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El Despertar, La Lucha y El Orgullo

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Title:
El Despertar, La Lucha y El Orgullo intersectionality and resistance in the life history of a campesina environmentalist
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Gilbertson-Torres, Krristine ( author )
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University of Colorado Denver
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Political ecology -- Mexico ( lcsh )
Women environmentalists -- Mexico ( lcsh )
Environmental conditions -- Mexico ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Review:
This research is a partial life history of Celsa, a rural environmental activist confronting issues that emerge at the nexus of gender and ecology. It examines the trajectory of her expressions of resistance an how her gendered subjectivities have shifted and transformed through her experiences by combining a life history approach with the analytica tool of intersectionality. This analysis employs feminist theory to consider how the patriarchal norms that characterize the social and historical context of Celsa's experiences have influenced her journey into environmental activism. How have transnational processes related t globalized capitalism-such as neoliberal trade agreements, the international underground economy of drugs, the Mexican state's role in mediating these, as well as the insertion of international non-governmental humanitarian organizations-played a role in bringing about transformative experiences in Celsa's life? How have these transformative experiences led Celsa to critique and resist deep-seated cultural beliefs and practices that are the legacy of colonialism, such as is the case with Mexico's patriarchal gender roles? Through her work in organizing rural women, she articulates a critique of machismo and seeks improvements in the situation of rural women and families in Mexico, all the while forging transformative relationships with other women and creating space for women's emancipation.
Thesis:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Colorado Denver. Anthropology
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Includes bibliographic references.
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Department of Anthropology
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by Kristine Gilbertson-Torres.

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EL DESPERTAR, LA LUCHA YEL ORGULLO: INTERSECTIONALITY AND RESISTANCE
IN THE LIFE HISTORY OF A CAMPESINA ENVIRONMENTALIST
by
KRISTINE GILBERTSON-TORRES
B.A., University of Colorado Denver, 2003
A thesis submitted to the
Faculty of the Graduate School of the
University of Colorado in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
Anthropology Program
2014


2013
KRISTINE GILBERTSON-TORRES
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED


This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by
Kristine Gilbertson-Torres
has been approved for the
Anthropology Program
by
Marty Otanez, Chair
John Brett
Sarah Horton


Gilbertson-Torres, Kristine (M.A., Anthropology)
El Despertar, la Luchayel Orgullo: Intersectionality And Resistance
in the Life History of a Campesina Environmentalist
Thesis directed by Assistant Professor Marty Otanez..
ABSTRACT
This research is a partial life history of Celsa, a rural environmental activist
confronting issues that emerge at the nexus of gender and ecology. It examines the
trajectory of her expressions of resistance and how her gendered subjectivities have
shifted and transformed through her experiences by combining a life history approach with
the analytical tool of intersectionality. This analysis employs feminist theory to consider
how the patriarchal norms that characterize the social and historical context of Celsas
experiences have influenced her journey into environmental activism. How have
transnational processes related to globalized capitalismsuch as neoliberal trade
agreements, the international underground economy of drugs, the Mexican states role in
mediating these, as well as the insertion of international non-governmental humanitarian
organizationsplayed a role in bringing about transformative experiences in Celsas life?
How have these transformative experiences led Celsa to critique and resist deep-seated
cultural beliefs and practices that are the legacy of colonialism, such as is the case with
Mexicos patriarchal gender roles? Through her work in organizing rural women, she
articulates a critique of machismo and seeks improvements in the situation of rural women
and families in Mexico, all the while forging transformative relationships with other women
and creating space for womens emancipation.
IV


The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication.
Approved: Marty Otanez
v


This thesis is dedicated to all the luchadoras who formed part of the OMESP, wherever they are
now. Que sigan luchando por los derechos de la gente y por la salud de la Tierra.
vi


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The seed of this research project extends back nearly a decade, and when I trace my
steps back from where I stand today, I realize many small moments and contributions that
were essential to its fruition. So many, in fact, that it would be impossible for me to mention
each contribution here. First and foremost, I would like to thank Celsa Valdovinos Rios,
whose stories comprise the focal point of this project. Her activism inspired not only the
people of her community, but also many outsiders such as myself and others involved in
the international human rights community in solidarity with southern Mexican struggles. I
would also like to thank those members her family who extended their generous
hospitality to me during my visits to Washington and Petatlan, sharing with me their
homes, their food and their lively conversation.
I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the members of my thesis committee,
whose indispensible guidance encouraged me beyond complacency through the rough
spots. To my advisor Dr. Marty Otanez for his comments, guidance and diligent engagement
throughout the learning process of this master's thesis, and for helping to keep me on track
through it all. To Dr. Sarah Horton, for her insightful suggestions and comments both pre-
research and during the revision process. And thank you to Dr. John Brett for his
comments, encouragement and understanding at key moments during my MA study.
I would also like to thank the University of Colorado Anthropology Department for
granting me funding to carry out part of my thesis research, and to Connie Turner for
helping me time and time again in navigating the deadlines and paperwork of graduate
school.
vn


Of course, I could not have carried this project through without the incredible
support that my family has given me: my husband, my mother, and my son have been
incredibly supportive and understanding, providing me a strong foundation throughout the
process. It has been a great encouragement to know that my father, who passed away
during my first year of graduate school, would have been rooting for me the whole time as
well, as it was he who instilled an ecological consciousness within me from a young age.
vm


TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER
I: INTRODUCTION...............................................................1
II: CONTEXT OF RESEARCH.......................................................7
The Dawn of a Popular Ecological Resistance Movement......................10
Rural Family Economies in the Era of Neoliberalism........................13
The Drug War and Organized Crime in the Costa Grande......................14
III: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND LITERATURE REVIEW.............................16
Literature Review.........................................................17
Rural Campesinas in Ecological Social Movements.........................17
Women and the Political Economy of Neoliberalism........................22
Theoretical Framework.....................................................24
Intersectionality.......................................................24
Patriarchy in Rural Mexico: The Case of'Machismo'.......................32
IV: METHODOLOGY..............................................................41
Theoretical Considerations................................................46
Reflexivity...............................................................50
V: CELSAS STORY.............................................................56
"Mothers and Fathers Teach Their Children to Be Machistas"................57
Coming into Activism: "How Is It Possible That Where We Live We Have So Much
Water and We Don't Even Grow the Food That We Eat?".......................63
Achievements and Obstacles as an Established Community Activist...........70
"God Said God and Man, He Didn't Say God and Woman": Men's Opposition to Women
Organizing
70


"That River Was Dead and We Brought It Back to Life": Achievements with OMESP.... 73
"They Don't Want to Hear the Word Ecology": The Anti-Environmentalism of the
Drug War............................................................77
"Now the Work is Part of Them": Possibilities for Lasting Change.......82
VI: CONCLUSION...........................................................84
REFERENCES...............................................................89
APPENDIX.................................................................93
x


LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE
1: Guerrero State in Mexico Source......................................7
2: Major mountain ranges in Mexico......................................8
3: Municipality of Petatlan in Guerrero.................................8
4: Member of the Organizaiton of Women Environmentalists of the Petatlan Sierra next
her family garden plot...........................................................13
5: Celsa displaying OMESP banner, March 2013, Petatlan...........................31
6: Author participating in a meeting of the OMESP in 2005........................42
7: Research trajectory of project................................................44
8: Celsa and Felipe with cedar seedlings for reforestation project...............67
9: Meeting of the OMESP on Mother's Day..........................................74
10: Celsa at her compost business, March 2013, Petatlan..........................81


LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
CAWN ..Central America Women's Network
CONASUPO. ...Mexicos National Company of Popular Subsistence
EZLN ...Zapatista National Liberation Army
NAFTA ..North American Free Trade Agreement
NGO ..Non-Governmental Organization
OAS ..Organization of American States
OCESP ...Organization of Campesino Environmentalists of the Sierra of Petatlan
OMESP ....Organization of Women Environmentalists of the Sierra of Petatlan
PBI ...Peace Brigades International


CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
I believe that we have many ideas that are just backward. We humans have
really messed things up, for example, the environment. Were all screwing up
because we are focused on nothing but destruction. My biggest desire with the
organization was for people to change their way of thinking. I wanted them to
think differently about the world, to think that trees and animals are living
beings that we must take care of. I think that people needed to get that idea
into their heads. That is what needs to change [...] and also, I want to change
the way we think as mothers. We never think about ourselves, we are always
worrying about our children and our husbands, and we don't even think of
ourselves. I would like to change that. As women, we must also think of
ourselves and value ourselves. Celsa1, January 26,2013.
The above is a quote from Celsa of the Women Environmentalists of the
Sierra of Petatlan (heretofore referred to as the OMESP for its Spanish initials),
when asked what changes she would most like to see within her community.2 Celsa
is a campesina ecologista (peasant environmentalist) who has worked several
decades to bring ecological consciousness to her corner of the southern Sierra
Madre Mountains in the southern Mexican state of Guerrero. The last ten of those
years, she worked to organize local women in her region to better support
themselves, their families, and their communities by helping women to plant their
own family garden plots to improve family economies and nutrition, organizing
campaigns to support reforestation and river clean up, and holding community
workshops on gender equality, among other activities. While these could be
considered important achievements in many contexts, they are particularly
1A pseudonym is not used in accordance with the informants wishes.
2 All of Celsas quotes were translated from Spanish into English by the author. All
other translations of texts into English were also done by the author.
1


significant in rural Guerrero. Guerrero is known for experiencing many
environmental conflicts, including those related to logging, mining, and
hydroelectric projects. At the same time, in Mexico, women are often subject to
structural and intra familial violence related to their gender; a 2012 United Nations
evaluation of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women
cited numerous problems that Mexican women face, including domestic violence,
salary discrimination, problems accessing the judicial system, lack of access to rural
healthcare, and issues related to drug violence and militarization
(http://www.unfpa.org.mx/publicaciones/CEDAW.pdf). Environmental degradation,
poverty, and cultural practices and beliefs regarding gender intersect, creating
unique hardships and obstacles for women and girls (even more so for indigenous
women).
The purpose of this research is to elaborate a partial life history of Celsa. Life
history is an effective vehicle in anthropological research that illuminates the
interplay of agency and structure as experienced by an individual, in other words,
the ways in which she shapes the world around her, as well as the ways in which the
world shapes her. Sensitive to contextual social factors such as political economy
and history, life history is able to highlight fundamental themes related to the role of
resistance in social change.
This research examines how, as a rural woman activist confronting issues of
gender and the environment, Celsas gendered subjectivities have shifted and
transformed through her experiences. I combine the life history approach with the
analytical tool of intersectionality to consider how the patriarchal norms that
2


characterize the social and historical context of Celsas experiences have influenced
her journey into environmental activism. How have transnational processes related
to globalized capitalismsuch as neoliberal trade agreements, the international
underground economy of drugs, the Mexican states role in mediating these, as well
as the insertion of international non-governmental humanitarian organizations
played a role in bringing about transformative experiences in Celsas life? How have
these transformative experiences led Celsa to critique, and resist against, deep-
seated cultural beliefs and practices that are legacies of colonialism, such as is the
case with Mexicos patriarchal gender roles? Through her work in organizing rural
women, she has resisted some aspects of the dominant discourses about rural
women in Mexico, while embracing other aspects, all the while forging
transformative relationships with other women and creating space for womens
emancipation.
This life history is informed by Zeitlyns (2008) "anthropological silhouette",
which he contrasts with biography and autobiography and describes as "sensitive to
the context of its own production...sensitive to the social context, to change and to
the wider factors that shape individual lives without losing sight of the individual
interpretations and understandings through which humans make the worlds they
live in" (167). Celsas spoken stories are transformed into text, thus delineating for
the reader certain aspects of Celsas life. As a silhouette, as opposed to a photograph,
it does not pretend to be complete, nor to tell the only possible story. It is also
explicit about my own role and interventions as the ethnographer, and how that
influences the project.
3


Although I formally began my fieldwork for this project in January of 2013, it
builds upon over ten years of academic and personal involvementboth direct and
indirectwith issues of human rights activism in southern Mexico. I first became
connected with my main informant, Celsa, several years before beginning graduate
school, as a human rights accompanier with Peace Brigades Internationals (PBI)
Mexico Project in 2005. These experiences inform my project. The bulk of the data I
utilize comes from five days I spent with Celsa in January and March of 2013, in
Washington State in the US and Guerrero, Mexico. The life history has been a coming
together of multiple strands of my own personal history, various shades of luck,
decisions based on feasibility, and personal admiration for Celsa and her work. I
have found that the life history approach harmonizes well with the engaged
anthropological perspective of my work, because the subjects agency is retained in
her decision of how to tell her story (which is not to minimize the principal role of
the ethnographer/writer and the ethical issues that remain, this is further discussed
in chapter four). In Celsas life narrative, I encountered three main recurring themes
relating to her coming into activism: despertarse (awakening), which refers to her
process of realizing hegemonic patriarchal practices and how this leads to gender
discrimination, lucha (struggle), her experiences with obstacles impeding her
community work, and orgullo (pride), the feeling of accomplishment she
experiences when thinking about her work with the OMESP, particularly
noteworthy in a context of oppression.
In the second chapter I explore the socio-political and more recent historical
context of the Costa Grande of Guerrero to better illustrate what was happening in
4


the background of Celsas stories about her life. The region is characterized by a
deep history of inequality, exacerbated by inequitable, unsustainable resource
extraction and neoliberal trade policies, as well as a notable organized resistance
against these policies, and the general repressive response of local elites and the
State.
Chapter three serves as an explanation of the theories that have guided this
research as well as the analytical tools that have helped me to consider my data. As
this project is largely informed by feminist theory, I utilize a framework of
intersectionality to consider the influence of patriarchy in Celsas experiences and
above all, in her development as an activist. I also review of the literature on
grassroots womens and environmental movements in Latin America.
The fourth chapter describes my research process and the methods I
employed. I explore theoretical considerations of life history as a type of
ethnography, and how this framework fits within a feminist perspective. In chapter
four I interrogate my positionality within this research, as the ethnographer, but
also as someone involved in an intercultural marriage to a Mexican national.
Exposing the positionality of the researcher in their research is critical to attain an
awareness of power relations inherent in ethnographic fieldwork; likewise, it
highlights the issue of subjectivity versus objectivity in research, as it reveals the
ethnographers standpoint, but also reveals a great deal about the informant.
The fifth chapter is an in-depth analysis of selected sections of my interviews
with Celsa. In this chapter I analyze the Celsas words and actions to discover the
motivations behind her environmental work and her work with the women in her
5


community, and how her opinions and actions have challenged gender norms in her
rural community in southern Mexico. Through her diverse life experiences, and in
particular through her environmental activism, Celsa developed a pointed critique
of what she refers to as a "culture of machismo," and through this critique
uncovered a potential for personal emancipation that she shared with the women of
her community. My final chapter will serve as a conclusion to summarize my
findings, revisit some ethical issues of this research that pertain to engaged
anthropology, and relate the implications and contributions of Celsas life history to
anthropology, feminism, and beyond.
6


CHAPTER II
CONTEXT OF RESEARCH
Era el grito que quemaba, un sol que desde su sangre queria arder, como si su
llama fuera hacia la oscuridad que todofuego tiene en su ralz [...] gritando que
falta mucho por hacer, por hacer, por hacer, por hacer [It was a searing cry, a sun
within his blood that wanted to burn, as if its flame were to go to toward the darkness
that each fire contains in its root (...) shouting that there was still so much to do, to do,
to do, to do...]
Carlos Montemavor. Guerra en el Parafso. 1991
In this chapter, I will highlight several factors that are vital to understand the
wider social context that has influenced the trajectory of Celsas life and her
activism. The communities that comprised the Organization de Mujeres Ecologistas
de la Sierra de Petatlan (OMESP) are within the municipality of Petatlan, in the
Southern Sierra Madre mountains located in the Costa Grande region of the
southern Mexican state of Guerrero, a state that is largely rural yet that stands out
due to its marked inequality (see Figures 2 and 3). In Guerrero (see Figure 1), one
finds luxury tourist resorts such as those found in Ixtapa and parts of Acapulco, as
well as municipalities with the highest levels of poverty in Mexico.
v, O f : O Ci O
rVl O > .
OCtANO
PACSH CO
Figure 1: Guerrero State in Mexico Source: http://www.map-of-mexico.co.uk/espanola/mapa-de-
guerrero.htm
7


GUERRERO
MICHCACAN
r. o
Figure 3: Municipality of Petatlan in Guerrero. Source: www.e-local.gob.mx
Guerrero has a colonial legacy of sharp inequality nourished by enduring
caciqufsmo, and in more recent decades, militarization. Another factor deeply
ingrained into this context is Guerreros history of social unrest and popular
struggle. As Mexican scholar Armando Bartra wrote in Guerrero Bronco, Guerreros
8


social movements can be historically characterized on one hand by their demands
for more inclusive democratic processes, and on the other hand, the demand for
social and economic justice in a context of extreme inequality (2000:15). Within the
larger context of a Latin America influenced by the Cuban Revolution and the Cold
War, the despotism that prevailed under the rule of the Institutional Revolutionary
Party (PRI in Spanish), particularly in the state of Guerrero, "repeatedly surpressed"
popular movements working within constitutional channels (Avina 2009:212.)
Avina (2009), a historian of Mexico, argues that this state repression ultimately
contributed to increasingly radical demands and the formation of leftist rural
guerrillas (212). Yet, Avina also argues that the "guerrilla identity" of the time
period was essentially masculinist, and that within the demands of the tumultuous
social movements of the 1960s and 1970s in Guerrero, issues relating to women
were largely absent (2009:209). This masculinist tendency, however, should be
viewed in the larger context as reflecting the attitudes of the broader Mexican
society.
The beginnings of militarization came about in Guerrero in the 1970s and
1980s, as Guerrero was a key point in the Mexican Dirty War. The Dirty War in
Mexico refers to the period between the mid 1960s through the early 1980s in
which the PRI-ruled government used counterinsurgency tactics, including illegal
detention, torture, and forced disappearance, against those involved in leftist social
movements, including the student movement and rural guerrillas. The rural Costa
Grande of Guerrero was a principal setting of the Dirty War due to the presence of
leftist rebel groups such as Lucio Cabanas Partido de los Pobres (the Poor Peoples
9


Party). According to a government report released by Mexicos special prosecutor
office, hundreds of suspected "subversives" in Guerrero were kidnapped, tortured,
or killed during this period (https://tinvurl.corn/mazhlka).
The Dawn of a Popular Ecological Resistance Movement
The inhabitants of the Costa Grande, where the municipality of Petatlan is
located, have generally benefited, albeit in an inequitable fashion, from access to
well-watered land and greater natural resources. Among the most important natural
resources of this region are semi-evergreen tropical rainforests. The management
of these forests, which have been unsustainably logged for decades, has long been a
contentious issue for local campesino populations, who felt that they obtained no
benefit from their exploitation. Beginning in the mid-1990s, the region experienced
a massive acceleration in deforestation, when then-governor Ruben Figueroa
Alcocer signed an agreement with the U.S.-based multinational timber corporation
Boise Cascade, who were granted exclusive rights to the forests resources, even
though the majority of the forests in Petatlan were officially ejido or communal
lands (Patterson 2005).
According to Greenpeace, forest exploitation reached extremely high levels in
the 1990s. Satellite images of 18 localities in the region taken from 1992 and 2000
showed that 40% of the forests had been lost, meaning that 215,000 acres of the
existing 565,507 acres had been destroyed. This increased by 446% the existing
bare soil in the region, which grew from 94,090 acres in 1992 to 94,090 in 2000
(Aranda Sanchez 2007: 111). The campesinos that lived in the region noticed that
the rivers were starting to go dry, that different species of plants and animals were
10


becoming scarce, that the soil was eroding faster, and that the climate was becoming
drier; these observations led to a group of individuals from 24 different ejidos to
form the Organization of Campesino Environmentalists of the Sierra of Petatlan
(OCESP) in 1998 (Aranda Sanchez 2007: 111).3 Its main objective was to
conscientize people in the region to what was going on with the forests to stop the
excessive logging as well as reforestation efforts; however, the organization also
solicited the intervention of the local and state environmental authorities and filed
formal lawsuits against excessive and clandestine exploitation of the forest. Later,
the OCESP carried out direct actions of protest, blocking roads to stop the transport
of lumber out of the region and inviting national and international non-
governmental organizations to support their actions and publicize them; after three
months, these actions led to Boise-Cascades decision to leave the region due to a
"difficult business climate" (Aranda Sanchez 2007: 111). While this was a success
for the OCESP, shortly afterward, the Mexican Army intervened, and two of the
leaders of the OCESP were detained for possession of arms for the exclusive use of
the military as well as for the cultivation of marijuana (essentially, associating the
OCESP with armed guerrilla or organized crime groups, which according to Amnesty
International, is a common tactic used in Mexico to dissuade activism and must be
understood in the historical context of the Dirty War) (Aranda Sanchez 2007: 112).
Later, in 2004, another leader of the OCESP, Celsas now-deceased husband Felipe,
3 The OCESP is often referred to as simply, the campesinos ecologistas, or "peasant
environmentalists", and predates and should not be confused with the OMESP, the "women
peasant environmentalists." However, there is most likely an overlap in those who either
identify as members of, or collaborate with, the respective organizations since they are
operating in the same area with similar objectives.
11


was arrested on charges of murder, of which he was subsequently absolved after the
intervention of several international human rights and environmental organizations
(Patterson 2005). These events brought to international awareness the
environmental and human rights struggles in the Sierra of Petatlan in the late 1990s
and early 2000s.
In this context, the OMESP emerged in 2002. As the head organizer, Celsa
worked alongside campesino women from a number of communities in the Sierra of
Petatlan. The members of the OMESP noted the importance of the participation of
women in the struggle, and dedicated themselves to the causes of caring for the
forest, the planting of family garden plots to support adequate levels of nutrition,
and spreading ecological consciousness among the families of the region (Aranda
Sanchez 2007: 115). Members of the OMESP undertook additional activities as well:
cleaning campaigns in villages, roads and rivers, preventing and combating forest
fires, seed collection and sharing, raising chickens, honey production, promoting the
use of and preserving seeds of local plant varieties, a savings fund to support small
productive projects in the communities, and organizing workshops on human rights
and gender equality (Organization de Mujeres Ecologistas de la Sierra de Petatlan
2012). These efforts both contributed to the ecological health of the community, as
well as to food, health, and economic security of individual families, which are vital
issues in the Mexican countryside in the context of the neoliberal turn.
12


Figure 4: Member of the OMESP next to her family garden plot, El Zapotillal, Guerrero. Source: Celsa, date
unknown.
Rural Family Economies in the Era of Neoliberalism
In an interview conducted on January 26, 2013, while she was residing in
Washington, Celsa noted that in rural southern Mexico, families often sold corn they
produced to state-run CONASUPO warehouses (Compama Nacional de Subsistencias
Populares, for National Company of Popular Subsistence) for a guaranteed price.
CONASUPO was a government institution created in the 1960s that played a key role
in Mexican agricultural policies, shaping food production, consumption, and rural
incomes (Yunez 2003:1). As a result of the Mexican governments trade
liberalization policies implemented since the 1980s, but accelerated since the North
American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1994, corn became increasingly
cheaper as a direct result of cheap imports from the US, eventually losing all trade
13


protections. Celsa remembered that in the 1980s, it started becoming increasingly
common for people in the Sierra communities to forego growing corn and other
food crops that were perceived as no longer producing a sustainable price, and to
instead grow marihuana, which could then be sold for a good price. So, beginning
with CONASUPO, it became common for people to sell the food that they produced
to the state instead of producing for their own families consumption or for sale in
their own communities. Then, when subsidies were eliminated due to trade
liberalization, the production of crops for the black market was viewed by some as a
tenable strategy for improving their standard of living. Celsa sees one of the main
achievements of the OMESP in its reclaiming lost regional practices of agriculture.
The Drug War and Organized Crime in the Costa Grande
Subsequently, in the 2000s, the Costa Grande of Guerrero has been plagued
by a sharp increase in violence related to organized crime and the drug war.
Beginning in 2006, the government of former President Felipe Calderon initiated
military action against the drug cartels, which has been supported by the US
through the security cooperation agreement denominated the Merida Initiative. This
is turn has led to an explosion of cartel-related violence in many areas, including the
Costa Grande of Guerrero; the relationship between the government, the security
forces and organized crime is not clear, though some analyses, such as that of
Mexican journalist Anabel Hernandez in Narcoland: The Mexican Drug Lords and
Their Godfathers (2013), have long claimed that extreme levels of corruption within
14


the security forces has led to high-level involvement in the drug trade, further
entrenching it as opposed to combating it.
However, due to the insecure social context in the forest communities of
Petatlan, the OMESP is currently on hiatus. Because of Celsas profile as a
community leader, her friends/contacts from national and international human
rights organizations encouraged her to consider leaving the region for a period of
time. Celsa left her home in the Sierra, residing for a time in rural Washington State
in the US and then returned to the town of Petatlan in Mexico, where she now is
running a small compost business. In our interviews, she repeatedly mentioned
how she and other OMESP members are eager to get back to organizing new
projects, but that in the current context she does not see it as possible:
This has been a major obstacle for us because there's hardly anyone left in the
communities. What can we do if there are hardly any people there? We cant
work anymore, I cant go up there anymore, the people who left cant go up
anymore, we cant even hold our meetings. We cant hold meetings because, he
who is up to no good always thinks everyone else is up to no good.
To sum up, all of these contextual factorsradical grassroots political
movements, state-sponsored repression of these movements, militarization,
neoliberal economic policies, and organized crimeare important to understand
the landscape upon which Celsa and the OMESP have contested inequalities.
15


CHAPTER III
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND LITERATURE REVIEW
We aren't going to ask the government to give us freedom, nor are we going to
askyou maiefoois. We are going to ensure our freedom, our respect, and our
dignity as women and as human beings. Quote from the women of the
Zapatista National Liberation Army, May 11,1994.
Chapter 3 outlines current anthropological research and literature involving
women, environmental advocacy, and gendered relationships in the context of Latin
America and Mexico. The literature that I have used both to situate this research and
that I have drawn upon for its theoretical foundation have helped me to approach
and envision the issue of rural womens resistance in Mexico from a variety of
perspectives. In this review I discuss and compare these perspectives to convey the
depth, complexity, and multivariate nature of power (oppression, hegemony) and
resistance in this particular context. First I discuss recent literature focusing on
womens participation in rural social movements and forms of resistance, in
particular in relation to environmental issues. I also look at literature on the
political economy of neoliberalism as is relates to rural women in Mexico. Then,
from a feminist theoretical perspective, I discuss the framework of intersectionality
as a way to illuminate aspects of gender oppression when combined with other
forms of discrimination. Finally, I analyze the concept of patriarchy as it relates to
the rural Mexican context, and how through a framework of intersectionality, we
can better see the significance of Celsas multiple expressions of resistance to
patriarchy.
16


Literature Review
Rural Campesinas in Ecological Social Movements
The body of work on women and social movements in Latin America is
important to help situate this research project. In particular, research regarding
Mexican women's experiences living in the US-Mexico border region contributes to
an understanding of women's collective activism and resistance that is also useful
when considering the situation of the women of the OMESP. In her article
"Community of Struggle: Gender, Violence and Resistance on the US/Mexico
Border," Michelle Tellez (2008) uses oral narratives to illustrate how "women's
activism and emerging political consciousness provides a lens through which
women critique structural violence and intimate partner violence and that
ultimately provides new women-centered subjectivities" (545). Tellez asserts that
"the border region is a space where transformative politics can take place." While I
agree that this particular spatial-social-political context plays an important part in
the formation of the border women's activism, examples such as the OMESP,
unfolding at the same time period yet in a place far from a national border, may
show us that the concept of "border" can encompass something beyond a defined
geographical area (547). In Celsas case, she has crossed borders geographically,
when she traveled to Europe and the US to receive recognition for her
environmental work, as well as when she temporarily resided in the US due to
security concerns. These "border crossings" represent the transnational
relationships present in her life, and while they ultimately owe themselves to the
insertion of neoliberalism into even the furthest corners of rural Mexico, the
17


consequences have been both positive and negative in Celsas experience. An
interesting finding of Tellez was how the womens narratives illustrated that "when
forced to confront the structural violence endemic to the border region, residents
point to an alternative, one that challenges the gendered and racialized
sociopolitical position in which they find themselves" (558). Furthermore, Tellez
recognized that being involved in a social movement allowed the women "to see that
they did not have to remain in the violent situation they were in at home" (558,
emphasis in original). As Tellez found in her work in the Mexico-US border region,
my research also finds, that womens experiences in organizing themselves
engender a women-centered subjectivity in which they develop "an oppositional
consciousness that critiques the neoliberal state" while it "provides them with the
tools they need to create different choices for themselves" (561).
In Mexico, the impact that the Zapatista movement has had upon social
movements within the past two decades is undeniable. The Zapatistas sharp
critique of neoliberalism and of the Mexican governments disregard for the effect
that these policies have on indigenous communities have given them a sustained
presence in the national dialogue since the initial January 1994 uprising in Chiapas.
Parallels can be drawn between the environmental struggles of the campesinos in
Guerreros Petatlan Sierra and those of the indigenous Zapatistas of Chiapas: they
share the similarities of emerging from the sharp inequalities that characterize the
two southern states, a shared regional history of popular unrest, armed struggle,
and militarization, and both movements have received national and international
attention. Having particular relevance to this research are the demands put forward
18


by the indigenous Zapatista women, calling for "the democratization of gender
relations within the family, the community, and social and political organizations"
(Speed 2006:xi). The struggle of indigenous Zapatista women has reverberated
profoundly not only in Mexico, but within feminist academic and activist circles on
an international scale. On the other hand, the non-indigenous campesinas of the
OMESP have received little attention compared to their male counterparts, the
OCESP, and to the Zapatista women. While there are parallels between the women
of the OMESP and Zapatista women, the issue of ethnicity marks a distinction. As
Zapatista Comandanta Ester stated about the plight of indigenous women in Mexico,
"We are triply looked down on: because we are indigenous, because we are women,
and because we are poor" (Speed 206:2007). While the non-indigenous campesinas
such as the women of the OMESP face oppression stemming from being poor (lack
of education and access to resources) and being women, it is not the same degree as
it is for indigenous women, who face racism, oftentimes language barriers, and
other forms of discrimination in addition to poverty and gender discrimination.
This brings to light the usefulness of the intersectional approach of looking at
womens issues.
Anthropologist Shannon Speed has written extensively about her experience
with Zapatista indigenous Tzetzal women. In Dissident Women (2006) she discusses
how Western feminist ideas of a unified womens struggle become problematic in
indigenous communities such as Nicolas Ruiz, Chiapas, where collective rights can
be seen as being at odds with Western liberal feminist ideals that champion the
19


rights of the individual. Speed explains that through her work with Zapatista
women, she saw that this binary is ultimately false:
Not only Zapatistas but women in many indigenous communities are facing
the challenges of renegotiating gender relations in the context of the
movement that they support and in the communities they call home. These
women struggle to change gendered relations of power in the cultural
context of their communities while simultaneously defending the right of the
community to define for themselves what that cultural context is and will be
(Speed 2007:215).
In our discussions, Celsa critiqued the way men in her community upheld
traditional gender roles in a way that was oppressive to women. But at the same
time, she stressed that men were always welcomed into the organization and its
activities. While she recognized herself as a divisive figure at times, Celsas ultimate
goal was for a community that was inclusive to all, one in which women and men
together created healthy, sustainable alternatives to neoliberal status quo that was
only serving to separate them from their land.
Taylor (1995) discusses womens participation in popular ecological
resistance movements, noting that ecological deterioration directly fuels popular
resistance by threatening peoples well being. In particular for women, "ecological
deterioration provides the decisive breeding grounds for ecological resistance"
because "it places additional burdens on women who were already
disproportionately responsible for child rearing and the agrarian economy" (Taylor
1995:337). For the aforementioned reasons, women tend to be more acutely aware
of the direct threats posed by ecological deterioration. Taylor also notes that women
are often prominent in ecological resistance movements due the displacement of
men who may migrate to cities. As a balance to Taylor, Lynn Stephen has
20


commented upon how social scientists have struggled with how to theorize about
womens involvement in social movements without "essentializing" them or their
activities, or "framing their experience with dualist concepts" such as the "division
of social, political, cultural and economic life into a private-female sphere and a
male-public sphere" (1997:7). Within a highly gender-stratified society, such as is
that if Costa Grande of Guerrero, this is extremely important to consider. The
women of the OMESP have contested certain aspects of these prescribed gender
roles, in particular, they have sought and achieved greater representation in the
public sphere as activists and members of community boards (e.g., school
committees). At the same time, they continue to view themselves as caretakers of
the home and family and uphold that role as central to their identity.
Aranda Sanchez and Garcia Campuzano (2007) are sociologists that
conducted interviews with a number of members of the OMESP in Guerrero. Their
article analyzes from a gender perspective the participation of the women
ecologistas in a non-governmental environmental organization, and they advocate
looking at the often "unseen" relationships that women find themselves immersed
in as women environmental activists. They found that in spite of the structural
obstacles that these women face, their dedication as environmental activists is quite
remarkable; however, the sustainability of the movement is in question because of
the OMESPs relation to Mexican institutions. In 2013, we have now seen how the
sharp increase in the presence of extra-state actors utilizing violence over the past
few years displaced a large number of inhabitants in the region, suspending the
organizations activities entirely.
21


Women and The Political Economy of Neoliberalism
Additionally I reviewed literature related to political and economic
structures in Mexico that affect social movements (especially a womens movement
such as the OMESP), because socioeconomic factors are key to informing the
intersectional perspective of this research. Franceschet and Macdonald discuss the
nature of the "democratic transitions" (from dictatorship style governments to
electoral democracies) in Mexico and Chile and how women and womens
movements have participated and been affected. In particular, the authors argue
that in Mexico, while the participation of women has been important in the
citizenship movement, the neoliberal economic discourse of the government and the
presence of "profoundly conservative" ideological rhetoric have reduced the
political opportunities for a gender equality agenda (Franceschet and Macdonald
2004:3). The authors argue that "a serious problem for women in Mexico is the fact
that governments themselves are deploying the concept of citizenship as a way to
legitimate their social and economic policies", putting a focus on personal
responsibility as opposed to state responsibility for social programs, which creates
additional hardships (Franceschet and Macdonald 2004:3). Further, they assert that
neoliberal economic restructuring in Mexico leads to the feminization of poverty
"with women acting as 'shock-absorbers by curtailing their own consumption and
finding ways to make up for declines in family income" and the burden on women
increases as social programs are withdrawn (Franceschet and Macdonald 2004:7).
Preibisch et al (2002) note that rural development programs in Mexico have "acted
to reproduce the socially constructed gender division of labor" in that women are
22


viewed as consumers and not producers, and for this reason these programs and
resources have historically been less accessible to women than men (70).
As Celsa recounted in her interviews, the impact of rural development
programs on women in her community has been mixed. In her opinion, the
consequences of the neoliberal trend toward cutting back on government social
spending have been to increase peoples vulnerability. For example, as noted in
chapter two, Celsa connects the complete liberalization of the corn market in rural
areas to the increase in marihuana cultivation and in some cases to the
abandonment of agriculture by some families, who then either work for low pay on
wealthier peoples lands, or migrate to cities or to the US to improve their economic
opportunities. Celsa has siblings and children that migrated to the US for this
reason. While Celsa did not mention the looming possibility of some campesinos
working for organized crime groups as an alternative, considering the known
presence of these groups in the region, this
is most likely another solution that people
seek. It is in this way that Celsa sees one of
the major aims of the work of the OMESP
to reclaim the practice of agriculture for
the immediate benefit of families and the
local community, as opposed selling these
products to national or foreign markets.
However, Celsas perception of the
experience of women in the neoliberal
Figure 5: Celsa displaying OMESP banner,
Petatlan, March 2013.
23


turn echoes both Franceschet and Macdonald and Preibisch et al in that rural
women face the brunt of any increased burdens. Figure five shows a banner made
for an OMESP anniversary event. The text translates to:
The ones who
The ones who
The ones who
The ones who
The ones who
The ones who
The ones who
The ones who
sow and reap,
nurture,
cook,
wash,
sing,
dance,
learn,
teach.
It is revealing in that it celebrates the role of the women of the OMESP as
campesinas and mother-wives, but it also portrays them as teachers and students,
thus asserting their role as agents of change.
Theoretical Framework
Feminist theories inform and guide this research which examines power and
resistance. My research fits into the large and diverse realm of gender theory, which
at its foundation considers gender to be a social, cultural, political and historical
construction.
lntersectionality
To recognize the interconnections of race, gender and class is also to
recognize that the conditions of our lives are connected to and shaped
by the conditions of others lives. Thus men are privileged precisely
because women are not; and whites are advantaged precisely because
people of color are disadvantaged. In other words, both people of
color and white people live racially structured lives; both womens
and mens lives are shaped by their gender; and all of our lives are
influenced by the dictates of the patriarchal economy of US society
(Espiritu 1997: 140).
As Maria Lugones (2010) writes, "modernity organizes the world ontologically in
24


terms of atomic, homogenous, separable categories", which in addition to gender,
includes race, class, sexuality; and other categories (742). Since the 1990s scholars
and activists of color working on issues of gender and feminism have critiqued a
universalizing feminism for supposing an inherent underlying commonality in the
situation of all people considered within the identity category of "women." As a
consequence, feminism ended up speaking to and for only those women of the
dominant sector of society: white, upper and middle class, and heterosexual. It was
noted how categories such as white, black, woman, etc., had a tendency to obscure
from view the experiences of women of color. Afro-American scholar Kimberle
Williams Crenshaw coined the concept of intersectionality in response to these
critiques. Intersectionality refers to a "complex system of multiple, simultaneous
structures of oppression" (Munoz 2010:10). The multiple identities that one person
may have expose that person to qualitatively different types of discrimination
and/or privilege depending on context. For example, a white working-class
heterosexual woman in the US would enjoy privileges that an undocumented
working-class heterosexual Latina woman would be denied. The same white
working-class heterosexual woman might experience class discrimination that a
wealthy white woman would not experience. Intersectional analysis takes account
of a persons multiple identities, as well as the historical, social, and political context
as well as individual experiences, to expose how people encounter racism, gender
oppression, class oppression and other forms of discrimination in distinct ways.
In this research, I have employed the concept of intersectionality as a
framework that serves two purposes. First, intersectionality aids our perception of
25


oppression as it manifests in different ways due to the complex way in which
multiple oppressions overlap. Secondly, this perspective provides us with a way to
view how these intersections, along with unique individual experiences within a
specific historic, political and social context, interact with and influence expressions
of resistance. Next, I will review some of the literature on intersectionality as it
relates to comparable contexts of gender issues in Latin America.
In "Intersecting Violences, a Review of Feminist Theories and Debates on
Violence against Women and Poverty in Latin America" (2010) produced by the
London-based Central America Womens Network (CAWN), Munoz utilizes the
framework of intersectionality to analyze violence against women in Latin America.
She highlights that in this particular context, it is important to keep in mind how
colonial legaciesissues of race (black, indigenous, mestizo, white) and class
shape and underlie structural violence against women (13). Privileging the
perspective of gender oppression at the cost of not seeing other forms of oppression
obscures the impact of violence against certain groups of women,
[W]ho by virtue of their ethnicity, language, cosmogony/religion, race, class
and phenotype, are defined as multiply inferior: inferior to other men
because of their gender, to non-indigenous women because of their race, to
well-off women because of their being poor, to heterosexual women because
of their being lesbian (Munoz 2010: 12).
Latina perspectives on intersectionality
In her work on the experiences of Afro-Brazilian women, scholar Sueli
Carneiro argues that in Latin America racism is a constitutive element of societies
and ideas about national identity and determines gender hierarchies. "The colonial
violation of black and indigenous women by white men and the mestizaje that
26


resulted from it are at the origin of all cultural constructions regarding national
identity, structuring the glorified myth of Latin American racial democracy"
(Carneiro 2005). So while the myth of racial democracy, part of which constructs
the idea of equality upon a base of mixed heritage (indigenous, African, European)
and establishes Latin American identity as "mestizo", shapes commonly held beliefs
in Latin American societies that obscure racism from view, the hegemonic,
Eurocentric legacy of colonialism objectifies both black and indigenous populations
as "other" because they are neither white nor mestizo ("part white"). Carneiro
claims not only that colonial sexual violence is the foundation of race and gender
hierarchies in modern Latin American societies, but also that these hierarchies have
influenced feminist discourse in Latin America, essentially leaving out those women
at the bottom.
Maria Lugones (2007) work building on intersectionality is considered
important for bringing plurality to feminism, decentering white bourgeois women
within debates, and bringing in perspectives from women of color. Lugones
complicates the idea of intersectionality, looking at systems of oppression such as
colonial/modern power and colonial/modern gender systems, heterosexualism,
racial classification/oppression, and capitalism as forces that cannot be understood
apart from each other because they literally constitute and mutually construct each
other (Lugones 2007:193).
Lugones assertions that gender is a concept that was imposed onto societies
via colonialism and that there are in fact multiple genders because of this imposition
are beyond the scope of my analysis here. However, Lugones is an important voice
27


in that she complicates intersectionality and introduces issues of colonial legacies
which most certainly have impacted the southern Mexico context of this research in
profound ways.
Intersectionality and neoliberalism
It is an unavoidable irony that just as women's lives become stretched more
thinly, when their labors of survival become more frenetic and seemingly
overwhelming, that is when women must find the time and energy and space
to come together in self-defense. When women's backs are to the wall is
when women must finally realize that the only way out is to step forward and
the only way to step forward is to step together. Neoliberalism removes the
state as an active player in the economic sphere; the market forces that take
over are not likely to be any more favorable to women than the state has
been. It is up to women to take it upon themselves to redefine the parameters
within which the market forces operate and to reshape the social and
cultural expectations of both men and women participating in those markets.
(Wilcox-Young 1998: 8).
In the 1980s, the Mexican State began to embrace neoliberal policies,
meaning that since then, government programs have been increasingly dismantled
in favor of market-based solutions in areas such as poverty reduction and education.
As a result, the issues of poverty, unemployment and underemployment, the
disintegration of the peasant economy, and migration have all become more acute,
particularly since the acceleration of neoliberal policies in the late 1980s under
president Salinas (Olivera & Furio 2006: 107). When looked at through the lens of
intersectionality, one can see how campesina (rural, working class) women, and in
particular indigenous women, are more adversely affected by these policies when
compared to other sectors, due to education levels, language barriers, and other
socioeconomic variables. According to a 2005 Millennium Development Goals report
by the Organization of American States (OAS), Mexico, in addition to high rates of
28


poverty, has levels of maternal mortality on par with levels in countries in Africa,
high levels of unemployment, unequal provision of primary education and
sanitation, and insufficient progress in the area of environmental sustainability
(OAS 2005). Olivera and Furio (2006) highlight that Mexicos situation "is the result
of the intense social polarization brought about by neoliberalism, which has
deepened historical inequality and fostered corruption and inefficiency in
governments that maintain oligarchic, authoritarian, and patriarchal social
structures even though they are now disguised as democracies" (107).
Nash (2005) notes that as semi subsistence farmers, campesinos are
particularly disadvantaged in the neoliberal turn, as this takes away their protection
from foreign exports and they are forced to compete with subsidized agricultural
products in the world market (158). In turn, campesinos "must expect
ever-diminishing returns for their subsistence crops or join the streams of
migration to urban centers in Mexico or the United States" (Nash 2005:158). At the
same time, as a result of the historical sexual division of labor, womens work has
been affected differently than mens, who "find themselves displaced in the wider
society by other competing workers and even by technological innovations" (Nash
2005: 160). Womens work in the home has become "commoditized" but "cannot
easily be replaced by machines in the fields of building interpersonal
communication networks, nursing, child care, education, and other gendered
activities" (160). It is in this way that Nash illustrates how neoliberalism has
paradoxically put women in a situation in which they can better resist
discrimination:
29


Though their invisibility and disempowerment as a class of workers
remains, they still have access to wages and salaries, however low.
Even more important, the growing outcry against the crimes has
resulted in a proliferation of human rights groups that are putting in
place the institutional networks to address these problems. They too
are a product of globalization processes and cannot be forgotten in
assessing changes (157-158).
As we will see in the discussion of the results of this research, the processes
that promote globalization have also given way to coalition building between
grassroots organization and human rights organizations whose work seeks to
improve the situation of campesino women, which reinforces and gives wind to
their own struggle. As Olivera and Furio claim, an outcome of these processes is
that women "become fuller citizens and develop gender consciousness" (109).
Yet another outcome of this can be mens resistance to womens changing
roles, an issue that emerged when the women of the OMESP started organizing
themselves. The fact that women change their public roles, or acquire and manage
their own resources can be troubling to men, especially when the "stereotypical self-
image of the macho makes it difficult to accept roles that are inferior either
objectively or symbolically" to their partners (Olivera & Furio 2006:109). As will be
seen in chapter five, this is a recurring theme in Celsas narrative.
Another factor that further complicates the context of this research and that
has a noteworthy relationship to neoliberalism in Mexico is the climate of violence
and insecurity that has come about with the proliferation of organized crime,
particularly relevant in the state of Guerrero. While we are looking at the
intersectionality of oppressions that women face on numerous levels, we must also
take into account the dramatic increase of quotidian violence in general, all the
30


while keeping in mind the militarization that has been occurring since armed
guerilla groups emerged in the late 1960s (militarization was further discussed in
Chapter 3). While often characterized as being between rival criminal factions,
there is a general consensus among NGOs and in the press that the military and
police are much more involved in activities relating to the production and
distribution of drugs than official sources concede. Furthermore, the drug violence
has affected marginalized rural populations who have been forcefully displaced
from their communities, and the disappearance of environmental activists in the
region (La Jornada, 12/9/2011) who have denounced these forced displacements
contributes to the feeling of insecurity. The disadvantaged situation that rural food
producers continue to experience as a result of neoliberal policies that make it
nearly impossible for them to participate in the market, increases the perceived
viabilityand inevitabilityof organized crime as an economic strategy for
survival. This is the shadowy side of the systemic violence of neoliberalism, which
"creates a social ecology in which men are driven to hyper-masculinity, exaggerating
the violent, authoritarian, aggressive aspects of male identity in an attempt to
preserve that identity" and whose counterpart "is found in the subordinate
positions of women in relation both to men and to institutionalized masculine
power" (Olivera & Furio 2006:109). In Mexicos political climate of impunity, those
positioned at the intersection of poverty and gender find themselves even more
vulnerable to violence and discrimination.
Intersectionality is not a magic bullet; it provides a strategy to help us to
think about a wider range of oppressions and privileges. When this strategy is used
31


to look at specific cases, the complexity of the intersections of gender, class, age and
ethnicity becomes apparent, an issue that is explored here in my analysis of the
interviews, conversations and other experiences I had with Celsa.
Patriarchy in rural Mexico: The case of'machismo'
Intersectionality is an effective strategy to analyze factors that contribute to
gender oppression in diverse cultural contexts. Pierre Bourdieu discusses gender
oppression within societies, and shows how the "naturalization" of masculine
dominance underlies how masculine dominance is expressed and reproduced by
peoples bodies and by institutions, therefore leading to the production and
reproduction of symbolic violence, that lays part of the foundation for the
construction to endure (1999:34). Symbolic violence, a concept coined by Bourdieu,
is observed when dominated groups participate in their own subjugation. Bourdieu
recognized that "the dominated apply categories constructed from the point of view
of the dominant to the relations of domination, thus making them appear as natural"
(1999:35). A major theoretical contribution in the 20th century for the analysis of
masculine dominance was the concept of patriarchy. However, patriarchy, as the
long-lived, deeply entrenched, overarching construction of masculine dominance in
modern society has been much criticized for simplifying power relations and
implying a "false universalism" in terms of gender dynamics among diverse cultures
(Hunnicut 2009:554). We can observe many changes that have taken place over the
past several decades in diverse societies the world around, in terms of shifts within
culturally acceptable gender roles and an increased presence of women in spheres
previously reserved for men only, including in Mexico (and even rural Mexico).
32


However, it is also clear that, at least for most women, gender equality is still far
from being attained, in particular for the women inhabiting spaces of intersecting
oppressions and who face gender-based violence.
In an interview on January 27, 2013, Celsa gave several examples of gender-based
violence in her community, for example, a case in 2004 of a young female rural
student teacher who was raped while traveling on foot to the community of the
school where she was to work:
When the rural student teacher program started in the communities, many
girls were attacked when they were traveling by foot, because men would see
that they were all alone. Once, a man raped one of these student teachers right
there on the road. When the comisario called on this man to respond to the
charges, the man said that it wasn't his fault because she was the one walking
around alone. He said that women shouldn't walk around alone and that was
why he raped her, so she would know not to go around by herself anymore. He
said, "Well, I felt like it, and why else would she be walking around all by
herself?"
Celsa commented that the student teachers are both young women and men that
come from different places (often from towns or cities several hours away) to
complete a part of their training in order to obtain a scholarship for the remainder
of their studies. Therefore, the young woman who was raped was targeted because
of her age, gender, and socioeconomic status.
Gwen Hunnicut (2009) has called for further development of the concept of
patriarchy, albeit "stretched and shaped to bring it in line with contemporary
intellectual developments" (554). She defines patriarchy as "social arrangements
that privilege males, where men as a group dominate women as a group, both
structurally and ideologicallyhierarchical arrangements that manifest in varieties
across history and social space" (557). To improve the theory of patriarchy,
33


Hunnicut suggests employing the concept of "varieties" of patriarchal structures
that differ in varied contexts, to consider patriarchy alongside other forms of
domination like racism and classism with which it is enmeshed, and to complicate
the power dynamics at play, envisioning "terrains of power in which both men and
women yield varying types and amounts of power" (555).
While patriarchy is a term used and debated in both activist and academic
feminist circles, the most common term used in Mexico to refer to unequal gender
dynamics that favor males is machismo, a term Celsa commonly referenced in our
interviews. It is derived from the word macho, literally meaning "male", also refers
to socially constructed ideas of masculinity. In our talks, Celsa referred to machismo
(or the adjective "machista") being so deeply embedded in peoples ideas and
attitudes that it oftentimes, machista practices, especially in aspects of culture such
as child rearing, are not perceived as such. This is illustrated especially in the
domain of child rearing, women are the transmitters of machismo that they received
in their own upbringing, often unconsciously reproducing attitudes that privilege
male members of the household over females, and dictating appropriate behaviors
for male and female children. Celsas perceptions of the role of machismo in
different experiences throughout her life will be discussed in further detail in the
data analysis chapter.
The concepts of patriarchy and machismo are obviously related, and at times
substituted one for the other, but in fact are not one and the same. It is possible to
refer to machismo as a "variety of patriarchy" as in Hunnicuts suggestion. However
patriarchy evokes a larger, structural and institutional concept, while machismo
34


evokes the idea of performance, of gender display. Often displays of machismo,
whether personally or collectively performed, indicate the marginalized social
position of the performer due to class, racial or other oppressions. In our
conversations, Celsa did not discuss the concept of'patriarchy' but she did use the
term 'machismo' to refer specifically to behaviors and attitudes that perceive men as
"naturally" dominant over women.
The State
The role of the State in contributing to gender oppression has two important
facets in this analysis as it centers on Mexico: the economic realm and the realm of
legal and political institutions. In my consideration of economic injustice in Celsas
experience as a campesina, it is important to keep in mind how neoliberal policies
have impacted and continue to impact women; in my consideration of legal and
political institutions, I will look at the role of political struggles and of institutional
impunity.
In the Petatlan Sierra, neoliberal trade agreements have affected
impoverished communities by allowing transnational corporations to extract
natural resources that the local populations depend on for well being. The protests
of the OCESP were a direct result of the community being faced with the
consequence of the rivers drying up as a result of massive deforestation. One
member of the OCESP commented on how inhabitants of the region first became
aware of the ecological degradation in the region, noting that "what we once called
rivers had become small streams, and the streams turned into tiny trickles of water"
(Hernandez Navarro 2011:87). Celsa (January 29, 2013) commented on how the
35


scarcity of water impacts everyone, but women face the brunt of the problem
because of the duties they are responsible in their prescribed gender roles as
caretakers of the family and the home:
[W]hen the stream in our community almost went dry, the women were the
ones who suffered. Because sometimes we would go for water and there was
none, we would have to go far away and haul the water back. And then when
we would be doing our housework we would have to really limit our water use
so we wouldn't have to go back and forth for more watersomething that men
dont do, no, they never have to haul water or anything. That affects us women
more than men.
Celsas observation illustrates how ecological crises influence women more
than men because of the gendered division of work that most households in her
community customarily adhere to. This issue reverberates with the issue of
neoliberal inspired cutbacks in government-sponsored rural development
programs, and how Celsa discussed the disproportionate impact cutbacks have on
women (see pages 18-19). Celsa noted that she sees mothers as the center of the
rural household, and families that are economically marginalized are often forced to
make sacrifices to make ends meet. The following section is an analysis of cultural
beliefs that essentialize femininity and pressure women to live up to the ideal of the
ever-sacrificing, unconditional caretaker. It can be thought of as machismos flipside,
marianismo.
Machismo, symbolic oppression, and critique as emancipatory
Marianismo is considered another expression of machismo in Latin America,
one that is highly symbolic. Rooted in Catholicism, marianismo refers to the
religious figure of Mary, and constructs an image of women as semi-divine, morally
superior and spiritually stronger than men (Stevens 1973: 62). The influence that
36


Catholicism has had on gender roles via marianismo, reaching beyond religion in to
the secular realm, has been noted in numerous cultural contexts and for Mexico, the
Virgin of Guadalupe has extended beyond the religious iconography to become an
important symbol of Mexican nationalism. With its long historic trajectory in
Mexico, and a particular endurance in rural contexts, mariansimo attributes the
positive qualities associated with the figure of Mary to be the ideal to which all
women should aspire: these include fertility, motherliness, self sacrifice, forgiving,
self-renouncement, virginity up until marriage, subservience, etc. (Pastor 2010:
257). A number of these qualitiesself-sacrifice, self-renouncement, and
subservienceresonate with Bourdieus claim that in the face of masculine
dominance "woman is constituted as a negative entity, defined only by default"
(1999:27). While Celsa articulated a pointed critique of machismo, at times she
invoked marianistic attitudes as well. For example, in a discussion about birth
control (which, in spite of identifying as Catholic, she supports), Celsa referred to
men as being more highly driven by bodily desires:
Celsa: Nowadays, more women use birth control. Now a lot of women, when
they have a child, they don't have another one right away, but before they did.
Because men would say that women got married for that reason, to serve her
husband and to have many children, as many as God would give them. And that
being careful to not get pregnant, that was just women's nonsense.
Kristine: And did the women want to have a lot of children?
Celsa: Well, no, I dont think the majority of women wanted to have a lot of
children, but we hadn't learned how to control that yet.
Kristine: And did men want to have a lot of children?
Celsa: Well what men want is sex, they dont think about having a lot of
children, they just want to satisfy their desire and that's it. They don't think
about whether this affects women negatively. Its like something that men
37


naturally have on their minds, to have sexual relations without control.
This attitude that women attain moral superiority through their inevitable
suffering is intertwined throughout Mexican anthropologist Marcela Lagardes
feminist cultural critique of the "mother-wife" which she elaborates in The
Captivities of Women: Mother-Wives, Nuns, Whores, Prisoners, and Madwomen
(1997). Lagarde defines these "captivities" that the title refers to as "the politico-
cultural expression of the female condition", and explains their hegemonic nature:
Contradicting the dominant conception of femininity, the ways of being a
woman within this society and its cultures constitute captivities in which
women creatively survive in oppression. For the majority of women, the
experience of captivity implies suffering, conflict, obstacles, and pain; but
there are happy captives (1997: 36).
Castaneda (2008) remarks on the concept of captivities:
Each captivity has its space that, although its own, is not exclusive or
exclusionary, because women can occupy more than one at a time... these
captivities operate upon women and within each woman, since it is in this
way that power is embodied in an immediate and quotidian manner in the
relationships in which each woman engages (77).
These categories are cultural stereotypes identified by Lagarde that consider
first and foremost a womans sexuality as her defining characteristic. They serve to
ultimately constrain womens bodies and behaviors in hegemonic and punitive
ways. Most pertinent to this discussion, the captivity denominated "mother-wife" is
a construction that combines two idealized and essentialist definitions of "woman"
based upon the ideal of womens procreative sexuality: motherhood and the
dependence upon her for survival this implies, and monogamous conjugality.
Lagarde explains that womens roles as mothers and wives are the primary
sociocultural and political axes that define the gender of "woman"; that even
38


without a husband or children the role of mother-wife is considered the norm for all
womennurturing, accommodating, dependent upon men. While I believe that the
extreme symbolic importance attached to this enduring conception of the mother-
wife in the Mexican context should be considered in any discussion of gender and
resistance in Mexico, it should also be recognized for its limitations in its treatment
(or lack thereof) of womens agency. However, in the books conclusion, Lagarde
highlights the value of womens transgression of these stereotypes as a resource for
their own resistance:
The changes that women experience in their ways of being feminine and the
changes in the ideas of femininity of gendered structure of the world produce
conflicts, which can be painful, but they constitute the only possibility to
experience the freedom of deciding, of inventing, of putting themselves in the
center of their own lives, of becoming the protagonists, and in this process
they abandon their captivity (1997:830-831).
As we will see in chapter five, Celsa repeatedly refers to the norms that
dictate womens socially prescribed roles as she perceived them as an adolescent
and later as an adult living in the forest communities of Petatlan, some of which she
has challenged and others, embraced. However, through the act of questioning these
norms, she developed a critique of "machista hegemony." In one interview, she
described it as "something that we women cant see until we wake up to it." In our
interviews, Celsa recalled key moments in her life in which she "woke up." This
process of becoming "awake", of coming to see the injustices inherent in the power
imbalances that she had previously perceived as "just the way things are", is
essentially a form of critique. In "What is Critique?" Foucault briefly characterizes
critique as "the art of not being governed quite so much" (Foucault 1997:45). While
39


Foucaults notion of power has been hotly debated and remains controversial, as a
result of my analysis here, I agree that acts of resistance are a way to contest and
navigate modern power relationships in a way that can be transformative, but these
acts of resistance do not allow us to entirely escape these power relationships.
Therefore, I see the critique of machismo that Celsa and other women in her
community constructed as an act of defiance reflecting a distrust of the way gender
roles governed them as women and the way everyone (themselves included)
seemed to reproduce these machista attitudes. By way of this critique, Celsa
ultimately seeks transformation, and as we shall see, she spoke of the freedom she
felt as a result of her critiquing oppressive structures.
40


CHAPTER IV
METHODOLOGY
We descended the narrow, uneven red-orange dirt road on four-wheelers, winding
through the medium altitude rainforest of the Petatlan Mountains. It was the very
beginning of the dry season, so the roads were still a bumpy, treacherous, combination of
deep muddy holes and varying depths of tire tracks. Under the canopy, the cool moist air
contrasted with the oppressive heat I felt while passing through the open areas
unprotected under the sun. I began to feel an uneasiness of my 4-weeks- (imperceptibly)-
pregnant belly as we approached the village of El Zapotillal. Dozens offamilies emerged
from their small, wooden houses to greet the people we were accompanying,
environmental activists Celsa and her husband, who had just been released from jail
after nearly a year, absolved of the murder charges used to incarcerate him. I noticed
that about half of the women present had bellies that were round with child, and
suddenly, all of those doubts I hadfelt about my impending motherhood softened as Ifelt
like my pregnancy was now the most normal thing in the world. I yearned to ask a
thousand questions about motherhood and pregnancy to all these pregnant women before
me, but I had to keep it to myself. As a human rights accompanier for the international
organization Peace Brigades International, I had to be careful about exposing
information about myself that would lead to compromising peoples trust in my capacity
to serve as a human buffer, there to protect threatened activists. Author, September
2005, Petatlan, Guerrero.
I spent most of 2005 as a human rights accompanier with Peace Brigades
Internationals Mexico Project (PBI) in Guerrero. Along with other volunteers from
the US, Canada, and Western Europe, I traveled to various parts of the state
accompanying a number of Guerrero-based social organizations whose members
faced harassment and threats to their safety. One of the organizations that PBI was
accompanying at that time was the OMESP. For this reason, on several occasions
that year, I spent time and spoke with Celsa and her late husband (who passed away
in 2009). During my time with PBI, Celsas husband, who had been imprisoned for
ten months for homicide on what many claimed were trumped-up charges related
to his activism, was cleared of all charges and freed from prison. Of course, my prior
connection to Celsa via PBI was a key factor in my being able to reconnect with her
41


to elaborate her life history. This prior experience was also extremely helpful in my
understanding of the work of the OMESP and the sociopolitical context of the region.
Figure 6: Author participating in a meeting of the OMESP .El Zapotillal, August 2005. Source:
http://www.pbi-mexico.org/field-projects/pbi-mexico/publications/bulCelsans/
Because this project is a life history of one womans journey into
environmental and womens activism, I obtained data through semi-structured, in-
depth interviews with her. These interviews took place in rural Washington State,
where Celsa was temporarily residing with relatives. She was living there because
her high profile as an organizer in the region of the Sierra of Petatlan was reason to
believe her to be at high risk of attack (which happened to two ecologista leaders
from the same region, who disappeared in December of 2011; see
http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2011/12/21/politica/015nlpol). I spent four days
with Celsa, her sister, and brother-in-law in late January of 2013.1 conducted six
hours of formal interviews with her that were audio recorded, as well as many more
hours of informal chats as we prepared and ate meals, drank coffee, looked at old
42


family photos, and even watched telenovelas together over the four days, as we
rarely ventured out into the damp bitter snowy cold of rural central Washington in
January. Before I began each interview, I reviewed the questions with Celsa first for
her approval, and at the end of each interview I asked her if she wanted to talk
about anything we had not touched on. I considered this important since a major
aim of this research is to highlight Celsas voice as an activist, allowing her to tell her
story, as opposed to me, the researcher, telling the story as I see fit. When I needed
clarification or desired further information, I asked additional questions. During the
interviews, my intention was to allow Celsa to take as much control of the
discussion as she wanted; in reality, the interviews were less of a "discussion" and
more of her sharing a narrative on different events of her life and aspects of her
activism. The questions centered on Celsas recollection of the gendered experience
of growing up as a girl/young woman and into a mature woman in the rural Costa
Grande of Guerrero, her perception of the environmental issues faced in the Petatlan
mountain communities throughout her childhood and as an adult, and her journey
into activism. I have included a sample question guide in the appendix (see
Appendix). In addition to the audio recordings of the interviews, I wrote up field
notes on my observations of the non- audio-recorded parts of my visit with Celsa
and her family.
In mid March of 2013, Celsa returned to Petatlan on the coast of Guerrero
where her youngest daughter and family live. I made a brief visit the last week of
March 2013 to follow up on the interviews and see what kinds of work she was
doing while living in Petatlan. I spent one day with Celsa in Petatlan due to family
43


obligations that prevented Celsa from meetings with me any additional days. I
learned over the past year during my visits and phone conversations with Celsa that
she is highly mobile and travels often to visit family in other parts of Mexico, often
staying for months at a time. A significant part of her family (brothers, sisters,
children) has moved away from the Guerrero coast, to other parts of Mexico or to
the US, according to Celsa in search of increased economic opportunities. This
echoes the research done on migration both from rural to urban centers of Mexico,
as well as into the US.
Figure 7: Research trajectory of project, from Colorado to Washington State,
and Colorado to Guerrero.
The project had to go through a number of changes from my initial proposal
due to difficulties related to the sociopolitical context of the region. I had originally
hoped to include more informants from the organization and to actually spend time
engaging in participant observation in the forest communities of the Petatlan Sierra
A wave of insecurity characterized by the wholesale evacuation of entire
communities in the region not only made travel to these communities significantly
44


unsafe for an anthropologist, it disbanded the organization with which I wanted to
work. Without the families that formed the membership of the OMESP living in the
Sierra, Celsa no longer had a reason to organize projects and the members were no
longer around to attend the meetings. As a result, I asked Celsa if she would be
interested in telling me her life story. She agreed, and the project began to take form.
While my formal interviews with Celsa are highlighted in this project, my
experience with Peace Brigades is a key component of this research, even though it
occurred several years before beginning my thesis research. My year of experience
working in Peace Brigades Mexico gave me a much deeper understanding of the
social impact of issues related to gender discrimination, environmental degradation
and economically marginalized rural populations. While we were based in the small
city of Chilpancingo, the volunteers and I would take trips of between two and five
days at a time visiting social organizations in different parts of Guerrero state to
attend meetings and other events held by campesino, indigenous, and other social
justice organizations. In 2005, one of our most frequent trips was to Petatlan, to
accompany Celsa and the OMESP and visit with other organizations. I visited the
Petatlan region (the urban center as well as the nearby mountain communities) four
times between July and October 2005, a total of about 16 days in the region. Aside
from these visits, a large part of our public relations work with local, state, and
national authorities was focused on the situation in Petatlan and PBIs concern
regarding the OMESP and other environmental organizations ability to carry out
their work. Therefore, this project can be considered both multi-sited and multi-
temporal, as it was carried out in different geographic contexts and different time
45


periods. Because a number of the moments Celsa describes as transformative in her
life history were contemporaneous to my year in Guerrero in 2005,1 consider the
extended time span between my human rights work with PBI and my research with
Celsa to be advantageous. Additionally, my work with PBI contributed to a trusting
informant-ethnographer relationship with Celsa.
Upon completing the fieldwork portion of the project, I transcribed each
interview into its own word document with time codes to facilitate the retrieval of
excerpts, and then I translated the interviews from Spanish into English. I identified
key themes in Celsas narrative by open coding, i.e. identifying sections in the
interviews in which words, phrases and ideas were mentioned repeatedly. After
identifying these key themes, I employed selective coding to guide my analysis of
data and connect the themes. Since seven years had passed since my experiences
with Celsa and the OMESP in 2005, my observations from that time period informed
my data analysis. The project is enriched by my experience and data obtained
through the life history approach.
Theoretical considerations
The theoretical underpinnings of the methodology I have employed in the
project come from feminist theory. While I personally identify as a feminist
anthropologist, I never used the terms "feminist" or "feminism" in my interviews
with Celsa and I never heard her use those words to describe herself, her politics, or
her work. Nevertheless, feminist theory has helped me to critically analyze the data
I gathered in my interviews with Celsa.
Donna Haraways (1988) concept of "situated knowledges" informs my
46


decision to base my research on the life experiences of my key informant. Haraway
argues, "only a partial perspective promises objective vision"; this feminist
objectivity "is about limited location and situated knowledge" (1988:583). Thus, a
partial perspective allows us to see the effects of larger processes in high resolution;
it gives a single human face to personify cultural phenomena that are often
discussed in anthropology and other social sciences, such as gender inequality,
environmental injustice, and resistance.
The issue of objectivity in ethnographic research became polemic at the
dawn of postmodernism over two decades ago. Postmodernism denounced
positivism and questioned the possibility of ever obtaining objective truth, because
of the socially constructed nature of what is considered knowledge. Mexican
feminist anthropologist Martha Patricia Castaneda Salgado writes that feminist
ethnography is rooted in the idea that knowledge is derived from the experience
and corporality of the ethnographer and the historical, cultural, and semiotic
processes that have formed her (2010:237). Castaneda Salgado points to the
specific challenges and goals of feminist ethnography as opposed to non-feminist
ethnographies:
The challenge of feminist ethnography consists of elaborating cultural
explanations and interpretations that start with women who are located in
specific interactional contexts. From this assessment, it can be distinguished
from other types of ethnography precisely because it problematizes the
position of women by not considering them mere informants, but in
accordance with feminist anthropological theory, cultural creators. At the
same time, feminist ethnography is different because it identifies, transforms
and interprets the orientation, content, and biases of gender that place
women, men and other gender categories in differentiated positions that in
the majority of cases, have to do with the inequality between women and
men (Castaneda Salgado 2010: 221).
47


Because of the partiality and situatedness of the ethnographers perspective,
Castaneda Salgado advocates for the use of multiple research methodologies that
allow the ethnographer to combine methods to approach the research from more
than one perspective, thus offering the possibility of a more complex, nuanced
understanding of what is being studied. In my research, I have combined in depth
interviews, participant observation, and historical analysis in order to comprehend
the emergence of a womans environmentalist social movement that deliberately
focused on womens issues in a particular sociopolitical and geographic context.
Because Celsa and her experiences are situated at the center of this project, it is a
contribution to the feminist ethnography for which Castaneda Salgado advocates.
Furthermore, I recognize Celsas role as a "creator of culture" in encouraging Celsa
to take the direction that she wanted with her narrative and to include or exclude
topics according to her preference.
While using one persons life history to examine sociocultural phenomena
has the obvious disadvantage of being a limited sample, there are certain
advantages to the close-up, fine-grained data obtained by using this method. Life
history acknowledges the contractions inherent in the subjects life, and allows the
researcher to analyze the multiple, and at times even conflicting, personal realities
and perspectives that the individual expresses. This leads to a thickness that is
important to portray in ethnographies of resistance such as this one. It is important
to consider these issues, not to point out the inconsistencies or weaknesses that can
be found within forms of subaltern resistance, but to understand the nature of
hegemonic power and resistance in different contexts, to see how this influences the
48


formation of subjectivities, as well as how different resistances push back against
hegemony, and what beneficial factors or obstacles are present when this occurs.
Life history, as a methodology that provides both rich data and a unique
perspective in ethnographic research, is an important contribution to
anthropological research that incorporates well with a feminist perspective. Life
history can be seen as reflecting a partial perspective/situated knowledge that
enriches our understanding of our own partial perspective. This in turn, allows us
to analyze a larger perspective that is inclusive of other partial perspectives.
Furthermore, the life history approach holds distinct possibilities that other
methodologies can approximate, but not achieve as fully, because of the depth
entailed in life histories. Life histories can authentically flesh out etic statistics of
gender based violence and discrimination, but more importantly, they can get far
beyond painting a picture of victims in need of saving to showcase peoples
creativity and agency as they seek to better their situation. At the same time, the
conditions specific to the sociocultural context can be brought into focus, which can
help to solve large-scale problems within the policy realm, by highlighting the
impacts of free trade agreements or anti-drug policies on specific populations.
Another interesting facet of the partiality of the perspective provided by life
history is that it generally does not reflect a singular partial perspective (except
perhaps in the case of autobiography or auto-ethnography) since the product of the
research, in this case a text, is essentially a blending of efforts of the ethnographer
and of the subject. Critiques of "traditional" ethnographies have noted the absence
of the ethnographer from the text, obscuring their principal role in the construction
49


and portrayal of the ethnographic subject. While I made to point (described earlier
in this chapter) to encourage Celsa to direct the topics to be discussed in our
interviews and what was to be included and not included in this text, an academic
thesis such as this one is not a medium that she or her community can easily (or
perhaps at all) access, and therefore, I as the ethnographer have much greater
control (and thus, power) of the end product. In the final section of this chapter, I
explore two aspects of my positionality in the research: the ethnographer-"other"
relationship, and my personal connection to the overarching theme of shifting
gender roles and machismo as a woman in an intercultural (US-Mexico) marriage.
Reflexivity
The vignette at the beginning of this chapter, in which I relate my first
experience in a Petatlan Sierra community in 2005, highlights a point of tension as
well as a point of connection in my positionality in relation to Celsa and her
community during my past human rights solidarity work with the OMESP; these
points of tension and connection remained during the research phase as well. The
moment we arrived for that first visit to that Petatlan Sierra community, the first
thing that I noticed was what seemed to me to be a remarkable number of visibly
pregnant women (about half of the women) and numerous small children. The fact
that I was in the second month of my own pregnancy undoubtedly influenced my
sensitivity to this observation. As the vignette hints, I experienced a strong
emotional reaction based on my own culturally influenced biases and anxieties
about my pregnancy: lamenting a loss of independence, the effects on my career,
relationships and social life. On the other hand, I saw a community of vibrant
50


women working toward environmental justice whose identities/subjectivities were
based in a large way on their role as mothers, a role that I had personally not
considered for myself until a very short time prior. Other anthropologists have
written about the experience of motherhood as a connecting thread between
ethnographer and informant; Lila Abu-Lughod (1994) wrote about being a woman
ethnographer and the experience of working with a number of informants
throughout their multiple pregnancies, and her own extremely contrasting
experience of Western, medicalized pregnancy. Castaneda Salgado notes that
motherhood can greatly influence a local populations perception of a woman
ethnographer. In her experiences in the field, she noticed significant differences in
her interactions with local communities as a single woman as opposed to when she
was in the field with her partner and child (2010:226). During my research, Celsa
often asked me about my son and asked to see pictures, which as a proud mother I
enthusiastically obliged.
While the shared experience of motherhood can contribute to rapport
between the ethnographer and the people she works with (when working in a
cultural context that values motherhood), many other factors, such as race,
ethnicity, contrasts in socioeconomic class (i.e. education levels, relative privilege)
can mark points of tension or disconnect in these relationships. Abu-Lughod (1994)
writes how women ethnographers working with women have "unsettled the central
divide between self and other on which anthropology usually rested, not because of
any essential, cross-cultural sameness of women but because feminist
anthropologists had to recognize that womanhood was only a partial identity"
51


(347). Recognizing the intersectionality of oppressions within the context of
research demands that I as a researcher also recognize the privilege involved in my
studying other peoples lives. This is a question I have struggled with: to what
extent does being able to do research in contexts of inequality and injustice make
me complicit in their perpetuation? What are the ethics of building a career on
revealing and analyzing someones experiences with oppression? Can telling
peoples story help to combat injustice? Personally, I do not believe that sharing
peoples story is enough. Because each anthropologist-informant(s) relationship is
unique, it is up to the anthropologist to seek solutions that both build solidarity and
contribute to reciprocity in order to construct a mutually beneficial relationship
(see conclusion).
In Translated Woman, the life history of a Mexican woman, anthropologist
Ruth Behar wrote about ethical pitfalls that the genre of life history entails; Behar
revealed through her text ways of contesting pitfalls. Stereotyping or essentializing
the subject was one problem Behar foresaw: Esperanza could be seen as the image
of the essentialized, long-suffering Mexican woman that has been commonly
represented. Behar noted:
Looking beyond Mexico, critiques of Western feminism by women of color
make painfully obvious the ways in which even the most well-meaning first
world women have unselfconsciously created a cultural other in their images
of women of color, upon whose backs they have built analyses that establish
their authority and right to speak about what is a meaningful female life [...]
Inverting this tendency to view the women they study as passive victims, and
perhaps overcompensating, some feminist anthropologists have lately
stressed the existence of female cultures of resistance, thereby extending the
Western feminist self-representation of what constitutes agency for their
subjects (2003:271).
52


My vignette at the beginning of the chapter also reveals how I, as a first-
world Western feminist academic, have been influenced by these two opposing
representations that essentialize third world women. In my analysis of Celsas life
story, I have found a point of tension in that I strive to avoid victimizing Celsa and
her fellow environmentalists, even though I recognize the difficult and dangerous
situations they have faced and continue to face. For this reason, I have chosen to
focus specifically on how she articulated her processes of critique and resistance
and becoming an activist.
Going beyond the common experience of motherhood as an influence upon
my positionality, the perspective I hold of themes that this research explores, such
as machismo and gender roles, is colored by my experience as a white woman from
the US, married to a man from Mexico. During the nearly three years that I have
spent in Mexico (not three consecutive years, but a total that includes several
periods from two to twelve months at a time), I observed and experienced gender
discrimination in a distinct way than I have experienced it in the US. My whiteness
and my nationality generally afford me privileged treatment that a majority of
Mexican women do not experience. At the same time, being a gabacha (white non-
Mexican woman) led to an uncomfortable visibility, in particular during the time my
partner and I lived with his family in his small urban pueblo-hometown during the
latter stages of my pregnancy and when our son was an infant. I was painfully aware
of the sea of difference between my own forma de ser (essentially, my way of being)
and the culturally accepted gender roles of motherhood-and that my in-laws and
neighbors were definitely aware of this as well. At that point considered a member
53


of the family, I was encouraged not to talk too much to people in the pueblo
(especially men), and to limit going out unless necessary. While this was extremely
unsettling since I was accustomed to coming and going as I pleased, at the same
time, my race/nationality privileges most certainly attenuated people's criticism,
and equally important, I always had the option of going back to the US. When my
partner and I did decide to move to the US, the tables were turned and it was now he
who had to adjust, except he did not have the privilege of whiteness, US citizenship,
or speaking the language. Beyond simply lacking privilege is the very real
experience of discrimination against Latinos that is commonplace in the US, and that
I knew existed but never even came close to understanding until I saw it first hand.
An application we submitted to rent an apartment was turned down when the
landlord found out my partner was Mexican. We were pulled over in Kansas when
snow obscured our vehicle's license plate, but when the police officer found out my
partner was Mexican, we were questioned for over an hour and our vehicle was
searched for weapons or drugs. While my morality and usefulness as a wife were
routinely scrutinized in Mexico, the othering I was subject to does not compare to
the othering that most Latino immigrants experience at some point in the US-- that
of being treated as a default criminal.
The sharp contrast between these experiences of privilege and everyday,
micro-oppressions forced both my partner and I to look deeply at the dynamics
within our relationship and the assumptions we held about gender roles. As a
mostly stay-at-home father of a small child during the early days of his experience in
the US, my partner faced the difficulties and isolation that women experience as
54


amas de casa (housewives), something he admits he had never before understood.
These experiences have influenced my perception of gender issues, in particular, the
difference in the lived experience of gender discrimination between Mexico and the
US. However, my perspective is inevitably colored by my relative social privilege vis-
a-vis that of my partner, a situation quite distinct from Celsa's experience. My
experience with patriarchal norms, whether in Mexico or in the US, is not the same
as it would be for a Mexican woman, and the difference is even greater when issues
of social class are considered.
Relating back to the issue of textual subjectivity/objectivity, anthropologists
such as Behar have noted that ethnographies inevitably include self-representation,
self-consciously or not. Does it matter that I question my personal engagement with
these issues if my purpose is to highlight Celsas experiences? I assert that it does
matter, precisely because as we know, the production of anthropological knowledge
via ethnographic research does not happen in pure, objective isolation, void of
power dynamics. The relationships we construct in our work inevitably reflect
inequalities on a larger scale, which are hard to contest if we do not acknowledge
them. This acknowledgement of our position in relation to those we work with is a
corner stone in the foundation of cross-cultural solidarity. I believe that my self-
conscious efforts to reveal myself in this work have amplified the importance of
Celsas story, and more broadly, the story of researcher-informant solidarity in the
service of engaged anthropology.
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CHAPTER V
CELSA'S STORY
In this chapter, I trace Celsas trajectory from childhood to adult, highlighting
the points that she referred to as transformative moments that eventually led to her
environmental activism and work with women. Celsas narrative includes two tracks
of resistance, one as a member of a rural community resisting an exploitative
resource extraction that threatened the inhabitants livelihoods, and a second, more
personal struggle against the rules imposed upon her as a woman in a society that
exhibits a high degree of gender inequality (and the accompanying prescribed
gender roles). While her environmental activism has been publicly lauded both
nationally and internationally as the focus of media attention and as participant in
national and international NGO networks (and not in a small way, due to her
supporting role in her husbands activism), her personal struggles against machismo
have taken place on a more intimate scale, within the community, her own family, as
well as within her own self. Based on my own previous experiences with Celsa in
her work as an environmental activist, I had originally envisioned a project that
focused primarily on Celsas experiences as an environmentalist. However, the
themes that quickly emerged through our conversations had more to do with the
everyday experiences and struggles that she and other women in her community
faced simply for being women. According to Celsa, machismo imbued most aspects
of daily life from as far back as she remembers, within her family life as well as her
public life, even among those who were active in the environmental struggles in the
Petatlan Sierra communities. So, while the environmental injustice that her
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community faced was shared by all inhabitants, gender discrimination was a private
experience that women were assumed to accept and deal with as hegemonic social
construct. Celsa revealed that through her work as a community organizer, the very
act of women coming together in public helped to bring about an awareness and
critique of their position as women in the community. This chapter highlights data I
obtained in our interviews that took place over four days in January 2013. The life
history approach gives prominence to three major themes that emerge in Celsas
narrative: first, the metaphor of despertar (waking up) to the realization that one is
being oppressed; secondly, the lucha (struggle) against the status quo (and those
actors/groups who embody hegemonic power structures) throughout different
stages of Celsas life; and third, the orgullo (pride) that Celsa felt for her growth and
accomplishments despite the many obstacles she faced.
"Mothers and Fathers Teach Their Children to Be Machistas"
In a conversation about her childhood, Celsa spoke about the differences in
how girls and boys were raised in her family. For example, when she was a young
girl, her parents raised her and her sisters with less personal freedom and
additional household responsibilities in comparison with her brothers.
They raised us differently than the boys, because they favored boys more
because they were men. And a woman was somehow less than a man. They
taught us that! Boys had the right to go out and have fun, to go wherever they
felt like. And girls, no, girls had to stay home, do chores for their brothers, serve
them their meals, wash the dishes, but boys didn't have to do all that just
because they were boys. And boys had more freedom and could do more things
than us girls.
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However, Celsa explained that the way she was raised, machismo was instilled and
reinforced by both parents, but primarily by her mother.
Well, I think that the most difficult aspect about being a women living there in
a small rural community, is, in the first place the discrimination. The
discrimination that we all have inside us. I don't say just the men, because the
biggest part of this discrimination comes from us women. Because our mothers
raised us with that idea, its not just the men who have that idea... really its
often our mothers that instill machismo. Mothers and fathers [...] teach their
children to be machistas. That is one reason why women suffer on one hand,
and because, for example when you want to go out to some place, they always
say no. You cant go there, how do you think you are going to go there, you're a
woman, and women shouldn't go places alone.
Numerous times, Celsa spoke about being denied access to education because she
was a girl, explaining that she probably attended school for a total of three weeks
during her entire childhood. She related her never having gone to school to her
fathers ideas about what is appropriate when raising a girl.
I really wanted to study but my father refused to put me in school. I would cry
because he wouldn't put me in school but he still refused. It's that we always
lived in places where there was no school, and he didn't want to send me to live
with another family.
Because her family lived in a somewhat isolated rural area, geography and
gender intersected to create a disadvantageous situation for Celsa. According to
Celsa, there is a scarcity of rural schools in Guerrero, particularly in poorer regions.
It is common that existing schools can go long periods without a teacher, since
teachers are often assigned to teach temporarily in rural areas, and these teachers
generally come from larger towns or cities. Because the nearest primary school was
far from where they lived (she mentioned that the few times she did attend classes,
the school was a three hour walk from their home), Celsas brothers would stay with
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another family for extended periods in order to attend classes. Celsas father felt
that she would be too vulnerable as a young girl staying with non-relatives, so he
refused to send her.
The protectiveness that Celsas father felt and his resulting unwillingness to
send her off with another family so she could attend school illustrates how the
double-edge of gender discrimination intersects with poverty: the boys and men in
Celsas family were encouraged and expected to act independently outside of the
familial sphere, but this was considered too risky for the girls and women. And
unfortunately, the machista ideal that encourages men and boys to assert
masculinity through dominating behaviors leads to attitudes that do not outright
accept violence against women by men, but that naturalize it and see it as inevitable
to a certain extent.
Celsa also revealed that she believes that the machista ideas that her parents
had about raising children, and the extreme restriction she felt as a result, led her to
make decisions that she later regretted, such as getting married and starting a
family at the age of 16. She relates this to the idea of how girls were expected to be
encerradas (closed in/kept under wraps) inside their homes and protected from
men when not inside their home. In this way, Celsa getting married young to escape
an overly protective, oppressive home life could be considered a "natural" process,
but that led to her being once again tied to the home.
For example, when I was a teenager, I was always at home, and hardly ever
went to dances. Well, I didn't last too long single, since I got married when I
was 16. But I started going to dances when I was 13. But then my father almost
never took me to dances or parties, (and I could go) only if I went with him or
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with my mother. And that is hard, especially since we lived kind of far from
other families.
When Celsa married her husband at the age of 16, she experienced machismo once
again but differently, this time as a new member in her husbands family.
I remember that when I got married, my husband was, as they say, the head of
the household. Because his father had died and he was the eldest boy that
remained at home, that hadn't married yet. So he was responsible for the
whole family, for his brothers and everything. So when we got married he
brought all of his brothers with him and I finished raising them. And my life was
bad then, because my brothers-in-law were very rude. My husband would say,
Deal with it,you're an adult and they are still kids that dont realize what they
are doing." And so I put up with everything... and also he was very jealous of
me, he didn't like me talking to people. And I was a very happy-go-lucky, fun
person when I was young... I was restless too, I liked to climb trees, run, jump, I
got a lot of exercise, the kind of exercise you do when you're a child. And he told
me why do you do that? Why do you run, why do you jump around? He didn't
like it at all. He didn't like anything I did! When I got married, I felt like I closed
up, like I entered into another world. Like my mind was blocked, I dont know
how. Like he controlled me.
Celsa repeatedly commented on how in her experience mothers are an
important factor in perpetuating machismo, and she attributed many marital
problems to her mother-in-law, who she said taught Celsas husband to be very
suspicious.
My mother-in-law was very jealous. And she instilled that in him, she would say,
when a woman marries she shouldn't talk to any other men, not even with her
husband's cousins. Because, what in the world are they going to talk about? A
wife has nothing to say to other men. And so that idea, she instilled it in him,
and he put it into practice.
Celsa also spoke of other problems that emerged between her and her
mother-in-law, in this case keeping a notebook/diary with songs, poems, and other
writings:
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I knew a lot of songs. I knew 105 songs by heart. And all of the songs that I
learned, I would write them down, since when I was 121 taught myself to read
and write, and that is how I would practice. I would write a lot of things, things
that would happen, because I didn't know what to write about, And the songs
that I learned, back then we just had the radio, and I would learn the songs and
then write them down in a notebook, I had like 3 notebooks full of songs. I
would write poems, riddles, stuff like that. I remember too, that when I got
married my mother-in-law threw out all of my notebooks. She burned them. She
did it because, it was like I was scheming things, keeping my notebooks, she
said. And so when she came to the house where we lived, and we went
somewhere, and when we returned I couldn't find my notebooks, and I asked
her about them. Oh, I burned them, why do you want that anyway, poems and
all that, are you going to go around like youre not married still or what?
Celsa suggests that this type of behavior did not conform to what her mother-
in-law perceived as appropriate for a married woman: it was too self-absorbed and
childlike, and in fact made her seem capricious and insufficiently devoted, as
opposed to the marianistic, self-sacrificing motherly ideal. Celsas notebooks were a
form of personal expression, and her mother-in-law was reinforcing
machismo/marianismo by reasserting the primacy of her responsibility as "wife" as
overriding her individuality.
Celsa then spoke of an increasing awareness of her situation that she began
to experience about four years into her marriage, as a result of the difficulties she
experienced with her husband and his family. She described a process in which she
started to despertarse (wake up) and question what led her to her current situation.
She narrated a desire to get out of her parents house and look with a critical eye at
the dynamics in her marriage.
When I got married, later I began to reflect and I said, ok, why did I get
married? Because we lived in an isolated place, my father never took me out to
do fun things and never wanted to put me in school, and then I got the idea that
it would be better if I got married, because after all I didn't have any fun and I
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just was stuck at home as if I were already married. But that was just
foolishness on my part because even if I was with my parents and I didn't get to
go out and have fun, its still more fun than being married. I should've gone
away to study even though my father wouldn't let me, I should have run away
from home. Instead of getting married I should left home to study.
So when I was 201 began to reflect and I said, why did I decide to get married?
Why do I do this, why do I have to go around doing everything he says? There's
no reason for me to live like this!
Celsa spoke about a personal decision that she took in the period following
her "waking up": to simply stop allowing her husband to control her behavior.
When talking about this act of transgression against male authority, she used the
metaphor of being freed from prison in describing the freedom she felt.
But then when I started to reflect on this and I said' what is the problem with
talking to people? It is not bad at all! I began to wake up then, and I started to
not mind him, and I started talking to whoever I felt like, men or women. And I
felt like I began to come out of that closed in place, to get rid of the pressure I
felt, and I began to connect to other people. And I started to not let my
brothers-in-law give me a hard time. I started to stand up for myself. Yes, I felt
like I came out of that situation. Like I was coming out of a dream. And so there
were a lot of things that I had to leave behind me when I came out of that. I
began to talk to people, I began tooh! I felt like I had been in prison! Because
they wouldn't let me do what I wanted.
Celsa felt that the roles she was expected to fulfill as a wife were constraining. In
her recollection of this period of her life she resists acquiescing to the idea that part
of becoming an adult for a woman is submitting to societys/ones husbands/the
husbands familys ideas of acceptable wifely behavior. By pushing back against
specific instances of domination within her closest relationships, she realized her
own agency and saw possibilities for change in her life. In the following section, I
explore how, in contrast to her metaphor of marriage as a prison for women, her
relationship with her husband also brought about possibilities for further
emancipation as she became involved in environmental activism in her community.
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Coming into Activism: "How Is It Possible That Where We Live We Have So Much
Water and We Dont Even Grow the Food That We Eat?"
It was in 73, the ejido where we were living was very rich in forests, and we
saw that they were logging a lot of trees. They would cut the trees down and
the timber would pile up right there, and when the rainy season would begin
they couldn't take the lumber out because of the roads, it would all just rot
there. All of the timber- huge trunks as big around as to reach the ceiling, so
big that the logging trucks could only fit one of them at a timewould just rot
during the rainy season because the roads were impassible and slippery with
all the mud. They would just leave all that timber, and the next year, the
company, El Forestal Vicente Guerrero, would cut down more trees, which
would mostly end up just rotting once again. They did this year after year.
As a result of this process of repeated logging/leaving the lumber to rot, Celsas
husband Felipe and several men in nearby communities began to organize
themselves to demand benefits for the local communities in exchange for logging the
forests. Stemming from Felipes environmental activism and involvement in local
politics, their family began to experience hostility from people who were allied with
the caciques in the region. In 1977, their home was ambushed by fifteen armed men.
Celsas mother-in-law died in the attack, and her husband and a brother and sister-
in-law were injured.
The brutal response of powerful local elites to Celsas husbands early
activism illustrates the environment of fear and impunity that Celsa claimed has
worsened in 2014. In the following passage, she spoke of how she remained
traumatized for a long time after the violent home invasion:
It really affected us; I was traumatized for a long time afterward. I would just
hear a hen flap her wings and I would suddenly started to feel just like when
those people were running toward the house, it sounded just like that, like a
strong wind, like cars passing on a highway, that's what it sounded like. And
then the gunfire started. Afterward, with any old noise I was terrified. The
shooting lasted three hours! Our house was like a sieve from all the bullet holes.
I was inside with my two little ones. But God didn't want anything to happen to
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us, I guess, because we didn't get hit. I remember that I was leaning against the
wall and it seemed like someone was leading me by the hand, because as soon
as I moved, the bullets hit the wall where I had been. And then I was leaning
against another wall, and again it seemed like someone led me by the hand
because I moved and another bullet hit the wall where I was. That happened
over and over again in the whole house. We were really traumatized for a while
after that.
This experience is pivotal in understanding the social context of violence and
impunity that has been common in the region throughout Celsas lifetime, and for
Celsa underscored her conviction that in her community, radical change is essential
in peoples relationship to each other and to their environment, because, as she said,
"we are too focused on destruction," as opposed to creating other ways of solving
problems. The perception that there is a high probability of a violent response to
social demands underscores the boldness of non-violent social movementssuch as
the OMESP and the OCESPthat would eventually emerge.
Soon after the attack on their home, Celsa and her family left to live in
another community in the Sierra, where Celsa began to work as a catechist with
children and adults in the Dominican Catholic Church.
My husband and I would give talks and we used these books that the priest gave
us. The books had several topics about taking care of nature, trees and all that.
That was when I started to learn that we should take care of the forests
because there would come a day when we wouldn't have any water because
without forests, the water disappears. I didn't know that if the trees were cut
down, we wouldn't have water. I started to learn about that; the priest would
talk to us about that sometimes. He would tell people not to cut down so much
of the forest for grazing pasture, because one day we wouldn't have any more
water, and what were we going to eat and drink without water? My husband
started to talk to people about these things too.
Celsa explained that her work as a catechist was how she started to become
involved in community activism. She described her work as concientizar, raising
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consciousness or awareness, which can be envisaged as part of the practice of
critique. For Celsa, cultivating awareness is a way to encourage people to make the
struggle their own. Reflecting a pragmatic understanding of power relations
between her community and larger economic interests, she stated that she never
agreed with the direct protest actions that her husband took part in.
I never participated in the Campesinos Ecologistas organization. I never went
to their meetings. Never. I worked in raising awareness about these issues, like I
said in the church, but I never agreed with the Ecologista group. I always told
my husband that I didn't like him being involved with it because it was going to
bring problems. At first, when the idea of the strike came up, he tried to get the
others involved to work on building awareness of the problem first; he told
them, it's not that simple, if we do a strike, the comisariados will come after us
and the government will screw us over. He said, it would be better to work on
raising awareness so that when everyone understands the problem, then we
can do the strike. But he ended up supporting the action; [because] he wanted
to do something. I thought that their way of doing things was going to bring
about problems. And when they did the lumber strike in '98, of course there
were many problems that followed.
Celsas fear that the OCESPs type of activism would lead to problems were on point.
The Campesinos Ecologistas carried out their lumber strike, in which during three
months from February through April of 1998 community members blocked logging
roads to the trucks could not enter nor carry out felled trees (http://www.el-
suracapulco.com.mx/notale.php?id_nota=89634). As a result, Boise Cascade, the
transnational wood products company, ceased to do business in Guerrero. The
OCESP had demanded that the federal government send forest inspectors to ensure
that all unauthorized logging no longer occur. Instead, Mexican army troops
arrived, as a response to accusations that the OCESP were associated with guerillas,
and involved in trafficking drugs and illegal weapons. Felipe was among many
members of the OCESP (such as Rodolfo Montiel and Teodoro Cabrera) who were
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arrested, detained and subjected to torture to obtain confessions; their cases were
defended by high-profile Mexican human rights lawyers, which helped lead to
national and international attention in the region, including organizations such as
Greenpeace, Amnesty International, and Peace Brigades International. In Felipes
case, he was accused and eventually jailed for homicide. As a result of a successful
media campaign, he was released after 10 months in prison. The international
attention and involvement of human rights organizations in the region eventually
led to changes in the way local, state and federal authorities dealt with communities
in the Petatlan Sierra.
When the army was trying to get Felipe, the soldiers were always harassing me,
my family, and others in the community. They did a lot of things that were not
right. But when the OCESP established itself a civil organization, they were able
to pressure the government by denouncing the abuses, and that ended up
helping the army stop being so abusive. The human rights organizations, like
Tlachinollan, were very involved when Felipe was in jail; they filed complaints
and had a lot of press conferences about his case. That helped the army get
better, because they stopped doing so many bad things to the people. Before,
they would just go and assault people, they would take things from people's
homes, they would eat whatever they wanted from people's houses and the
little stores. But when they started filing complaints with the human rights
commission, all that ended. They got educated.
In addition to these changes, the influence of national and international human
rights organizations also influenced the way Celsa and her husband presented the
work of their respective organizations in navigating relations with the State. In
2002, Celsas husband registered the Campesinos Ecologistas as a civil association in
Mexico, and later that same year, Celsa established the OMESP. In the following
excerpt she describes how she came to the realization that she wanted to do
something to organize the women in her community.
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Since the Campesinos Ecologistas had started being recognized for what they
did with the strike, my husband was getting invitations to participate in
different meetings and events with other rural activists and different
organizations, and so he didn't have to go alone, sometimes I would go to these
events with him. In 2001, we went to a meeting in Cuatepec, Veracruz, that was
the first meeting that I went to. It was like a workshop, but pretty much with
just professionals and people that had university degrees, and then there was
us, the campesinos. I had never been to a meeting like that! I felt so weird and
out of place. And I didn't understand hardly anything they were talking about,
technicians and all that. Well, I didn't even know what the word technician
meant, I just heard that word over and over and thought, what could that
mean? There were many things that I didn't understand, but I would just ask
someone near me, I was kind of embarrassed but I just asked anyway so I
wouldn't be confused. And the one thing that stuck with me from that workshop
was this video we watched about a rural community in some part of Africa and
how the people there planted vegetable gardens. But they didn't even have
water in their community; they had to haul it in from two hours away on
donkeys. And I thought, how is it possible that where we live we have so much
water and we dont even grow the food that we eat? So on the last day of the
workshop, each person had to make a commitment of something that we were
going to do, and since I'm not a professional and I didn't go to school or
anything, I said, I'm going to start a women's group to grow our own food.
That's where the idea came from.
Figure 8: Celsa and Felipe with cedar seedlings for reforestation project. The OMESP planted more
than 175,000 cedar seedlings in one reforestation campaign. Source: Celsa, 2003.
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In her narrative, Celsa reveals a feeling of anxiety regarding her level of
education compared with the university-educated "technicians" and "specialists"
(agronomist, etc.) that were involved in the environmental movement in southern
Mexico. This lack of formal education is a recurring piece that illustrates how the
intersectionality of oppression can affect rural womens participation in social
movements, because limited educational opportunities result in their own self-
exclusion, and this is perpetuated by dominant ideas about appropriate gender
roles.
The role of outsiders (in this case, university-educated professionals) and
their interventions that promise solutions for the problems within Celsas
community is a recurring theme in the Petatlan Sierra communities. On one hand,
there is the neo-colonial situation brought about by powerful outside economic
interests working with a few powerful locals who both benefited from this
collaboration, at the expense of the rest of the community. On the other hand, there
is the intervention of NGOs such as those promoting sustainable rural development,
environmental causes, and human rights, which come in to forge ties with those who
were notbenefitting from the neo-colonialist relationship. These situations produce
a mirror image in which we see outsiders getting involved in, and ostensibly
benefitting in some way from local problems. Celsas discussion of these issues
makes the distinction clear that according to her, the outside NGOs that got involved
in the environmental struggles in Petatlan did so in response to local requests, and
included the local community in decision making, and in general encouraged actions
of community members to increase local autonomy and sustainability. However, I
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believe it is important to consider the possibility that outside
academics/activists/specialists can also create new or exacerbate existing neo-
colonial situations. As an anthropologist, am I participating in neo-colonialism
through my research? As a white US academic, I cannot deny the role that
colonialism and neocolonialism have in creating situations in which "first world"
academics do research in "third world" contexts. Because of these complexities I
chose to do a life history project, and was determined to give Celsa opportunities to
help shape the content, and to include or exclude things whose potential impact I
had not considered. These issues continue to occupy my mind, and I will return to
them in the conclusion.
While Celsas efforts were influenced and encouraged by those outside of her
community, she noted that this encouragement truly resonated with her, as she had
long possessed a determination to do something for her community. Nevertheless,
she faced the real possibility of her efforts failing, because she recalled that in her
region, womens organizing was not common ("a//f nunca se habia visto que hubiera
una organization de mujeres"), and her ideas aroused suspicion.
So when I got back from the workshop in Veracruz, like a week later, at the
church on Sunday, I asked the women if they wanted to come to a meeting I was
planning to have. Almost all of the women that were at church came. So then I
asked them if they wanted to join and start planting vegetable gardens. Most of
the women at first said they didn't want to join, because the truth is that all the
political parties have made the people there very suspicious. Then they said,
this lady is surely going to make money off of this, what a coincidence that she
wants to start an organization. If no one's paying her, how is she going to start
this organization? No doubt they're paying her. But then when people began to
see that we were really working, women started coming on their own. It's
because of this that I often say that it was kind of funny how my organization
started to grow. I only advertised the first meeting, and from there people just
started showing up, on their own, and then it kept getting bigger and bigger,
without me telling anyone.
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The suspicion that she comments on and attributes to political parties is an
example of the division that the neo-colonial encounter creates within communities,
but it is compounded by the issue that she was trying to create a group for women.
However, the success she had in spite of the fact that she only advertised the first
meeting speaks to the effectiveness of her approach and her leadership qualities.
Also portrayed in the excerpt are two common themes woven throughout our
interviews, lucha, or Celsas perspective of her actions as consistently going against
the grain thus leading first to struggle and eventually growth; and orgullo, the pride
that Celsa feels for the results of her work.
Achievements and Obstacles as an Established Community Activist
"God Said God and Man, He Didn't Say God and Woman": Mens Opposition to Women
Organizing
While many women rather quickly got interested in the OMESP, the initial
general response from men in the community stood in stark contrast. Many men
voiced their opposition to the OMESP, and as a result, many women questioned if
the benefits would be worth the hassles their participation might bring about in
their family relationships. Some men prohibited their wives from taking part; others
ridiculed the idea of a womens organization, expressing doubt about the womens
capacity for success in their projects.
I remember when I started the group, some men would say, How is it going to
be that women are going to start a group if women can't organize? They're no
good at that, and anyways, God said God and man, he didnt say God and
woman. You're just going to go around making a bunch of noise." They took
every opportunity to criticize us.
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Once [...] one [man] that was against the organization [...] said, "So what do
you women do anyway? You don't do anything, you're just a bunch of gossips." I
told him, Oh, well you don't see it, because what we do, only intelligent people
notice. I said, smart people are the ones that notice our work. And that offended
him. He said, "Soyou're saying that Im not?" And I said, No, no I'm not saying
anything, just that intelligent people do notice what we do. If you don't, that's
your problem." And he got offended.
The sharp, negative reaction of the men in the community came as a surprise
to Celsa because she saw the work as beneficial to the whole community. For
example, some of the same men that participated in environmental activism with
the OCESP were highly critical of a womans environmental group. Celsa easily
pinpointed the reason for the negative reaction; she understood that women
organizing themselves threatened men because the act in itself stood to challenge
the status quoa status quo based on an unequal power dynamic that limited
womens influence to being principally within the household.
I never imagined that [starting the organization would bring] so many
problems! I imagined something very nice, that everyone was going to love
what I was doing but a lot of people didn't like it. But that's because the men
were very machista. They didn't at all like the idea of a women's group! To this
day I still have problems with certain people who simply cannot get over it.
Celsa noted that one way that people discredited her work and the organization was
through gossip, attacking her morality as a woman working in the public sphere.
And people would criticize me a lot, too, for the organization. Sometimes if I
would be just walking down the road with another man that wasn't my
husband, they would say, surely she is cheating on her husband because look at
how she is walking with that other man chatting away and how they arrived
together.
But I'm telling you, when I saw that the organization was getting results, I
didn't care anymore. I really like to do this work, and I truly think that it is my
life purpose. Because my children would tell me, oh, mom, stop working in that
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because somebody is going to do something bad to you. So I talked to the priest.
I told him that I didn't feel like working anymore because my children are
against it and it's caused me a lot of problems. Maybe they'll kill me or
something. That is, I've had death threats made against me. And the priest told
me, no, no. Once I told him that I wanted to go back to being a catechist and he
said no, what youre doing is more than just a catechist. The work you're doing
is very good, and nobody wants to do it because they dont want problems. He
said, after all, weve already been born; were all going to die of something! He
said, dont be afraid,you're not doing anything wrong. Keep it up. And I did
have problems, and I still have them now. Because some people didn't agree
with my work, and even now they dont agree with it.
However, in addition to the opposition from men in the community, Celsa had to
struggle (luchar) with the symbolic violence that caused women (including herself)
to internalize and naturalize patriarchal ideas about gender roles.
Well, the women there, most of us had the idea in our heads that women are
inferior to men. I already had some knowledge because of my work in the
church, where sometimes they would talk to us about women's issuesnot very
much, they dont really talk about women's rights because the Church always
says that women should obey and who knows what. But there were a few little
books that had some small lessons about that. And I was already somewhat
aware of women's issues because I had started to attend meetings; my husband
would be invited and I would go with him, and then when I formed the women's
group I would always go to the meetings I was invited to. There were
workshops on human rights, self esteem for women, and I participated in those
workshops. That's why I was already learning that we women have rights too.
And that is what I taught them, but at first most of the women didn't consider
their rights. Their husbands would treat them very badly and they didn't stand
up for themselves. A lot of women were raped by their husbands. And those
husbands whose wives started to stand up for themselves, they got mad at me.
They said that I was breaking up marriages, just because women started to
stand up for themselves. I told the women that defending our rights is not about
ruining our marriages. We must defend our rights but also do our best to get
along with our partners, just because you learn about your own rights, that
doesn't mean that you are going to treat others badly, in that case we would be
violating our husbands' rights. I explained it to them very clearly so there
wouldn't be problems. But, many men are used to it being only about them, and
whatever they say, the wife must do. So, it hurt them. What, how dare women
stand up for themselves? I remember well one man that said, When a woman
marries, she must do whatever her husband tells her to do. And if he wants to
have sex with her ten times in one night, then she has to please him because she
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is his woman, that's why he married her." And that man's wife started to rebel
against him. Because one time I spoke with her in private, and she explained to
me that he did this to her, that he raped her many times. So, I explained to her
that she didn't have to put up with this if she didn't want to, how could he do
this do her? So she started to stand up for herself and her husband got very
angry. And I was the one he was angry with because he said I was ruining
people's marriages. In the end, they separated, they no longer live together,
because he wanted things his way, and if not, then nothing. And the woman,
she's older now, 60years old, she said she didn't want a husband anymore, she
was unhappy. And he said, She has to do as I please." And that woman had ten
children. I dealt with a lot of problems like these.
This excerpt, illustrating the experiences of an older woman in an abusive
relationship, exemplifies symbolic violence in that according to Celsas commentary,
the woman put up with abusive treatment from her husband for many years.
Patriarchal norms that perpetuate and justify gender violence in effect "naturalize"
inequality between men and women, and in this case was used by the womans
husband to justify his abusive treatment.
Patriarchy/machismo constitutes one the multiple intersecting axes of
oppression faced by campesinas in southern Mexico. Celsa recognized machismo as
her greatest challenge in community organizing because of its hegemonic nature.
However, as the next section demonstrates, hegemony is not absolute, and Celsas
narrative exposes examples of how she and the women of the OMESP were
successful in pushing back and proving themselves capable.
"That River Was Dead and We Brought It Back to Life": Achievements with OMESP
Celsa acknowledged that there were some women in her community that
never participated in the activities of the OMESP, and that the most difficult part of
her work has been convincing the broader community that it is possible to bring
forward positive changes in quality of life, such as improved food security and
73


nutrition, a healthy environment, and improved community relations through
collective effort. As Celsa noted, some peoples suspicion of being taken advantage
of, and others fear that change would compromise their status, were major
obstacles to her work, and should be understood in the context of an environment of
social conflict. However, Celsa often mentioned the orgullo (pride) she felt for the
numerous positive changes she saw come about as a result of the work of the
OMESP. Celsas pride as revealed through this life history is extremely significant
considering the hostile and oppressive context from which it emerged. In this
section I have included excerpts from the interviews in which Celsa describes her
greatest orgullo: the major achievements of the OMESP.
Figure 9: Meeting of the OMESP on Mother's Day, year unknown. Source: http://www.pbi-
guatemala.org/fileadmin/user_files/projects/mexico/images/Mujer es_Omesp.JPG
Cleanup and rescue of the local water source
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When I saw that people had become aware of the problems we were facing, I
asked them if they wanted to clean up the stream. There is a stream that runs
through El Zapotillal, you saw it, right? So people in the village used that
stream as a trash dump, if a pig died, the kids were told to throw in the stream.
If a hen died, they'd throw it in the streambed, everything, even clothing that
people no longer wanted, people threw everything into the stream. So the
stream went dry, in May there was no water flowing, just a green moss on the
rocks. And when I saw that people had become aware, it was in 2002 or 2003,1
asked the women if they would like to clean up the stream. That was in May,
and the rainy season was going to start soon, so we need to do it soon so that
the rains wouldn't carry the trash downstream. Most of the women
participated, then there were about 60 of us, each in our own community. And
we cleaned the stream and many men participated too, not all of them were
against the organization. At first, they all were against the organization, but
when they saw that we were doing good work, many started to help out. And
the ones that were definitely against us, well their wives never joined the
organization; they never wanted them to and never let them. So we cleaned up
the stream, the river, and people stopped throwing trash there. And about a
year later, that stream was really flowing well! That following May, clean, clear
water was flowing in the stream, and the children were even gathering river
shrimp to eat! Well, as they say, that river was dead and we brought it back to
life, we healed it. The little kids would go to the stream with their little buckets
and gather river shrimp to eat. And I felt proud of that; it was an achievement
of the organization.
Celsa described the river cleanup as a process of "healing." This contrasts with the
quote from the introductory chapter, in which she laments that people in her
community "were too focused on destruction." This is another example of how she
perceived her work in community organizing, and in this life history expresses a
major theme of her narrative, as fighting against the status quo.
Reforestation project
When I saw that the women had become more aware of our environment and
they all had their vegetable gardens, I asked them if they would like to plant
trees. They did, so we asked for a donation of seedlings from the plant nursery
that the army had in their barracks in Petatlan. The army used to donate tree
seedlings to the local government to give out for people to plant in their
communities, but the people would never actually plant them. They would just
sit there all piled up, and the few that would survive would actually just grow
right there where they were left. People just weren't interested in planting
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them. But after we had the organization awhile, we decided to plant trees
because there were many areas that were bare, like the dried up river banks,
and even around people's homes. So the army gave us cedar seedlings,
thousands of them. People that weren't involved the organization, when they
saw us pass by with the pickup truck full of seedlings, and they saw people from
other communities involved, they asked Hey, where are you going to plant
those trees?" They asked if they could have some to plant, and that's how we
planted so manythat year we planted 176,000 cedar trees.
Celsa considered the reforestation to be the OMESPs largest-scale, most important
project. Celsa was quoted in the Mexican newspaper, La Jornada, from a forum on
deforestation in which she participated in the Petatlan Sierra in 2007:
Twenty years ago, when my husband and I arrived in Banco Nuevo, it was pure
forest. The mountain was covered in trees and always blanketed in clouds:
there were ponds everywhere and springs where you could get fresh water.
Back then, nobody talked about ecology. But fifteen years ago, we were awoken
by our own thirst. Up in the Sierra, we were experiencing the nightmare of not
having enough water to survive. Right in front of our eyes the pine forests were
disappearing. Some people would say: we should sell the trees to no longer be
poor. But the trees were running out, and we were still poor. And also, we were
thirsty, because the deforestation caused the water to go away, like the trunks
that were carried away by the logging trucks [...] That's why we decided to take
care of our forest, so the water would return to the earth and we could plant
once again. (http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2007/l0/10/mujeres.html).
Celsa went on to comment that the deforestation that the logging companies were
carrying out was exacerbated by wealthy ranchers who cut down large swaths of
forest to graze their cattle, and even local campesinos who would burn areas of
forest for growing crops to survive. These two quotes from Celsa about the
reforestation demonstrate the importance she placed on raising peoples
consciousness regarding the causes of environmental problems. This contributes to
the previously discussed theme of struggling against the status quo, found
throughout Celsas narrative.
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Womens involvement/leadership in local schools
Before, women in these communities would never speak or vote in public
meetings. Women didn't even attend the ejidal assemblies, except for widows.
And if women would speak, the men didn't want them to participate, because
they were women and 'women shouldn't speak'. But now, lately, this has gotten
better. Because now, for example, in the school committee, the great majority of
the committee members are women. That is progress. Before, they didn't let us
talk or anything. No, when?! No, no, no. If someone proposed a woman to be a
committee member, no. Only men. And so when women started to participate a
lot of men were against it. Oh no, women aren't good for anything, women this,
women that. But some of the men, those who participated in our workshops,
said, yes, why not? Women can do it! Because I talked about this in our
meetings, when I would go to events that I was invited to, whatever I learned, I
put into practice in the organization. I learned a lot about women's rights,
human rights, and whatever stuck in my head, I put into practice with the
OMESP. And a lot of the men became aware of women's issues that way. And
that is progress.
Ultimately, the experiences that Celsa told of her organizing, including her
experiences with individuals associated with more progressive elements of the
Catholic Church, with national and international non-governmental organizations,
and of her achievements as well as the obstacles she faced as an activist, reflect an
internal process in which she critiqued certain hegemonic aspects of her
sociocultural environment. In her struggle against the status quo, she constructed a
critique, and was thus able to reach a certain degree of personal emancipation,
reflected through her pride. She then invited others in her community to share in
this experience as well, and to begin to create a counter-narrative.
They Don't Want to Hear the Word Ecology": The Anti-Environmentalism of the Drug
War
When I interviewed Celsa in Washington state in January 2013, she was
temporarily residing in the US. Her friends, family, and contacts within the activist
community encouraged Celsa to take a low profile in response to the increase in
77


violence in the region. The violence was attributed to organized crime, including the
unsolved disappearances and/or deaths of ten prominent environmental and social
justice activists from the same region in the previous three years
fhttp://www.jornada.uman.mx/2013/10/21/estados/028nlest). Another
important factor influencing Celsas decision to leave her community was the large-
scale evacuation of families from several of the very same communities where the
OMESP operated (http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2011/10/04/politica/006nlpol).
While the reasons behind the increase in violence seen in recent years in the
region of Guerreros Costa Grande are anything but transparent, the general
consensus points to organized crime and the increase in militarization that the
region has experienced over the past two decades, but whose beginnings date back
to the 1970s. While a detailed analysis of Guerreros role in Mexicos "Drug War" is
not within the scope of the project, through my interviews with Celsa, it has become
apparent that the Mexican states actions have ultimately done nothing to positively
respond to or empower local social movements such as the OMESP. Although the
OMESP were never overtly political, their environmental and social works that
provided tangible benefits to their local communities were shut down in the context
of violence and impunity to which no one has to answer.
I asked Celsa about the role of drug trafficking in the Petatlan Sierra
communities. We discussed if their presence is stronger now and if it is true that the
cartels have taken control of the area.
Celsa: I love this work, but it's just that right now it's not possible. It's rough;
you can't go up into the Sierra now because it's unsafe; because they are the
ones in charge there now.
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Kristine: How did that come about?
L: Well, look, I can't tell you much about that, because in the first place it's very
dangerous. You dont even really ask. I just started to hear about armed people
there that started to kick people out of their homes and run them off. They've
never run me off, nor have they told me not to go there.
People started telling me that it wasn't a good idea for me to go up to the
Sierra, that there was a lot of criticism, that they didn't want to hear anything
about ecology, and when my name was mentioned they said that they didn't
even want to hear my name, they didn't want any new projects of any kind. So I
stopped going. Because they haven't said anything to me directly like "don't go
there, don't do anything" hut through other people I began to hear things. And
then I talked with Tlachi and with Peace Brigades and we decided that I
shouldn't go up there anymore. I know it's not a good idea for me to go. But just
comments, like that. And what is clear is that a lot of people are leaving their
homes, because they can't live there comfortably anymore. It is said that some
people have been forced to leave, hut we dont know. If you ask the people why
they left, they dont tell you, they just say, well, they told me I had three days to
leave, so I left. They dont tell you anything else and thats why I dont even ask
anymore when I hear that someone left, I know they dont want to say anything
because they are scared.
One doesn't even ask anymore, or go around commenting about it, its just
what I see, that they're invading the communities. Now people live under their
rules, whatever they say, is what's done. Now people arent free to have
celebrations in their communities. Because then if they want to, they'll be a
party, and if they dont, there wont be. And now most people have left their
communities. There are communities with very few people leftmaybe three
homes out of thirty with people living in them. And we don't know why they
kicked them out, because you cant even ask, its dangerous to ask about that.
K: And where do they go?
L: Well, some have gone down to the town ofPetatlan; others went to Jalisco, to
Chiapas, Veracruz. They go wherever they have family. The communities are
deserted now. In Barranca de Balsam there were 30 homes, now there isnt one
single person living there. They all left. So what am I going to do anyway, if I go
up to work in the communities if there are hardly any people left? And the few
that stayed, they're working. They just dont mention the organization
anymore, or anything about the environment. They dont want anyone
mentioning the environment. I have no idea what their deal is, but they dont
want us to work anymore.
K: What about the Mexican authorities?
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L: Well, what I don't understand is why does the army look the other way in this
situation, but not when it comes to other things? It's like they don't see
anything4 [,.]I once asked a soldier who is married to a niece of mine, I said,
hey, why doesn't the army do anything about what's happening? If they really
wanted to they wouldve have put an end to all this. He said, no we cant, were
scared too. But it's not that, I don't think... So about that I cant give you much
information because the truth is that I don't even ask, for my own safety. But
this has certainly been a major obstacle for us because there's hardly anyone
left in the communities. What can we do if there are hardly any people there?
We cant work anymore, I cant go up there anymore, the people who left cant
go up anymore, we cant even hold our meetings. We cant hold meetings
because, he who is up to no good always thinks everyone else is up to no good.
As the reader can see, Celsas opinions on the role of organized crime in the region
are "cloaked" because of the very real danger that speaking out poses to human
rights activists in Guerrero. She implies the responsibility of the authorities,
specifically the military, for not doing anything to combat the situation of people
fleeing their homes, when at other points in history, members of Celsas family and
others in the region felt harassed by soldiers who accused them of being part of the
guerrilla and being involved in drug trafficking. She expresses feelings of impotence:
"you cant even ask/what can we do if theres no people left/"we cant hold our
meetings because, he who is up to no good always thinks everyone else is up to no
good."
In one sense, Celsas narrative takes the form of a full circle: from a
boisterous young girl who always felt encerrada when she was not permitted the
same freedoms as her brothers, whose father would not permit her to go to school
because she would be vulnerable in the care of another family, to the energetic
young woman so eager to venture outside of her parents home that she married at
4 Here I believe she was referring to the Mexican authorities tendency to pursue activists
of leftist social organizations as criminals, but often times look the other way with
organized crime.
80


the age of sixteen, to a married woman who defiantly questioned the authority of
her husband, her husbands family, and society to dictate her behavior and
interactions, to an accomplished environmental and social activist who struggled to
bring about positive changes in her community. And now, once again, Celsa finds her
desires repressed and her voice silenced by powerand unsurprisingly, it is
machismo.
While Celsas frustration at not being able to continue her community work is
apparent, she expressed hope for the future and pride in what she was able to
accomplish. She noted that one of her objectives with the OMESP was that the
women consider the achievements of the organization as their own, and that they
carry on the work.
Figure 10: Celsa at her compost business, March 2013, Petatlan. Source: Kristine Gilbertson-Torres
2013.
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"Now the Work is Part of Them": Possibilities for Lasting Change
The other day I was talking with one of the advocates, she also left the Sierra,
she was saying So much great work that we did and now they don't let us work
anymore" And I said, well, yes. I told her but what I'm glad about is that a lot of
people learned things that they're not just going to forget. A lot of women, even
though they left the communities where they were living, now they have
planted their gardens again. Some women from the organization that moved
down to Petatlan planted gardens. Now its part of them. Also, not throwing
trash everywhere, a lot of women don't litter anymore.
For example Chucha, who was the treasurer, she went to live over in
Alchetomal. She said that when she got there she planted vegetables and corn
and beans, she even sold her radishes because she got a good harvest. She said
that she plans to form a small group of women to do the same type of work. And
one of the promoters, Marcela, was one of the best promoters that the
organization had and she also had to leave. She lives in Lazaro Cardenas. She
too continued planting vegetables and she said she has given talks to women
where she is now, like she used to do in the Sierra. She said some of the women
there are excited about working and that they are going to start a small group
there. That means that the organization has been effective. And we also learned
to make things like soaps, jams, pickled chilies, and things like that, she is also
teaching the women that stiff. And she says she plans to start a group.
And even those that stayed in the Sierra keep doing the same, planting what
they had been planting. They grow rice, beans, corn, vegetables. Because
cultivating rice is a practice that was nearly lost, and with the organization we
were successful in getting people to grow rice again. And people are still
growing it there. But, yes, there have been many positive changes.
Now people eat healthier. I'm very pleased about that. And also the fact that
people are taking care of their environment, I'm really happy about that too
because the things that used to happen there dont happen anymore, things
have changed. And that's why even if I can't work anymore with the OMESP, I
still feel happy about what we were able to achieve, Sometimes people ask me,
almost always that question about what my dream is. And I tell them that my
dream is for people to take ownership of the work we do. That they take it up as
their own. And even if I'm not there anymore, that they keep on doing what
they learned. That they take ownership of all their learning and they keep on
doing this work wherever they are.
I'm happy about the things that we achieved, in spite of all the problems and
difficulties we experienced. We achieved a lota lot because nobody ever
heard of a women's organization there before us. And I'm really proud of that
too, that we showed the men that we women can do many things. And now,
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more people respect me and hold my work in high regard. For example, the
mayor and people from other communities invite me to events. They treat me
like I exist.
The orgullo that radiates through Celsas narrative points to the
magnitude of the impact of the OMESPs efforts in community building and
increasing gender equality. Although the social climate of insecurity led
members to abandon the region, Celsas wish is that the work that was
accomplished will serve as inspiration to take on new life, wherever the
mujeres of the OMESP may be.
In Celsas life history, we can see how rich and nuanced data can
emerge from one persons perspective. We learn how, combined with her
own narrative of her lived experience, life history reveals complex social
issues and highlight both individual and group agency as people struggle to
solve problems and improve their lives and communities. Through the lens of
intersectionality, we can perceive the significance of Celsas awakening into
gender consciousness and her struggles against patriarchy/machismo and
other repressive forces, and we recognize the value of her pride.
Celsa is proud of what she accomplished in her life work, what she
envisioned as "sowing consciousness" to create new possibilities for
relationships both among people, and between people and their
environment. Anthropology benefits from stories such as Celsas and the
OMESPs, in that they elucidate in high-resolution life-long processes (in
other cases, even spanning generations) involved in resisting hegemonic
power.
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CHAPTER VI
CONCLUSION
Situating women on the borderlands means, among other things, situating them in
places of rebellion, of transgression, of resistance and of emergency, it is to say, those
places where spontaneous counterhegemony develops against the discomfort of a
naturalized culture (Castaneda Salgado 2010:230).
One theme I would like to revisit in this conclusion is the idea of broadening
the "border" beyond its implied geographic specificity. Gloria Anzaldua wrote, "the
U.S.-Mexican border es una herida abierta where the Third World grates against the
first and bleeds" (1987:3). Considering the geopolitics ofUS-Mexican relations, in
the context of the war on drugs (and the recent press regarding the US
governments unethical complicity5), the formal and informal economies spawned
by NAFTA and other free trade treaties, and the increased militarization of public
security far beyond thefrontera, it is not only along the geographical border with
the US where the first and third worlds intersect painfully, but deep into the furthest
reaches of rural Mexico. These painful intersections are part of a legacy of
colonialism that has continued to produce wounds from continuous, grating
encounters.
As the ethnographer in this research, my positionality is consequential of the
colonial encounter, which puts me in the position to tell this story. After all, I most
likely would not have met Celsa by working with PBI Mexico in the first place if it
were not for a number of factors that reflect my position of relative privilege: a
white, university educated, and a US citizen woman from a middle class background.
All of the other volunteers I worked with in PBI Mexico had very similar
5 http://www.businessinsider.com/the-us-govemment-and-the-sinaloa-cartel-2014-l
84


backgrounds, with the exception of not being from the US, but from Western Europe.
I consider myself lucky in that during my very first experiences in Mexico as an
undergraduate student with the School for International Training, several Mexican
people educated me on the issue of white saviorism by telling me that they did not
need "gringos" swooping in to fix problems. Instead, they advocated relationships of
solidarity and reciprocity. However, I also understand the implication of working
within anthropology, a discipline so historically implicated with colonialism. White
saviorism reinforces racism and the colonial mentality by perceiving the Other as a
helpless victim. This issue is also contentious in international volunteer work, as it is
in white, mainstream feminism. Nigerian-American writer Teju Cole wrote, "The
White Savior Industrial Complex is not about justice. It is about having a big
emotional experience that validates privilege" (2012). In my project I acknowledge
and move beyond this pitfall. The anthropology I subscribe to recognizes how
colonialism and its legacies of racism and economic inequality influence my position
as anthropologist vis-a-vis Celsas position as informant. I am not absolved of these
tendencies, but simply want to be in dialogue with other critical scholars. I too,
want to be part of the solution as opposed to simply adding to the problem, but it is
not always clear how and if that can be accomplished. For this reason, in this
research I have focused on Celsas and the OMESPs creative capabilities in resisting,
and in imagining and working toward new possibilities for relationships among
humans and between humans and their environmentacknowledging the influence
of oppression in their expressions of resistance, but not dwelling on it. However,
the current reality is that Celsa and many others from the Petatlan Sierra continue
85


to face severe obstacles that impede their work. I remain in contact with Celsa via
monthly phone calls, and as an effort of solidarity (but on her terms), I along with
my partner are currently working with her in the beginning stages of crafting a
video based on this project, highlighting her experiences as an activist. My intent is
that she will be able to use as she pleases in her community work.
Celsas life history allows us to see the influence of intersectionality in
expressions of resistance. In her particular context, issues like social class combine
with gender in a way that is qualitatively different than would be expressed in other
contexts. As a rural woman in southern Mexico, Celsa recognizes
mach/smo/patriarchy as the obstacles she has faced; these influences manifest in the
blatant discrimination and symbolic violence, one result of which is the construction
of subjectivities of resistance that transgress patriarchal norms. Intersectionality
brings us a language that we can use when dealing with the ways identities are
forged through systematic social relations of oppression and privilege.
The close-up, partial perspective demonstrated in Celsas life history allows
us to see in high resolution the myriad impacts that ill-conceived or ill-implemented
policies can have. Regarding Celsas organizing, in ten years of her and her
communitys hard work and dedication, she saw many improvements in the lives of
her community members, such as increases in food security, nutrition, and
environmental restoration through reforestation projects and river clean up
campaigns. At the same time, there has been a terrifying increase in violence in the
region. The OMESPs activities have been suspended indefinitely due to the extreme
violence that has come about in the area- as a result of the drug war, with its
86


military solutions to social problems, dissent is being criminalized, people's rights to
livelihood are being ignored because they are not protected. When I asked Celsa
how it felt to leave the Sierra after the arrival of armed groups associated with
organized crime, she responded, "I was so happy with the work we were doing, and
now it feels like they cut off my wings." One little corner of the world, where people
have risked so much and worked so arduously toward positive solutions to benefit
themselves, their families and their communities, in the end contribute their granito
de arena (grain of sand) to the whole world. Their example and the simple fact that
their way of life's impact on the global environment, however small, is positive, adds
to the positive impacts of other communities also resisting environmental injustice.
Globalization builds, reinforces, transforms and deconstructs different
aspects of societal structure in different contexts and scales, individuals with limited
or no access to capital are negatively impacted. However, anthropologists recognize
that acts of resistance can contribute to the creation of new social realities: through
the construction of alliances that challenge geographic (political, social, and
economic) borders and through the emergence of the new subjectivities that
critique and challenge the hegemonic structures once they are seen for what they
are. Life histories like this one help to increase understanding of human
relationships, the nature of oppression, and the limits to hegemony, and in this way,
contribute to social justice. Life histories are feminist scholarship and activism; the
fine grained image that is created through Celsas narrative is a powerful anecdote
to mainstream feminisms tendencies to focus exclusively on gender while ignoring
race, ethnicity, class and sexuality as equally significant sites of oppression. Instead
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of creating an image that is objectifying and victimizing, Celsa shares stories of how
she actively fought for herself and her communitiesa story she narrates with
mucho orgullo.
I relate to Celsa and her sadness and frustration of losing her "wings." Like
Celsa, I retain hope in the possibilities for future environmental work:
I have hope that things will work out and we can keep moving forward. Also, it
gives me strength to think that what I have done has had some effect; I did
something good [...] I did something positive. I feel like I did something
worthwhile for people.
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This thesis is dedicated to all the luchadoras who formed part of the OMESP, wherever they are now. Que sigan luchando por los derechos de la gent e y por la salud de la Tierra.

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4* $-/'-&#>"$#$$%0$= !,'" ,$#&( '# (' (! .'"/$#!$ !"'&'"' "-&#$%.''&"", '2! #,'#'/#"$%! ""#'/ '! '='#$/$# "#'( '2'# .$( !0$= !! &'#$",0"'='#,'#/ #!'"%$!.'# -##, '/#"$%! ""#'/ ($$#'&&$=-"#$ #! & "/' 0 #, 0$= !! &'#$",0" %$! #, /!#1$%.'/,".$#,'# &" ''($#, !=$. /$..-#/$"#!-/# ('"''/#$%( %'/ %& /# 2'("#!-"#$%#, ='2 ( !$& "2$ (#, .'"=$. '(#, =' !$ 9 #, ." & "/&-( (: (#$! 0!$(-/ #, .'/,"#''###-( "=' $%#,"/!#1&"' -&#.'# &" A"#!'"%$!.'#$'('"= ",'&&" ", "0$A $%#, %! ($.", % &#'"'! "-&#$%, !/!#1-2$00! "" "#!-/ #-!

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43 r rnnn>We descended the narrow, uneven red-orange dirt roa d on four-wheelers, winding through the medium altitude rainforest of the Petat ln Mountains. It was the very beginning of the dry season, so the roads were stil l a bumpy, treacherous, combination of deep muddy holes and varying depths of tire tracks. Under the canopy, the cool moist air contrasted with the oppressive heat I felt while pa ssing through the open areas unprotected under the sun. I began to feel an uneas iness of my 4-weeks(imperceptibly)pregnant belly as we approached the village of El Z apotillal. Dozens of families emerged from their small, wooden houses to greet the people we were accompanying, environmental activists Celsa and her husband, who had just been released from jail after nearly a year, absolved of the murder charges used to incarcerate him. I noticed that about half of the women present had bellies th at were round with child, and suddenly, all of those doubts I had felt about my i mpending motherhood softened as I felt like my pregnancy was now the most normal thing in the world. I yearned to ask a thousand questions about motherhood and pregnancy t o all these pregnant women before me, but I had to keep it to myself. As a human righ ts accompanier for the international organization Peace Brigades International, I had to be careful about exposing information about myself that would lead to comprom ising people’s trust in my capacity to serve as a human buffer, there to protect threat ened activists. —Author, September 2005, Petatln, Guerrero. "0 #.$"#$%)**J'"',-.'!2,#"'//$.0' =#, '/ !2'( # !'#$'&>" ;/$!$< /#9:!! !$ &$2=#,$#, !$&-# !"%!$. #, ''(''(C "# !-!$0 #!' & (#$ '!$-"0'!#"$%#, "#'# '//$.0'2'-. !$%!! !$'" ("$/'&$!2' 7'#$"=,$" . !" %'/ (,'!'"". #'(#,! '#"#$#, !"'% #n $ %#, $!2'7'#$"#,'#='" '//$.0'2'##,'##. ='"#, n$!#,"! '"$$" !'&$//'"$" #,'# '!"0 ##. '("0$A =#, &"''(, !&'# ,-"'(9=,$0'"" ('=' )**N:-!2.#. =#, &"'>",-"'( =,$,'( .0!"$ (%$! # .$#,"%$!,$./( $=,'#.'/&'. (= # !-.0 (-0/,'!2 "! &'# ( #$,"'/#".='"/& '! ($%'&&/,'!2 "'(%! (%!$.0!"$n%/$-!" .0!$! /$ /#$#$ &"''='"'A %'/#$!. 2'& #$! /$ /#=#,,

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