfness with the ecifically and of their own discrete character. In Western society, the stress is often placed on individuality in identity, but this fails to recognize the vast numbe r of contributors to an is a complicated amalgamation of past experience and social interactions.
20 Within identity there is contained any number of what may be referred to as role identities Role identities are the building blocks of identity and have been defined as definitions that people apply to themselves as a consequence of the structural role positions they occupy, and through a process of labe ling or self definition as a many role identities as they have roles in society. For instance, a woman may be a mother, daughter, sister, nurse, wife, volunteer, teache r, student, et cetera These roles provide meaning to the individual because they are definite and distinctive (Hog et al. 1995). Namely, they carry with them specific expectations and behaviors that individuals recognize and that work to distinguish them as individuals. the authors demarcate a special category of social attributes which they refer to as master statuses A master status is one that is able to override all other characteristics of the individua l and it is within these master statuses that role identities are entrenched (Hog et al. 1995). The authors include in this category gender, race, and ethnicity. These categories are deemed reflections of the social structure in which they are based but no t role identities per se s are able to impact such things as the role positions people can hold, the relative importance of their roles, and the nature of interactions with others, they are not clear on how master statuses are to be treated in identity theory.
21 s (1995) contention that master statuses do not have specific sets of behavioral expectations, certain attributes such as gender most assuredly do. that they will soo n disappear, and even if today we think of these as gender within our own society. At certain times in history such as the Victorian period, such roles would have been mor e clearly defined with the expected behaviors associated with each gender unambiguously circumscribed by the upper echelons of society Because of the linkages between some master statuses and behavioral expectations, it is perhaps more accurate to think o f master statuses as master role identities. With secondary role identities embedded within the master role, it becomes possible to appreciate how an overarching master role may come to be associated with certain behaviors and how secondary role identities may be allocated in relation to the behavioral expectations of the master role. As we try to piece together the fragments of our own identities, it is imperative not to forget that the formation of our very own identity has unavoidably involved others. In other words, even though we perceive identity as something personal and internal, identity is in truth socially constructed. Groups and individuals, family, friends, TV personalities, school teachers, complete and utter strangers all have at one time or another had an influence on our identities. Our interactions with those around us provide us with the ability to construct an identity for ourselves. We observe, we scrutinize, we absorb, and decisions are ultimately made to either accept or reject the
22 knowledge acquired from observations of interaction. While not all of what we accept or reject can be a conscious decision, human beings at all times retain the power of reflection and capability of later rejecting that which is found objectionable. This f inal statement is not without objection. The well known theorist Pierre Bourdieu popularized the notion of the habitus Habitus thought of as a collection of predispositions that all individuals come to embody and which are discrete characterizations. The characteristic qualities of habitus emanate from the unique circumstances of individual lives. By its very nature, habitus is unchangeab le and can be perceived as a structured system in and of itself that defines a required self awareness on the part of the individual. For Bourdieu, habitus becomes an unconscious and controlling factor that determine Yet, there remains a habitus According to Bourdieu (2001) habitus have not yet ). Habitus and identity theory more generally have much to do with agency and will be discussed more thoroughly later on in this chapter. The Dramaturgical Approach to Identity and Reflexive Identity What id entity appears to be, then, is the relationship we have created with ourselves as well as with others. Identity can be seen as encompassing those sets of
23 characteristics that are developed as a consequence of these relationships and which we ultimately com e to express. Unlike biological characteristics, however, we are able to choose which characteristics we wish to express and in which circumstances. It is certain condit ions. One approach to identity, referred to as the dramaturgical approach producti on ( Johnson 2012 :30). This approach emphasizes the notion that individual action and social interaction are dependent on multiple variables including time, place, and participants ( Johnson 2012 ). The dramaturgical approach offers a perspective of identit y that envisages individuals as actors engaged in a performance of self for an audience (Gardner and Avolio 1998). In this approach the self has two interrelated aspects which Goffman thought of as the performed self. It is the impression of self that the performer wishes to present to (i.e. embodied), he is clear that it does not itself arise from wit hin the individual (Goffman 1959:9). It is instead the outcome of the complete collection of events that led up to its creation and interpretation by the audience. The process of character creation is initiated when the actor stages a performance, allowing the audience to
24 The second as pect of identity, known as the performer, is a simpler conception. The performer is perhaps more closely linked to the individual self as it is commonly understood. Unlike the character, the performer has the capacity to learn just as an actor rehearsing f or a role must study lines and accompanying gestures for a performance (Goffman 1959). The performer is also capable of innovation; it is the performer who is responsible for the performance and as such becomes the aspect of the self that is responsible fo r taking cues from the audience. Goffman (1959) compares the performer to the coat rack on which coats are hung but for a time. The coats are the characters whose origins are outside the coat rack but which the coat rack is intended to hold on to for a per iod of time and without which the coat rack would serve little purpose. Dramaturgy, with its approach to the self as a performer, includes the notion of impression management (Gardner and Avolio 1998; Goffman 1959). Impression he goal directed activity of regulating information about some object or event, including the self (subsuming the concept of self presentation), Impression management, then, is a conscious effort m ade on the part of the performer to control information about the self and identity that may be revealed to an audience This is comparable to an actor performing a role on stage who needs must persist as the character, revealing aspects of the character o nly as they are scripted. The performer is at all times
25 concerned with preserving the impression that has been granted and ensuring that it is truly convincing to the audience (Goffman 1959). To be clear, the dramaturgical approach does not suggest that a ll individuals are deliberately deceitful in their public performances or by use of impression management. Tselon ch can be interpreted as relating the difference between self conscious and unself conscious behaviors ( Tselon 1992). There are times that individuals may behave without planning or premeditation and are in fact unaware of any intentional performance on t heir own behalf. On the other hand, there are instances that individuals are completely cognizant of their behaviors and will attempt to mediate conduct in particular situations or while in the presence of particular individuals. The various characters tha t an individual may play typified by these characterizations. In a character performance, there are two phases both of which require a certain amount of control on the part of the actor presented to the a udience (Goffman 1959). Access to both of these areas is restricted by the actor in order to control what is seen and by whom. It would not be well for the actor to expose what occurs backstage just as the actor must control the stage so that outsiders are not enlisted as members of the audience (Goffman 1959).
26 Disruptions are possible during any phase of the performance. These arise in the form of unintended gestures, faux pas, or gaffes which may contradict the intention of the performance (Goffman 1959) Performers as well as audience members will often attempt to prevent and/or mediate disruptions as a sign of solidarity. If, however, the performer is perceived as giving a false impression, the ramifications will be felt on a number of levels. On the so cial interaction level, dialogue (defined as the interaction between 2 groups) may come to a halt, positions may become unstable, and the social interaction becomes disorganized (Goffman 1959). On the level of the social structure, the disruption may lead to the erosion of the individual/groups reputation (Goffman 1959). On a personal level, the ego of the individual may be wounded followed by a vacillation of their self conception and the validity of the character may be questioned (Goffman 1959). Use of the dramaturgical approach requires a familiarity with the cultural environment of the individuals under study, as well as knowledge of the phases of the (2). Descriptions of dramaturgy should include techniques of impression management employed, chief issues of impression management, and the character and interrelationships of performers or groups of performers involved (Goffman 1959). From this, it becom es necessary to acknowledge Army laundresses as members of Victorian society who attempt to manage an impression of a morally bound woman while still engaging in activities that would be disparate from those expected from Victorian ideology How these women might have accomplished such a feat and with whom as
27 accomplices are also necessary for an understanding of identity using a dramaturgical approach. There also exists the notion of an identity outside of the public one that assists in id entity formation before any sort of engagement with the outside world. Reflexive identity contains elements of self awareness or self and r efers to the ways in which individuals make use of material objects outside of the understood as the ways in which an individual chooses to fortify their own private perception of personal identity through the consumption of material culture. Reflexive identity is related to the dramaturgical approach in its observance of specific place s and times that certain behaviors are reenacted. Reflexive identity focuses on the self and individual self awareness, however, while the dramaturgical approach goes further in its attempt to express the social undercurrents of identity. The notion of re flexive identity was developed by Smith (2007) as a means of understanding objects not meant to be seen by the public eye. In her article, she includes such objects as pharmaceuticals, underwear, tattoos, and certain hygiene products. Smith (2007) states: formation is limited to the intensely private sphere where those goods are utilized away investigation and believes th at material culture gathered within the home is the most
28 forthright in its ability to express the subtleties of personal identity (Smith 2007). and decision making abili ty. The relevance of such approaches to the study of alcohol consumption cannot be overstated. For Victorian women, alcohol consumption would have been something that was presumably meant to be concealed from prying eyes. Laundresses who had a penchant fo r inebriants would obviously not have wanted to be caught imbibing by those in positions of power over them such as officers or their wives. Any alcohol consumption on their part would have had to have been concealed, and thus would have required the women to portray a disparate character when in the presence of particular audiences. Maintaining this character through impression management would have required that washer women persuasively present a character who did not partake in consumption of inebriants and who was an upstanding, moral Victorian woman. The utility and intersectionality of reflexive identity along with concepts of performance in the interpretation of identity via material culture is further illustrated by he development of a reflexive identity and the self through the manipulation of material goods constitutes a performance whose effects remains of these women as prese rved in the archaeological record, it is identity that is being assessed. For this reason, knowledge of when and where these women chose to engage in such socially deviant behaviors as alcohol consumption, as well as with whom
29 they may have chosen to do so is invaluable to interpretations of their perception of self. Identity and Space formatio n, conceptions of space, how space is managed, and what objects are utilized within those spaces can convey impressions of individual identity. Moreover, delineations in the use of space are reflections of social structure and can be used to determine the social construction of societal divisions and hierarchies (Hill 1998). Space is frequently divided into sets of opposing arenas such as public versus private space. Many have argued against the widespread interpretation of space as binary oppositions (Hill 1998), but in considerations of Victorian identity it is perhaps most appropriate to do so. As has been seen, the Victorians themselves distinguished between two gendered spheres that can most easily be defined as public (i.e. masculine) space and privat e (i.e. feminine) space. Each of these spaces is directly associated with expectations for proper behaviors and accurate role portrayal for those acting in these arenas. Inasmuch as this is true, space can be observed as the field where gender norms and/ or roles are negotiated (Hill 1998). As follows, there appears to exist differential identities according to public/masculine versus private/feminine space, especially in terms of Victorian ideologies of space and gender. Using dramaturgical terminology, private and public
30 identities are associated with distinct roles, characters, and performances. Bordo (1993) our daily lives, our bodies are trained, shaped, and impress ed with the stamp of Individuals gain knowledge of polite behavior within the social structure through their ability to appropriately navigate between spaces. The househol d level is exceptionally useful in archaeological explorations and interpretations of s of human interaction that is a manageable size for b oth the individual who lives in an identifiably circumscribed space and for the researcher who wishes to evaluate behavior 2007:413). Post laundresses of the Victorian period had living spaces that were most often intentionally circumscribed at a distance away from the enlisted men. Whether or not the women had spe cifically designated structures for accommodations or they were spatially secluded and allow for at least marginally restricted access. At Fort Massachusetts, for example, t he laundress quarters are located away from the parade ground on the eastern side of the fort. The buildings designated for the laundresses are Officers did not want the enlisted men to consort with the laundresses, and by restricting their accessibility it was anticipated that any unseemly fraternization would be prevented.
31 Because of the spatial conscription of the laundress quarters, defining these as recognizably the women was supposed to be morally encouraging for the men, these areas would have been maintained as private spaces meant to safely house the women at a distance from the men. In these areas, the women would have presumably been protected from observation by any man in his quarters or anyone drilling on the parade ground, soldiers in their own company, a nd would have made it easier to conceal certain behaviors from their superiors. The clearly demarcated areas of the fort would have enabled the women enlisted as laundresses to more successfully navigate between the backstage and the stage, the private an d public space, as well as to more efficaciously manage character performance and audience. Identity and Gender Gender is a social construct that varies culturally and historically. In Western culture, we tend to associate gender with biological sex, although this is not always the case. Thanks to a heightened awareness of gender constructs as a result of feminist movements, our understanding of gender in the 21 st century is decidedly less constrained than it would have been during the Victorian era. Y et, even in the Victorian period there is evidence of gender transgression in stories of women enlisting as soldiers and of men enlisti ng as washer women (see Figure 4 ). Such tales demonstrate the power of gender and how its perception can be obscured by i ndividuals acting
3 2 within a given society. Individual identity is substantially impacted by gender and is also affected by the ways in which gender may be personally defined within a cultural context. Understanding how gender was perceived and expressed acc ordingly is necessary in order to identify the meaning behind behaviors that may or may not conform to gender norms. Utilizing a gendered perspective in archaeological research not only assists in broadening the comprehension of gender constructs but advan ces knowledge of how individuals in the past have been able to negotiate gender on their own terms. Albeit that there is a strong correlation between cultural conceptions of gender and biological sex, gender and sex are not interchangeable terms. Gender i s the set of attributes and behaviors that society has assigned to individuals based on the appearance of biological sex characteristics along with or in isolation from commonly recognized as a biological category defined by the physical appearance of the sex organs and/or chromosomal composition (although even this has recently been disputed) Integral to the delineat ion of gender and sex is the comprehension that if gender is a cultural construct, then it is neither universal nor immutable. Gender expectations are not the same across cultures or most noteworthy here for its impact on archaeological research across time. So, despite the residual influences that the Cult of Domesticity may have in modern cultural definitions of so as definitively demarcated as it would have been during the Victoria n period.
33 Early on in academic archaeology, gender was rarely a topic of interest. Prior to investigators. A gendered perspective takes into consideration the lack of conce rn for women as subjects in the past an d works to instead acknowledge the value of both the maneuverability of gendered social constraints. Integral to contemporary theories of gender and identity is the evaluation of gender bias. Archaeology, as stated by Conkey speak biased, objective interpretations of material culture. In theories of gender and identity, is imbued with the values of the researcher. Accordingly, objectivity should be conceptualized as the ability to define and account for potential bias. As such it is necessary to acknowledge that people are people throughout history, and do not always behave according to expectations. It is also important to remember that it is difficult and nigh on impossible to generalize based on individual case s. Agency In its most rudimentary form, agency refers to the human ability to act. It is in this way that agency can be seen as fundamentally associated with concepts of identity.
34 Still, theories of agency are not identical to concepts of identity (i.e. agency does not equal identity). In agency theory, the actor or agent may be equated with the individual, but agency goes beyond the individual level to include social structure as a defining factor. In fact, structure is an inherent aspect of agency and it is impossible to separate agency from notions of structuration. As structure can be perceived as partly controlling the social environment to which individuals are exposed and which absolutely influences individual identity, it becomes possible to ident ify structure as a critical component in the decision making process. The establishment of agency theory has thus inevitably ways in which human actions are constrained, enabled, constructed, and manifest T he relationship between agency and structure is dialecti cal (Dornan 2002). That is to say, human action is both structured and structuring; it is structured by the social system in which it is reenacted and also helps to structure that system through social familiar that they become normalized and may appear customary (Dornan 2002:308). Just so, structure can be seen to subsist through the repeated action of structurally situated agents. Inequalities such as social class un pretentiously persist within the structure that allow for differing perceptions of the quality of the system. Thus, individual agents residing within the structure do not have admittance to the same sorts n within the structure dictates
35 behavior correspondingly, with any behavioral modifications potentially initiating structural change. The Story of Mrs. Nash Mrs. Nash was perhaps the oddest of the lot. She was a laundress at different forts, from Kentuc ky to Montana. She followed the 7th Cavalry, having joined it in Kentucky. She was an industrious, hard working laundress who baked pies and tailored uniforms for extra money. She always managed to save money. In addition, her skills as a midwife were in high demand. Like many of the laundresses, she was married, not once but multiple times. At some point, Mrs. Nash told Elizabeth Custer that her first husband, an enlisted man, had left her and taken all her money. Without benefit of divorce, Mrs. Nash then married another soldier and accompanied the 7th Cavalry to the Dakotas. Her second husband turned out to be no better than the first, and also left her, taking all of the money. She then attracted the eye of Captain Tom Custer's striker. By 1878, Mrs. Nash had yet a fourth husband. While he was out on campaign, Mrs. Nash grew ill. As death drew near, Mrs. Nash asked her fellow laundresses to simply see that she was buried. They were not to prepare the body in any way. The Fort Meade laundresses did not follow her last request. Much to their shock and suprise, they discovered Mrs. Nash's secret when they began to undress and wash her body in preparation for a funeral. Mrs. Nash was not a she, as everyo ne assumed. Mrs. Nash was a he. FIGURE 4 : The story of Mrs. Nash (Army Laundresses, 1802 1882 2008) Early theories concerning human behavior had a decidedly deterministic skew. Bourdieu one of the forefathers of agency theory may not have perceived of human action as deliberate or intention al The somewhat convoluted idea of habitus was intuitively shaped by unconscious predispositions. Habitus arises experience of diverging social conditio ns according to socioeconomic status and influences how individuals are likely to behave within their knowledge of structured
36 social norms. Habitus is like the invisib le hand that moves human action. As such, habitus ma y be seen as lacking the potential for awareness or innovation, and then so too wou l d agency. In constructing concepts of habitus identity and agency appear to be without any sort of intentionality and individual motivation becomes an express result of environmental stimuli (Dornan 2002). As such, social change may only progress when habitus Giddens did not agree with the above interpretation that human action is predetermined. Instead, Giddens saw social action as mutable and accepted individu al originality and inventiveness as a function of this quality (Dornan 2002). Individuals act discursive, but not unconscious, ocial institutions or structure s are developed out of repeated and ongoing social interaction allowing for change over time as relationships are likewise altered over time (Dornan 2002). Agency appears here to be based on the idea of an implicit knowledge that is unconscious. While many actions may emerge unconsciously, for Giddens the individual nd meaning of Recent work in agency theory has generally attempted to distance itself from the idea that humans are simple creatures who act according to external stimuli. Social theorists now disp
37 humans do not sim ply react to their environment but consciously act and participate in the construct ion of their own social reality. Agency must inevitably include human innovation as well as the ability to consciously choose to participate in the reification of the established social st ructure (Joyce and Lopiparo 2005 ). Consumption Theories of identity and agency are central to consumption processes. Consumption necessarily involves the search for, acquisition and possession of material goods, as well as their disposal (Hogg and Michell 1996). Because of the active involvement requir ed in the decision to seek out and procure certain goods, consumption is an expression of individual agency. Consumption, however, involves more than simply the agentive decision to consume. Consumption can be understood as a social process in which materi al objects obtained for consumption are imbued with meaning by the agent/consumer and at the same time impose their meaning onto the consumer (Purser 1992; Reimer and Leslie 2004 ). Individual consumers relate to material objects in different and complex wa ys, allowing for the revision and modification of the original connotation of these objects as they are attained and become inte grated into personal lives (Reim er and Leslie 2004). Consequently, the consumption of goods can be seen to operate in the produc tion and reproduction of individual identity. Therefore, in a consumer driven society, individual identity and its construction can be seen to depend at least in part on the choices we make as consumers (Reimer
38 2004). According to Smith (2007), it is thro ugh the use of material culture that 2007:414). Material objects thus become a part of the personification process by way of their consumption. Approaches to consumption in archaeology have tended to 011:134). In this way, ideologies of consumption are able to incorporate acts of individual agency and imbue them with symbolic meaning (Mullins 2011). Consumption is subsequently better expressed as a we are and who we wish to ho they are and who they wish to be. Alcohol Consumption as Consumption Archaeology has been fascinated with alcohol consumption as a cultural construct for decades. The significance of alcohol in archaeology is demonstrated in an interesting anthropology article published by William B. Butler in 1976. In this article, Butler proposes that archaeologists were more productive before and after the American Prohibition than they were during that specific period of anti alcohol. While (i.e.
39 is certainly not a viable one, Butler does succeed in his intention to demonstrate the importance of alcohol to archaeologists a nd archaeology more generally. It is for this reason among others that alcohol has been called one of the most culturally important substances known to humankind. That is to say that of all of the substances consumed by humankind in order to achieve a body sensation response, alcohol may have the greatest impact (Mandelbaum 1965). Accordingly, alcohol consumption has served many symbolic functions throughout time. Indeed, anywhere and anytime alcohol has been available within a society, its consumption has been circumscribed in some fashion or another (Mandelbaum 1965). Consumption of alcohol has commonly been stringently controlled regarding time and location of appropriate use as well as regarding which individuals may be involved in alcohol consumption, and in what quantities it is deemed acceptable to consume. Hence, the ways in which alcohol consumption is prescribed in a culture is a symbolic representation of its importance within that culture. In light of this, Mandelbaum (1965) fittingly refers to a Drinking patterns function in the delineation of social contexts by identifying boundaries of group identity including the constraint s and limitations of gender performance as in the Victorian ideologies that restricted alcohol consumption to men ( Johnson 2012 ). Alcohol use and abuse during the Victorian period was often associated with the underprivileged. Popular culture presumed tha t p overty gave rise to alcohol
40 consumption and would ultimately lead to the degradation of society if not strictly controlled (Purser 1992). The association of alcohol abuse with poverty and degradation was most likely the reason that elites were more like ly to consume alcohol in the privacy of their own homes rather than in public (Smith 2008). It is also likely a contributing based medicines. The desire of the middle and upper classes to maintain the faade of abstinence among the m served as an indicator of their social status, and assisted in demarcating them from the impoverished, deviant lower classes. It has been argued by some that the varied prevalence of alcohol consumption within a social hierarchy c an be directly associated with structural strictures of selection selection and exclusion the more might we expect its abuse to appear among the ranks the excluded here referring to the lower classes (75). By being excluded from the higher social ranks with their tolerance for only minimal alcohol consumption, and by the upper classes tendency for prejudicially categorizing the lower classes as social d eviants and alcoholics, the lower classes were more likely to participate in such behavior as was trying to be prevented. The perspective promoted by Smith (2008) could in some ways account for the appearance of alcohol related containers among the laundre ss quarters. However, since this thesis does not incorporate assemblages collected from any of the male dominated areas of the fort, this perspective would best be incorporated into future comparative studies.
41 Another related but somewhat differing perspec tive suggests that alcohol consumption is linked to social anxiety. This perspective argues that the chief objective behind alcohol and alcohol consumption is the alleviation of social anxiety (Horton levels of insecurity contribute to high levels of alcoh ol consumption. Because the lower working classes lived an existence full of unknown future consequences in relation to uncertain financial circumstances, it is more likely that individuals of that social class would have partaken in alcohol consumption. M oreover, it is likely in places such as the frontier that individuals of all social classes would have consumed alcohol at a higher rate due to the difficulty and uncertainty of their surroundings. Identity and Agency in Perspective In the earlier discu ssion of agency, habitus appears quite similar to concepts of habitus identity interacts with agency as a framework; it is identity that helps to frame human action. Identity is similar to habitus in its origins as a consequ ence of past experiences. Identity is highly influenced by social structure and of social structures in the same way as habitus be havior, performance, and individual action in the same way as habitus but, as previously discussed, identity is neither static nor unchanging but is plastic. Agency is equally so. Identity and agency react to one another just as both do with structure and
42 social interaction; they are all interconnected and operate dialectically. For example, identity may react to special circumstances as an effect of a burgeoning social stricture. The individual agent may modify behavior to accommodate these strictures whi ch will in turn lead to structural modifications. Interpreting the intersectionality of identity, agency, and structure becomes an instrumental part of understanding all of the elements that may have gone into the behaviors and actions of Army laundresses. examination of the relationship of goods, material culture, and identity as essential and interdependent components of social behavior can thus enable us to show how (Smith 2007). It is for these reasons that any archaeological investigation of identity must consider agency as well as structure as processes affecting behavior.
43 CHAPTER III RESEARCH AREA Forts examined for the current study were chosen based on their spatial and temporal relationships to one another as well as the presence of permanent structures designated for use as laundress quarters. While laundresses at many military encampments in the United States were forced to live in tents or shanties o n the outskirts of the post, the forts selected here allow for the identification of specific structures and work areas specific to the washer women. Army regulations stipulated that visitors were not allowed to fraternize among the laundresses at Soap Sud s Row unless dropping off or picking up laundry, thus making it possible to recognize these as excavations at the laundress quarters at Fort Massachusetts and from previou s excavations conducted at Fort Garland will be compared to available data from other frontier forts according to prevalence and type. As a caveat, it must be mentioned that archaeological data with respect to excavations conducted at post laundress quart ers is increasingly difficult to obtain. were not as rigorous as they are today. Early techniques including the use of heavy machinery led to the destruction of many sites as well as the loss of a great deal of useful information. hen researching archaeological data relating to post laundresses, it is equally as likely that there were no attempts to excavate the laundress
44 quarters at all The male prejudice tha t governed the field of archaeology during the mid 20 th century prevented men from perceiving the lives of these women as deserving of investigation. While the lack of data is frustrating, it is somewhat of a blessing in disguise that at least some of the laundress areas were saved from permanent structural damage. While some of the frontier era forts used in this study were undeniably victims of these destructive techniques, there is little evidence that the laundress areas specifically were compromised. The main research areas are located in what is now southern Colorado. Although it is commonly referred to as the first permanent American military settlement in Colorado, Fort Massachusetts was still a part of New Mexico during the time of it s occupation. As the main research area, Fort Massachusetts is closely related to one other site under consideration in that it was in use for but a brief period of time before the entire post was relocated and renamed Fort Garland (Goddard 2011). Many of the inhabitant s of Fort Massachusetts were also reassigned to Fort Garland at that time and are likely to have maintained similar habits. In contrast to Fort Massachusetts, the site of Fort Garland was occupied for a much more extensive period of time and is far more ar tifactually rich. The supplementary sites researched for comparative purposes are not as closely related as these but are all Victorian era frontier forts whose residents would have been subject to the same social constrictions and obligations as those at Fort Massachusetts and Fort Garland.
45 Fort Massachusetts Fort Massachusetts was located at an elevation of approximately 8000 feet above sea level in the mountains of the San Luis Valley in what is now Colorado The fort was built on a flood plain along the Utah Creek on lands that were once controlled by the Ute and Apache tribes (Taylor 1968). The position of Fort Massachusetts within the acquisitions in the west f rom the native tribes (Taylor 1968). This isolated location was also likely chosen because of its topography which bore a remarkable resemblance to the familiar wooded landscapes of the eastern United States (Goddard 2011). Despite what must have appeared to be a comfortable and semi strategic location, the construction of Fort Massachusetts on a flood plain at high desert climates far removed from civilization proved inauspicious. The fort was just briefly occupied from 1852 1858 before the Army relocated its post to Fort Garland (Taylor 1968). A visitor to the fort once described it as "a well built stockade of pine logs, ten feet in height, and enclosing very comfortable quarters for one hundred and fifty men" (San Luis Valley Museum Association, 2011). Fort Massachusetts had quarters for 150 men as well as rooms set aside for 8 laundresses but it is unlikely that these rooms were occupi ed to capacity at any given time (in 1854, the fort housed 81 men) (Quillen 2000) These rooms were positioned on the ea stern most side of the fort on the far side of the conveniently positioned within close proximity to the creek which was the sole water source. There is artifactual evidenc e that points to laundry being performed near the
46 have been performed in the pathway between the laundress and soldiers quarters. It is possible that the laundresses d id their laundry by the creek during the summer but took the time to haul water to a warmer spot sheltered from the wind during the colder months. The site of the Fort Massachusetts was razed by fire in the early 20 th century, and its precise location was buildings remaining from the time of occupation provided no exact locality of the fort and additiona lly lacked a scale (see Figure 5 ) (Goddard 2011). Early excavations aeologist Galin Baker were able to successfully relocate 2012 field season under the direction of Dr. Richard Goddard that an accurate scale of the fort could be calculated. This has provided an understanding of the size of the rooms, buildings, and outbuildings in relationship to one another. Unfortunately, the methods utilized b y Baker and his students included many that are no longer considered acceptable in the field of archaeology (i.e. the use of a bulldozer) and much of the site suffered irreparable damage (Goddard 2011). Portions of the south wall, the smithy, and the drag most damage. The surviving write ups do not mention the laundress quarters. This may be due to the fact ng on the landscape was skewed.
47 Excavations have provided very little evidence for the presence of Baker and his archaeologists at the laundress quarters and the living floors of many of the other buildings that have been exposed appear to be intact. FIGURE 5 : Nineteenth Ce ntury Map of Fort Massachusetts (Goddard 2011)
48 Fort Garland By the time the Army relocated Fort Massachusetts to Fort Garland, they had at least learned from their prior mistakes. Fort Garland (1858 1883) was located on a much lower elevation roughly 6 miles to the south of Fort Massachusetts. Wisely, the builders chose to use local technologies such as adobe instead of lumber that were far better adapted for the Southwest climate. They wasted no time chopping down trees for a barricade either, and instead relied on the openness of the landscape and some minor forti fications of buildings as protection. However, after the Utes killed agent Nathan Meeker and his employees at the White River Agency in 1879 the garrison at Fort Garland was considerably enlarged (San Luis Valley Museum Association 2011). With its position in the lower San Luis Valley, Fort Garland was intended to continue to serve as a base of operations against seemingly impending native resistance as well as to monitor the movements of incoming settlers ( Weiss 2008 ). The fort could hold a garrison of upw ards of 100 men in addition to laundresses to do their wash (see Figure 6) Fort Garland is most famous for having been 9th cavalry. The buildings in which these individua ls would have lived were rectangular, one story structures fully equipped with running water a surprising innovation for the time (Weis 2008). At Fort Garland, laundresses had four rooms set aside as their quarters as well as separate buildings that were made available for washing laundry ( Weiss 2008 ). Six of the original buildings are still standing and are presently part of the Fort Garland Museum.
49 Fort Garland shares with Fort Massachusetts in that early excavations left behind little documentation of the work done there, although it does appear that the laundress quarters were previously excavated ( Weiss 2008 ). Recent excavations were conducted at these and other remaining buildings from 2003 2008 as part of a field school project. A study based on ass emblages from the laundress quarters was published in 2008 and includes a description of alcohol related containers found there ( Weiss 2008 ). FIGURE 6 : Plan of Fort Garland, 1887 ( Weiss 2008 )
50 Fort Smith Fort Smith (1817 1896) is located in Arkansas along the Arkansas River near the eastern border of Oklahoma and is actually the location of two historic forts. The first Fort Smith was occupied from 1817 1824 but was regarrisoned in 1831 by Lieutenant Gabriel Rains (Coleman 1990). While never complete ly abandoned, it was not until 1838 that Congress authorized the reconstruction of the fort near its original location on Belle Point (Coleman 1990). The second Fort Smith was formally garrisoned in 1846 and functioned as a supply depot for the military fo r the next 25 years of its habitation (Coleman 1990). Fort Smith was used to provision military units on their way to the Rio Grande and to provide supplies for frontier posts in native territories (Coleman 1990). Although some buildings on post were erec ted using stone resources, Fort Smith 3 feet construction would ultimately lead to rot and the overal l dilapidation of many buildings throughout the life of the fort. Still, the fort continued to house some 200 men in two barracks one wood, one stone. The laundresses did not have their own quarters until sometime between 1857 and 1870. In 1857, there wa s no housing for laundresses, but five structures south of the Quartermaster (see Figure 7 ) (Coleman 1990). Initial excavations at Fort Smith began in 1958 at the site of the first Fort Smith. These prior investigations included some periodic explorations of the second site, but nothing so concentrated was performed at the first (Coleman 1990). Areas of the
51 seco nd site were excavated in 1985 1988 as part of project intended to preserve the archaeological record from an impending pedestrian trail at Fort Smith Historic Site. These excavations specifically set out to determine the location and orientation of Laundr ess Row as well as to consider the living conditions which the laundresses would have been subjected to (Coleman 1990). By way of these investigations, the locality and function of Laundress Row were able to be established (Coleman 1990). FIGURE 7 : Map of Fort Smith, 1870 (Coleman 1990)
52 Additional Forts Many other archaeological projects at fort sites were considered for potential artifactual data from laundress quarters. Of these, the following had no data pertaining to archaeological excavations co nducted at laundress quarters: Fort Atkinson, NE; Fort Ellsworth, KS; Fort Griffin, TX; Fort Harker, KS; Fort Lancaster, TX; Fort Laramie, WY; Fort Larned, KS; Fort Leavenworth, KS; Fort McKavett, TX; Fort Selden, NM; and Fort Union, NM. The state archaeol ogist for Kansas was contacted and kindly provided access to the One archaeological project was found to have excavated laundress quarters (Fort Dodge), but the glass assemblage recorded lacked relevant data regarding form and function. The Texas Historical Commission Sites Supervisor was also contacted and was unable to provide any evidence that archaeological excavations were performed at any fort site in the state of Texas whatsoever. The Mercyhurst Archaeological Instit ute was additionally contacted for information obtained during excavations at the laundress quarters at Cantonment Burgwin. Unfortunately, the condition of Cantonment Burgwin is similar to that of Fort Unlike Fort Massachusetts, the laundress quarters at Cantonment Burg win were affected. Recent excavations used more diligent methods, but produced few artifacts relevant to the current study. Of the 69 bottle glass sherds, only 1 olive green kick up
53 base indicative of a wine or champagne bottle was collected ( Judith Thomas personal communication 2013)
54 CHAPTER IV METHODOLOGY Alongside the archaeological data provided from excavations h istorical archaeology is fortunate in that there is a written record from which to glean a historical perspective from those that actua lly lived at that time. Such historical documentation as published documents, regulations manuals, letters, and diaries can provide a wealth of information to archaeologists but are often biased. For instance, very little historical documentation is left t soldiers, women, and children who lived on 19 th century military forts including the laundresses. This distorted perspective focuses instead on the popular ideologies of the upper and middle classes of the Victorian era. Consequently, it is often the archaeological record that stands as a check on the subje ctivity of the documented past. It is anticipated that throu gh the collection and objective interpretation of (Praetzellis and Praetzellis 2001:645). When used in conjunction, the historical and archaeological data are able to present the past more inclusively so as to embrace rly ignored. It is because of
55 explore alcohol related themes and the modern processes that have dictated patterns D ocumentary evidence was collected with the intention of understanding the individual lives of Army washer women and the restrictions through which they were forced to maneuver. This evidence was then used to develop comparisons with material evidence for a lcohol consumption extracted from accumulated assemblages from frontier forts. Alcohol related containers and other associated objects were collected and analyzed from the laundress quarters and work areas in order to gain a comprehensive understanding of alcohol consumption among these women at the sites. This artifactual evidence from these sites was qualitatively evaluated in order to discover how patterns of alcohol use among the laundresses may deviate among the different sites. Qualitative analyses in volved an examination of form, color, and decoration of alcohol related containers and associated objects. Where available, quantitative analyses of artifact distribution were included in comparative analyses. Qualitative analyses were given priority over quantitative studies predominantly because of the ability of these particular characteristics to provide a relevant background for the ideology of alcohol consumption among Army laundresses of the Victorian period. Praetzellis and Praetzellis (2001) argue that there is far more involved in artifact analysis than weights and measures; archaeological investigations necessarily go beyond simple evaluations of the technology and economics of [artifact] distribution
56 constructive, and culturally mediated outcomes here proposes a perspective that emphasizes the individual and individual behavior as a reaction to the structurally arbitrated perceptions of alcohol consumption under which working class women of the Victorian perio d acted. As such, the very presence (or absence) of alcohol related containers and associated objects are in and of themselves telling of a certain opinion and perspective of the individual laundresses in relation to alcohol consumption. A contention has is often self evident, due to the long standing and current use of glass bottles, crystal notwithstanding, the verifica tion of containers and container fragments as alcohol related was substantiated by use of the Historic Glass Bottle Identification & Information website among other sources. This website is operated and maintained by Bill Lindsey with the intended purpose of enabling users to identify bottle age and type (Lindsey 2014). The website contains vast amounts of information about glass and and is able to provide valuable data on the interpretation of glass and ceramic fragments in instances where no recognizable labels or identifying marks survived.
57 Documentary Evidence Excepting perhaps children, documentary evidence considering Army was her women may be the least accessible when compared to other groups of persons living on post during the time of their military tenure. As has been previously discussed, it is not altogether surprising that scarcely any evidence remains from laundresses as primary sources. Susie King Taylor (1902) may be the only known Army laundress to have authored a publication of any great length. Most astounding for this time period is the fact that Taylor was not only a working class woman but she was also African Ame rican. So astonishing is this that, in the introduction of her memoir, a former colonel of the 33rd U.S. Colored Infantry ple remaining that discusses Army washer women can mostly be found in military accounts Information Although unable to provide any archaeological data, Fort Laramie archives were able to provide a relative abundance of information detailing laundress es and their activities while enlisted The archives at Fort Laramie afford a glimpse into the lives of laundresses via military correspondence, personal correspondence, diary extracts, general orders, circulations, and an apparently complete roster of laundresses collected from the 1860 and 1870 ce nsus.
58 social circumstances but nonetheless continues to lend some insight into the lives of laundresses on the whole. Taylor discusses the difficulty with collecting wages f rom the U.S. Army; she was enlisted as a laundress f or 3 years and was never paid a cent (Taylor 1902). She talks of rations and daily meals of salt beef and hard tack (a type of cracker or hard biscuit) (Taylor 1902). She also demonstrates how, despite ne ver being paid, she and other laundresses were frequently used in positions other than their intended job. Laundresses were regularly called upon to clean and reload muskets for their companies, and, as a reward for their hard work, were sometimes taught t o fire the weapons. In addition to musket cleaning, laundresses also commonly served as auxiliary assistants to doctors and hospitals as nurses. Taylor speaks of her work as a nurse and details a good deal of the fighting that the men she worked with part icipated in, suggesting a sharp awareness of the dangers surrounding their position in the military. Overarching all of this is also an undeniable closeness and friendliness with which she discusses her rapport with the men. It is clear from her descriptio ns that Taylor reminiscences remain valuable because of their ability to convey so much about the everyday lives of women and men during the Civil War even if there is no mention of alcohol or alcohol consumption. The Fort Laramie archives are also a great source of information pertaining to the logistics of laundress existence on post. There are letters requesting quarters for
59 laundresses and regulations for the amount of baggage l aundresses were allowed to carry along with the troops. Medical records tell of laundresses giving birth and an outbreak of the measles. A diary entry discusses the marriage between a laundress and an enlisted man. There are orders banning men from the lau for collecting pay. Most interesting are the accounts of the aforementioned revocation sur named Egan being ordered to leave the post on May 23 rd 1872 as a result of Fort Laramie Historical Association 1866 ). These accounts function to reiterate the high standards of morality and proper behavior that Army washer women were forced to assume. Survey and Artifact Collection and Descr iption Due to the nature of the data and the condition of the site at Fort Massachusetts, archaeological surveys were not conducted on site. Surface surveys were conducted throughout the course of excavations, though not much relevant data could be applie d to the current study. The surface conditions at Fort Massachusetts were less than desirable in that there are very few observable surface assemblages and none are located in proximity to the laundress quarters. In comparison, Fort Garland has a high surf ace artifact density. Informal surface surveys were conducted at each site for the purposes of this study, but the data is not used here because of the lack of comparative data from Fort Massachusetts. In addition, comparative data was not
60 available from o ther sites as data from the other research sites was collected from published documents and often did not include survey data. Data from excavations conducted at Fort Massachusetts was collected during the 2011, 2012 and 2013 field seasons. Excavations were performed in the laundress quarters and in the laundress work spaces located along the outside wall of the laundress quarters adjacent to the creek. As excavations are ongoing, many of the artifacts collected are s till being processed in the lab so that much of the data comes from personal field journals and those made available to the author from crew chiefs who worked in that area from 2011 2013. Artifactual data collected from Fort Massachusetts and documented fr om other sites include evaluations of glass bottles, glass bottle fragments, stoneware bottles, and stoneware bottle fragments. Subsequently, artifactual data was also considered in relation to objects that could potentially be related to alcohol consumpti on and/or subversive activities. These objects included glassware and stemware as well as smoking pipes. Bottle Glass Technology Glass preserves quite well in the archaeological record and bottles frequently constitute the bulk of glass found at archaeol ogical sites (Lorrain 1968; Smith 2008). It thus becomes imperative to appreciate the technology of bottle glass as a part of understanding the types of bottles that may be found on site including alcohol bottles and other related glass containers. Interes tingly, it has been suggested that the expansion of the glass industry in Great Britain was promoted at least in part by the
61 demand for alcohol in the colonies during the mid seventeenth century (Smith 2008). In spite of the expansion of the glass industr y across the Atlantic, it took a considerable amount of time longer for the glass industry to make its way across the Atlantic to the New World. In the beginning of the 19 th century, there were only 9 glass production houses in the United States (Lorrain 1 968). The onset of the Victorian era saw an increase in glass production in the U.S. and the number of glass production houses was increased to well over a hundred by 1837 (Lorrain 1968). The years following saw a considerable decline in production with on ly 78 glass houses operating by 1840, but this number again increased to almost double by 1860 (Lorrain 1968). Glass production houses started mainly with production of bottles and window glass, eventually moving on to tableware, with certain companies be ginning to specialize as the 19 th century wore on. Prior to 1810, all glass bottles would have been hand blown. Hand blown bottles are less standardized and may be asymmetrical in shape. Hand blown bottles are easily recognizable by the lack of mold seams caused by the use of machine molds. Also distinctive of hand blown bottles are pontil scars. Pontil scars are marks left where the glass blower breaks off the bottle from the blow rod and will appear as a raised area on the base that is a non symmetrical c ircle that may be rough in other production techniques for hand blowing were invented (Lindsey 2014). Because techniques for hand blown glass remained consistent until the la bottles are difficult if not impossible to date without other identifying features such as labels.
62 In 1810, semi automated production of bottles began. Semi automated production included the use of a 2 or 3 part mold to create the sho ulders and neck of the bottle (see Figure 10 for bottle morphology) Thus, the body and base will remain seamless while the neck and shoulders will have seams along the sides where the two pieces of glass were molded together. These types of bottles can be additionally identified by examinations of the lip and base. Because the lip continued to be hand applied at this time, it will lack a seam as well, and the base will have a pontil scar. In lar in conjunction with the 2 part or sometimes 3 part mold. Rather than a hollow rod that is blown through, a snap case is used after the vessel is molded in order to hold it and apply the lip, generating much more consistent lips. This type of production will leave seams on the shoulders, but rarely leaves a pontil scar. Fully automated bottle production was not invented until 1900 and post dates habitation of all forts included in the research area used in the current study. TABLE 1 : Glass bottle techno logy by date. Date Production Type Identifying Marks Up to 1810 Hand blown Pontil scar; no mold seams 1810 1840 Semi automated; 2 part mold Pontil scar; seams on shoulder and neck but not on the lip 1840 1880 Semi automated with snap case; 2 or 3 part mold No pontil scar; mold seams on shoulder 1900 Automated No pontil scar; mold seams all the way up
63 FIGURE 10 : Bottle Morphology (Lindsey 2014) Liquor, Wine, Champagne, Beer, and Ale Containers During the 19 th century, alcohol related containers generally conformed to dsey 2014: Bottle Typing Page ). This indicates that particular types of liquids can be directly associated with particular types of bottles. Wine, ale, beer, and liquor as well as non alcoholic beverages can all be linked to their own distinct forms of con tainers with their own distinguishing shapes, colors, and features. For example, bottles containing hard alcohol or liquor are
64 frequently found in the form of flasks, cylindrical, or square style bottles in an array of colors (Lindsey 2014). Liquor bottles may be olive, blue, clear, white, amber, or black, and may have labels and/or embossing that can be used to identify contents and/or origins. Particularly important to the identification of liquor and other alcohol related ( see Figure 11) In 1860, molds with embossing were often found on the base of the bottle and are stamps representing the manufacturer of the product. Although the presen based on the characteristic form of the container. FIGURE 11
65 Wine and champagne bottles are particularly easy to identify. This is because wine and champagne were bottled in a more limited number of shapes when compared to liquor and spirits; wine and champagne were rarely bottled in anything other than bottles with a round cross section (Lindsey 2014). Many of the most popular styles and shapes are regularly used to store wine today. These include such styles as the cylindrical in shape, having a tall body, vertically parallel sides, steep shoulders, and a vertically parallel sides, sloping shoulders, and a long neck (Lindsey 2014). Due to its being carbonated, then as now, champagne bottles were made of thick, heavy glass and tend to be a deep green or olive colored glass (Lindsey 2014). The shape of champagne bottles is similar in style to Burgundy types, but champagne bottles are typically wider th an other wine bottles (Lindsey 2014). Both wine and champagne commonly have up into the body of the bottle (see Figure 12) The presence of a kickup is unique to wine/ champagne bottles and may be used for diagnostic purposes when only fragments of a bottle remain. During the Victorian period, containers for beer and ale came in the form of only glass and stoneware containers as the canning of beer did not begin until 1 935. Like wine and champagne, bottles intended for beer and ale were also limited in form. These bottles were almost always round in cross section with glass bottles usually a blue/green, brown/amber, or black color (Lindsey 2014). Glass bottles were produ ced
66 using thick glass not only because of the carbonation, but also to ensure the bottle was protected for reuse (beer bottles often remained the property of the manufacturer and were frequently reused and rebottled) (Lindsey 2014). Stoneware bottles were equally as popular as glass bottles during the 19th century and are especially common at historic sites from this period. Stoneware was popular because, being non transparent and opaque made it highly useful for protecting beer and ale from the harmful ef fects of light (Lindsey 2014). Stoneware containers used for bottling beer and ale came in a variety of colors, usually in earth tones, and at times include labels or imprints that can be used to identify the contents and/or origins. FIGURE 12 : Champagne bottle kickup in situ (Fort Garland 2013).
67 Medicine Bottles Even though the recreational use of alcohol would become increasingly disparaged throughout the span of the Victorian period, the use of alcohol in the production of medicines was more accepted. The use of patent medicines and bitters alcohol content as high as 46% ( Weiss 2008 ). Touted as remedies for various maladies, patent medicines were widely u (Smith 2008:81). Concealing alcohol consumption under the guise of illness was most common among women and was not restricted to any social class but was prevalent among the working, middle, and upper classes (Smith 2008). During the 19 th century and into the 20 th century, it was recognized that women of all social standings might be self medicating via patent medicines when at home alone as a way to disguise their alcohol consumption from those who would deem it distasteful (Smith 2008). So familiar to Victorians was this occurrence that a disparaging term arose to categorize them (Smith 2008). Similar to liquor bottles, patent medicines came in a variety of bottles and containers (Typology) & Diagnostic Shapes). One popular style used throughout the mid 19th to 20th century to ho use thousands of different types of medicines was square or rectangular in shape with indented sides (Lindsey 2014). Because the contents were more stable (i.e. non carbonated) than either beer, champagne, or wine, medicine
68 bottles of all forms tended to be made of glass that was predictably thinner (Lindsey 2014). The bottles often had short, narrow necks with equally narrow mouths in order to prevent spilling and/or evaporation (Lindsey 2014). While not necessarily unique to medicine bottles, bottle glas s thickness and form of the neck can be used as diagnostic features in conjunction with other features such as embossing or labeling (Lindsey 2014). FIGURE 13 : A variety of patent medicine bottles. (Lindsey 2014)
69 Other Alcohol related Containers Similar to the present era, many styles of household wares can be associated with alcohol consumption. These objects include certain types of glassware such as stemware (e.g. snifters) and decanters. Despite the blatant connection between such objects and alcohol, it remains difficult to conclusively associate these artifact types with alcohol consumption. These types could equally have been used for consuming non alcoholic beverages. It has, in fact, been widely recognized that the same types of glassware used for alcohol consumption were used for the serving of fruit juices and water during the Victorian period (Reckner and Brighton 1999). In accordance with this fact, any such glassware, stemware, or decanters found in association with the laundress quar ters were not counted as evidence of alcohol consumption. Non alcohol related Containers Other popular bottled beverages during the 19 th century included soda and mineral water. Soda and mineral water were being bottled as early as 1806 and came in a va riety of bottle forms (Lindsey 2014). Similar to beer and champagne, sodas were carbonated and required thicker glass and cylindrical bottles to protect the contents. Early forms of soda and mineral water bottles have few diagnostic characteristics but by finish is a two htly rounded and tapered upper part above a narrow lower part which typically has a more distinct
70 top finish, also part finish that appears a s a single rounded collar (Lindsey 2014). Soda and mineral water bottles came in a variety of colors but were often found in clear, blue, or aqua making them easier to differentiate from beer, wine, or champagne bottles. Smoking Pipes During excavations at Fort Massachusetts, evidence of smoking was found amongst the laundress quarters. Tobacco use was already widespread by the rise of the Victorian era yet it continued to be considered a masculine activity among Victorian whites. Smoki ng among women would have been deemed an appalling habit, and Anglo American women, especially those living on the frontier, were encouraged not to harshly by their own cultur e for participation in alcohol or tobacco consumption. Thus the presence of smoking pipes in laundress areas could be equally as important to understanding the dissident behaviors of the washer women as the presence of alcohol related containers. Tobacco pipes at this time were being commercially manufactured in both Europe and the United States. They came in a variety of ceramic materials including porcelain, white clay, and terra cotta; white clay and terra cotta could be glazed or unglazed (Pfeiffer 198 4 ). Those found among the laundress quarters were all unglazed white clay with some embossing of simple geometric designs on the bowl. The designs
71 the pipe fragments mad e identification of origins impossible. Nevertheless, the mere presence of such artifacts in the laundress areas is indicative of behaviors and performances that fell outside of the realm of morality and acceptability for Victorian era women. Artifactual Evidence by Site Fort Massachusetts The laundresses at Fort Massachusetts appear to have been supremely diligent in their cleanliness as excavations inside of the laundress quarters structures exposed an especially low artifact distribution ( as low as 1.6 7 artifacts per cubic meter in some instances ). Small body fragments of olive, amber, and other shades of glass from bottles were found within the perimeter of the laundress quarters but only 2 fragment s with a bottle lip were able to be identified as alcohol related No ceramic fragments were found that could be used for diagnostic purposes. Of the 533 glass fragments found among laundress row to date over 50 percent come from areas outside of the quarters and recognized as laundress work spaces. Thes e areas are located to the east of the laundress quarters directly outside of the fort blockade and near the creek. Individual work spaces can be identified based on packed floors, burned adobe bricks from an outdoor fireplace/horno, and post holes that co uld have been used to house poles for hanging clothes or for joining clothes lines. At least two of these areas have been discovered on the east side of the fort; one was centrally placed while the other was
72 near the south east entrance to the fort. It is from the centrally placed work space that the highest proportions of laundress artifacts associated with alcohol have been found In addition to the alcohol related objects, 3 tobacco pipes were discovered from with in the same centrally located work space. No complete bottles of any kind were found in any areas associated with the laundresses. For diagnostic purposes, there were a paltry 8 fragments that had diagnostic features such as a lip, a base or embossing that would allow for classification (see Ta ble 2). Of these fragments, 4 are unambiguously alcohol related One comes from a patent medicine bottle and t he other 2 fragments belong to either bitters or prescription bottles. Most of the identifiable fragments were found in direct association with several other fragments that are presumed to have come from the same container. While t hose fragments are considered alcohol related they are not counted independently in this study The remaining fragments in the glass assemblage are body sherds lacking any features that could yield a solid identification. In spite of this the most likely candidate for a large number of the olive colored glass is champagne based on the shade and thickness of the fragments (n=34) Light green, amber, aqua, and cobalt sher ds represent the remaining bottle fragments and are all colors associated with a variety of liquids both alcoholic and non alcoholic.
73 TABLE 2 : Alcohol related assemblage from Fort Massachusetts based on identifiable sherds Container Type Quantity Percentage of Assemblage Beer 1 14.28 % (of identifiable glass bottle sherds ) Champagne 3 37.50 % (of identifiable glass bottle sherds ) Patent Medicine 1 14.28 % (of identifiable glass bottle sherds ) Fort Garland Artifactual evidence for alcohol consumption at Fort Garland was detailed in a assemblage [at Fort Garland], whether implicitly or explicitly, is alcohol related Such a conclusion is not far off considering that out a minimum of 21 classifiable glass containers, 14 were unambiguously intended to house alcohol, while the remaining containers can be recognized as patent medicine bottles ( Weiss 2008 ). During the course of excavation, the following alcohol related containers were identified: 1 ale bottle found; 10 glass beer bottles; 1 whiskey bottle; 3 champagne; and 7 medicine bottles (33.33% of total glass). There is additional evidence for the presence of alcohol in bot tling wire that was found near the laundress quarters; as a caveat, it must be mentioned that this could have been reused for purposes other than alcohol consumption and may not be associated with direct consumption. Still, the presence of these alcohol re lated artifacts is made more interesting because of the laundress Weiss 2008 ).
74 TABLE 3 : Alcohol related assemblage from Fort Garland based on identifiable vessels. Container Type Quantity Percentage of Asse mblage Ale 1 3.23% (of total ceramics) Beer 10 47.62% (of total glass vessels ) Champagne 3 14.29% (of total glass vessels ) Patent Medicine 7 33.33% (of total glass vessels ) Whiskey 1 4.76% (of total glass vessels ) Fort Smith Artifactual evidence for alcohol consumption at Fort Smith was detailed in Coleman (1990). Over 170 ceramic beer containers were discovered in the laundress areas at Fort Smith. In spite of the variety of forms found amongst ceramic containers, the beer bo flat bases, round cross sections, sloping shoulders, and short necks (Coleman 1990:65). The glass assemblage, on the other hand, is far more diverse. The total glass container assemblage consisted of 7, 830 sherds of which 6,332 bottle sherds were able to be identified by part and shape (Coleman 1990). Of these 6,332 sherds, 775 were able to be identified according to function. Twenty eight sherds were broadly defined as bitters/ 1990). An additional 27 sherds are lip fragments whose form is generally associated with bottles containing schnapps, gin, or bitters (Coleman 1990). Another 165 sherds represen ting a minimum of 8 vessels can be identified as belonging to whiskey bottles and some 320 sherds came from wine or champagne bottles. Three sherds were identified as patent medicine bottles, while n early 200 additional sherds were
75 categorized by Coleman ( 1990) ambiguously that at least some of these latter bottles would have been alcohol related but due to the lack of detail in differentiating the contents of these containers, they were discounted from evaluation Three wine glasses were additionally present but not counted in the final analysis. TABLE 4 : Alcohol related assemblage from Fort Smith based on identifiable sherds. Container Type Quantity Percentage of Assemblage Beer 170 47.78 % (of identifiable ceramic container sherds ) Bitters/Liquor 55 7.1 0 % (of identifiable glass bottle sherds) Patent Medicine 3 0.39 % (of identifiable glass bottle sherds) Whiskey 165 21.3 0 % (of identifiable glass bottle sherds) Wine/ Champagne 320 41. 29 % (of identifiable glass bottle sherds) Potential Error Much of the evidence for alcohol related containers reaches us in the form of fragments and bottle sherds The identification of the principal use of such containers from fragments is complex but not unmanageable. Wit hout the presence of a diagnostic often viewed Page). Keep in mind that an educated guess is not lacking in relevance, however. An educated guess is exactly that: educated. As previously discussed, the function of a vessel is indicat ed by its form; it is undoubtedly possible to obtain information about form from fragments. Even if the smallest of fragments may be of little utility in such
76 matters, larger fragments can be compared to accumulated knowledge of the color and form of alcoh ol related containers in addition to images found on the Historic Glass Bottle Identification & Information website.
77 C HAPTER V DISCUSSION Remains of alcohol related containers were found in and around the laundress living spaces at all three research ar eas included in this study All research areas provided evidence in a variety of forms and exposed an apparent penchant for an assortment of alcoholic beverages. Despite this considerable evidence, s ome have disputed the ostensible relationship between alcohol related behaviors (i.e. consumption) and the presence of alcohol related vessels in the archaeological record It has been proposed that the mere presence of alcohol related containers in context cannot be used to generate hypotheses about the rea lity of alcohol consumption among the individuals who lived and worked in the spaces where the objects were discovered Reckner and Brighton (19 99) venture t obacco related objects are highly abstract reflections of the actual consumption patterns of historical actors an d cannot serve as the basis for de facto judgments of use or Thus, Reckner and Brighton (1999) suggest that the presence of alcohol and other related objects are not necessarily indicative of b ehavior that would normally be associated with those objects. This may seem counterintuitive, but t his is perhaps due to the recognition that, in the past any and all types of glass and stoneware vessels both alcoholic and non alcoholic were often retained and recycled for purposes other than alcohol consumption. Such containers are known to have been repurposed for a range of
78 reasons including use as storage for soaps, linseed oil, and turpentine (Reckner and Brighton 1999). Reckner and Brighton (1999) argument is certainly compelling, especially when considering issues of alcohol abuse. Consequently, i t must be acknowledged that it is not possible to prove beyond any doubt that the post laundresses or anyone else at Fort Massachusetts or any othe r military outpost were consuming alcohol based solely upon the presence of alcohol related vessels within their quarters and /or work spaces Without any other sort of evidence, it would be impossible to deduce anything about alcohol abuse from artifactual evidence alone. I n opposition to the argument offered by Reckner and Brighton (1999), I find it hardly unreasonable to relate the presence of alcohol containers with the consumption of alcohol more generally By arguing that alcohol rela ted containers cannot be unequivocally associated with alcohol consumption, one is in effect arguing that it is more or at least just as likely that individuals were using these containers for purposes other than for their foremost purpose. Where then were these women obtaining such bottles? Someone else would have had to be drinking the contents and then giving the containers to the women. Because of the high proportions of alcohol related containers in relation to other artifacts of like material fou nd in each of the research areas, I find this to be the least logical explanation as it would suggest that there was something particular to the alcohol ic bottles themselves that was more desirable over other non alcoholic varieties of containers when in truth many non alcoholic bottles were structurally similar and equally obtainable during the period
79 More importantly, however, is the reality that the presence of artifacts in context is regularly taken to infer behaviors directly pertaining to those obj ects, and so it should be with alcohol related objects. The presence of microflora and seeds, for example, is used by archaeologists to extrapolate diet ary habits It is not absurd, then, to infer alcohol related behaviors based on the presence of alcoholi c vessels in living spaces. This seems more so when we recall that, while t he repurposing of such alcohol related containers was common among the working classes of the 19 th century, documentary evidence has shown that alcohol consumption was as well. Truth be told, the reuse of bottles or stoneware containers may not be reflective of non alcoholic activities at all It is conceivable probable even that the containers were refilled with alcohol several times before discard (Reckner and Brighton 1999 ) Rumors abound regarding possible distilling among Army laundresses as a way of increasing revenue, and, considering the industrious nature of the laundresses, it is more than possible that some of these are true Allowing that alcohol containers were us ed and reused for purposes both alcoholic and non alcoholic it is here anticipated that all containers excavated from the research areas initially functioned for their primary purpose namely, for alcohol consumption. Although alcohol related containers will be used as evidence of consumption in this way, there will be no assumptions made in regards to the quantity of alcohol consumed. It is not the intention of this study to produce estimates of the amount of alcohol drank by individual women working on frontier forts during the Victorian period. For all intents and purposes, it is not how much these individuals were drinking that is
80 pe rtinent more so than it is their involvement in alcohol related activities overall. Adhering to Praetzellis and Praetzellis (2001), it is not the quantity of alcohol related containers but simply the presence of such artifacts in laundress quarters and wor k spaces that relates to us a symbolic meaning invested in those objects. Fundamentally the performance of alcohol consumption itself is expected to be a reflection of identity according to their status as residents of Army forts on the frontier, as well as other socioeconomic categories such as gender and class status Laundress Identity and Agency As follows, it must be asked w hat type of women were the laundresses and what would have led these women to consume alcohol during a period of time in which alcohol consumption was essentially demonized? In order to brave the unknown frontier, t hese women would have to have been hardie r, stronger, and more resilient than most ; indeed, these were the sort of characteristics the laundresses exuded to others. This was most likely because the American West was chock full of countless unfamiliar and frightening settings that a woman of delic ate disposition as implied by the Cult of Domesticity would likely not have been able to withstand Army washer women were recognized by their peers as being both industrious and fearless but the stark differences that this alluded to between themselves a nd the hypothetical ideal of (Hoagland 1999:229) Particularly among the o the laundresses were perceived as profane and little more than prostitutes (Hoagland 1999; Wetteman 1998). Those who
81 knew them, worked with them, or supervised them on the other hand, frequently had a higher opinion of their character. This is not to say that prostitution d id not exist among the residents of Soap Suds Row in the 19 th century On the contrary, the U.S. Army appears to have "created a de period (quoted in Wettemann 1998:1). As it happens, even if the ma jority of laundresses may have been respectable, upstanding women, many others would have seen prostitution as a way of increasing income. According to the Encyclopedia of Sex and Prostitution l aundresses often turned to prostitution as a way to supplemen t p ay that was often undependable taking up to 6 months to be received fr om the paymaster (Ditmore 2006). more than a few publications that detail the contempt reserved for what they refer to as the The subject of p rostitution among Army washer women is mentioned here for two reasons. First, there is a discernible link between prostitution and alcohol consumption. Johnson (2010) discusses the rol e of alcohol in a brothel setting after recovering substantial evidence for alcohol consumption at a site in Massachusetts. In relation to prostitution, alcohol is seen to play a role in the private and public performance s Johnson 2012 :3). Johnson (2010) contends that the use of alcohol for the relief of anxiety and stress was not only common among prostitutes but was the principal source of relief for the majority of women during the Victoria n era. Secondly, the role of alcohol in prostitution works to emphasize the measures some women were forced to take in
82 order to support themselves while suffering difficult circumstances By understanding why women would resort to prostitution with its inherent hazards of disease and castigation, we come to realize how difficult life must have been for these women on the frontier and what sort of consequences this would have had on their be haviors. The above relates soundly to the suppositions that the most basic function of alcohol in a given society is to alleviate anxiety. Women on the frontier, prostitutes or not, would have been exposed to comparatively high levels of anxiety. Army w asher women in particular found themselves living in relatively isolated areas, surrounded by potentially volatile natives, doing strenuous work in fluctuating climates for at times unreliable wages. The post that protected them and the men that surrounded them were in constant threat of attack. Although the current study focuses on the laundress quarters and work areas, it has been found that alcohol consumption as relates to such stress as the laundresses were exposed is not unique to their position alone but is in fact true of military sites by and large (Smith 2008) As has been continually reiterated, alcohol use increases during times of great stress such as would have been seen at military outposts on the frontier. The promulgation of alcohol and its accompanying calming effects would have been welcomed at times of increased stress on the fort as a result of shortages in provisions and reinforcements As the prime example of this, Fort Massachusetts frequently experi would have bee n the only source of supplementary supplies for the individual members of the fort, and because of this, was known to have charged exorbitant prices The fort tried to
83 augment fo od supplies with a vegetable garden, but was unable to sustain it in the unfamiliar climate. Alongside long harsh winters this eventually led to an outbreak of scurvy during the winter of 1855 1856 The closest town from which to obtain supplies outside of the fort was 92 miles south approximately 4 days by horse through rough terrain and was not always feasible to reach on the short leave allotted to the enlisted (although many did make the trip despite this) Alcohol appears to have been one item readily available at the fort, a rumored alcoholic himself did little in the way of contro l l ing it s proliferation (Taylor 1968). In addition to its calming properties i t can only be presumed that this stress related consu mption of alcohol is associated with certain convictions concerning the courage Laundresses may have been in need of some of this calming/courage inducing effect when the men of the fort left on campaign. Fo r instance, in 1855, forces from Fort Massachusetts joined a campaign that began at Fort Union in response to the Ute massacre at Fort Pueblo on Christmas Day, 1854 (Quillen 2000). In February of that year, soldiers from Fort Union retrieved reinforcements from the Fort Massachusetts garrison and engaged in a battle with 150 Utes and Jicarilla Apache at the present site of Saguache, Colorado to the northwest. Later, in April of 1855, soldiers from Fort Massachusetts again fought against over a hundred Utes near Salida, Colorado in a battle that led to the deaths of nearly 40 Utes and at least one Army soldier. The possibility of death that coincides with military campaigns would have been more than enough stress for any of the women on post with family and f riends on the battlefield.
84 Aside from the physical and psychological benefits of alcohol, the consumption of alcohol carries with it a deeper imbedded meaning. T he rationale behind the performance of alcohol consumption may be perceived as social behavior loaded with symbolic meaning (Smith 2008:88) Hence, the ways in which alcohol is prepared and consumed, and the context in which this is done can be used as an indicator for the soci al group partaking in said alcohol related activities Mandelbaum (1965) expounds on this by affirming: drinking are its diacritical functions, as when one group or class within a larger society Quite simply, alcohol consumption becomes a reflection of group affiliation and social status. The circumstances involved in the performance of alcohol consumption among the laundresses are thus an indication of their position as working class (mostly) Irish women struggling to survive in a hostile environment The social standing of t hese women and the individual qualities their position implied did not fit the idealized version of the Victorian woman who was restricted domestically to the hom e This fact would have been recognized by the washer women working on post, and, b y their participation in the performance of alcohol consumption individual laundresses were at least partially separating themselves from this partisan conception of proper Victorian behavior Despite this fact, laundresses were not likely to openly display this subversive performance to just any audience or in any public space By concealing their consumption within their private quarters and outside the view of commanding officers,
85 the laundresses accepted the existence of an established hierarchy that was unlikely to openly promote alcohol consumption among their population. Even if alcohol consumption was prevalent among the men on military posts, the above remains true for the washer women who lived beside them Alcohol consumption would have been discouraged among the laundresses by the commanding officers and any other individual adhering to the aggrandizing Victorian ideologies of the time that deemed alcohol consump tion a filthy and degrading activity When discussing alcohol consumption among Army washer women at Fort Garland, one researcher conclude d that finding evidence of alcohol consumption in the laundress quarters was especially surprising considering these ideologies: The drinking of alcohol was wholly antithetical to the virtues of the Cult of True Womanhood. Under the basic principles of the Cult of True Womanhood, a woman was supposed to provide a clean and healthy domestic environment. To the adherents of this movement, alcohol consumption was both unclean and duties, and a morally polluting action ( Weiss 2008 :19) Still, many women obviousl y chose to undermine the above version of domesticated women by engaging in activities disparaged by the followers of the Cult of True Womanhood. In all probability, i t is only the consequences related to such behaviors that forced women to restrict alcoho l related behavior to the backstage and in areas beyond the scrutiny of audiences that included officers and their wives Backstage areas would have comprised the laundresses own private quarters as well as their semi public work spaces on Soap Suds Row. Inebrious activities occurring in any fully public areas of the fort would have left the women open to judgment by their
86 superior officers and their wives which could in turn result in public denigration leading up to a court martial. At Fort Massachusetts, while there is some evidence of alcohol consumption uncovered from evidence for alcohol consumption is found predominantly in areas interpreted as laundress work spaces along the outside walls of the fort adjacent to the Ute River Bottle fragments came from an assortment of types including champagne, beer, and a medicine bottle that laudanum). Among these artifacts were also the remains of n o less than three smoking pipes indicating more than one unseemly activity taking place on Soap Suds Row. The artifactual evidence from the east wall at Fort Massachusetts comes from two units positioned at the southernmost end of the fort as well as the center of the external barricade These units share several features including evidence of post holes that would have been in line with one another, suggestive of a clothesline or similarly arranged work spaces. Evidence for alcohol consump tion and smoking pipes comes from both units, and there is no evidence that any of the objects collected from these units date to after the fort period. Moreover, the alcohol related objects are found in conjunction with other artifacts that would have bee n commonly associated with laundresses. Within the assemblages found along the east wall could be found large amounts of buttons both ordinary and military of all sorts in and around the horno along with one nearly complete gutta percha comb and fragme nts of a hair tonic bottle.
87 Both identified laundress work stations are out of the main line of sight of anyone inside the post and would have required someone actively seeking out the laundresses in order to see them there. It is possible that the women u sed the cover of ash to dispose of alcohol bottles consumed within their quarters or that the women were drinking right outside of the fort either on or off duty as a way of escaping notice from their superiors. Even though men were not allowed in the laun dress areas unless picking up or dropping of f laundry and keeping in mind that behavior rarely conform s to the purported ideal, any of these possibilities behaviors such as consorting with the enlisted men. The fragments of smoking pipes belonged to the laundresses or men that visited them. One may argue that the evidence found outside of the fort is not the result of depositional. Granting that some areas of Fort Massachusetts continued to be utilized by the military after its abandonment, none of these areas were near the laundress quarters. Well after Fort Garland was established, the corrals at Fort Massachusetts were used to house horses which would have required men to oversee them. Even so, the corrals are on the opposite side of the fort f rom the laundress quarters. Of course, one could argue that the men would have required water from the creek f or themselves and their horses and may have spent some leisurely time outside of the fort walls in this area. Still, without the women there to dr aw their attention and to give them a reason to loiter in those areas, it is unlikely that the men would have left their own quarters and the safety of their men to hang out beside the
88 creek. If this statement were not true, it would remain unlikely that t he preponderance of artifacts found along the eastern wall would have coincidentally accumulated in two areas interpreted as laundress work stations. Unlike Fort Massachusetts evidence for alcohol consumption comes solely from the laundress quarters. T he Fort Garland assemblage was collected from 3 out of the 4 As was previously mentioned, the entire glass assemblage collected from these quarters is associated in one way or another with alcoh ol. There are several reasons for this disparity. There is no midden that could be unequivocally associated with laundress row. Much of the trash from Fort Garland was deposited outside of the confines of the fort in an arc that borders nearly the entire fort and thus could not be used to identify laundress activities. In addition to the methodologic al issue, there may have been a logistical reason for the laundresses to have imbibed within their own quarters as opposed to without. Laundresses at Fort Garland had no excuse to leave the perimeter of the fort to do their laundry; while at Fort Massachus etts laundresses were forced to take their wash to a natural water source, Fort Garland had facilities with running water on the post that were made available to them (Weiss 2008). Even if this were not true, there are no walls own quarters one of the most secure locations in which to engage in alcohol consumption. The evidence from Fort Smith comes from both inside and outside of the laundress quarters. It is believed th at the laundress quarters were destroyed between
89 1886 1889 in order to make room for an incoming railroad, essentially burying the historic level, and preserving a great many artifacts in the region of a fireplace associated with laundress row. Other artif acts were collected from a sheet midden directly associated with the laundress quarters. Over 71% of the glass assemblage collected from laundress row at Fort Smith can be associated with alcohol consumption, and like Fort Garland, contains a greater varie ty of alcohol related containers than that seen at Fort Massachusetts including fragments from whiskey, bitters, and other types of liquor bottles. Unlike Fort Garland, however, the ceramic vessels associated with alcohol consumption constitute a much high er proportion (47.78%); the ceramic vessels associated with alcohol consumption at Fort Garland are negligible. In addition to alcohol related containers, 51 clay pipes were recovered from laundress row at Fort Smith, indicating an enduring propensity for tobacco among the laundresses. The structures at Fort Smith were also exploited after its military occupation. Laundress areas were isolated from the post military civilian occupation base on a comparative analysis of uniform button indices. The assemblag es collected from the areas believed to be laundress row at Fort Smith were compared to that of two other forts with Fort Smith producing the highest frequency of buttons out of the three (Coleman 1990). Coleman (1990) does not ignore the intrusion of post military artifacts but fully catalogues and labels them as such. What few objects this represents do not include any artifacts associated with alcohol consumption and are not discussed here. Potential intrusion from the previous fort period is further dis cussed by Coleman (1990), and discounted for a dearth of artifactual evidence from that period.
90 Because laundresses would have procured water for their laundry from the river that ran through the fort, it is hypothesized that the washer women at Fort Smith would have taken their libations within the safety of their own quarters and then deposited much of the alcohol related evidence in the midden It has been suggested that the appearance of alcohol related objects within the laundress spaces cannot be asso ciated with the laundresses and may have derived from the presence of men within their quarters. This argument relies on post policies regarding housing of husbands and wives. Some military outposts in the West did allow husbands to reside with their wives and children on laundress row (See Appendix C); others forced married men to find their housing for their family either on or off the post if they wished to live together (Wood 2002). No artifactual or documentary evidence could be found that would lead to the conclusion that any of the research areas allowed men among the laundresses of Soap Suds Row. This study adheres to the documentary evidence from Fort Laramie that clearly dictates that all men were prohibited access to the laundress areas unless picking up or dropping off laundry. Nevertheless, this study does consider that, l ike many prohibitions past and present the above restriction was probably taken as more of a proposition among the enlisted men and laundresses rather than a caught, and no rules were broken Other than the previous assumptions made in reference to men on laundress row, indications that transgressions of this rule occurred historically come from anecdotal evidence that recounts a laundress at Fort Hays in Kansas being reprimanded for public intoxication, disorderly conduct and having a man
91 in her quarters ( Army Laundresses, 1802 1882 2008 ) The man was arrested and the So, men most assuredly did call upon the washer women in their quarters and probably at their work spaces as well. It is possible that the women chose to visit with these men and that at least some of those visits may have included an alcoholic beverage or two. The possibility of men being the consumers while the women remained chaste is conceded but regarded by the author as highly unlikely to have occurred en masse. Washer w omen who invited men to their quarters would have already been disregarding an Ar my regulation which would have been improper for a woman who observed the principles of the Moral Motherhood. It would not be much of a stretch to consider the possibility of other subversive activities taking place during a washer ree time. This is especially true when artifactual evidence for such behaviors occurring in and around Soap Suds Row exists in the archaeological record of more than one military site. Conclusion Mandelbaum (1965) asks: based on the cultural relevance of alcohol, what does the consumption of alcohol tell us about the identity of the individual consuming it ? If those of the upper and middle classes deemed alcohol consumption among women of Victorian culture as base and degrading to society, the women who transgressed an d decided to imbibe undoubtedly did not trust in that judgment Consequently, as a Victorian woman the choice to engage in alcohol consumption reveals a disposition not
92 wholly dedicated to the predominant social ideology of the Cult of Domesticity. The pe rformance of alcohol consumption during the Victorian era is an acknowledgment that the perceptions of the middle and upper classes in regards to proper feminine behavior were likely too stringent and not applicable to a woman living outside of that social sphere. The Army laundresses of the Victorian period were not of the middle or upper class es. Thes e were not soft, fragile Victorian women easily offended and distressed by unruly behavior s Women such as this would not have prospered out on the frontier. Of necessity these were strong, hard working, and industrious women who sought to make a life for themselves in a forbidding landscape Individual washer women may have sought out ways to co mfort themselves while living in such conditions by having a relaxing libation or two. Nonetheless, they would certainly have been aware that participation in alcohol related activities would have severe consequences if observed by strict adherents of the popular Victorian ideology. By maintaining a public identity that conformed to expected feminine behaviors while keeping a private identity that was more lax, laundresses would have been able to preserve their working status in the U.S. Army and maintain the perception of women as the major proprietors of Victorian morality As is evident from the documentary evidence, not all washer women were successful in maintaining these separate identities. Those who failed to protect their private identities were th e cause of an altogether unwholesome re putation among the laundresses that, like any stereotype, was unfairly applied to the entirety of their consortium. Not all laundresses would have
93 partaken in alcohol related activities and many may have observed the austere strictures of Victorian ide ology just as not all laundresses could be compressed into the categories of prostitutes and drunkards based on the activities of others. Still, t he individual lives and behaviors of the women who lived on Soap Suds Row as demonstrated by the documentary and archaeological records attest to the fact that people cannot be held to the inaccurate perceptions of past dogmas. People were people at all ti mes throughout history and made choices similar to the choices made by people today. In everyday lives, individuals exhibit agency by choosing to follow or not follow the dominant culture. Individuals of differing social statuses often have divergent belie fs of what is proper and best. Accordingly, that which is the dominating culture is passed down to the lower classes and rarely goes unopposed. Those who would challenge the dominant culture were no less moral or immoral than any others. They simply did not lead lives that were compatible with the principles of the popular Victorian ideology imposed upon them.
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103 APPENDIX A : Fort Laramie census data ( Fort Laramie Historical Association Archives 2013 ) Surname Census Files Aughey Mrs. Anghey, or Mrs. Aughey, Hospital Matron. CIN 1, 1870 census, p. 7, line 28, laundress, born in Canada. Husband Thomas spelled Angey (p. 6, line 35). Baker CIN 1: 1860 census, p 13, line 26, born in Prussia. Cook CIN 1: 1860 census, p 2, line 36, age 7, born in NY. Coyl e CIN 51: 1880 census, p 14, line 44, house 48, family 57, keeping house, born in Ireland, father & mother bor n in Ireland. Children: Mary, age 12; Agnes, age 11; William, a ge 7. CURATORIAL RECORDS: Coyle (Mrs) #9710, money order (1883); #9710 Money Order 9773 for $18.00 3/26/1884 to Montgomery Ward & Co, Chicago; CSUT 18: p 10, 97, 158. Crisp CIN 1: 1860 census, p 13, line 28, house 136, family 75, born in NY. Cromine CIN 1: 1870 census, p 6, line 11, born in Ireland. Davis Wife of James Elliot Davis. CIN 1 1870 census, p 6, line 6, born in Ireland, Manin age 9, female at school, Rachel A age 7 female at school, Charlotte age 4 female, Julia age 1, Female.. (MP 28) Deynan CIN 1 1870 census, p 4, line 4, born in Ireland. Dolan CIN 1 1870 census, p 7, line 34, born in Ireland. See also: Dolan, Mrs. Dunlap CIN 1 1870 census, p 4, line 5, born in Michigan. Early CIN 1 1870 census, p 6, line 15, born in Ireland. Elkhorn CIN 1: 1860 census, p 18, line 32, house 157, family 8 1, born in Ireland. Finch Probably wife of Serrin J Finch. George MP 19 -served under the name of Annie E. Thompson. Wife of Archie Thompson. Glynn CIN 1 1870 census, p 7, line 37, born in Ireland. Goodson MLA 4: Headquarters Ft. Laramie W.T. 1878 Commanding Officer Co D 4th Infantry : Sir I have the honor to inform you that Mrs. Goodson and Madedy attached to your Company as Laundresses accordingly ceased to be taken up as such from this Date. Henry Seton 1st Lt. 4 Inf Post Adjutant. 1880 census, Bl anch Goodson, age 23, born about 1857 in Ill., living in Leavenworth, Leavenworth, Co., Kansas. Head of house, married, father born in Mass. Mother born in NY, a Music Teacher. Household members: Cassie Goodson, age 6, George E. Goodson age 5, Anson Goodso n age 3, William Goodson age 2.
104 Hagan CIN 1: 1860 census, p 17, line 4, house 149, family 79, born in Ireland. Hessler CIN 1 1870 census, p 2, line 28, born in Ireland. Johnson CIN 1 1870 census, p 7, line 30, born in Prussia. Kapp CIN 1 1870 census, p 8, line 30, born in Ireland. probably wife of William A Kapp 4 Inf Sgt. Major Kelly CURATORIAL, Fort Keogh Papers 16243, requisition 4/16/1879. Kitchen Wife of George A Kitchen. CIN 51: 1880 census, p 6, line 17, house 40, family 41, keeping house, born in MO, father born in VA, mother born in KY. MP 137 Kreyser MLA 4, #202, August 24, 1878; #433, Nov. 13, 1877. Ladendorf CIN 1: 1860 census, p 15, line 2, house 141, family 77, born in Ireland. Lenox CIN 1: 1860 census, p 15, line 3, house 142, fam ily 78, born in Ireland. Litsinger Wife of Charles, mother of Julia A., Charles Douglas, Aura and William. MREC 48 Mahoney MLA 4, June 11, 1877 Letters sent #147 3/31/1877 asking C.O. at Cantonment Reno if she is still an authorized laundress of the comp any; #251 6/11/1877 to be escorted to Fort Fetterman on way to Can tonment Reno. Maroney CIN 1: 1860 census, p 13, line 27, house 135, family 74, born in NY. Martin CIN 1: 1860 census, p 13, line 29, house 137, family 76, no place of birth given. This could also well be Mrs. Martin in: The Utah expedition / Gove, p 163, 168, 174. Morry CIN 1: 1870 census, p 4, line 2, born in Ireland. Nash Laundress. Nebraska histor y 61:4:427 -Mrs. Nash followed the 7th Cav. Obrien Laundress 4 Inf. CIN 1: 1870 census, p 6, line 2, born in Ireland. Mother of Ann F, 6 years old at school, born in Virginia, Mary F 4 years old at school born in Michigan & Eliza J. 1 year old born in Wy oming. CIN 51 1880 census wife of John, a teamster wife of John, Teamster. She is age 35 keeping house born in Ireland, mother of Anna F age 16 born in Virginia, Mary J age 13, born in Michigan, Eliza J age 11 born in Wyoming, John D. age 9 born in Ky, and Eva P. age 2 born in Wyoming. CSUT 16 p. 25, 43, 44, 50, 55, 56, 80, 85, 91, 97, 119, 125, 142, 148, 153, 154, 159, 171, 172, 177, 178, 184, 196, 201, 202, 207, 209, 210, 211, 212, 215, 221, 222, 227, 233, 240. Curatorial #7962, p. 47, 95, 328. Curatorial 7963 p. 83, 138. EFOLA 4 -right of way deed to Eastery Wyoming Railroad, 1900. Raney CIN 1: 1860 census, p 17, line 5, house 150, family 80, born in
105 England. Roche CURATORIAL, Fort Keogh papers 16243, requisition 6/12/1879 Ryan Fort Laramie D.T. 12/10/1867 To: Lieut. Geo. O. Webster 2nd Lieut. & Adjutant 4th U.S. Infantry : Sir, I have the honor to make the following statement, Viz Appended is my certificate as an Plattsburgh Barracks N.Y. I was left behi nd (on account of confinement.) Lieut. Simonton at the time told me when my trouble was over I was supposed to be with my Company wherever they were serving, so when my child was 8 days old, I started on my journey and crossed the Plains, without help, to Plattsburgh Barracks, thinking I could not take care of them crossing the Plains. I joined the Company and Regiment at this Post Fort Laramie) (sic) Colonel Rodenburg of the 42nd Infantry V.R.C. furni shed me with transportation to Omaha Neb., and Genl Smith furnished me transportation with his command to Fort Laramie D.T. On my arrival at Fort Laramie, Lieut Simonton would not allow me a tent, nor would he give me rations for myself and children, my h usband borrowed a tent from another Compy (sic). When I reported my arrival to Lieut. Simonton he was angry and asked me why I took transportation without his knowledge and then for some reason ordered me to be dropped reported the facts to Bvt. Col. Dye Commandg Detachmt. 4th Infantry and he told my husband then being afraid to ask Lieut. Simonton I asked him to please transfer him and his answer was yes, an d then, upon my husband making application, Lieut. Simonton refused to sign the husband transferred. Lieut. Simonton refused the transfer. M y husband also was ordered to mess in the Company, they would not allow him to draw his rations & bring them to his family. So now Sir, I kindly ask you if you will be kind enough to transfer my more united, and it would confer a favor on your humble servant & her helpless children. I am, Sir, With great respect, Your most accompanying the above letter) This is to certify that Mrs Ryan is husband Patrick Ryan of my Company enlisted December 21st
106 1865 to serve (3) years. Edwd. Simonton 1st Lieut 4th U.S. Infty copy. S ears CIN 1: 1870 census, p 8, line 29, born in Ireland. Sheldon CURATORIAL, Fort Keogh Papers 16243, requisition 8/14/1879; 1/21/1880. Smith CIN 1: 1870 census, p 2, line 26, born in Bavaria. Smith CIN 1: 1860 census, p 18, line 33, house 158, family 82 born in Holland. Stanley CIN 1: 1860 census, p 11, line 35, house 128 family 71, born in Norwegia. Thompson MP 19, wife of Archie. Served under the name of Archie Thompson, name of soldier, Philip George. Widow Annie George (Thompson) served H 14 Inf. and Co D 4 Inf., (C 2 US Inf. G 13 Wis. Inf.) Invalid application filed 3/31/1887, certificate 473540. Widow application # 689954 filed 1/13/1899 in Colorado. Certificate 552214. Daughter Mary born at Fort Laramie, 1873 Tunpany CURATORIAL Fort Keogh Paper s 16243, requisition 12/12/1879. Van Houten Letters sent 1 Dec 1872 #265 (MLA 1) 2 Aug 1874 #106 (MLA 4) (May be Van Horten ). M film 149: Office Post Quartermaster Ft. Laramie Dec 10, 1872: The Post Adjutant, Sir I have the honor to request that a detail of three men be furnished to assist the Adobe layers at the quarters of Mn Van Houten laundress, their services will be req uired for three days, post QM Wm. Howell. Volener MLA 8/24/1878 White CIN 1: 1860 census, p 11, line 36, house 128, family 72, born in Norwegia. Wooster May be Mrs. James Wooster Letters sent 12/11872 #265 (MLA 1) Wright CIN 1: 1870 census, p 8, line 2 7, born in Ireland.
107 APPENDIX B : Fort Laramie military records ( Fort Laramie Historical Association 2013 ). Surname Military Record Anderson M film 149 Muster Roll for Feb April 1873, Joseph Stroub owns Mrs. Anderson Laundress Co A 14th Inf for washing for March and April 1872 $2.00. Letters Received Co A 14th Infantry Fort Laramie W. T. June 22, 1871 1st Lieut. Geo W. Steele R.Q.M. 14 Infy A.A.Q.M. : Sir, In addition to request contained in my letter of yesterday, I have the honor to respect fully request that my private quarters and porch to the same, be re shingled. That the quarters occupied by Mrs. Anderson and Mrs. King, laundresses in my Company, be built to the quarters occupied by Mrs. Rose and the room she now occupies be put in condi tion to keep out the rain, or that other quarters be assigned her, her present quarters are hardly fit for a human to occupy. This letter to be filed with letter of 21st inst. I am Sir, Very Respectfully Your obt Servt. Augustus H. Bainbridge Capt 14th Inf Comdg Co K. Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 Circular : Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Lieut & adjt 14th Infy & Post Laundresses Co "A" 14th Infy : Mrs. Anderson 1 child Mrs. King n one Mrs. Rose 1 child Augustus H. Bainbridge Captain 14th Infy Anthony MLA 1, August 24, 1878. Aughey Medical History 8/1870, 11/1870. 4th Infantry Order Book: Fort Sanders W.T. June 10, 1875 Company Orders No 4 Mrs Smolinski is hereby Aughey whose husband has been discharged Wm. H. Powell Captain 4th Augusheimer Letters Received (Mfilm 150) Ft. Laramie W.T. 12/15/1876 To the Post Adjutant Fort Laramie W.T. : Sir, In compliance with your Circular of this date I have the honor to report the fol lowing names of laundresses as (authorized) of Company A 3 Cavy. Mrs. Anna Coak wife of Pvt Coak, Mrs. Mary J. Southern wife of Pvt Southern; Miss Hattie Southern daughter of Pvt Southern; Mrs. Argusheimer wife of Pvt Argusheimer. Very respectfully Your ob dt servt. Chas Morton, 1st Lt. 3 Cavalry Comdg Co A Backshire Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 Circular : Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Li eut & adjt
108 14th Infy & Post Band: Mrs. Branier 3 children Mrs. Bill none Mrs. Backshire three Mrs. Duncan none Mrs. Reynolds three Bahr 4 Inf co G Order Book 6/29/1871 Frankfort KY. Co. O. #32 Mrs. M. Bahr try, to date from July 1st 1871. Baxter Letters Sent 12/1/18 72 #265(MLA 1): She could be Mrs. Charles A. Benson Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 Circular : Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Li eut & adjt 14th Infy & Post Laundresses Co "H" 14th Infy : Mrs. Lanning none Mrs. Eveleth none Mrs. George one Mrs. Benson three. Bill Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 : Circular Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein t he names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Lieut & adjt 14th Infy & Post Band: Mrs. Branier 3 chil dren Mrs. Bill none Mrs. Backshire three Mrs. Duncan none Mrs. Reynolds three Branier Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 Circular : Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Li eut & adjt 14th Infy & Post Band: Mrs. Branier 3 children Mrs. Bill none Mrs. Backshire three Mrs. Duncan none Mrs. Reynolds three Clark Letters Sent 2/22/1866 Fort Laramie D.T. Post Adjutant, Ft. Laramie D.T. : Sir I have the honor to request that H ospital Laundress Mary Clark be retired from duty as such, and appointed Hospital Matron to date from January 1st 1866, she being entitled to pay as Matron since that date. I am Sir Yours Most respectfully John G. Riddler Post Surgeon. Approved Mary Clark as Hosp. Matron to date From Jn (sic) 1st 1866. Clifford Letters Sent 1/22/1866 Post Hospital Fort Laramie D.T. Lieut White 11 O.V.Cav Adjt of Post. : It has just been reported to me that Private disorderly, and is shooting cats for pastime around this post. I have the honor to request that you relieve him from his present duty as n urse & take him under military charge. Although it may deprive me of a matron & Laundress I cannot put up with him any longer. This is the third time he has been drunk I understand, since he was last detailed. I am Sir, Yours with Greatest respect John G. Riddler Post Surgeon. Cook Letters Received (Mfilm 150) Ft. Laramie W.T. 12/15/1876 To the Post
109 Adjutant Fort Laramie W.T. : Sir; In compliance with your Circular of this date I have the honor to report the following names of laundresses as (authorized) of Company A 3 Cavy. Mrs. Anna Cook wife of Pvt Cook, Mrs. Mary J. Southern wife of Pvt Southern; Miss Hattie Southern daughter of Pvt Southern; Mrs. Augusheimer wife of Pvt Augusheimer. Very respectfully Your obdt servt. Chas Morton, 1st Lt. 3 Cavalry Comdg Co A Coyle Medical History: 5/21/1880; extract 4/30/1881. Letters Received 6/11/1883 Cromine M film 228 Muster Roll 30 June 31 Aug 1870. Under entry for John Berry pvt. Co F, is the notation Due Laundress Cronley 50 cents. Under Grote Due Laundress Cowley [listed under Cromine] 50 cents. Matilda follows Company K in the census Crowlely M film 228 Muster Roll 4th Infantry Co F, under Albert Grote: Due Laundress Crowlely 50 cents and Suttler $3.00 Crowley M fi lm 228 Muster Roll 30 June 31 Aug 1870. Under Pvt. John Berry -due Laundress Crowley 50 cents; under Grout, Albert, due Laundress Crowley 50 cents; Census has an entry under Cromine, Matilda as a Laundress, listed after Co K soldiers. Davis Medical Histor y 11/19/1868; Julia Davis wife of James Davis Sergt. Maj. 4th Infy gave birth to a female child. It was the 4th by the same parents. DeWolf Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 Circular : Commanding Officers of Companies will write herei n the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Lieut & adjt 14th Infy & Post Laundresses in Co B : 1 Mrs. Fagan 1 child 2. Mrs. Wykle 2 children 3. Mrs. Roycroft None 4. Mrs. DeWolf 1 child J E Quentin 1 Lt 14th Inf Duncan Letters Sent #265 12/1/1872 (MLA 1). Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 : Circular Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCa mmon 2 Lieut & adjt 14th Infy & Post Band: Mrs. Branier 3 children Mrs. Bill none Mrs. Backshire three Mrs. Duncan none Mrs. Reynolds three Early Medical History 11/1868. Bore a baby 11/14/1868. Egan General Order #24 5/23/1872, ordered to leave pos t because of scandalous & disrespectful conduct. Egan Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 Circular : Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of
110 their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Lieut & adjt 14th Infy & Post : Mrs. Egan 1 child Mrs. ___actam 2 children, the husband of the latter has been recommended for discharge. Eveleth Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 : Circular Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Lieut & adjt 14th Infy & Post Laundresses Co "H" 14th Infy Mrs. Lanning none Mrs. Eveleth none Mrs. George one, Mrs. Benson three. Fagan Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. J une 2d 1871 Circular : Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smi th Wm W McCammon 2 Lieut & adjt 14th Infy & Post Laundresses in Co B : 1. Mrs. Fagan 1 child 2. Mrs. Wykle 2 children 3. Mrs. Roycroft None 4. Mrs. DeWolf 1 child J E Quentin 1 Lt 14th Inf Finch Orders #144 11/8/1864. Fitzgerald MLA 1: 8/24/1878. Letters Rec'd 5/30/1878 : I have the honor to furnish in compliance to Circular No 4 Headquarters Battalion 3rd Cavalry, the following list of authorized laundresses of Co A left at Fort Laramie W.T. Mrs. Patrick Flood Mrs C. M. Henry Mrs. Annie Fitzgerald Mrs. Aug usheimer. Chas Morton 1 Lt 3 Cav. Flood MLA 1: 8/24/1878. Letters Received, 1879: Fort Laramie W.T. 3/9/1879 to: Post Adjutant Fort Laramie W.T. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your letter of this date requiring report as to the conduct of 1st Sergt. Patrick Flood co A 3d Cav at the guard house last night: and in reply to state that personally I know nothing of it. On visiting the guard between 1 and 2 oclock a.m. the Sergt of the guard reported to me that during the night Mrs. Flood had be en there to make complaint against her husband on account of ill treatment received, and that he the Sergt. Of the guard had seen the disturbance ended. Very respectfully Your Obt. Svt. J. B. Johnson, Capt. 3d Cavalry Late officer of the day. Letters Rec'd 5/30/1878 I have the honor to furnish in compliance to Circular No 4 Headquarters Battalion 3rd Cavalry, the following list of authorized laundresses of Co A left at Fort Laramie W.T. Mrs. Patrick Flood Mrs C. M. Henry Mrs. Annie Fitzgerald Mrs. Augusheim er. Chas Morton 1 Lt 3 Cav. Geer Medical History 4/1/1880, a baby daughter. to wife of George Geer, a Citizen, Laundress Co L 3d Cav. George Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 Circular :
111 Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Lie ut & adjt 14th Infy & Post Laundresses Co "H" 14th Infy Mrs. Lanning none Mrs. Eveleth none Mrs. George one Mrs. Benson three. Goodson Wife of Anson Goodson, commissary sergeant. Henry Letters Rec'd 5/30/1878 : I have the honor to furnish in compliance to Circular No 4 Headquarters Battalion 3rd Cavalry, the following list of authorized laundresses of Co A left at Fort Laramie W.T. Mrs. Patrick Flood Mrs C. M. Henry Mrs. Annie Fitzgerald Mrs. Augusheimer. Chas Morton 1 Lt 3 Cav. Henry Letters Sent #147 3/ 31/1877 asking C.O. at Contonment Reno if she is still an authorized laundress of the Company. Henry MLA 1: Letters sent #433, 11/13/1877 Headquarters Fort Laramie, Wyo November 13th 1877 Commanding Officer Co "F", 3rd Cavalry (Thro' Commanding Officer Ca mp on Hat Creek Wyo.: Sir, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, dated the 12th inst, announcing that Mrs. Kreyser is an authorized laundress of Co "F", 3rd Cavalry from Nov 12, 1877, vice Miss Lizzie Henry, and to state that as Miss Henry has already drawn rations for the month of November, 1877, no other laundress can draw rations for the period from November 12th to 30, 1877, in her stead. Very Respectfully Your obedient servant A.W. Evans 3d Cavalry Commanding Higgins Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 Circular: Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apport ioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Lieut & adjt 14th Infy & Post Laundresses Co A 5th Cav. Annie Ryan none Mrs. Higgins none Elizabeth Young 2 children. Jacob Almy 1st Lt 5 Cav Comdg Comp. Holebrock Orders #144 11/8/1864. Hurley MLA 1: Letters Sent #265 12/1/1872. Kelly Order Book 4 Inf Co G C.O. #1 1/5/1874 Ft. Sanders : The appointment of Mrs. revoked in consequence of her grossly insubordinate conduct and for s aying that she would be damned if she would do any more [sic] washing for the Company Commander. Wm. H. Powell Capt 4th Infy King Letters Received Co A 14th Infantry Fort Laramie W. T. June 22, 1871 1st Lieut. Geo W. Steele R.Q.M. 14 Infy A.A .Q.M. : Sir, In addition to request
112 contained in my letter of yesterday, I have the honor to respectfully request that my private quarters and porch to the same, be re shingled. That the quarters occupied by Mrs. Anderson and Mrs. King, laundresses in my Co mpany, be built to the quarters occupied by Mrs. Rose and the room she now occupies be put in condition to keep out the rain, or that other quarters be assigned her, her present quarters are hardly fit for a human to occupy. This letter to be filed with le tter of 21st inst. I am Sir, Very Respectfully Your obt Servt. Augustus H. Bainbridge Capt 14th Inf Comdg Co K. Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 Circular Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Lieut & adjt 14th Infy & Post Laundresses Co "A" 14th Infy Mrs. Anderson 1 child M rs. King None Mrs. Rose 1 child Augustus H. Bainbridge Captain 14th Infy Kitchen Medical History: 5/21/1880; 8/6/1880; 12/17/1880, had a baby daughter. Son Walter M. died Aug 6, 1880 age 10 mo. 2 days of diarrhea Kreyser Letters sent #433 11/13/1877 Hea dquarters Fort Laramie, Wyo November 13th 1877 Commanding Officer Co "F", 3rd Cavalry (Thro' Commanding Officer Camp on Hat Creek Wyo. : Sir, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, dated the 12th inst, announcing that Mrs. Kreyser is an authorized laundress of Co "F", 3rd Cavalry from Nov 12, 1877, vice Miss Lizzie Henry, and to state that as Miss Henry has already drawn rations for the month of November, 1877, no other laundress can draw rations for the period from November 12th to 30, 1877, in her stead. Very Respectfully Your obedient servant A.W. Evans Major 3d Cavalry Commanding Lanning Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 Circular : Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Li eut & adjt 14th Infy & Post Laundresses Co "H" 14th Infy : Mrs. Lanning none Mrs. Eveleth none Mrs. George one Mrs. Benson three. Layet Letters Sent #265 12/1/1872 (MLA 1). Letters Received 1877 To the Post Adjutant Fort Laramie, Wy. T. (Thru' Comd'g Offi cer, Co. "G", 14" Infantry: Sir, I have the honor to state that about the 5" of the present month I made application for Suitable Quarters for myself and wife who is laundress of Co. "I", 14" Infantry. The application was referred to the Post Qr. Mr., who gave me a dilapidated place (the best he could afford at that time) and some canvas to make it as comfortable as possible until such time as he said the (2) new quarters win course of erection
113 would be ready to be occupied by me which would be in a fe w days. One of the quarters (the other I understood at that time was for Pvt. Tanner Co. "A" 14" Infty) was taken possession of by Private Layet Co K 14' Infty today I consider after I have been waiting in my present miserable place during this cold weath er for the completion of the quarters, it is rather hard that another person should step in and occupy the place that was intended for me. They having all along a more suitable place to reside in than I. I think it is unjust that another should occupy the quarters that had been promised me and I refer to the good judgment of the Commanding Officer, if I am not more entitled to them than Pvt. Layet Co "K" 14" Infantry. I am Sir, Very Respectfully Your obedient Servant Thomas O. Sullivan Mahedy MLA 1: 6/30/1 878. Fort McPherson National Cemetery, wife of Jas. Mahedy, soldier, died March 25, 1880, Sec. A, grave 606. Fort Laramie, Wyo. McCabe Letters Sent 12/14/1866, regarding arrangements to send her to Ft Mitchell. Head Qr Fort Laramie D.T. April 4, 1867. Bvt Major Lewis Thompson Provost Marshall Fort Laramie Major: The conduct of Mrs McCabe Laundress is so disgraceful that she must be directed to leave the Post, giving her a reasonable time to get away. On account of the respectable character of Sergt McCabe he can have a reasonable furlough to go with and provide elsewhere for his wife if he desires it does not desire him to remove him with her. Very Respectfully Yours (Signed) I. N. Palmer LT Col & BBG Comdg McEvoy M film 228 Muster Roll 30 April to 30 June 1870, several men paid Laundress McEvoy. [Corporal Thomas E. McEvoy was in Company D 4th Inf. in 1871.] Mooty MLA 1: 8/24/1878. Murphy MLA 1: 8/24/1878. Obrien Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 : Circular Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Lieut & adjt 14th Infy & Post Laundresses Co "M" 5th Cav. : Martha Stevens 2 children Mary Peterson none Margaret O'Brien 2 children. Jacob Almy 1 Lt 5th Cav. Obrien Medical History 1/1869 "birth of Miss Bridget O'Brien, daughter of Pvt. Jno O'Brien and Annie his wife, on the 10th inst". M fort 1, correspondence Camp at Mouth of Red Canyon: telegram Nov 10, 1876: to Lt. R. Brown Comdg. Laundresses of your company at th is post (Ft. Laramie) desire to join Can you furnish them quarters? Nov 12, To Lt.
114 Brown, Shipped you to day, subsistence stores, clothing, forage and mule. Laundress O'Brien with train, Others go by stage. O'Leary Letters Sent 2/28/1878 to: Co>o Co C 9 Inf, thro C O Camp at Cheyenne Depot, Wyo. request that a ration return for the Month of March 1878, in favor of Mrs O'Leary an authorized laundress of your Company may be forwarded to this office. MP 80 Mcanulty letters. Peterson Letters Received HdQrs F ort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 Circular Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By ord er of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Lieut & adjt 14th Infy & Post Laundresses Co "M" 5th Cav. Martha Stevens 2 children Mary Peterson none Margaret O'Brien 2 children. Jacob Almy 1 Lt 5th Cav. Purchel Letters sent #147 3/31/1877 asking commander at Cant onment Reno if she is still an authorized laundress of the company, Company E, 9th Inf Reynolds Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 Circular Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respectiv e Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Lieut & adjt 14th Infy & Post Band: Mrs. Branier 3 children Mrs. Bill none Mrs. Backshire three Mrs. Duncan none Mrs. Reynolds three Rose Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 Circular : Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Li eut & adjt 14th Infy & Post Laundresses Co "A" 14th Infy : Mrs. Anderson 1 child Mrs. King None Mrs. Rose 1 child Augustus H. Bainbridge Captain 14th Infy Rose Letters Received Co A 14th Infantry Fort Laramie W. T. June 22, 1871 1st Lieut. Geo W. Steele R.Q.M. 14 Infy A.A.Q.M. : Sir, In addition to request contained in my letter of yesterday, I have the honor to respectfully request that my private quarters and porch to the same, be re shingled. That the quarters occupied by Mrs. Anderson and Mrs. King, l aundresses in my Company, be built to the quarters occupied by Mrs. Rose and the room she now occupies be put in condition to keep out the rain, or that other quarters be assigned her, her present quarters are hardly fit for a human to occupy. This letter to be filed with letter of 21st inst. I am Sir, Very Respectfully Your obt Servt. Augustus H. Bainbridge Capt 14th Inf Comdg Co K Ross MLA 1: August 24, 1878.
115 Roycroft Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 Circular : Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Li eut & adjt 14th Infy & Post Laundresses in Co B : 1. Mrs. Fagan 1 child 2. Mrs. Wykle 2 children 3. Mrs. Roycroft None 4. Mrs. DeWolf 1 child J E Quentin 1 Lt 14th Inf Ryan Laundress and wife of Patrick Ryan Co I 4 Inf. Letters Received 3/14/1867 : This is to certify that Mrs. Ryan is an authorized laundress of my Co. (I.) 4th U.S. Infty. Her Husband Patrick Ryan of my Company enlisted Omaha 21st 1865, to serve (3) three years. Edw. Simonton 1st M arch 14, 1867 A true Copy. Ryan Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 Circular : Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Lieut & adjt 14th Infy & Post : Annie Ryan none Mrs. Higgins none Elizabeth Young 2 children. Jacob Almy 1st Lt 5 Cav Comdg Comp. Scully MLA 1, June 11, 1877 Letters sent #147 3/31/1877 asking C.O. at Cantonment Reno if she is still an authorized laundress of the company; #251 6/11/1877 to be escorted to Fort Fetterman en route to Cantonment Reno; Selzengee Orders #144 11/8/1864, Laundress Co E 11 OVC Southern Letters Received (Mfilm 150) Ft. Laramie W.T. 12/15/1876 To the Post Adjutant Fort Laramie W.T. : Sir; In compliance with your Circular of this date I have the honor to report the following names of laundresses as (authorized) of Comp any A 3 Cavy. Mrs. Anna Cook wife of Pvt Cook, Mrs. Mary J. Southern wife of Pvt Southern; Miss Hattie Southern daughter of Pvt Southern; Mrs. Augusheimer wife of Pvt Augusheimer. Very respectfully Your obdt servt. Chas Morton, 1st Lt. 3 Cavalry Comdg Co A Southern Letters Received (Mfilm 150) Ft. Laramie W.T. 12/15/1876 To the Post Adjutant Fort Laramie W.T. : Sir, In compliance with your Circular of this date I have the honor to report the following names of laundresses as (authorized) of Company A 3 Cavy. Mrs. Anna Cook wife of Pvt Cook, Mrs. Mary J. Southern wife of Pvt Southern; Miss Hattie Southern daughter of Pvt Southern; Mrs. Augusheimer wife of Pvt Augusheimer. Very respectfully Your obdt servt. Chas Morton, 1st Lt. 3 Cavalry Comdg Co A Stanley
116 Stevens Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 Circular : Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Lieut & adjt 14th Infy & Post Laundresses Co "M" 5th Cav. : Martha Stevens 2 children Mary Peterson none Margaret O'Brien 2 children. Jacob Almy 1 Lt 5th Cav. Sullivan Letters Received 1877 To the Post Adjutant Fort Laramie, Wy. T. (Thru' Comd'g Officer, Co. "G", 14" Infantry) : Sir I have the honor to state that about the 5" of the present month I made application for Suitable Quarters for myself and wife who is laundress of Co. "I", 14" Infantry. The application was referred to the Post Qr. Mr., who gave me a dilapidated place (the best he cou ld afford at that time) and some canvas to make it as comfortable as possible until such time as he said the (2) new quarters win course of erection would be ready to be occupied by me which would be in a few days. One of the quarters (the other I understo od at that time was for Pvt. Tanner Co. "A" 14" Infty) was taken possession of by Private Layet Co K 14' Infty to day. I consider after I have been waiting in my present miserable place during this cold weather for the completion of the quarters, it is rat her hard that another person should step in and occupy the place that was intended for me. They having all along a more suitable place to reside in than I. I think it is unjust that another should occupy the quarters that had been promised me and I refer t o the good judgment of the Commanding Officer, if I am not more entitled to them than Pvt. Layet Co "K" 14" Infantry. I am Sir, Very Respectfully Your obedient Servant Thomas O. Sullivan Tanner Letters Received 1877 To the Post Adjutant Fort Laramie, Wy. T. (Thru' Comd'g Officer, Co. "G", 14" Infantry) : Sir, I have the honor to state that about the 5 th of the present month I made application for Suitable Quarters for myself and wife who is laundress of Co. "I", 14" Infantry. The application was referred to the Post Qr. Mr., who gave me a dilapidated place (the best he could afford at that time) and some canvas to make it as comfortable as possible until such time as he said the (2) new quarters win course of erection would be ready to be occupied by me which would be in a few days. One of the quarters (the other I understood at that time was for Pvt. Tann er Co. "A" 14" Infty) was taken possession of by Private Layet Co K 14' Infty to day. I consider after I have been waiting in my present miserable place during this cold weather for the completion of the quarters, it is rather hard that another person shou ld step in and occupy the place that was intended for me. They having all along a more suitable place to reside in than I. I think it is unjust that another should occupy the quarters that had been
117 promised me and I refer to the good judgment of the Comman ding Officer, if I am not more entitled to them than Pvt. Layet Co "K" 14" Infantry. I am Sir, Very Respectfully Your obedient Servant Thomas O. Sullivan Thompson E nl Phillip George 4/23/1869 at Louisville KY, by Lt Guernsey for 5 yrs. Born Calhoune Co Al a., age 24 a teamser. Blue eyes light hair, fair complex 5 ft 10 in. 14 Inf Co H, 2nd enl. Disch 9/24/1874 by exp of serv at Ft. Russell Wyo Ty, a pvt. Phillip George enl. 9/28/1875 at Fort Laramie W.T. by Lt. Price for 5 years, born Calhoune Ala, age 30 a teamster, blue eyes, light hair, fair complex 5 ft 10 in. 4 Inf Co D, 3d enlistment, disch 6/28/1877 at Omaha Barracks Neb per S.O. 81 Dept Platte 77 a pvt, character good. Van Horten MLA 1, letter 8/2/1874 Walsh M film 149 Muster Roll Oct Dec 1889, Ward, McClellan Pvt due laundress O.J.D. Walsh 50 cents. Wykle Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 Circular : Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their resp ective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Lieut & adjt 14th Infy & Post Laundresses in Co B : 1. Mrs. Fagan 1 child 2. Mrs. Wykle 2 chi ldren 3. Mrs. Roycroft None 4. Mrs. DeWolf 1 child J E Quentin 1 Lt 14th Inf Young Letters Received HdQrs Fort Laramie, W. T. June 2d 1871 Circular : Commanding Officers of Companies will write herein the names of laundresses of their respective Companies, together with the number of their children, to the Cmd. that quarters may be apportioned accordingly. By order of Col J. E. Smith Wm W McCammon 2 Li eut & adjt 14th Infy & Post : Annie Ryan none Mrs. Higgins none Elizabeth Young 2 children. Jacob Almy 1st Lt 5 Cav Comdg Comp.
118 APPENDIX C : Registry of Laundresses (Army Laundresses, 1802 1882 2008). Andrews, (Unknown ) Fort Hays, KS 1874. Married, U nknown. Assigned to house number two on Laundress Row. Bergsland, Regina Fort Hays, KS 1874. Assigned to house number 13 on Laundress Row. Was relieved as a matron in the post hospital in 1976. Bethram, (Unknown) Fort Hays, KS 1872. Was married to Pvt. Charles Berthram, Sixth Cavalry. Boerner, (Unknown) Fort Hays, KS 1874. Was married to Comm. Sgt. Ernest Boerner, 23rd Infantry. A daughter was born at Fort Hays on August 11, 1878. Bolan, (Unknown) Fort Hays, KS 1871. Was the wife a a tent maker, (name unknown) employed by QMD. Occupied house number one on Laundress Row. Botzer, (Unknown) Fort Hays KS. This laundress had special orders on April 26, 1869 to join her company at Fort Hays. She was married, husband's name was Edward. He was born in Germany in 1845. She was a laundress for the 7th Cavalry, Troop G. Her mother's name was Brush. She had a brother, Charlie. Edward Botzer was discharged as a Corporal in 1871, and reenlisted. He was a First Sgt. with the 7th Cavalry, Company G in 1876 when he was killed crossing the Little Big Horn River. His remains were found in 1989 in the bank of the Little Big Horn River at the site of Reno's retreat crossing. Brewster, (Unknown) Married Pvt. Geo rge W. Brewster. Fort Bridger, WY 1868. Laundress, Company H, 36 Infantry. Brush, (Unknown) Fort Hays, KS. This laundress had special orders on April 26, 1869 to join her company at Fort Hays. She was married, husband's name unknown. She was a laundr ess for the 7th Cavalry, Troop G.
119 This is probably Mrs. Botzer, as mentioned above. Her maiden name was Brush. Burton, Martha Fort Hays, KS, 3 20 1869 to 3 28 1869. She was sent to Fort Dodge from Fort Riley, via Fort Hays. She was to proceed to Fort Dodge to join her company. She was a laundress for the 10th Cavalry, Troop B. Cooper, Lucy Fort Hays, KS, 3 20 1869 to 3 28 1869. She was moving from Fort Riley to Fort Hays, enroute to Fort Dodge. On the 28th she received special orders to proceed to Fort Dodge with the view of joining her company. She was married, husband's name unknown. She was a laundress for the 10th Cavalry, Troop B. Curnan, Annie. Fort Wallace, 1868. Laundress for Company I. When Keogh left Fort Wallace he was under orders to take Mrs. Curnan and transport her as far as the train went, to Hays City. Delapp, Emma Fort Buford, North Dakota 1872. Died September 9, 1872 at Fort Buford of Phthisis Dolan, (Unknown) Fort Hays, KS, 1869. Mr. Dolan (rank unknown) and his wife were ordered off of the military reservation. They were occupying rooms in the laundress quarters. If they did not comply and leave, they were to be forcibly ejected. No further information is available at this time. Douglas, Unknown Fort Bridger, WY, 1868 Laundress, 36th Infantry, Company B. Durand, Emma Fort Buford, 1881. Died February 14, 1881 at Fort Buford. Was reburied at Custer National Cemetery, Section A, grave number 395. Dwier, I. Fort Hays, KS, 1871. Was the wife of an unidentified soldier. They occupied house number two. Laundress, 6th Infantry, Company A. Eichler, Margaret Fort Hays, KS, 1880. Laundress. Age 25 in 1880. Born in Pennsylvania, married to
120 Pvt. Robert Eichler, 4th Cavalry Band. He was born in Germany. Daughter Minna, age 7 in 1880 was born in Missouri, daughter Maria, age 4 in 1880 was born in Indian Territory, and daughter Emilia, age 1 in 1880 was born in Texas. A Sgt. Allen, 4th Cavalry, Troop A, died and owed Mrs. Eichler $3.50 for laundry services. The Pa ymaster paid h er this money from his effects. Eldridge, (Unknown) Fort Hays, KS, May, 1874. Assigned to house #5 on Laundress Row. Fircetta, (Unknown) Fort Hays, KS, November 1871. Wife of a soldier, occupied house #3 on Laundress Row. Fitzgerald, Mary A. Fort Hays, KS, May, 1870. Married to Ord. Sgt. Michael Fitzgerald. Laundress for 7th Cavalry,Troop G. She was to be provided with a monthly certificate for her rations. On May 20th 1870 she was provided with her laundress certificate for the a bove assignment. On August 1 1870 a certificate was required by the Company commander in order for her to continue to draw rations. On August 3, she was no longer a laundress for Troop G, 7th Cavalry. On August 5, she was reappointed to her duties. I n November of 1871, she was listed as a laundress for the 6th Cavalry, Troop F. She and her husband occupied house #3 on Laundress Row. On January 1, 1874 she was reassigned as a hospital matron. In may of that year, she was assigned to house #12 on Lau ndress Row. In September she was relieved of her duties as a hospital matron. On March 1, 1875, on the recommendation of the surgeon, A. K. Smith, a Mrs. Susan Torreus was relieved of her duties as a hospital matron, and Mrs. Fitzgerald was appointed ins tead. In June of 1876, she was again appointed as a hospital matron. Fossette, Unknown Fort Hays, KS. Married to Sgt. Fossette, 6th Infantry.
121 Franks, Mrs. Was somehow associated with the 7th Cavalry, Troop F. Special Orders #44, dated April 26, 186 9 state that she is to join the company at Fort Hays. Funk, Laura Fort Hays, KS, 1871 1874. Married to Trumpeter Adam Funk, 6th Cavalry. She and her husband occupy house #4 on Laundress Row. Laundress for the 6th Cavalry, Troop F. Gratz, Kate Was to be provided with transportation by rail and stage to Fort Wallace. That order, from Fort Hays, was dated March 11, 1869. New orders, dated March 14, 1869 asked that transportation be provided to Fort Dodge, with the view of joining her company on arrival at that post. 10th Cavalry, Troop K. Hazen, May Died July 4, 1872 at Fort Buford, of cholera. Fort Buford, Dakota Territory, 1872. Laundress. Hurlbut, (Unknown) Was married, her husband was killed in a battle with the Nez Perce. She had an unknown number of children. Her husband died before the birth of one of the children. Fort Lapuai, 1877. Knott, Elizabeth Died February 27, 1871 at Fort Buford, of disease. Fort Buford, Dako ta Territory, 1871. Laundress. Littlejohn, Margaret Born 1842, the daughter of D. and M.M. Caton, Owen County, Missouri. Married Amos W. Littlejohn. Died October 5, 1878 at Fort Buford, Dakota Territory. Polite company said that she died of a miscarriage. Official records say she died as a result of an abortion. Her original grave was at Fort Buford, Row Three, second from the end. She was reburied in Custer National Cemetery, Grave A 136. Fort Buford, Dakota Territory, 1878. Laundress, 6th Infantry, Company I. (See anecdotes, also). Nash, Mrs. Laundress for the 7th Cavalry. Patten, (Unknown) Fort D. A. Russell, WY. Born in Ireland.
122 Laundress. Roach, Julia Fort C. F. Smith Laundress. Buried at Custer Nationa l Cemetery, Section B, # 324. Selzengee, (Unknown) Laundress, 11th Ohio, Company E. Smith, Minnie Fort Buford, 1893. Died, September 9, 1893 at Fort Buford. Note this is well after the cutoff date for official recognition of laundresses. Reburied at Custer National Cemetery, plot number 373. Sullivan, Alice Fort Bridger, 1 878 79. Born in Ireland, maiden name was Murphy. Married John, in Glin, West Limerick Co., in Ireland, 1875. Children were one girl and one boy (Daniel) born at Fort Bridger, two more girls and one boy born at other military posts. 4th Infantry, Compan y I. Straw, Maria Fort Union, NM, 1877. Had some connection with the 9th Cavalry Band. May or may not have been one of their laundresses. She was quarantined with venereal disease to prevent its spread among the troops.