WILLIAM AUSTIN HAMILTON LOVELAND: LIFELONG PIONEER by SARAH NICHOLE RUSSELL B.A., Miami University, 2006 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts History Program 2014
ii This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Sarah Nichole Russell has been approved for the History Program by Thomas J. Noel, Chair Rebecca Hunt James Whiteside May 1, 2014
iii Russell, Sarah Nichole (M.A., History) William Austin Hamilton Loveland: Lifelong Pioneer Thesis directed by Professor Thomas J. Noel ABSTRACT William Austin Hamilton Loveland was a Colorado pi oneer and railroad entrepreneur. He was born in Chatham Massachusetts on May 30, 1826 and died in Lakewood, Colorado on December 17, 1894. As a youn g man, Loveland served in the Mexican American War, where he was wounded at the B attle of Chapultepec. After the war, he tried his hand at mining during the 1849 Go ld Rush in Grass Valley, California. He was unsuccessful, and returned to his familyÂ’s h ome in Illinois where he married and started a family of his own. Loveland relocated to Colorado in 1859, where he helped to found the town of Golden. He also built the first store in the area. Over time, he was instrumental in the development of wagon roads in t he foothills near Golden, and eventually established the Colorado Central Railroa d. Loveland was also an important political figure of his time, as he served for seve ral years in the Territorial Legislature. This paper details the life of William Loveland and explores both his achievements and defeats. The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication. Approved: Thomas J. Noel
iv DEDICATION I dedicate this work to my husband, Christopher, an d my son, Jacob, for supporting my decision to continue my education and sticking with me through thick and thin.
v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS There are so many people who helped me along during my journey to complete this thesis. First and foremost, my family and fri ends have provided me with an incredible amount of emotional support over the pas t few years. They have been there with a hug or a shoulder to cry on, or to help baby sit when I found myself in a pinch. My professors, too, have been instrumental during this entire process. In particular, I would like to thank my committee members; Dr. Noel, Dr. H unt, and Dr. Whiteside. You all believed in me when I did not believe in myself, an d that is why I am here today. Finally, there are the many people who helped me in my research. They are passionate people who love history and its mysterie s as much as I do. I would like to thank the staff at the Western History and Genealog y Department at the Denver Public Library. They are consummate professionals and wer e always available to answer questions and provide advice. In addition I would like to thank the staff at the Stephen Hart Research Library at the History Colorado Cente r. Thanks to Richard Gardner of Gardner History & Preservation in Golden, as well a s Jessica Lira at the Golden History Museums. I would like to thank all of the staff at the Colorado Railroad Museum, Jefferson County Public Library, Jefferson County A rchives, and Lakewood Heritage Center for their time. The Golden Landmarks Associ ation and the Loveland Historical Society also provided help.
vi TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTIONÂ…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â… 1 II: THE LOVELAND LINEAGEÂ…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â… ....5 Leonard LovelandÂ…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â… .... 5 Life on the East CoastÂ…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…...7 III: THE LIFE OF A SOLDIERÂ…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â… .13 IV: FROM CALIFORNIA GOLD RUSH TO GOLDEN CITYÂ…Â…...Â…. ...18 William Heads to San FranciscoÂ…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â….19 LovelandÂ’s Journey to Central AmericaÂ…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â… .Â….21 Eureka! Gold in ColoradoÂ…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â… ...22 A Promising Start for Golden CityÂ…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â… ..25 V: POLITICAL ASPIRATIONSÂ…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â… Â…Â…Â…Â…..Â…Â….29 VI: RAILROAD ROYALTYÂ…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â… Â…Â…Â…Â….Â…Â…Â… Â…42 VII: LOVELAND DEFIES THE LAWÂ…Â…Â…Â… Â…Â…Â…Â…...Â…Â…Â…Â…Â… .. 53 VIII: LOVELANDÂ’S LATER YEARSÂ…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â… Â…Â…Â…Â…..Â…....62 IX: WILLIAM LOVELANDÂ’S LEGACYÂ…Â…Â… Â…Â…Â…Â….Â…Â…Â…Â… ..Â…. 65 BIBLIOGRAPHYÂ…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…..Â…Â…Â…Â… ........ 71
vii LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE 1: Image of Leonard Loveland Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…..7 2: Early Corporate Structure of the Colorado Centra l RR Â…Â…Â…..50 3: Image of William Loveland Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â…Â….Â…Â… ... 70
1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION If you live in Colorado, chances are you have heard the name Loveland. Maybe you have skied at the Loveland ski resort, and you have the bumper sticker to prove it. Perhaps you have sent your valentine a card by way of Loveland, Colorado just for the postmark, and you likely have traveled over Lovelan d Pass via U.S Highway 6. What many people do not realize is that all of these pla ces, with the addition of Lake Loveland and Loveland Mountain, are named after the same man Colorado pioneer William Austin Hamilton Loveland. During his lifetime, William Austin Hamilton Lovela nd made a distinguished name for himself. He was best known for his succes s in building railroads, especially the Colorado Central Railroad. Loveland also was instr umental in helping to establish the Colorado School of Mines in Golden. He established a prosperous mercantile in Golden, Colorado. He, along with friend Charles C. Welch a nd wife Miranda Loveland, founded the city of Lakewood, Colorado. LovelandÂ’s service in numerous political offices, along with his success in the realm of business, all shou ld have added up to ensure that LovelandÂ’s name would be well remembered in and aro und the state of Colorado. For a gentleman to be so deeply involved in the pol itical and commercial affairs in the crucial era when Colorado entered statehood, one would assume that Loveland and his legacy would be well documented. As it stands, this once prominent member of Colorado society, and successful entrepreneur, has vanished into near obscurity. No books have been written to detail the successes and failures that Loveland experienced throughout his life. His contributions to Colorado history have all but been forgotten.
2 Within Colorado, Loveland was most well known in Je fferson County. He was a long-time resident of Golden, which served as the C olorado Territorial Capital from 1862-1867, due much to LovelandÂ’s influence. Lovel and also was a prominent businessman in Golden, establishing the Loveland Bl ock along Washington Avenue which helped to anchor the communityÂ’s downtown bus iness district. Loveland began his mercantile business in order to provide supplie s to miners and prospectors who travelled through the waypoint of Golden City. Aft er a short time in Golden, Loveland also became heavily involved in local and territori al politics, as well as in mining and other industrial activities. A spirit of exploration ran through the blood of th e men of the Loveland family, and during William LovelandÂ’s life, travel and adve nture in Mexico, California, and Central America defined his early decades. It wasn Â’t until the Gold Rush of 1859, when William Loveland settled in Golden, Colorado, that he finally found his true home. He had a seemingly endless supply of energy, ideas, an d faith, and he committed himself to a number of business pursuits that would tire the ave rage person. He proved to be fiercely loyal to those he considered his close friends, and an abhorrent bother to those who were unlucky enough to wind up on LovelandÂ’s bad side. William Loveland was an untiring champion for the residents of Golden City, and a th orn in the side to Denver residents. Luckily for Loveland, he came off as a very charmin g man with a distinctive look, and seemed to make friends rather easily. A talent for selecting the proper business partners and friends helped to take Loveland far in both his political and business careers. To get between Loveland and his ambitious plans was at oneÂ’s own risk, and not everyone who crossed his path was struck by his cha rming manner. His detractors
3 believed he was a cold and calculating man who was willing to lie, cheat a little, and use his friendsÂ’ political power to get ahead in the wo rld. Once crossed he was not known to forgive and forget easily. According to his grands on Hobart Loveland, William Â“was the type that once stabbed the wound was very deepÂ”; in fact, Hobart claimed, Â“They were like that in the early days of the West.Â”1 Territorial Governor John Evans may have held the title as LovelandÂ’s most reviled contemporary. Although Evans and Loveland were forced to collaborate on occasion, LovelandÂ’s const ant efforts to best Denver in any way possible sparked a nasty feud between the two men a nd their respective cities.2 In the end, William LovelandÂ’s dream of establishin g Golden as the railroad and business epicenter of Colorado did not come true. Although Loveland had established his reputation by his commitment to his goals, it was t his particular aspect of his personality that prevented him from achieving all that he set o ut to achieve. It was, many times, an issue of missing the forest for the trees. Lovelan dÂ’s tunnel vision prevented him from seeing obstacles that were in his path, and his dee p commitment to his plans and ideas often resulted in his immediate rejection of advice or criticism. During the 1950s, WilliamsÂ’s grandson Hobart was li ving in Nanuet New York, and was deeply committed to the memory of his grand father. Hobart believed that a man of William LovelandÂ’s importance should have been c elebrated in a book. In a 1953 letter to his friend (Colorado resident and histori an) Harold Marion Dunning, Hobart Loveland wrote, Â“But as time goes on all this becom es buried in the archives of the hasbeens and even the people of today or the people of tomorrow will never know who this 1 Harold Marion Dunning Papers, Denver Public Librar y, Denver, Colorado. 2 Jerome C. Smiley, History of Denver with Outlines of the Earlier Hist ory of the Rocky Mountain Country (Denver, CO: The Times-Sun Publishing Company, 1901 ), pg. 597.
4 Â“guyÂ” Loveland was.Â”3 Hobart Loveland seemed to be struggling with the restlessness his grandfather was so famous for, as he tirelessly pursued several avenues in order to locate an author who willing to put pen to paper in memoriam of his grandfatherÂ’s life. His efforts were unsuccessful, until now. Sixty ye ars later, this is the hope for the following pages. 3 Hobart Loveland to Harold Marion Dunning, Septembe r 27, 1953, Harold Marion Dunning Collection, Denver Public Library, Denver, Colorado.
5 CHAPTER II THE LOVELAND LINEAGE Many major events in American history occurred over the course of William LovelandÂ’s life, events that influenced his persona lity, his ideas, and his values. During the 1820s, the decade in which William was born, ci tizens all over the United States celebrated fifty years of independence. The Mexica n American War during the 1840s also played an important role in shaping LovelandÂ’s future. As a young solder, William was present at some of the warÂ’s most intense battl es. The California and Colorado Gold Rushes Â– which occurred just ten years apart Â– insp ired Loveland to chase his fortune in the American West. In the 1860s and afterwards, th e American Civil War left a lasting impression not only in the East where the vast majo rity of the fighting took place, but also in the West where tension ran high as the dest iny of potential new states hinged on the fate of a divided Union. Even with all that Wi lliam Loveland saw and experienced, the greatest influence in his life may, in fact, ha ve been his father. Leonard Loveland Even before he was born, William Austin Hamilton Lo veland seemed destined for a life of adventure. His early years must have bee n filled with stories told by his father Leonard Loveland, a man whose life was shaped by ad ventures on the high seas and the American frontier. Leonard LovelandÂ’s oldest daugh ter, Thankful, once wrote of her
6 father, Â“He was of a roving disposition, a sailor i n his early days. He was fond of adventure and liked the life of a pioneer.Â”4 Leonard Loveland was born in Chatham, Massachusetts in May 1792. He joined the naval service as a young man of twenty at the o utbreak of the War of 1812. He married Elizabeth Eldridge at their hometown of Cha tham, Massachusetts on June 7, 1812, shortly before his enlistment.5 While at sea during the conflict, Loveland was captured by the British and jailed for nearly two y ears at the infamous Dartmoor Prison, not far from Plymouth Bay in England.6 During his imprisonment Leonard was introduced to the teachings of the Methodist Church by English ministers.7 Leonard returned to his home in Massachusetts nine months after the War of 1812 had ended. He learned that in his absence, Elizabe th had given birth to their first child, Thankful.8 After several years of farming in Chatham, Leonar d, Elizabeth, Thankful, and new baby Leonard Jr., set out for the Ohio frontier According to a letter written by Thankful, who was four at the time the family moved to Ohio, the Lovelands settled approximately five miles from the closest community and set about clearing the timber 4 John Bigelow Loveland and George Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family in the United States of America from 1635 to 1892, contain ing the descendants of Thomas Loveland of Wethersfield, now Glastonbury, Connecti cut Volume II. (Fremont, Ohio: I.M. Keeler and Sons, Printers, 1894), pg. 30. New York Public Library Digital Archive, http://www.archive.org/stream/genealogyoflovel02lov e/genealogyoflovel02love_djvu.txt (accessed February 1, 2012.) 5Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family, pg. 30. 6 Harold Marion Dunning Collection, Denver Public Li brary, Denver, Colorado. 7 Wilbur Fiske Stone, editor, History of Colorado, Volume 4 (Chicago, IL: The S.J. Clarke Publishing Company, 1919), pg. 749. 8 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 32.
7 and working the land.9 It was here in the Ohio wilderness that Leonard L oveland became an official member of the Methodist Episcopal Churc h. Figure 1. The Reverend Leonard Loveland, father of William Austin Hamilton Loveland. Photograph courtesy of Ancestry.com Publ ic Images. Life on the East Coast By early 1822, the Loveland family had returned to Massachusetts from Ohio. Here, Leonard continued to farm, and over the next few years the family expanded. William Austin Hamilton, the fifth of seven Lovelan d children, was born on May 30, 1862.10 During the summer of 1826 Americans celebrated th e countryÂ’s fiftieth anniversary with community picnics, fireworks, para des, and various other festivities. The celebratory mood was darkened, however, by the deaths of founding fathers Thomas Jefferson and John Adams on July Fourth. Despite t he current of excitement than ran high throughout the country, life for the Loveland family continued on as usual. Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 31-32. 10 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 30.
8 The LovelandÂ’s home of Chatham was located at the s outhern tip of Cape Cod, Massachusetts. Their proximity to the ocean made f arming an especially demanding profession. Specialty crops such as cranberries an d strawberries seemed to be the few species that could thrive in the oceanic conditions .11 A farmer like Leonard Loveland would have needed a significant area of farmland to return a reasonable profit for his growing family. By and large, the economy in and a round Cape Cod was inextricably tied to the ocean. Sailors, whalers, and merchants depended on a financial system that could process and move their wares, and the seaside villages catered largely to the marine trades.12 Leonard Loveland had already experienced life at sea, and it is reasonable to believe he wanted nothing more to do with it. It was not long after William was born that Leonard and his family departed Chatham. In early 1827 the Lovelands relocated bri efly to Lippitt, Rhode Island before they moved again to Lonsdale in 1833.13 Leonard Loveland must have believed that he could improve his familyÂ’s situation by relocating them to Rhode Island, and it was certainly a drastic change. Rhode Island had become the East Coast epicenter fo r textile manufacturing during the early 1800s. Many families, including w omen and children, found themselves working long days in poor conditions in the local c otton mills. The Loveland family was no exception and at only seven years old William wa s put to work in a cotton factory in 11 Paul Schneider, The Enduring Shore (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2000), pg. 259. 12 Schneider, The Enduring Shore pg. 259. 13 Harold Marion Dunning, Over Hill and Vale: In the Evening Shadows of Color adoÂ’s Longs Peak, Vol. 1 (Boulder, CO: Johnson Publishing Company, 1956), pg 353.
9 Lonsdale.14 The textile industry boomed in Rhode Island as it gobbled up capital and employees, and created an economy Â“short on diversi ty.Â” 15 Unfortunately, an economic downturn in 1837 caused the price of cotton and other commodities to tumble. In turn the manufactu ring facilities could no longer support a large-scale workforce. In the smaller towns of R hode Island, these economic, Â“panicsÂ…revealed the vulnerability of the workers i n the mill village environment.Â”16 In villages like Lonsdale the downturn of 1837 hit esp ecially hard. The Loveland family again found themselves at a crossroads. For Leonar d, his wife, and his seven children the mounting uncertainty was too much to abide. Leonard and his family wasted no time waiting arou nd Lonsdale to see if things might improve. They promptly decided to relocate t o Alton, Illinois to tackle life on the wide-open western frontier. The Lovelands werenÂ’t the only ones to take advantage of the plentiful land offered in the Midwest. The exp ansion of the Erie Canal and Midwestern canal systems spurred a boom that quadru pled the population of Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, and Michigan over the twenty year pe riod from 1820 to 1840.17 Historian James E. Davis offers a plethora of reaso ns these adventurous families were often seduced by the picturesque descriptions of life on the frontier. The western country offered Â“Readily available land, bountiful harvests, opportunities for bracing self14 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 42. 15 Paul E. Revard, A New Order of Things: How the Textile Industry Tra nsformed New England (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 200 2), pg. 41-42. 16 Revard, A New Order of Things pg. 42-43. 17 David S. Reynolds, Waking Giant: America in the Age of Jackson (New York: Harper Collins, 2008), pg. 7.
10 sufficiency and independence, pride in achievement, and perceived fluid social conditions.Â”18 Fluidity and change were a familiar part of Leona rd Lovelands life, and the family adjusted quickly to their new situation. The decision to move to Illinois proved both good and bad for the Loveland family. Only a few months after the Lovelands had relocated, the town of Alton experienced major flooding from the nearby Mississi ppi River. The family took their misfortune in stride and, along with many other Alt on families, moved to the nearby town of Brighton. It wasnÂ’t long before Leonard Lovelan d decided to take advantage of the plentiful land available for purchase in the outlyi ng areas of Alton, which may have been his goal all along. Life in Illinois gave Leonard Loveland the chance t o farm on a scale he could not have achieved on the East Coast. As a result of th e Land Act of 1820, citizens could purchase government lands for sale on a cash basis (instead of credit, which had previously been the case) via public auction.19 Soon after the family was settled in Illinois, Leonard Loveland applied for his very fir st land patent, and purchased 960 acres.20 Land in New England had been scarce, and the rela tive ease with which land could be purchased in the Middle West must have sat isfied Leonard Loveland. In the two 18 James E. Davis, Frontier Illinois (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1998), pg. 180. 19 Willard W. Cochrane, The Development of American Agriculture: A Historic al Analysis 2nd ed. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1 993), pg. 57. U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Land Man agement, General Land Office Records, Land Patent Records for Leonard Loveland, http://www.glorecords.blm.gov/search/default.aspx (accessed March 30, 2013)
11 years following, Loveland applied for three subsequ ent patents, purchasing an additional 200 acres in Macoupin County.21 With their proximity to the booming urban metropoli s of St. Louis, the communities of Alton and Brighton quickly blossomed into active commercial centers. In addition, Alton was located only a short distanc e from the confluence of the Illinois and Missouri Rivers. The proximity of the Loveland family to the town of Alton was crucial to the familyÂ’s good fortune, as Alton soon grew into a vital port of trade and wholesale point for local products as well as goods transported via the adjacent river.22 The work was hard and Leonard and his wife labored tirelessly, whether it was to clear timber, maintain the household, or plant and harvest crops. Fate, however, took an unfortunate turn soon after the Loveland family set tled in Illinois. Elizabeth Loveland, the matriarch of the family, passed away in 1838 le aving Leonard a single father to their seven children. Despite the absence of Elizabeth, the Loveland family seemed to maintain business as usual. Leonard Loveland soon found a second partner, and married Betsey Griswold in Brighton on February 2, 1840.23 As the Loveland children grew into their adolescent years, they were able to provide L eonard with much needed help on the family farm. In turn, Leonard further pursued his second occupation as a traveling 21 U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Land Ma nagement, General Land Office Records, Land Patent Records for Leonard Loveland http://www.glorecords.blm.gov/search/default.aspx (accessed March 30, 2013) 22 Davis, Frontier Illinois pg. 238. 23 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 18.
12 Methodist minister. Over time, he earned a reputat ion as a powerful speaker, and was awarded a Deaconship in 1851.24 In 1845, it was time for young William to obtain a proper education. He enrolled at McKindree College located approximately fifty mi les away in Lebanon, Illinois; however the school closed after his first term ther e. Afterwards, Loveland transferred to Shurtleff College in Upper Alton.25 Transferring back to school in Alton meant that Leonard was able to rely on WilliamÂ’s continued hel p. William worked tirelessly on the family farm and at other odd jobs in order to finan ce his education. Perhaps due to the strain of his physical labors, or perhaps due to a penchant for illness that would follow him throughout his lifetime, William soon fell ill with pleurisy, an infection that causes the lining of the lungs to become inflamed, making the simple act of breathing very painful. Despite his illness William was determin ed to start out on his own, and his carefully crafted plans did not involve returning t o college to finish his coursework. In 1846 the Mexican-American War broke out and William resolved to pursue glory on the battlefield. 24 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 32. 25 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 42.
13 CHAPTER III THE LIFE OF A SOLDIER The Mexican-American War was LovelandÂ’s violent ini tiation into adulthood. He must have anticipated some difficulty in convincing his family that his cause was a noble one, as he and his roommate devised a complicated p lan to skip town and join the army. LovelandÂ’s decision was not only inspired by a lon ging for adventure, but also out of necessity. The army paid well and he did not ha ve the funds necessary to finish his schooling. William anticipated that he would be go ne for a maximum of six months and return with an easy $150 in his pocket.26 Once Loveland had made up his mind to enlist in the army, he and his roommate John Patterson dev eloped a plan that would see them safely to an army representative in St. Louis. After receiving nine dollars from PattersonÂ’s uncle the two young men discussed their journey in the utmost secrecy; they packed a small trunk with their personal effects and sent it ahead of their own departure. On the m orning of March 2, 1847 Loveland and Patterson breakfasted with WilliamÂ’s older sister T hankful at her home in Alton. During the breakfast Thankful lectured her brother on the importance of taking care of his health, especially considering his very recent bout of pleu risy.27 Perhaps this was simply an older sister showing concern for her brotherÂ’s well -being, or maybe Thankful had caught wind of the plan and this was her delicate attempt to talk him out of it. Either way, William was unconcerned that his less-than-optimal health posed a serious risk. 26 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 42. 27 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 43.
14 Immediately following breakfast, the two young men departed for the docks where they boarded a boat headed for St. Louis. When the duo arrived in St. Louis, they ran into tr ouble convincing the enlisting officer not only that they were old enough to sign on Â– Loveland was just shy of twenty one Â– but also that they had experience driving mul e teams.28 (In LovelandÂ’s case this was highly likely considering that he had helped hi s father extensively on the family farm.) When William Loveland recalled this experie nce in later life he told a slightly different story; one that embellished the details o f his enlistment. He wrote, Â“I saw an advertisement in a St. Louis paper callin g for teamsters and offering $25 a month. I made up my mind that I would go to MexicoÂ…and I and a fellow-studient [sic] climbed out of a window of our dormitory; swam a mile across the Mis sissippi River and went to Jefferson Barracks below St. Louis, where soldiers were prepa ring to move down the river to New Orleans.Â”29 When William finally arrived at the army barracks, he received his first assignment. The commanding captain put Loveland in charge of assembling a team of volunteers who were willing to enlist in the army. During the Mexican-American War, these volunteers were given duties very similar in nature to the trained soldiers.30 Loveland succeeded at this task in a matter of days which impressed his superior officer. William was then offered fifty dollars per month to lead his volunteers to Santa Fe, which he declined, as he had hoped to make his way to Mex ico as quickly as possible and enter the fray.31 28 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 43. 29 Harold Marion Dunning Papers, Denver Public Librar y, Denver, Colorado. 30 William A.H. Loveland Obituary, Rocky Mountain News December 18, 1894. Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 43.
15 While William may have glorified the details of his enlistment in the United States Army, once he arrived at the battlefield he did not shy away from the front lines and was often in the midst of the action. In any c ase, it soon became clear to his superiors that William Loveland was a natural leade r and he acquired more responsibilities and oversaw an increasing number o f men as the war carried on.32 At the Battle for Chapultepec, however, Loveland re ceived an injury that signaled the end of his short-lived military career. Althou gh the battle itself was quite short Â– the U.S. Army was able to seize the castle and dispatch a substantial number of Mexican troops, some of whom were young boys, over a period of only a few hours Loveland suffered a severe leg wound when a shell exploded n ear him.33 His injury landed him in an army hospital in Mexico City for four months whi le he recuperated.34 In later accounts of his war wound, Loveland quoted, Â“That w as a glorious battle and it never will be effaced from my memory.Â”35 LovelandÂ’s glorification of the Battle for Chapultepec clearly did not imply any sympathies on his part for the Mexican soldiers who had perished during the battle. Military repor ts indicated that the Mexican army lost 32 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 43-44. According to WilliamÂ’s son Frank, Captain Reed respected this de cision and put Loveland in charge of 200 men and 100 horses with the purpose of heading to New Orleans, and from there forward to Mexico. Robert W. Merry, A Country of Vast Designs: James K. Polk, the Mexic an War, and the Conquest of the American Continent (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2009), pg. 387388. 34 Loveland Obituary, Rocky Mountain News December 18, 1894. 35 Harold Marion Dunning Papers, Denver Public Librar y, Denver, Colorado.
16 approximately 1,800 soldiers during the raid on Cha pultepec castle, while the United States army suffered 450 casualties.36 After LovelandÂ’s stay in the hospital, he regained his mobility and intended to return home. With a small company of three other m en, Loveland set out for Vera Cruz, a port city located on the Gulf coast. On the jour ney Loveland and his crew faced several near misses with rogue militiamen. As Frank Lovela nd recalled his fatherÂ’s story, Â“At this time every Mexican on the route [from Mexico C ity to Vera Cruz] constituted himself a bushwhacker to shoot down Americans witho ut mercyÂ…it was only through good luck that they escaped with their lives.Â”37 Another tale that William later enjoyed regaling audiences with was of his partyÂ’s layup in a mud hut for ten days, surviving only due to the generosity of a Mexican woman who provid ed the men with food and water.38 LovelandÂ’s experience in the war was probably far f rom what he expected of his six month sojourn. Six months turned into a year; and in addition to his own battle scars William witnessed the death of his roommate John Pa tterson.39 Nonetheless, William Loveland returned from war seemingly without the di senchantment that one might expect from a soldier who had experienced what he had. In the future he happily recalled his 36 Merry, A Country of Vast Designs, pg. 387-388. 37 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 44. 38 Loveland Obituary, Rocky Mountain News December 18, 1894. 39 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 44. Patterson did not die in battle, rather, he contacted measles before he ever left the United States and never recovered.
17 adventures throughout the war, including the numero us Â“narrow escapesÂ” his little party had from the Mexican soldiers who were hot on their heels.40 After he had recovered from his injuries, Loveland returned to the United States. Although he intended to finish his studies at unive rsity, LovelandÂ’s experience in Mexico had instilled in him a thirst for adventure and tra vel that proved difficult to quench. 40 Loveland Obituary, Rocky Mountain News December 18, 1894.
18 CHAPTER IV FROM CALIFORNIA GOLD RUSH TO GOLDEN CITY By the age of twenty-three, William Loveland had al ready experienced life on the Illinois frontier and had been severely wounded at the Battle of Chapultepec during the Mexican-American War. Following his escapades in M exico, William returned to his family home in Illinois in July of 1848. While his original plan was to return to his course of study at Shurtleff College, Loveland soon realized that his abundant energy did not lend itself to life in the academic arena. Wha t he truly desired was to begin his career in business.41 Soon after he arrived back home in Brighton, rum ors of gold and riches in California began to circulate across the country. To a man with LovelandÂ’s ambition, the enjoyment of running his own business likely paled in comparison to the potential fortune that awaited in the California hills. It probably came as no surprise to WilliamÂ’s family that the young man ventured yet again into unknown territory when he headed west for the California gold mines. William set out for the West Coast with two compani ons on May 10, 1849, carrying what little possessions they had in a wago n. Their livestock consisted of four yoke of oxen and several cows.42 When Loveland arrived in California, he settled i n the mining area of Grass Valley, located approximately sixty miles northeast of Sacramento. According to the Loveland family history, William a nd his party built the first log cabin 41 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family 44. 42 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family 44. LovelandÂ’s companions were never named, making it nearly impos sible to track down their exact whereabouts in Grass Valley.
19 in the Grass Valley area. Unfortunately, this stat ement cannot be verified. While the area referred to as Grass Valley encompassed severa l small mining camps, including the fledgling towns of Centerville and Nevada City, a t horough search of The History of Nevada County, California turned up no mention at all of LovelandÂ’s name.43 If LovelandÂ’s group was the first to settle in Grass V alley, they certainly did not care to record the fact for posterity. In the Grass Valley area, the most common method of extracting ore was placer mining. Miners panned in the nearby streams and dr ainages, looking for the gold that washed down from lodes much higher in elevation. T he work was very difficult, and miners often spent long days standing in icy mounta in springs, bending and straightening for hours on end in the hopes of going home with a bit of gold dust to show for their labors. The mining lifestyle did not fit William L oveland well, and he seemed especially prone to illness during the time he spent in Grass Valley.44 This was not particularly surprising given the unsanitary conditions that abo unded in the male-dominated mining camps and LovelandÂ’s history of health problems. William Heads to San Francisco For three years, William chased his dreams of gold in the rivers and streams of Grass Valley. In the spring of 1851, he finally de cided to cut his losses and headed south 43 Thomas Thompson and Albert West, The History of Nevada County California with Illustrations Reprint (Berkeley, CA: Howell-North Books, 1970). 44 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 45. It is unknown what exactly Loveland suffered from during this tim e. He had a history of lung related illness, but may also have dealt with the lingering effects of his leg injury.
20 on a 150 mile trek to San Francisco.45 Perhaps he was seeking yet another adventure, but the more likely case was that he hoped to find impr oved medical services and a place to rest and recuperate from his illness. In any case, the trip to San Francisco improved LovelandÂ’s spirit and his strength. LovelandÂ’s brief stint in San Francisco seemed to s park rumors that he was interested in teaming up with an adventurer named W illiam Walker. Walker was living in San Francisco at the time Loveland visited, and enjoyed a rapid rise to stardom. Walker worked as the co-editor of the San Francisco Herald and although possible, it is doubtful that the two men were acquainted with one another. As a young and energetic journalist, William Walker was a popular individual in San Francisco, Â“with his views widely shared by locals and with his courage much a dmired.Â”46 With Walker at the helm of the Herald the paper touted the increasingly popular idea that the United States should become involved in the construction of a canal through Nicaragua that some proposed would be both shorter and less expensive than a canal across Panama. The idea of a Nicaragua route becam e very popular among the California crowd, and, Â“the newspapers of San Francisco,Â” espe cially the Herald Â“were filled with discussions of the new route.Â”47 New York business tycoon Cornelius Vanderbilt was 45 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 45. 46 Stephen Dando-Collins, TycoonÂ’s War: How Cornelius Vanderbilt Invaded a Co untry to Overthrow AmericaÂ’s Most Famous Military Adventu rer (Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 2008), pg. 22. 47John Kemble, The Panama Route: 1848-1869 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1943), pg. 60
21 also invested in the idea, and Loveland made ready for a journey to Nicaragua with the intent to contract work under Vanderbilt on the pro posed canal.48 LovelandÂ’s Journey to Central America After regaining much of his health in San Francisco Loveland was ready to move on. The details regarding his travels to Nicaragua are poorly documented, as there is nothing to suggest that Loveland was qualified to w ork on the technical aspects of the canal project. The popularity of William Walker an d his influence within California may certainly have been an inspiration. Regardless of the circumstances, Loveland headed south to Nicaragua. William likely followed a rout e that landed him on the Pacific Coast of Costa Rica before he traveled on to Lake Nicarag ua. According to the Genealogy of the Loveland Family William continued to gain strength in the lush tr opical climate, as well as an increased interest in the capitalist wor kings of Cornelius Vanderbilt.49 Considering that Loveland harbored dreams of transp ortation himself, it seems reasonable to think that he admired VanderbiltÂ’s vi sion for a modernized transit system in Nicaragua. And if Loveland read any of WalkerÂ’s st ories in the San Francisco papers, he too considered that VanderbiltÂ’s plans to open a br and-new transit route across Nicaragua might be an investment worthy of his time and talen t.50 LovelandÂ’s whirlwind trip through San Francisco and Nicaragua quickly turned up an empty employment opportunity, as interest in the project and promises of financial assistance from investors in the United States quic kly died away. He returned to Illinois 48 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 45. 49 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 45. 50 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 45.
22 in July 1851 where he immediately commenced his mer cantile business. During these next few years in Illinois William struggled with t he demands of running a business, and he experienced tragedy in his personal life as well Not long after arriving back in Illinois, he began to court a young lady named Phil ena Shaw. William and Philena married on May 13, 1852 and they welcomed their fir st child, Francis Â“FrankieÂ” Loveland, early in 1853.51 In a most unfortunate turn of events, William Lov eland lost his son to illness on July 30, 1853 and his wife Ph ilena only a few months later on January 2, 1854.52 After the death of his first wife and child, it was several years before William again opened himself to the possibility of marriage LovelandÂ’s second marriage in August 1856 to Miranda Ann Montgomery, who came fro m a prominent Alton family, proved to be a long and successful one for both. L ess than a year after they were married, the LovelandÂ’s welcomed their first son Francis Wil liam, born July 24, 1857.53 Eureka! Gold in Colorado Loveland was not present for the birth of his young er son, William II. Although he had established a successful mercantile business in Alton and seemed to settle easily into family life, the American West beckoned once a gain when stories of gold in Colorado began to swirl. A full decade had passed since LovelandÂ’s first gold rush experience, but that mattered little. Loveland pac ked up several wagons with supplies, 51 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 41. 52 Harold Marion Dunning, Over Hill and Vale, pg. 354. 53 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 41.
23 left his young son and pregnant wife behind and hit the road to Colorado in May 1859. William and MirandaÂ’s second son, William Leonard, was born on July 20, 1859.54 Loveland arrived in Denver during the early summer of 1859 and pushed on to Golden City on June 22, 1859. In the summer of 185 9 Golden City, named for local prospector Thomas Golden, was little more than a fe w scattered tents along the banks of Clear Creek (then also known as Vasquez Fork.)55 The lessons William learned in his unsuccessful quest in California proved to be his f ortune in Colorado. While he was interested in both coal and hard rock mining in Col orado, Loveland learned that what was truly in high demand was supplies and equipment for miners. WilliamÂ’s first inclination to reestablish his mercantile business in the fledg ling town of Golden City proved to be fortuitous. Whether the prospectors in the Denver and Golden area were successful mattered not for Loveland; miners always needed new gold pans, picks, clothing, boots, and provisions. Notable Denver historian Jerome C. Smiley described the mercantile business during the territoryÂ’s early days, Â“StorekeepingÂ…was a profitable occupation for men who had sufficient capital to properly cond uct it.Â”56 This time, Loveland had come prepared. LovelandÂ’s new mercantile business was only the fir st step in what became a personal quest to turn the fledgling Golden City in to the metropolis of the Colorado Territory. He wasted no time in becoming involved with numerous other business ventures in and around Golden and Loveland quickly established a reputation as a man of 54 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 45. 55 Alice Hill Polk, Colorado Pioneers in Picture and Story (Denver: Brock-Haffner Press, 1915), pg. 332. 56 Smiley, History of Denver, pg. 304.
24 ambition. Of course he was not the only man to rec ognize the potential in a location so close to Clear Creek and the mountains and as Lovel and went about the business of erecting a storefront he quickly discovered that an other group was about to beat him to the punch. There are competing versions of a story concerning the establishment of LovelandÂ’s mercantile and his friendly rivalry with fellow Golden pioneer George West. West was a New Hampshire native who had spent many years in Boston where he made a name for himself as a newspaper man. Like Loveland the stories of riches in the Rocky Mountains were enough to convince West to pack up a nd head to Colorado. He gathered seven other men to accompany him on the trip and th ey immediately christened their group Â“The Boston Company.Â”57 West and his men arrived in Golden City on June 1 2, 1859 and decided that the young town was a promisin g location for a business venture.58 They constructed the first residence in Golden, and they set about building the first commercial enterprise. George West later recalled, Â“Upon our arrival here there were perhaps a half dozen small outfits encamped along the banks of the creek, some of them already preparing to push farther on into the mountains. T his circumstance struck us as evident that if the mines which had at that time been disco vered should amount to anything, this 57 History of Clear Creek and Boulder Valleys (Chicago: O.L. Baskin & Co., Historical Publishers, 1880), pg. 597. 58 History of Clear Creek and Boulder Valleys pg. 596-597.
25 place as a location for transfer of goods would be just the place for a town.Â”59 William Loveland must have reached the same conclusion hims elf. When Loveland arrived in Golden his first goal was to construct his new store.60 A battle between Loveland and the Boston Company ra pidly ensued to see who would be the first to finish his edifice, and both editions of the story involve chicanery of one type or another. The most popular version indicated tha t West and his crew had their storefront finished, except for the final act of sh ingling the roof. They went to bed that evening sure that they would be victorious the foll owing day. The following morning, however, Boston Company men woke to find that their shingles had been pilfered by Loveland and his gang. William Loveland and his cr ew were gracious in their victory, as West later recalled to author Alice Polk Hill, Â“Mr. Loveland had also obtained some shingles but n ot enough to complete his roof, which left him in a bad fix. We went to our down c ouches that night feeling much elated at the prospect of beating Loveland in the race. B ut fancy our astonishment in the morning on discovering that he had come over with h is men, stolen our remaining shingles, and was at that very moment nailing the l ast of them on his own roof. During the forenoon, however, he sent us over the same amo unt of shingles he had surreptitiously appropriated, with his compliments and a five-gallon keg of the best whisky in his stock. He had beaten us in the race and that was all he cared for.Â”61 Loveland had shown very soon after his arrival in G olden City that he was a man to be taken seriously and also that he was not abov e resorting to questionable methods in order to obtain his goals. A second version of eve nts that surfaced was featured in the 59 Dan Abbott, Dell A. McCoy and Robert W. McLeod, Colorado Central Railroad: Golden, Central City, Georgetown (Denver, CO: Sundance Publications, 2007), pg. 1011. 60 Charles Ryland, Â“GoldenÂ’s Resourceful Merchant,Â” i n The Denver Westerners Roundup Vol. XXVIII, No. 9, November Â– December, 1972, pg 8. 61 Alice Polk Hill, Tales of the Colorado Pioneers (Glorieta: New Mexico, The Rio Grande Press, Inc., 1976. Original publication date 1884), pg. 98-99.
26 August 2, 1878 edition of the Golden Globe The Globe put forward the notion that, Loveland enticed George West to eat some green corn (how he did this was unclear) which led to a rather uncomfortable digestive issue that prevented West from completing his structure first. A Promising Start for Golden City It did not take long for the early settlers of Gold en to commence social and extracurricular activities. Perhaps predicting the need for such a space, Loveland made sure to include ample room for meetings and events in the second story of his new building. According to the December 28, 1859 issue of the Western Mountaineer Â“W.A.H. Loveland and Company have erected a very co mmodious store 24 x 40, and two and a half stories high. The lower floor is occupi ed as a store, and above is a hall for dancing and public meetings, the whole size of the building.Â” The same issue of the Mountaineer included a glorious description of the first annua l Christmas Ball that was held in LovelandÂ’s Hall. The columnist made sure t o note that while the food was especially fine, the ball was even more eventful co nsidering that, Â“There was a large company present, including a greater number of ladi es than we have seen together in the Territory before, on any occasion.Â” Despite the fa ct that the upper floor remained unfinished, the dcor proved to be quite charming: it was, Â“elaborately trimmed with evergreens, tastefully arranged in festoons and arc hes, and had a very fine effect.Â” Despite Golden CityÂ’s seemingly quick upstart, when Edward Berthoud (whom Loveland befriended almost immediately) and his wif e arrived in 1860 they found a town in transition. Golden lacked basic infrastructure but like so many of the upstart mining communities, it grew rapidly due to the influx of p opulation brought by the gold rush.
27 Although less than a year old, in 1860 Golden alrea dy claimed a population of nearly 1,000.62 The young town of Golden attempted to show the rest of the territory that it could compete with any other town when it came to populat ion and culture, but the fact remained that the little hamlet was still quite uns ettled. An early article in the Western Mountaineer dated March 21, 1860 described the condition of t he city as it had evolved over a period of less than one year. Â“Whereas, our flourishing village which has sprung up in the last eight months, to its present respect able position, and ere this time 1861, will be ranked among the first cities of Jefferson Terri tory.Â” Golden City continued to grow at a rather outstanding pace and its residents beli eved that their city was the star of the fledgling Jefferson Territory. As unlikely as it may seem today, the young towns o f Denver and Golden City competed for early bragging rights. As author Robe rt Black noted, Â‘The dominance of Denver was by no means certain. Its seniority was slight; furthermore its locationÂ…gave no positive assurance of empire. Golden on the oth er hand lay at the gateway to the most productive mining region in the southern Rockies, p recisely at the point where plains transit became mountain transport.Â”63 Despite the endless opportunities that, according to boosters, were available to anyone seeking fame and fortune in Golden, the fact remained that the city had a long way to grow. The Mountaineer also admitted that Golden City, Â“is yet without any established system of municipal government, for the levying and 62 Robert C. Black, Railroad Pathfinder: The Life and Times of Edward L Berthoud (Evergreen, CO: Cordillera Press, 1988), pg. 26. 63 Black, Railroad Pathfinder pg. 63.
28 collection of taxes, the grading of streets, and th e proper location of buildings, and for public improvements in general.Â”64 Despite a few drawbacks, for some time Golden appea red to have the upper hand in its early rivalry with Denver. As the choice fo r territorial capital from 1862-1867, many Golden businesses and residents seemed to be s omewhat removed from the devastation that the Civil War was causing in the e astern half of the United States and were still turning a profit. As noted by author Wi lliam Wyckoff, Â“Early visitors remarked on GoldenÂ’s superior site characteristics: it was closer to the mines than Denver, it had more timber readily available for bu ilding; and it had an abundance of good grass and water.Â”65 The young town flourished, and William Loveland set tled into his life in Golden with relative ease. He sent for his wife and sons very soon after he arrived, and the trio made the difficult journey over the plains.66 Early on, it may have seemed that Loveland was less than interested in making friends. This w as not the case, however. It did not take long for Loveland to befriend some of the most talented men in the territory, including Edward L. Berthoud and future Senator Hen ry M. Teller. Eventually, LovelandÂ’s ambition made him several enemies as wel l, but his first few years in Colorado proved to be extraordinarily successful. 64 Western Mountaineer March 21, 1860. 65 William Wyckoff, Creating Colorado: The Making of a Western American Landscape, 18601940 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), pg. 105-106. 66 Dunning, Over Hill and Vale pg. 347-348. The date Miranda Loveland and the t wo young boys arrived in Golden is not documented.
29 CHAPTER V POLITICAL ASPIRATIONS William Austin Hamilton Loveland had become an acco mplished and wellrespected businessman in Golden in a relatively sho rt period of time. His efforts in support of a flourishing business community as well as his work in laying out the town site of Golden suggested that he had a long-term in terest in the success of his newly adopted home. Loveland apparently felt that he had more to offer Golden City than just his business skills, and thus he almost immediately sought involvement in local and territorial politics. Loveland began his political career as the darling of Golden City. For some time, it seemed, virtually no one had bad things to say a bout him. Prolific Colorado historian Duane Smith proclaimed Loveland to be no less than, Â“the key figure in guiding GoldenÂ’s destiny.Â”67 Author Georgina Brown noted in her popular book, The Shining Mountains that it was Â“Loveland and [George] West Â– along wit h the other colorful pioneers,Â” who would eventually, Â“open the West Â– from Golden.Â”68 While these statements seem quite dramatic today, at the time in which Loveland and o thers led Jefferson County it probably seemed true to the local citizens. A sele ct group of men from Golden City were responsible for many of the major business and poli tical enterprises within the county and territory including railroads, surveying, journalis m, mining and banking; and the ability of these entrepreneurs to invest in a wide variety of manufacturing and industrial ventures 67Duane A. Smith, The Birth of Colorado: A Civil War Perspective (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1989), pg. 58. 68 Georgina Brown, Shining Mountains (Leadville, CO: Georgina Brown, 1976), pg. 63.
30 ensured GoldenÂ’s prosperity during an otherwise uns table time for the United States.69 An interesting trend among these Colorado businessm en was their proclivity to reach outside their respective occupations and integrate themselves into the realm of politics. William Loveland had his sights set on becoming par t of this elite group of men. Nearly from the time he settled in Golden City, Lov eland decided that it was in his best interest to involve himself in the young t ownÂ’s political affairs. At first the Golden newspapers, including the Golden Globe as well as its predecessor George WestÂ’s Western Mountaineer expounded William LovelandÂ’s virtues at every possi ble chance. Even early editions of the Denver-based Rocky Mountain News spoke highly of William Loveland. From the very beginning, Loveland must have believe d that politics was the way to distinguish himself. It is unclear what his mot ivation was for concerning himself so heavily in the future of Golden, when he had previo usly shown little interest in political affairs. Perhaps he had finally had his fill of l eading a life of adventure and was ready to settle down. The case may also be made that Lovela nd desired the potential benefits that would come along with the powerful friends and acqu aintances such a position would bring, especially when it came to his wide-ranging business interests. In any event, the name Loveland would soon become synonymous with pol itics in Colorado. The first political step that Loveland took was in joining with the Boston Company and several other leading citizensincludi ng close friend and soon-to-be business partner Edward Berthoud to file papers f or the incorporation of the town of 69 Wyckoff, Creating Colorado pg. 106.
31 Golden.70 Very soon after the town was founded, a saw mill and shingle mill were erected in a large span of woods near the town, whi ch helped to spur the construction of Golden City. This sudden influx of population quic kly established a reputation for the young town to rival both nearby Auraria and Denver Cities.71 This rivalry would only escalate as both Denver and Golden lobbied to becom e the major railroad hub of Colorado; and the battle for the title of Â“Territor ial CapitalÂ” also added an immense amount of fuel to the fire. William LovelandÂ’s first political victory came on April 10, 1860, not long after the incorporation papers were submitted. Loveland was elected Treasurer of Golden City, and the provisional government that he helped to establish stood until the town was officially incorporated on January 2, 1871.72 In the fall of 1861, Loveland was elected to the of fice of Senator in the Territorial Council as a representative of Gilpin, Jefferson, B oulder, and Clear Creek counties.73 The newspapers of the day heartily endorsed Lovelan d. The November 25, 1861 issue of the Rocky Mountain News touted LovelandÂ’s civic virtues and his apparent p olitical capabilities: Â“Our pioneer friend, W.A.H. Loveland of Golden City, at the request of numerous friends, without political distinction wil l make the race for [Territorial] Councilman. We know Mr. Loveland to be a good and true Union man, who has 70Papers of Incorporation for the Town of Golden City Jefferson County Archives, Golden Colorado. 71Smiley, History of Denver pg. 284. 72 Brown, Shining Mountains pg. 120. Legislator Record for William Loveland, Colorado St ate Legislative Library, http://www.leg.state.co.us/lcs/leghist.nsf/736b5262 efff1c5087257751006d4155/576a507f 99c5d933872578e20062ae0d?OpenDocument (accessed May 18, 2013.)
32 supported the governmentÂ…having furnished Uncle Sam Â’s soldiers with over $10,000 in supplies.Â”74 Loveland supported the Union troops throughout th e Civil War, providing much needed supplies including food and horses, as well as lending the upper floor of his mercantile to a local regiment for use as officerÂ’s headquarters.75 Loveland and his colleagues in the Second Territori al General Assembly convened at Colorado City, near Colorado Springs in El, Paso County. The facilities were rustic at best, and the decision was quickly m ade to move the capital to a more convenient Â– and hospitable Â– location.76 Largely due to Loveland and his colleagueÂ’s strong encouragement, Golden was chosen as the seco nd capitol of Colorado Territory in 1862, a designation that lasted until 1867. William Loveland was absent from the territorial po litical scene in 1863, but further solidified his presence in Golden with the construction of his second storefront at 1122 Washington Avenue. That year, Loveland constr ucted a two-story brick structure in conjunction with the Golden Masons Â– ColoradoÂ’s fir st lodge Â– with LovelandÂ’s store occupying the first floor and the Masonic Lodge inh abiting the second.77 The building also served a very important role as meeting place for the Territorial Legislature. Loveland went to great lengths to accommodate the L egislature, as he expanded his Rocky Mountain News November 16, 1861. 75 Rocky Mountain News November 16, 1861 & November 27, 1861. 76 Colorado State Archives, Colorado State Capitol Vi rtual Tour: State Capitol and Legislative Assembly Locations, http://www.colorado.gov/dpa/doit/archives/cap/locat e.htm (accessed June 1, 2013.) 77 Barbara Norgren, National Register of Historic Places Registration F orm for Loveland and Coors Buildings (1995), pg. 4-7, http://pdfhost.focus.nps.gov/docs/NRHP/Text/9600054 4.pdf (accessed August 1, 2013.n
33 storefront to the rear alley behind Washington Stre et. The newly expanded quarters provided separate rooms for the House of Representa tive and the Senate as well as four committee rooms and the Territorial Library, which was headed by none other than LovelandÂ’s good friend, Edward Berthoud.78 LovelandÂ’s edifice has survived numerous phases of remodeling and restoration after a devast ating fire, and currently houses a popular restaurant called Old Capitol Grille Â– an h omage to the days when LovelandÂ’s store also served as the meeting place for the Terr itorial Legislature. LovelandÂ’s stalwart presence and continued investment in the local econ omy during the early years of the Civil War seemed to provide the community of Golden with some semblance of normalcy and routine, not to mention political prom inence. In 1864, William Loveland returned to politics in f ull force as he was elected to return to the Territorial Council as representative for Clear Creek and Jefferson Counties.79 Although Loveland had already seen a moderate amo unt of success in the political arena, he continued to deny that he was i n the political game for any other than altruistic reasons. He declared he had not entered the world of politics for his own personal gain, but simply because his friends would not let him sit idly by.80 Whether or not this was truly the case, he was about to get th rown to the wolves in his most divisive political challenge yet. 78 Richard Gardner, e-mail message to the author, Jan uary 30, 2013. See also, Colorado Transcript December 19, 1866. 79 Colorado State Legislative Library, Denver, Colora do, Legislator Record for William Loveland, http://www.leg.state.co.us/lcs/leghist.nsf/736b5262 efff1c5087257751006d4155/576a507f 99c5d933872578e20062ae0d?OpenDocument (accessed May 18, 2013.) 80 Harold Marion Dunning Papers, Denver Public Librar y, Denver, Colorado.
34 Due to the prevailing political conditions in the U nited States brought about as a result of the Civil War, Congress had passed an ena bling act which called for the territories of Colorado, Nevada, and Nebraska to vo te on the possibility of statehood.81 As Abraham LincolnÂ’s first term was nearing an end, the United States Congress was pulling at straws, trying to gain as many Republica n electoral votes as they could muster. One of the ideas put forth suggested that if the Un ited States added more Republicanleaning states to the Union, LincolnÂ’s re-election would be assured.82 Colorado jumped at the chance to prove that their young territory c ould pull together and quickly assembled a convention to draft a constitution. In a move that would eerily foreshadow future political battling in Colorado, voters overw helmingly rejected the statehood issue, believing that the measure would leave too much pow er in the hands of Denver politicians, and not enough spread throughout the r est of the state.83 It was during this time that the personal rivalry b etween William Loveland and Territorial Governor John Evans began to ferment. The dominant political clique in Denver was led by Evans, who desired to see Colorad o become a state under his guidance, while Loveland Â– along with his friend, C entral City lawyer Henry M. Teller Â– stood for the interests of Golden and the nearby mo untain communities and wished to see a more widely dispersed balance of power. Both Lov eland and Evans saw their 81 Elmer Ellis, Â“ColoradoÂ’s First Fight for Statehood 1865-1868,Â” in Colorado Magazine Vol. 8, Num. 1, January 1931, pg. 23-24. 82 Smith, The Birth of Colorado: A Civil War Perspective pg. 58. See also, Eugene H. Berwanger, The Rise of the Centennial State: Colorado Territor y 1861-76 (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2007), pg. 41-42. 83 Berwanger, The Rise of the Centennial State pg. 42.
35 respective cities as possessing the qualities that were necessary to serve as the commercial and political hub of the proposed Colora do State. As the Denver City and Golden City rivalry continue d to heat up, it became more and more clear that LovelandÂ’s relentless ambitions to make Golden City the shining metropolis of Colorado was greatly galling to many of Denver CityÂ’s prominent citizens. Denver-backers believed that the central location a nd growth of the town provided the logical basis for the state capitol, while Loveland and his friends maintained that GoldenÂ’s location as a meeting point between mounta ins and plains, as well as the fact that the territorial capitol was already located th ere, best served the state as the permanent seat of political power. The fact that Golden had the guts to rival Denver raised the gall of Evans and his associates even more.84 The following year saw the statehood question raise d yet again. During the 1865 Colorado Constitutional Convention, William Lovelan d was selected as Chairman. This year, the convention agreed on the issue of stateho od, and Colorado voters passed the measure. In the spring of 1866, the matter then mo ved on to the United States Congress, where it was heatedly debated. Ultimately Congress defeated ColoradoÂ’s efforts, as they could no longer agree that adding the new state to the Union would bring any advantages, and the statehood question in Colorado was not broa ched for another ten years. 85 Loveland continued to serve his constituents in Jef ferson and Clear Creek Counties in the Territorial Senate, as he was reele cted to the Territorial Legislature from 1866-1870. The political scene was no less impassi oned during the latter part of the 84 Smiley, History of Denver, pg. 581. 85 Ellis, Â“ColoradoÂ’s First Fight for Statehood, 1865 -1868Â”, pg. 26-27.
36 1860s. The debate over the location of the territo rial capital ramped up, and on Thursday December 5, 1867 the issue came to a final showdown in the Territorial Legislature. When the bill to remove the capital from Golden was first read, William Loveland moved to refer it to a select committee of two, and he to ok the floor to argue that such a crucial matter required more time for consideration and deb ate. Loveland stated that this was, Â“the most important bill on which the council was c alled to act, and the members should be allowed time to consider their action and consul t their constituents.Â”86 Loveland clearly was jockeying for extra time to plead with his fellow legislators about the bill. What he needed was more time to convince themÂ– by w hatever means necessary Â– to follow his lead in keeping the capital in Golden Ci ty. From the council notes that appeared in the Rocky Mountain News on December 6, 1867 it was quite evident that the longtime terr itorial councilman had a very vested interest Â– not necessarily in seeing Golden become the territorial capital, but in making sure that the capital would come to rest anywhere but Denver. Loveland heatedly debated other council members concerning his tirele ss efforts to promote the railroads in both Denver (then Arapahoe) and Jefferson counties, accusing his Denver counterparts of having Â“bad faithÂ” in him. Finally, another member of the council made the statement that, Â“these petitions had been gotten up by three men [including William Loveland], who were interested, in a money point of view, in keepi ng the capital here [in Golden.]Â” 87 Given LovelandÂ’s interest in the railroads and his habit of bringing up the railroad question in the fight over the capital this may wel l have been the case. 86Rocky Mountain News December 6, 1867. 87Rocky Mountain News December 6, 1867.
37 In a last ditch attempt to win the debate, Loveland attempted to paint the Denver politicians as a sordid bunch, claiming that the ci ty of Denver had struck a deal with nearby Central City in which their men in office wo uld trade votes for the capital to be moved to DenverÂ…if they would be willing to make Ce ntral City the new home of the state penitentiary.88 Loveland was extraordinarily fired up, and had to be called to order multiple times in order to restore peace to the pro ceedings. Even after the motion had been passed, Loveland attempted to amend the bill t hree times; by substituting the name of the capital city as Canon City, Boulder, and Cen tral City, respectively. His efforts were defeated, but only by one vote.89 Loveland maintained his opinion that his loss ultimately resulted from a bribe from Denver to ach ieve much needed votes from the mountain communities; and he continued to try and b oost Golden CityÂ’s standing through the development of his Colorado Central Railroad. Loveland had spent much of his early years in Color ado embroiled in some of the most important political battles that the fledgling territory had seen. The early years of the 1870s saw Loveland resign from his political po sts in order to focus his attentions on building his railroad. But in 1874, he was back at work in public life Â– at least locally Â– while he served as mayor of Golden.90 LovelandÂ’s most contentious political battle came i n 1878, when he entered the race for the United States Senate as a candidate fo r the Democratic Party. Author Robert L. Perkin reported that, Â“Aside from Loveland and a young man named Tom Patterson, 88Rocky Mountain News December 6, 1867. 89Rocky Mountain News December 6, 1867. 90 Gardner History & Preservation, The Mayors of Gold en, http://gardnerhistory.com/goldenelected/mayors/ (accessed March 25, 2013.)
38 almost no one of consequence in Denver would admit to voting Democratic.Â”91 Newspapers from Denver and Golden, as well as the c ounties surrounding the growing metropolitan area, were entrenched in the political debates of the time and quite frequently had very opinionated views on current af fairs. In keeping with this trend, Loveland decided that it would be a smart political move to invest in newspapers. He purchased the Rocky Mountain News from William Byers in 1878, and moved to Denver in order to streamline his political efforts.92 Even in 1878, the world of newspaper publishing was one in which editors competed to attract readers using controversial tac tics and scandalous stories. During the months leading up to the election, the Colorado Transcript based out of Golden, published an editorial written by LovelandÂ’s firm f riend and business partner, Edward Berthoud. In it Berthoud described the political s cene of the day as represented by the newspaper journalists. Â“It seems to be part of the high art of newspaper m orality to descend to almost any debasing state of misrepresentation, abuse and positive downright falsehood to carry partisan points. This I do not consider e xtraordinary for the Globe to resort to; but that wholesale and unmitigated lies, silly perversions, and unjust attacks, should for political purposes be launched outÂ…is unjust.Â”93 91 Robert L. Perkin, The First Hundred Years: An Informal History of Den ver and the Rocky Mountain News (Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, 195 9), pg. 340. 92 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 46. See also the Pueblo Colorado Weekly Chieftan of September 5, 1878. At one point in waning mont hs before the November 1878 election, LovelandÂ’s name was introduced as well for the position of Governor of Colorado. It is unclear wh ere and when this happened, however a column in the Chieftan stated the following, Â“the people of Colorado canno t afford to either place in the gubernatorial chair or send to the senate of the United States a man who is the chosen agent of Jay Gould.Â” See also th e Denver Daily Tribune September 28, 1878. 93 Colorado Transcript August 21, 1878.
39 While Berthoud was quick to come to his friend Love landÂ’s defense, some of LovelandÂ’s other acquaintances were more content to keep their opinions civil and politically moderate. When questioned about his lo yalty to Loveland, Henry Teller was quick to skirt the issue, stating that, Â“Mr. Lovela nd was his personal friend, but that friendship was one thing and politics another.Â”94 Months before the election readers of the Central C ity Evening Call received notice that Loveland had his eye on a senate seat. The republican interests in Central City believed that it was not entirely LovelandÂ’s i dea that he run for the Senate, but that he was a political figurehead controlled by railroa d interests, namely, Jay Gould. Noted the Evening Call Â“The Golden Globe coincides with the Call and is of the opinion that Mr. Loveland, notwithstanding the amount of talk there is about h is candidacy for the governorship, has his weather eye on a seat in the United States Sena te, or in other words, that Jay Gould wants a senator from Colorado, and that Mr. Lovelan d, for many reasons, is the most eligible person for his purpose.Â”95 The Evening Call and other Republican-based newspapers even went so far as to ascertain that Loveland had a plan to inundate Gilp in County with men who were on the Colorado Central RailroadÂ’s payroll, just to ensure the additional votes96 William Loveland campaigned tirelessly in the month s leading up to the October 1878 election. Unfortunately for Loveland, his tie s to eastern financiers and railroad barons during the early construction of his Colorad o Central Railroad provided the basis for his competition to declare that his run for Sen ate was merely an extension of the 94 Boulder County News August 9, 1878. 95 Evening Call April 22, 1878. 96 Evening Call May 30, 1878.
40 control that these easterners held over Loveland. Whether or not this was true no one could prove; however once the idea was introduced, LovelandÂ’s opponents ran with it. Ultimately, the citizens of Colorado elected two Re publican Senators that fall, Jerome Chaffee, and LovelandÂ’s good friend, Henry Teller. Following his disastrous race in 1878, most people would not have been surprised to see William Loveland turn tail and head back to his beloved town of Golden. However, if Loveland was known for one thing it was his persistence even in the face of defeat. Loveland remained true to the Democratic P arty, and continued to participate in politics from afar. In the fall of 1879, Loveland put his newly-found journalistic experience to further use by establishing a brand-n ew daily paper, The Leadville Democrat In a move that casually brushed aside any earlie r lambasting of Loveland and his Democratic party, the Colorado Miner declared, Â“With Mr. LovelandÂ’s ample capital, and his faculty of procuring the best talent in his assistants, the prosperity of the new paper may be assumed to be assured from the outset. Â”97 The following year, William Loveland had the good f ortune to travel to Cincinnati, Ohio as part of the Colorado delegation to the Democratic National Convention. Samuel J. Tilden of New York had been touted as the Democratic Candidate for President in 1880, despite his loss i n the highly controversial election of 1876, however just before the convention was set to assemble, Tilden withdrew his name from contention, citing his failing health.98 On the second day of the convention, each 97 Colorado Miner November 15, 1879. 98 Edward B. Dickinson and Democratic National Commit tee, Official Proceedings of the Democratic National Convention Held in Cincinnati O hio, June 22, 23 and 24,1880 (Dayton, Ohio, 1882), pg. 103-107.
41 state was asked to report their votes for president ial candidate. Possibly to his surprise, LovelandÂ’s name was put forward by the Colorado del egation, and he received five votes from his stateÂ’s delegation of six. 99 Even though Loveland barely appeared as a blip on the presidential radar, the fact that he remained o ne of ColoradoÂ’s Â“favorite sonsÂ” was a testament to his tenacity and his standing in his h ome state. Following his less than stellar showing at the Demo cratic National Convention, Loveland decided to hang up his political hat, and he returned his focus to the world of business. He was 54 years old and no doubt thought s of a peaceful retirement from the ruthless world of politics were at the forefront of his mind. Despite the political losses late in his career, William Loveland maintained a h igh level of civic participation that spanned his first two decades in Colorado. For any one to do this much with a focus exclusively on politics would have been impressive, however, Loveland was also heavily involved in the start-up of the Colorado Central Ra ilroad at the same time. It was his love of railroads that became LovelandÂ’s true passi on. http://books.google.com/books/about/Official_Procee dings_of_the_National_Dem.html?i d=5KxBLHADPd0C (accessed December 5, 2013.) 99 Edward B. Dickinson, Official Proceedings of the Democratic National Con vention pg. 100.
42 CHAPTER VI RAILROAD ROYALTY William Loveland was passionate about transportatio n and in his many travels he used all modes of conveyance: he brought a wagon tr ain over the plains, sailed in schooners, and rode the rails. Therefore, it was n o surprise to those who knew him that LovelandÂ’s greatest desire was to establish Golden as the railroad epicenter of the West. Loveland stood to reap handsome gains from such a b usiness venture. With a flourishing mercantile already established in the heart of Gold en City, LovelandÂ’s business would certainly profit from the increased traffic a railr oad would bring to town. In addition to his political acumen and sound busin ess sense, William Loveland also had an incredible knack for choosing friends. Loveland wasted no time in recruiting some of the most talented men in and around Golden to invest their time and money in his railroad dreams. Surveyor and engineer Edward Berthoud was one of the first men who teamed up with Loveland. Also a resident of Go lden, Berthoud would prove invaluable to Loveland Â– not only in his survey ski lls Â– but in his decision to construct the Colorado Central using narrow-gauge track. Charles C. Welch was yet another local businessman whom Loveland recruited to the Colorado Central. Like Loveland, Welch was a Colorado pioneer who arrived in Central City in 1860 from New York. He immediately set to mining gold and achieved moderat e success.100 Both Welch and Loveland would be instrumental in the birth of the Colorado School of Mines, and the two men, along with LovelandÂ’s wife Miranda, later founded the city of Lakewood. 100 History of Clear Creek and Boulder Valleys pg. 595
43 William Loveland also found an ally in a talented l awyer from Central City, Henry M. Teller. According to author Alice Hill Po lk, TellerÂ’s achievements as a lawyer, Â“untied more mining knots than any other man who ma de mining law a specialty.Â”101 Teller would go on to serve twenty-nine years in th e United States Senate following ColoradoÂ’s rise to statehood and eventually was app ointed Secretary of the Interior under President Chester A. Arthur.102 Soon, Loveland had recruited an all-star team, in cluding Teller, Berthoud, Welch, and others who were to joi n him in his railroading adventures.103 During the 1860s, railroad fever swept the United States as more and more people began to realize the potential advantages of establ ishing a transcontinental route.104 To William Loveland, a railroad would establish his be loved Golden City as ColoradoÂ’s true jewel, relegating rival city Denver to just a speck on the Colorado map. The 1860s also saw a major feud begin to brew between Golden and D enver, as each city vied for the attentions of the major railroads, especially the U nion Pacific.105 Railroading was serious business, and many railroading outfits would vie fo r supremacy in Colorado. Between 101 Polk, Colorado Pioneers in Picture and Story pg. 347. 102 Polk, Colorado Pioneers in Picture and Story pg. 347 103 Meredith Clarence Poor, Denver, South Park and Pacific Railroad: A History of the Denver, South Park and Pacific Railroad Anniversary Edition (Denver, CO: The Rocky Mountain Railroad Club, 1976), pg. 10. 104 Maury Klein, Union Pacific 1862-1893 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006), pg. 10. 105 Klein, Union Pacific 1862-1893 pg. 344. See also Thomas J. Noel, Â“All Hail the Denver Pacific: DenverÂ’s First Railroad,Â” in Colorado Magazine Vol. 50, No. 2, Spring 1973.
44 1867 and 1872, six different railroad companies con structed approximately 450 miles of track in Colorado.106 Unfortunately for Loveland, very few of these mil es Â“belongedÂ” to him. For all of LovelandÂ’s dreams and schemes, his vision nearly came true. In the end, however, the railroad would make it to Denver first but not before William Loveland had tried everything in his power to make things go his way. In the beginning, Loveland wasted no time in showin g the residents of both Golden and Denver that he was seriously invested in bringing a railroad to Golden. In 1861, only two years after settling in Colorado, Lo veland and his acquaintance F.J. Ebert of Denver conducted the first railroad survey in th e Colorado Territory. The route ran from Denver to Golden, and then headed west through Clear Creek Canyon into the mining communities of Black Hawk and Central City. U.S. Highway 6 currently follows this route.107 While the town of Golden celebrated the survey as an important milestone, the citizens of Denver disregarded it as, Â“merely a waste of time and money upon a purely visionary enterprise.Â”108 Despite the negative press in Denver surrounding h is work, Loveland pressed on. Not content to settle with his initial survey, Lov eland also employed the services of his associate Edward Berthoud. Swiss-born Berth oud had been conducting land surveys in Colorado and the middle-west since the 1 840s, and Loveland quickly realized 106 E.O Davis, Â“Building ColoradoÂ’s First Mountain Rai lroad: The Colorado Central, Golden to Blackhawk,Â” in Colorado Magazine Vol. 26, No.4, October, 1949, pg. 298. 107 Poor, Denver, South Park and Pacific Railroad pg. 32. 108 Smiley, History of Denver pg. 581.
45 that Berthoud was an extremely talented engineer.109 Berthoud, who had surveyed Colorado extensively and previously worked with the famous Colorado mountain man Jim Bridger, believed that he had found a course th at was a good candidate for the national route. 110 BerthoudÂ’s Pass crossed the Continental Divide at an elevation over 11,000 feet near the mining town of Empire, and it now serves as the main artery to the ski resort of Winter Park following US Route 40. L oveland and Berthoud agreed upon BerthoudÂ’s route, and the men stood ready to pitch their idea to anyone willing to listen. What Loveland and Berthoud could not predict was t he outbreak of Civil War in the United States, forcing them to put their railro ad plans on the backburner. In early 1862, Berthoud answered the call of duty and enlist ed in the Union Army.111 Loveland was also approached to serve his country for the se cond time. The Governor of Illinois wrote a letter to Loveland and offered him the colo nelcy of an Illinois regiment.112 Loveland, who had served in the Mexican-American Wa r, considered a second military stint but ultimately declined. LovelandÂ’s hometown must have seemed a bit drabber with his friends Edward Berthoud and George West away at war. Nonetheless, Loveland pressed on, doing what he could without the help of his trusted partner, B erthoud. With his initial surveys behind him, William Loveland took the next logical step an d incorporated his first wagon road in 1863, naming it the Clear Creek and Guy Gulch Wagon Road Company. The wagon 109 Edward Berthoud Collection, Stephen Hart Research Library, History Colorado Center, Denver, Colorado. 110 Black, Railroad Pathfinder, pg. 32-33. 111 Black, Railroad Pathfinder pg. 40. 112 William N. Byers, Encyclopedia of Biography of Colorado Vol. 1 (Chicago: Century Publishing and Engraving Company, 1901), pg. 248-25 0.
46 road company proposed to follow BerthoudÂ’s survey r oute through Clear Creek Canyon and on to Central City and Empire.113 The following year Loveland amended his charter and re-organized the company as the Colorado Centra l Railroad, which the Colorado legislature approved in March 1864.114 The move was largely symbolic, as Loveland and company did little work to establish a working wago n route.115 However, the Clear Creek and Guy Gulch Wagon Road Charter established a right of way through Clear Creek Canyon (modern day US Highway 6) and it was t his path that Loveland so desired in his push to reach the mountain mining communitie s. Not content to settle, Loveland also managed to deal his way into a second wagon ro ad, started by a group of his contemporaries from Golden. The Denver and Pacific Wagon Road Company expanded upon LovelandÂ’s original plans, and laid a path fro m Empire City to the western boundary of the Colorado Territory, with the intent of eventually reaching Salt Lake City.116 At this time, William Loveland also decided to te am up with Denver businessman Jerome B. Chaffee. Undoubtedly, Lovela nd saw this as a strategic move on both a political and professional level. Chaffee a nd Loveland had served together in the Territorial Legislature, and shared an interest in both mining and politics. As luck would have it, Chaffee also held a seat on the Union Paci fic Board of Directors, a quality that 113 Smiley, History of Denver, pg. 583. 114 State of Colorado, General Laws and Joint Resolutions, Memorials, and Private Acts, Passed at the Third Session of the Legislative Asse mbly of the Territory of Colorado (Denver: Byers and Dailey, The Rocky Mountain News Office, 1864), pg. 182-187.115 Smiley, History of Denver pg. 583. 116 State of Colorado, General Laws and Joint Resolutions, Third Session pg. 182-187
47 Loveland found irresistible in an acquaintance.117 As the Civil War raged to the east, William Loveland seemed to be staking his claims ac ross Colorado, patiently plotting his every move. Chaffee was immediately named to the C olorado Central Railroad Board of Directors.118 Things seemed to be falling into place for William Loveland. Though the question of where the money would come from to fund the Colorado Central Railroad had barely been broached, Loveland had every reason to be optimistic. 1865 saw the end of the bloody and brutal Civil War and Golden seeme d secure in her position as the Colorado Territorial capital. William Loveland con tinued to move forward with his railroad plans at full speed. With himself and his friend Henry Teller at the helm and his charter approved by the Colorado legislature, Lovel and brought on board an additional fourteen investors from the east coast, three of wh om were also officers of the Union Pacific Railroad.119 The incorporation papers of the Colorado and Clear Creek Railroad Company indicated that the original plan was to construct a standard-gauge railroad with a main line that would run from Golden west along Berthoud Â’s path. The construction plan also called for two additional lines to be built simulta neously; one from Golden east into Denver and on to Kiowa, and one northeast into Boul der and the surrounding valleys.120 117 Smiley, History of Denver, pg. 812. 118 Smiley, History of Denver pg. 583. 119 Abbott, McCoy, and McLeod, Colorado Central Railroad pg. 19. See also History of Clear Creek and Boulder Valleys, pg. 195. 120 Colorado Territory, General Laws and Joint Resolutions, Memorials, and Private Acts, Passed at the Fourth Session of the Legislati ve Assembly of the Territory of
48 Loveland used his own resources to invest in a seco nd, and more thorough survey of his proposed route through the Clear Creek Canyon into Black Hawk. In the fall of 1865, Loveland and colleague William Laman travelled east to pitch the railroad to potential investors. Loveland and Laman returned to Colorado without money, but with promises of help from the Union Pacific. The Union Pacific promised track and rolling stock as long as the Colorado Central would agree to perform all surveys, grading, construction, and handle the mortgage and investments.121 Soon after the deal between the Union Pacific and the Colorado Central had been negotiated, the Union Pacific deemed it imperative to dispatch a team to Colorado to determine the best route across the Rocky Mountains for themselves. Among the envoys from the Union Pacific was General Grenville Dodge, who kept very detailed records of his surveys and adventures which he later chronicle d in a book. Dodge stated that it was the Â“great desire of the companyÂ” to build the rail road as near to Denver as possible, but that after conducting multiple surveys throughout C olorado and Wyoming, it became clear that the proposed routes through Golden and D enver were simply not practical.122 The main line that would wrap through southern Wyom ing instead, and Cheyenne stood to reap the immense benefits that construction of t he Union Pacific would bring to town. Colorado would by vying for a branch line. Colorado (Denver: Byers and Dailey, The Rocky Mountain News Office, 1865), pg. 111116. 121 Abbott, McCoy, and McLeod, Colorado Central Railroad pg. 20. 122 Grenville M. Dodge, How We Built the Union Pacific Railway and Other Ra ilroad Papers and Addresses (Council Bluffs, IA: Monarch Printing, u nknown date), pg. 21.
49 While Loveland struggled to find ways to help fund the construction of his Colorado Central Railroad, Governor John Evans and several other Denver businessmen were quietly working on a railroad plan of their ow n. Several prominent Denver businessmen including Governor Evans, William Clayt on, Bela Hughes, David H. Moffat, Jr., and others organized and incorporated the Denver Pacific Railway and Telegraph Company, with a capital stock of two mill ion dollars, in November 1867.123 A few months later, on January 20, 1868, Arapahoe Cou nty voters approved a bond issue for the railroad in the amount of $500,000 signif icantly more than the paltry $100,000 that had been passed by the Jefferson County voters in support of the Colorado Central.124 Things moved far more quickly for the Denver Paci fic, as construction of a 106 mile spur from Cheyenne, Wyoming to Denver was completed in June 1870, in a little over two years. In August of the same year, the Kansas Pacific Railroad constructed a line to Denver, thus completing the second railro ad to enter the city during the summer.125 Discouraged but not defeated, Loveland and company continued on with their plans. Money was scarce and the Colorado Central R ailroad eked out construction of their track in fits and starts. Loveland struggled to garner the capital needed to construct the Colorado Central. Amid the excitement surround ing the railroad news in nearby Denver, the Colorado Central finally broke ground i n Golden on New YearÂ’s Day, 1868, 123 Poor, Denver South Park & Pacific pg. 17. 124 Poor, Denver South Park & Pacific pg. 13, 17. 125 Poor, Denver South Park & Pacific pg. 18-20.
when they graded 200 feet of track bed at a snailÂ’s pace compared to the Denver Pacific an d Kansas Pacific. The railroad completed the line from Golden to Denver, which mea sured less than twenty miles, in September of 1870.127 Figure 2. Early Corporate Structure of the Colorad o Central Railroad. Image courtesy of the Colorado Railroad Museum, Golden, Colorado. The Union Pacific Railroad had a historically ambiv alent relationship with the Colorado Central, seeming only to offer financial a id and technical assistance when it appeared that the Colorado Central was poised to 126 Dunning, Over Hill and Vale 127 Abbott, McCoy, and McLeod, they graded 200 feet of track bed .126 Construction on the Colorado Central moved at a snailÂ’s pace compared to the Denver Pacific an d Kansas Pacific. The railroad completed the line from Golden to Denver, which mea sured less than twenty miles, in Figure 2. Early Corporate Structure of the Colorad o Central Railroad. Image courtesy of the Colorado Railroad Museum, Golden, Colorado. The Union Pacific Railroad had a historically ambiv alent relationship with the Colorado Central, seeming only to offer financial a id and technical assistance when it appeared that the Colorado Central was poised to return a sizeable reward for it Over Hill and Vale pg. 355. McLeod, Colorado Central pg. 34. 50 Construction on the Colorado Central moved at a snailÂ’s pace compared to the Denver Pacific an d Kansas Pacific. The railroad finally completed the line from Golden to Denver, which mea sured less than twenty miles, in Figure 2. Early Corporate Structure of the Colorad o Central Railroad. Image courtesy of The Union Pacific Railroad had a historically ambiv alent relationship with the Colorado Central, seeming only to offer financial a id and technical assistance when it return a sizeable reward for it s
51 investors. The very slow beginnings of the Colorad o Central Railroad were enough to scare away potential investors, and that included t he Union Pacific. However, in late 1871 LovelandÂ’s friendship with Henry Teller helped to improve the Colorado Central RailroadÂ’s financial condition. Teller worked tire lessly to advocate bond issues for the Colorado Central in Gilpin, Weld, and Boulder count ies and was largely successful. Following the approval of the bonds, the Union Paci fic seemed to take a greater interest in the Colorado Central, as the winter weather brok e, construction through Clear Creek Canyon began to intensify.128 Finally, in December 1872 the narrow-gauge line, wh ich snaked from Golden through Clear Creek Canyon and into Blackhawk, was completed. Construction also continued on the CentralÂ’s standard-gauge line of t he Central from Golden to Julesburg, in the northeast corner of Colorado, but came to a grinding halt again very soon when the economic panic of 1873 swept the United States.129 The May 22, 1873 edition of the Denver Daily Times reported, Â“It is now quite evident so far as the m ountains are concerned railroad building is at a complete stands till for the current year at least.Â”130 While the slowdown rattled the economy the United S tates over, Loveland and the Colorado Central Railroad continued to move forward with a renewed promise of help from the Union Pacific. However, things remained r elatively quiet in the offices of the Colorado Central Railroad. The Union Pacific, for all intents and purposes, was running the show. For the time being, Loveland seemed cont ent to allow the Union Pacific 128 Cornelius Hauck, Narrow Gauge to Central and Silver Plume: Route of the Famed Georgetown Loop (Golden, CO: The Colorado Railroad Museum, 1972), p g. 23. 129 Hauck, Narrow Gauge to Central and Silver Plume pg. 37. 130 Denver Daily Times May 22, 1873.
52 control over much of the railroad business, but the arrangement would not remain cordial for long. Wrangling over control of the Colorado Central Rail road came to a head in 1875. Loveland had been working largely from behind the s cenes during the previous years, as he had given up his position as an officer of the r ailroad. He still remained on the board of directors but seemed content to let his hand-pic ked crop of associates handle the everyday monotony of running a railroad. Created a nd promoted as a home-town operation, the Colorado Central Railroad had virtua lly given up complete control to one of the largest railroad syndicates in the United St ates. With the Union Pacific owning a large majority of t he Colorado Central stock, the citizens of Golden, especially Loveland himself, gr ew resentful over the lack of local control of the railroad.131 Furthermore, Union Pacific railroad mogul Jay Gou ld, whose help Loveland desperately needed Â– and whose help w ould tarnish LovelandÂ’s reputation Â– came up with a plan designed to quiet the infight ing among the railroads. Gould negotiated a merger between the Union Pacific, Kans as Pacific, Denver Pacific, and Colorado Central Railroads, with the Union Pacific owning just over fifty percent of the stock.132 The Union Pacific and Jay Gould thus took control of the central rail lines serving Colorado in one fell swoop. Although Lovel and had long courted Eastern interests and Eastern capital as part of his bluepr int for the Colorado Central, this particular development was bad for business. Lovel and was adored in his hometown of Golden, and he knew that he his friends and neighbo rs would support any action that kept 131 Maury Klein, Union Pacific 1862-1893 pg. 348. See also Cornelius Hauck, Narrow Gauge to Central and Silver Plume pg. 58. 132 Klein, Union Pacific 1862-1893 pg. 348.
53 the railroad under local management. Therefore, it probably came as no surprise to those who knew him best that Loveland did not intend to l et the Union Pacific take control of his railroad.
54 CHAPTER VII LOVELAND DEFIES THE LAW For a short time it seemed as though Jay Gould had finally settled the power struggle that had been festering between the Union Pacific and the Kansas Pacific in Colorado. The peace did not last long. The Union Pacific officials must have felt that they could not lose, and soon after the 1875 merger they slapped the Colorado Central with a massive lawsuit. The following spring, the Union Pacific formally announced that the Colorado Central had not made good on their end of the agreement to repay the UP for rolling stock and construction materials in the amount of 1.5 million dollars.133 In May 1876, William and his colleagues were presen ted with a fantastic opportunity. At the annual board meeting of the Co lorado Central Railroad, Edward Berthoud discovered that the Treasurer and Secretar y of the Union Pacific, E.H. Rollins, had failed to affix the official seal to the compan y papers. Loveland unceremoniously declared the shares void and threw them out.134 The Union Pacific was the majority shareholder in the Colorado Central, but due to thi s seemingly minor oversight Â– and the absence of Chairman Henry Teller at the meeting Â– L oveland was able to take control of the board without so much as a hiccup. The previous directors were all voted out, and an e ntirely new board was approved by Loveland and his counterparts. Not sur prisingly, Loveland, Berthoud, and 133 Robert L. Perkin, The First Hundred Years: An Informal History of Den ver and the Rocky Mountain News (Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, 195 9), pg. 342. 134 Maury Klein, Union Pacific 1862-1893 pg. 348.
55 Charles C. Welch filled the first empty slots.135 After the men had resolved the issue of replacing the board, they continued on with their b usiness, Â“adopting resolution upon resolution,Â” and, Â“re-establishing their Â‘principal Â’ office in Golden, [and] directing the transfer of the company seal and archives from Bost on to Colorado.Â”136 An answer came soon from Colonel Cyrus W. Fisher a t the Kansas Pacific Railroad, who had been acting general manager of th e Colorado Central under the previous board of directors. On May 18th Fisher sent out a memo to all employees of the Colorado Central Railroad, declaring that the new C olorado Central Board of Directors, Â“has been pronounced by competent authority to have been fraudulent and absolutely void,Â” and advised all employees to disregard Lovel andÂ’s orders.137 This of course, was not likely to happen, given that so many Colorado C entral employees were very loyal to Loveland. Loveland seemed to operate on the premise that he could get away with the most outrageous stunts with nothing more than a slap on the wrist, and he openly defied the response from the Kansas Pacific. He had the suppo rt of his community and he seemed untouchable. His swift action in regaining control over the Colorado Central was the first step in a series of events that would make the Colo rado Central Railroad the talk of the town. The citizens of Golden and the nearby areas that th e Colorado Central served were emboldened by LovelandÂ’s brazen move and openl y supported the new Board of 135 History of the Clear Creek and Boulder Valleys pg. 374. 136 Black, Railroad Pathfinder, pg. 80. 137 Colorado Transcript May 24, 1876.
56 Directors. LovelandÂ’s next act was certainly one t hat would show the Union Pacific that he had little regard for their demand, or for the l aw. On a Sunday afternoon, May 21, 1876, Loveland and his cohorts approached the Color ado Central Roundhouse in Golden, and they managed to take control of the roundhouse with little fanfare. Loveland, accompanied by Edward Berthoud and several other ad ministrators, Â“took a quiet walk over to the depot, and as quietly proceeded to take possession of the station, including the freight and ticket offices, round-house, machine sh ops, [and] car shops.Â”138 Loveland simply removed the men he found working at the roun dhouse and replaced them with men who were sympathetic to his cause. The men who accompanied Loveland to the roundhouse that day were all previous employees of the Colorado Central who had been relieved of their duties immediately following Jay GouldÂ’s consolidation scheme. Union Pacific official Jay Gould was infuriated by LovelandÂ’s actions. He attempted to file additional lawsuits against Lovel and and the Colorado Central, but Loveland was able to tie up the court cases for mon ths at a time, exploiting any loophole he could uncover to his advantage.139 Finally Gould and the Union Pacific managed to move forward with a case against the Colorado Centr al that would place the railroad under receivership, although the general feeling am ong the Union Pacific officials seemed to indicate that it may not do any good. On e official went so far as to admit that, Â“Loveland controls the Colorado side of this contro versy and whatever he agrees to will be done.Â”140 138 Colorado Transcript, May 24, 1876. Klein, Union Pacific 1862-1893 pg. 348-349. 140 Klein, Union Pacific 1862-1893 pg. 349.
57 The judge assigned to the case of the Colorado Cent ral was Amherst W. Stone. Despite their political differences (Loveland was a lifelong Democrat and Stone an unwavering Republican) Amherst Stone likely would h ave found a kindred spirit in Loveland. Stone was no stranger to heartache, adve nture, and controversy. Both he and his wife had been part of a very small group of Uni on sympathizers living in Atlanta, Georgia during the height of the Civil War. Like L oveland, Stone and his wife Cyrena lost their first child within a year of her birth.141 Also like Loveland, after settling in his adopted hometown of Atlanta, Stone worked to involv e himself in local civic matters, banking, railroading, as well as the world of educa tional promoting.142 Soon after the Civil War broke out, Stone began to put together a very lengthy and elaborate plan to transport himself, his wife, and his wealth out of Atlanta; a very dangerous operation at the time. As part of his d esign, he had planned a business trip to New York in order to deposit a large amount of cash with the added cover of visiting family members in Vermont.143 While in New York, a federal marshal became suspicious of StoneÂ’s activity. Stone was arrested and charged with Â“being an agent of the Confederate government.Â”144 He was then transported to Fort Lafayette in New York Harbor where he was imprisoned with a number of Con federate officers, including Robert E. LeeÂ’s son. He was released after several months but soon after re-arrested and 141 Thomas G. Dyer, Secret Yankees: The Union Circle in Confederate Atl anta (Baltimore, MD: The John Hopkins University Press, 1999), pg. 13. 142 Dyer, Secret Yankees pg. 17. 143 Dyer, Secret Yankees pg. 115-122. 144 Dyer, Secret Yankees pg. 123.
58 returned to Fort Lafayette. He spent nearly eight additional months in prison before his wife and friends organized a concerted effort to cl ear StoneÂ’s name and finalize his release.145 Since he arrived in Colorado, Judge Stone had acqu ired a reputation as a less than upstanding citizen. The newspapers declared that t he judge lacked integrity and fairness, and was not above taking a bribe.146 The lawsuit that the Union Pacific pursued would have placed the Colorado Central Railroad under the receivership of David Moffatt, another Colorado railroad tycoon, and it was no sec ret that Judge Stone intended to rule in favor of the Union Pacific when he convened cour t on August 15, 1876.147 However, on his way to Boulder to hold court, Judge Stone wa s captured by a band of twenty five masked men who had stopped the train by piling ties upon the track.148 Loveland maintained that he knew nothing of Judge StoneÂ’s abduction or whereabouts. In fact he immediately contacted the Governor and requested that he be allowed to assemble a company to track down the kid nappers. Governor John Routt responded to LovelandÂ’s request immediately, sendin g him the following instructions, Â“Have your sheriff procure writ for the arrest of t he kidnappers. He is authorized by law 145 John C. Inscoe and Robert C. Kenzer, editors, Enemies of the Country: New Perspectives on Unionists in the Civil War South (Athens, GA: The University of Georgia Press, 2001), pg. 136-137. 146 Golden Weekly Globe August 19, 1876. See also: Colorado Banner August 17, 1876. Golden Weekly Globe August 19, 1876. 148 Colorado Banner August 17, 1876.
59 to summon a posse large enough to execute writ, if it takes every man in your county or the state. Hope you will give him all the assistan ce in your power.Â”149 Loveland was not the only one to put together a gro up to set out after the vigilantes. The SherriffÂ’s of Denver and Boulder C ounty, as well as a special force of Governor Routt, were sent into the foothills in sea rch of the captors.150 Given the circumstances surrounding Judge StoneÂ’s capture, it is hard to say how much of an effort local law enforcement put forth in locating the vic tim. The captors were never identified and Judge Stone was delivered, unharmed, to Denver the following morning.151 Upon Judge StoneÂ’s return one of the Golden newspapers, the Colorado Transcript reported that Stone was never in any real danger and that he had been provided with exceptional service during his trip and was treated to fresh mi lk, ripe raspberries, and bourbon.152 News of Judge StoneÂ’s ordeal spread quickly, and th e event itself dominated newspapers throughout the state for weeks afterward The kidnapping made national headlines, and one Colorado newspaper reported that a journalist from New York had gone so far as to say that ColoradoÂ’s statehood sho uld be rescinded and territorial status reinstated.153 Even Union Pacific mogul Jay Gould threw his name into the mix, offering a handsome $5,000 reward for capture of the kidnapp ers.154 149 Governor John L. Routt to William Austin Hamilton Loveland, August 15, 1876. Colorado State Archives, Denver, Colorado. 150 Golden Weekly Globe August 19, 1876. 151 Denver Daily Times August 16, 1876. Colorado Transcript August 23, 1876. 153 Saguache Chronicle, September 2, 1876. 154 Saguache Chronicle September 2, 1876.
60 Over time the kidnapping of Judge Stone faded from collective memory. At the time it occurred, however, the outrage and controve rsy over the abduction could not be overstated. It wasnÂ’t long before business return ed to usual on the railroad. Loveland managed to maintain his role as President of the ra ilroad even after the entire Judge Stone debacle. The ruse worked, and Stone was replaced b y the new circuit court judge as scheduled. Loveland continued to delay the court p roceedings with the Union Pacific, so much so that the railroad officials realized that t hey were fighting a losing battle and dropped the lawsuits.155 The sudden conversion seemed to signal that the f ormidable Loveland was far more valuable to the Union Pacific as an ally. Jay Gould and William Loveland settled for a workin g relationship that was lukewarm at best. While Loveland never fully trust ed Gould, and voiced his concern about GouldÂ’s character in personal letters to trus ted friend Henry Teller, he continued to work closely with the Union Pacific Railroad.156 In 1877, railroad building ramped up again after a period of relative quiet the previous two years. During the summer of that year, William and his friend Â– then United States S enator Â– Henry Teller made a trip to Cheyenne, Wyoming to meet with Gould and Union Paci fic President Sidney Dillon.157 During the meeting, the men negotiated the long ant icipated extension of the Colorado Central from the northern terminal at Longmont acro ss the Wyoming border and into 155 Hauck, Narrow Gauge to Central and Silver Plume pg. 58-59. 156 Correspondence from W.A.H. Loveland to Henry Telle r, May 1878. Henry M. Teller Papers, Denver Public Library, Denver, Colorado. 157 Colorado Transcript June 27, 1877.
61 Cheyenne.158 The railroad also continued to grade west from Fl oyd Hill, arriving at Georgetown during the late summer to much fanfare.159 Despite the successes of the Colorado Central, Love land predicted that the battle for railroad supremacy was far from over. On May 4 1878 Loveland wrote Teller, declaring that he Â“didnÂ’t think Jay Gould realizes the magnitude of the coming railroad war in Colorado.Â”160 The war that Loveland anticipated never actually came to fruition. In a takeover that was swift and peaceable, the Uni on Pacific acquired the Colorado Central in 1879 in a deal that was agreed to as a f ifty year lease.161 The Union Pacific continued with LovelandÂ’s plans to extend the railr oad, including branches to Central City and eventually a loop from Georgetown to Silve r Plume. The Union Pacific also acquired several other minor railroads that snaked across the Colorado Front Range.162 Eventually the Union Pacific itself suffered dire f inancial difficulties, and the Colorado Central changed hands several more times before it was slowly abandoned, piece by piece, over the first half of the twentieth century .163 LovelandÂ’s part in Colorado railroad history reads like a popular adventure novel of the American West. Although his actions earned him the reputation of a scofflaw Colorado Transcript June 27, 1877. 159 Hauck, Narrow Gauge to Central and Silver Plume pg. 59. See also, History of the Clear Creek and Boulder Valleys pg. 374. 160 Correspondence from W.A.H. Loveland to Henry Telle r, May 4, 1878. Henry M. Teller Papers, Denver Public Library, Denver, Color ado. 161 Hauck, Narrow Gauge to Central and Silver Plume pg. 61. 162 Hauck, Narrow Gauge to Central and Silver Plume pg. 73-77. 163 Gary Morgan, Three Foot Rails: A Quick History of the Colorado C entral Railroad (Self-published, 1974), pg. 12-14.
62 elsewhere, the citizens of Golden seemed to relish his victories. Although Loveland would sign his name on additional railroad projects including the Denver Circle Railroad; the Denver, Lakewood, and Golden; and the Denver and Salt Lake Short Line Railroad, it was most likely to help the startup li nes attract interest and investors.164 To his credit, William realized when it was time to ha ng up his railroad cap. Even after his hard fought battles, he graciously bowed out when t he Union Pacific came calling for the final time. 164 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 46. See also, Â“New Railroad,Â” Aspen Weekly Times March 2, 1889.
63 CHAPTER VIII LOVELANDÂ’S LATER YEARS While Loveland had devoted much of his life to his careers in politics and railroading, he was also fascinated with mining. H is experience in California had taught him that life as a miner was very physically demand ing, and as he aged this type of activity was simply out of the question. As Willia m gained fame and fortune, however, he learned that investing in the mining industry ha d the potential to pay great dividends. Therefore, it was probably no surprise to his frien ds and family that Loveland was one of the minds behind the National Mining and Ind ustrial Exposition in Denver. The Exposition was announced to great fanfare. Lovelan d was elected to the first Board of Directors in 1881 along with compatriot Henry M. Teller Â– and served as Secretary. The Exposition was first held in the summer of 1882 and it was a huge success. The following year did not produce the turn-out expecte d and plans for future expositions were quickly abandoned.165 Unfortunately, the extravagant building that was constructed specifically to house the exhibition wa s demolished soon after the final showing; the only reminder of the event that remain ed was the street named for the occasion: Exposition Avenue.166 The Mining and Industrial Exposition was one of t he last ventures that William Loveland would sign his name to. When the founders of the Exposition decided to call it quits in 1884 Lovelan d was 58 years old, and he was nearing retirement. 165 Smiley, History of Denver, pg. 476. 166 Smiley, History of Denver pg. 476-477.
64 Where he would go when he retired must have been a question that weighed heavily on LovelandÂ’s mind. Despite his attachment to the city of Golden, he had not lived there in several years. He chose instead to reside in Denver after buying the Rocky Mountain News in 1878. After his unsuccessful campaigns for Uni ted States Senate and Governor of Colorado, Loveland sold the newspaper i n 1886.167 Since his services were no longer required in either Golden or Denver, Love land turned his attention to retirement. On July 1, 1889, William Loveland, along with his w ife Miranda, and friend and colleague from Golden, Charles C. Welch, filed a pl at for a new subdivision in Jefferson County. They named their proposed village Lakewood and the group took care to lay out space for fountains and parks; a legacy that th e City of Lakewood remains proud of to this day. Although local historians have disagreed about the inspiration for the name, I believe it may be an allusion to yet another of Cha rles WelchÂ’s business ventures that was crucial to the development of the new city: irr igation. One of WelchÂ’s most important contributions to Jeff erson County was the Welch Irrigation Ditch. The Welch Ditch began at Clear C reek just west of Golden, and traveled south and east into Lakewood where it ente red the town near the intersection of West 6th Avenue and Union Street. The Welch Ditch was just one of a number of irrigation canals that filled reservoirs in the Lak ewood area to supply its burgeoning agricultural production.168 167 Perkin, The First Hundred Years pg. 378. 168 Patricia K. Wilcox, editor, Lakewood Colorado: An Illustrated Biography (Lakewood, CO: Lakewood 25th Birthday Commission, 1994), pg. 21-25.
65 In conjunction with the founding of Lakewood, Willi am and Miranda Loveland constructed their retirement estate at 6000 Lovelan d Street (now Harlan Street) near the modern-day intersection with West Colfax Avenue.169 (LovelandÂ’s home still stands today, bearing virtually no resemblance to itÂ’s ori ginal splendor, bordered by the used car lots and run-down motels that pepper West Colfax Av enue.) William intended to enjoy his later years in peace and quiet, and had all but given up life in the public eye. In December 1894, he caught what he believed to be a s mall cold. In just a few days, the cold had progressed to pneumonia. William Loveland was sixty-eight years old when he passed away in his Lakewood home on December 17, 18 94.170 After William died, Miranda continued to live at th eir home in Lakewood, often times inviting her sons and grandsons for extended stays. In the spring of 1901, Frank Loveland, the elder son of William and Miranda, set about auctioning off all remaining items of his fatherÂ’s estate Â– including all of his personal effects.171 Following the sale of her and her late husbandÂ’s retirement home, Miranda split her time between both of her sons. Frank Loveland became a very successful busi nessman in his own regard. He received a Bachelor of Arts degree from the Univers ity of Michigan in 1880 and returned to Colorado to pursue a law degree from the Univers ity of Denver where he was admitted to the Colorado Bar Association in 1894.172 Inspired by his fatherÂ’s work, he became a well-known financier, and served as the Secretary o f the Rocky Mountain News for seven 169 Dunning, Over Hill and Vale pg. 306. 170 Loveland Obituary, Rocky Mountain News December 18, 1894. 171 Colorado Transcript March 27, 1901. 172 William Columbus Ferril, Sketches of Colorado Vol.1 (Denver: The Western Press Bureau Co., 1911), pg. 391.
66 years, and as Secretary and Treasurer of the Denver Circle Railroad and Denver Circle Real Estate Companies.173 Unlike his father, however, Frank was known as a humble and soft-spoken gentleman with no political aspirat ions of his own. FrankÂ’s brother William L. Loveland also received his Bachelor of A rts degree from the University of Michigan. He never received the fame or fortune th at inspired his father before him, but he did seem to inherit the adventurous streak that ran in the Loveland family. After he finished college he moved to Cleveland, Ohio where he married. Over the next six years, William II and his family, at times with Miranda in tow, moved to Helena, Montana, back to Denver, and then to Chicago in 1893.174 The later years of Frank and William L. are not well documented. Miranda Loveland proved to be of hearty pioneer sto ck, and she maintained a feisty streak that her sons and grandsons admired. Even into her late seventies, she was still making regular trips to Denver and Golden to visit old friends.175 Miranda died in New York City in 1923 at age 86, far outliving her husband, as well as her eldest son Frank, who passed in 1921.176 She was buried next to her husband in an unmarked grave in Fairmount Cemetery in Denver. 173 Ferril, Sketches of Colorado pg. 391. 174 Loveland and Loveland, Genealogy of the Loveland Family pg. 41-42. 175 Colorado Transcript August 10, 1916. The brief article indicates tha t Miranda Loveland had recently paid a visit to Colorado. Sh e would have been 79 years old. 176 Records Search for Miranda Ann Montgomery Loveland and Francis W. Loveland, last modified May 19, 2012, www.findagrave.com (accessed October 20, 2013).
67 CHAPTER IX WILLIAM LOVELANDÂ’S LEGACY While William Loveland was most closely tied to the Colorado Central Railroad throughout his lifetime, he was often involved in m any other pursuits that are just as important to document, as they helped to shape the Colorado Front Range. Through his work as a territorial legislator and booster, he he lped put Golden City on the map. Loveland had the foresight to imagine that the smal l town of Golden would someday become a Colorado treasure. He helped to lay out t he town as a member of the town company, and carefully selected the optimal spot fo r his own business. In turn, others in Golden followed his lead and the business district along the main street of Washington Avenue remains vibrant to this day. Loveland generously donated land throughout Golden for the establishment of two schools and six churches of various denominatio ns. According to well-known Golden historian Richard Gardner, this was smart pl anning on LovelandÂ’s part. Gardner notes, Â“It is evidentÂ…he didnÂ’t just use the lots t o make himself money but to plan out Golden strategically, spreading those churches acro ss the city likely to help promote its growth.Â”177 Loveland also founded the Loveland Fire Hose Comp any, and gave an additional plot for the establishment of a firehous e in Golden.178 Loveland also had a hand in helping to establish tw o prominent educational institutions in Denver and Golden: the Colorado Sem inary, which would morph into the University of Denver, and the Colorado School of Mi nes. 177 Richard Gardner, e-mail message to the author, Jan uary 30, 2013. 178 Brown, Shining Mountains pg. 80.
68 The Colorado Seminary was one of LovelandÂ’s early p rojects, and may have been his first introduction to Territorial Governor John Evans. Although William Loveland and Evans disagreed on nearly every topic of the da y, they worked together to help found the Colorado Seminary in 1864.179 Loveland and Evans were two members of a twentyeight member Board of Trustees selected to help des ign the school and determine the means of awarding degrees.180 The seminary closed after a few financially unsuc cessful years, and Evans purchased the property. The build ing briefly housed the state Legislature when the capital moved from Golden to D enver, and finally in 1880 the school was reorganized as the new University of Den ver.181 An act to establish a school for mining and enginee ring in Colorado Territory was first introduced to the legislature for Colorado Te rritory in 1870. This was due largely to the influence of legislator Loveland and his friend Charles C. Welch, as both men believed that the future of Colorado was tied to th e success of the mining industry.182 In 1874, the bill was reintroduced to the legislature. Welch had donated several acres of land in order to secure the schoolÂ’s location in Go lden. The act passed and Loveland was elected President of the School of Mines; a positio n he held for a short time from 18751876.183 179 Colorado Territory, General Laws and Joint Resolutions, Third Session pg. 209. 180 Smiley, History of Denver pg. 758-759. 181 Smiley, History of Denver pg. 759. 182 Dunning, Over Hill and Vale pg. 358. 183 Jesse R. Morgan, A World School: The Colorado School of Mines (Denver, CO: Sage Books, 1955), pg. 64-65 and 80-81.
69 LovelandÂ’s sleepy retirement community of Lakewood has grown to a population of 142,980 making it the fifth largest city in Colo rado; a fact would likely surprise Loveland himself were he still alive.184 And while LovelandÂ’s Colorado Central Railroad was abandoned and dismantled, his short-lived Denve r, Lakewood, and Golden Railroad has been resurrected as the West Line of the Region al Transportation DistrictÂ’s Light Rail. Citizens of Lakewood and Golden two cities that formed in large part due to William Loveland today can take the train along m uch of the same rail bed that the Denver, Lakewood, and Golden followed. Aside from a few personal letters, William Loveland left very few written traces of himself. Whether or not this was intentional wi ll probably never be known. Although he inspired many sensational headlines over his lif etime, I believe that Loveland was a fiercely private man. While his political actions and business deals were constantly questioned and commented upon by the newspapers of the day, LovelandÂ’s personal life was far more guarded. Loveland was not forthcoming with media interviews and if he kept any personal records, such as a diary or journ al, his family took great care to keep them private. Perhaps LovelandÂ’s privacy is the reason why his le gacy in Colorado has not been well documented. It is interesting to note that wh ile Loveland is featured prominently in Colorado history books that were written during his lifetime or very soon after his death, his story faded from memory as quickly as an aftern oon thunderstorm during the summer 184 United States Census Bureau, Lakewood Colorado Qui ckFacts, http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/08/0843000. html (accessed Jan 8, 2014)
70 in the Colorado Rockies.185 What transpired between the era of LovelandÂ’s dea th and now that would explain this? Simply put: nothing. While LovelandÂ’s adventures were wild, they werenÂ’t wild enough. He was never charg ed with a crime, and he never served time in prison. He was a consummate family man who never inspired even whispers of a scandal, and although he was loved by his friends a nd neighbors, they all left it up to someone else to document WilliamÂ’s life for posteri ty. Historian Harold Marion Dunning came close to memorializing William Lovelan d in a book, but the story was disjointed and became lost among DunningÂ’s larger b ody of work, Over Hill and Vale Like so many men of his time, William Loveland espo used the traits of the gritty Western pioneer who became extraordinarily popular through the medium of adventure novels. These western pioneers were often viewed a s heroes who tamed nature and brought civilization to a vast wilderness. The im portance of documenting the life of Loveland, and those like him, is not to tout their greatness but to separate reality from fiction. Historian Henry Nash Smith explored this dichotomy in his classic work, Virgin Land Smith wrote, Â“The literary development of the Wi ld Western heroÂ… made the divergence between fact and fiction even greater.Â”186 Although Nash was writing in reference to mainly fictional characters, his point is important nonetheless. Certainly men just like William Loveland served as the inspir ation for many of these great Western novels. The point of documenting Loveland is not t o glorify him, but more importantly to prove that he was an ordinary man whose life was punctuated not only by moments of greatness but also moments of defeat and despair. On more than one occasion, Loveland See especially History of the Clear Creek and Boulder Valleys and Jerome C. Smiley, History of Denver. 186 Henry Nash Smith, Virgin Land: The American West as Symbol and Myth, Rev. ed. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978), pg 114.
71 chose to promote stories about his life that were c learly embellished rather than the less enthralling truth, and who has not done the same? The truth remains, however, that the events of William LovelandÂ’s life were sensational enough to stand on their own. Figure 3. William Austin Hamilton Loveland. Image courtesy of the Loveland Historical Society.
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