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Ceramic activity analysis of Navajas Circle 5 and the need for practice theory in unusual monumental architecture

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Title:
Ceramic activity analysis of Navajas Circle 5 and the need for practice theory in unusual monumental architecture
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Johns, Catherine Janette ( author )
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Denver, CO
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University of Colorado Denver
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Master's ( Master of Arts)
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University of Colorado Denver
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Department of Anthropology, CU Denver
Degree Disciplines:
Anthropology

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Indians of Mexico -- Antiquities -- Mexico -- Jalisco ( lcsh )
Indians of Mexico -- Pyramids ( lcsh )
Indian architecture -- Mexico ( lcsh )
Indian pottery -- Mexico ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Understanding the differences in activities between buildings at a site is critical to reconstructing the uses of formal architecture. Studying the changes in ceramic assemblages is one way to identify the activities that could have occurred in different structures. To investigate the social organization of the Teuchitlan Culture, at the site of Navajas in Jalisco, Mexico the ceramics were analyzed. The structures at Navajas form what is called a guachimonton, a ring of platforms surrounding a circular step pyramid; these are ritual structures distinct from the residential architecture. Of particular importance for this analysis are: identifying distribution of closed mouthed to open mouthed vessels; comparing utilitarian ware to the finer ritual ware vessels; and determining from this analysis what activities using ceramics may have occurred in the guachimonton circles. The ceramic assemblage database shows an even distribution of wares with the utilitarian ratios equally large in each structure. The results also show a similar distribution of closed and open vessels between structures, with more closed vessels in every structure. There was also no evidence of activity preference between the front and back rooms of the structures. This provides evidence for daily activities occurring in ritual structures during the Teuchitlan Culture.
Thesis:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Colorado Denver. Anthropology
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographic references.
General Note:
Department of Anthropology
Statement of Responsibility:
by Catherine Janette Johns.

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University of Colorado Denver
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|Auraria Library
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902811707 ( OCLC )
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Full Text
CERAMIC ACTIVITY ANALYSIS OF NAVAJAS CIRCLE 5 AND THE NEED FOR
PRACTICE THEORY IN UNUSUAL MONUMENTAL ARCHITECTURE
by
CATHERINE JANETTE JOHNS
B.A.Brevard College2008
A thesis submitted to the
Faculty of the Graduate School of the
University of Colorado in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of the Arts
Anthropology
2014


This thesis for the Master of the Arts degree by
Catherine Janette Johns
has been approved for the
Department of Anthropology
by
Christopher Beekman, Chair
Tammy Stone
Julien Riel-Salvatore


Johns, Catherine Janette (MA, Anthropology)
Ceramic Activity Analysis of Navajas Circle 5
Thesis directed by Assistant Professor Christopher Beekman
ABSTRACT
Understanding the differences in activities between buildings at a site is critical to
reconstructing the uses of formal architecture. Studying the changes in ceramic
assemblages is one way to identify the activities that could have occurred in different
structures. To investigate the social organization of the Teuchitlan Cultureat the site of
Navajas in Jalisco, Mexico the ceramics were analyzed. The structures at Navajas form
what is called a guachimonton, a ring of platforms surrounding a circular step pyramid;
these are ritual structures distinct from the residential architecture. Of particular
importance for this analysis are: identifying distribution of closed mouthed to open
mouthed vessels; comparing utilitarian ware to the finer ritual ware vessels; and
determining from this analysis what activities using ceramics may have occurred in the
guachimonton circles. The ceramic assemblage database shows an even distribution of
wares with the utilitarian ratios equally large in each structure. The results also show a
similar distribution of closed and open vessels between structureswith more closed
vessels in every structure. There was also no evidence of activity preference between the
front and back rooms of the structures. This provides evidence for daily activities
occurring in ritual structures during the Teuchitlan Culture.
The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication.
Approved: Christopher Beekman


DEDICATION
I would like to dedicate this work to my parents for always supporting me, even when I
wanted to give up.
IV


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This thesis was a work that was not done alone. There are so many people that
helped me with this long exploratory study in the analysis, writing, and presentation
stages of it and just getting through it emotionally.
To John Wagner and Lucas Hoedl for being my compatriots on the TRVAP 2011
Laboratory Season. Thank you both so much for your humor and all the shared
knowledge (mostly through zip drive files).
To Hector de la Paz for the accommodations during the summer analysis. There
is nowhere so entertaining and safe to stay as Hotel de la Paz in Tala, and I will always
have fond memories of that summer because of it.
To Connie Turner for being an exceptional organizer and always having kind
words of support along the way. A huge thank you for helping me get my thesis format
reviews printed and to the right people.
To Nichole Abbot, Tony Deluca, and Michele Whitmore for being my thesis
defense Denver support team. Nichole and Tony you are both wonderful and I
appreciated your help so much both during the defense and the months abroad. It has
been my pleasure to hear all of your possible thesis topics on the Tequila Valley areas
and I cannot wait to see the results. Michele, thank you so much for sitting through my
defense so late in the night for my final run through and allowing me to stay with you
during that time. Your help throughout my time in the Masters Program has been
invaluable.


To my expert grammar-checker and presentation helper Abraham Johns. For
going over my thesis and editing along the way and sitting through what was probably a
deadly boring presentation for you over and over again until it was right. You helped me
clarify what I was trying to state in the presentation and made sure that I stopped using
the word however every other sentence in my thesis.
A large thank you to the Alice Hamilton Fund for funding my final weeks during
the laboratory analysis season. Without that funding I would not have been able to
complete the entire Circle 5 analysis.
To my thesis committee members Julien Riel-Salvatore and Tammy Stone for
providing critiques, advice and possible project expansions on this research. I appreciate
both your time as my committee members and your time as my professors. I also
appreciate you both for being two of the only people who will ever read this thesis from
the first page to the last.
To my advisor, committee chair, mentor and friend Christopher Beekman. I can
never thank you enough for your advice, knowledge, edits, time, patience, and of course
humor. It has been a wild ride through this program and you have been there every step
of the way. I can also never thank you enough for being the person to edit every page of
this thesis from the first page to the last.
My parents Anne and Frank Johns are my two biggest cheerleaders and at times
my toughest coaches. I can never express how much I appreciate you both for your love
and support both emotionally and financially throughout my education. You are truly my
super-heroes.
vi


CONTENTS
CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION..........................................................1
II. THEORY OF PRACTICE BASED BUILDING ANALYSIS............................5
Examples of Ethnographic Analogies and Typologies Used to Discuss Structure
Function.........................................................5
Kivas an Ethnographic Analogy......................................6
The Megaron Typology Problem.......................................7
Examples of Practice Based Analysis of Structures....................8
The Xidi-Sukur House...............................................8
Mound 32 at Paso de la Amada and Activity Patterns................10
Using Practice Based Analysis in this Study.......................14
Ceramics as a Dataset for Activities.................................14
Using Ceramics to Characterize the Activities within Architecture....15
III. BACKGROUND TO THE REGION AND STUDY...........................21
Tequila Valley, Jalisco, Mexico......................................21
The Teuchitlan Culture Archaeological Timeline.......................21
The Chronology of the Study Area.....................................24
Guachimontones.......................................................26
Theories about the Guachimonton......................................27
The Current Ceramic Data for the Area................................31
vii


The Site of Navajas.....................................................32
IV. METHODS CHAPTER..........................................................36
Excavation Results......................................................36
How the Sherd Activity Analysis Works...................................38
Variables...............................................................40
Processing..........................................................40
Form................................................................46
Rims................................................................48
Bases...............................................................48
Surface Enhancement.................................................50
Prior Research..........................................................51
V. RESULTS OF THE 2011 CERAMIC ANALYSIS.....................................53
Ceramic Wares and Types that Appear at Navajas Circle 5.................54
Tabachines Ware.....................................................54
Tabachines Types....................................................59
Activities Specific to Tabachines Ware..............................63
Estolanos Ware......................................................65
Estolanos Types.....................................................67
Activities Specific to Estolanos Ware...............................70
Arroyo Seco.........................................................72
viii


Arroyo Seco Types.....................................................74
Activities Specific to Arroyo Seco Ware...............................76
Colorines Ware........................................................77
Colorines Types.......................................................80
Practices Connected to the Colorines Ware.............................82
Circle 5 Analysis Results.................................................83
Evidence of Formalization in Practice.................................84
The Spatial Organization of Activities................................91
Domestic Activity Evidence...........................................101
Summary..............................................................105
VI. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION................................................107
How Often do Formalization, Spatial Organization, or Domestic Activities Occur?
..................................................................107
Formalization........................................................107
Spatial Organization.................................................110
Domestic Activities..................................................Ill
Conclusions..............................................................Ill
The Practice Based Analysis..........................................112
How to Go Further with this Study....................................112
REFERENCES....................................................................114
ix


Table
LIST OF TABLES
II- l: Vessel Function Chart (Rice 1987: Table 7.2).............................18
III- 1:Architectural and Ceramic Chronologies for Tequila Valley based on Beekman and
Weigand 2008:324..........................................................26
V-l: Circle 5 Ware Weights from Structures......................................54
V-2: Each Ware's Percentage of Closed and Open Sherds at Circle 5 by Weight.....54
V-3: Major Types of Tabachines at Circle 5 by Weight.............................59
V-4: Major Types of Estolanos at Circle 5 by Weight..............................67
V-5: Major Types of Arroyo Seco at Circle 5 by Weight............................74
V-6: Major Types of Colorines at Circle 5 by Weight..............................80


LIST OF FIGURES
Figure
III-l: Map Of Tequila and Atemajac Valley Systems. The Reporting Bias is Towards
Sites with Public Architecture and Cemeteries. (Beekman 2007: Figure 1.01).23
III-2: The Surveyed Site of Navajas, a Kilometer to the South of the Town of Santa Maria
de las Navajas. (Beekman Et Al.2007: Figure 1.02)..........................34
111-3: Navajas Circle 5 After Excavation. (Beekman et al.2007: Figure 2.91)......35
V-l: Tabachines Paste from Navajas Circle 5......................................56
V-2: Fragment of Figurine Made of Tabachines Paste...............................57
V-3: Fragment of Hollow Figure with Estolanos Paste..............................58
V-4: Oconahua Red on White Vessel from Tala's Casa de Cultura....................60
V-5: Oconahua Bowl with High Polish and Blurred Design from Talas Casa de Cultura..
...........................................................................61
V-6: Duck Zoomorphic Vessel of Estolanos Ware from Navajas.......................67
V-7: Complex Teuchitlan Red on Cream Estolanos Ware from La Venta Corridor.......69
V-8: Estolanos Grey Type........................................................70
V-9: Arroyo Seco Paste from Navajas Circle 5.....................................73
V-10: Colorines Paste...........................................................78
V-l1:Colorines Red on Cream, Private Collection..................................79
V-12: Weight and Count of Wares for Navajas Circle 5. Weight is in Grams.........84
V-13: Ware Distribution by Weight Percentage per Structure.......................85
V-14: Ware Distribution by Count Percentage per Structure........................85
V-15: Tabachines Vessel Form Distribution by Weight.............................87
xi


V-16: Tabachines Vessel Form Distribution by Count....................................88
V-17: Estolanos Vessel Form Distribution by Weight.....................................88
V-18: Estolanos Vessel Form Distribution by Count......................................89
V-19: Arroyo Seco Vessel Form Distribution by Weight...................................89
V-20: Arroyo Seco Vessel Form Distribution by Count....................................90
V-21: Colorines Vessel Form Distribution by Weight.....................................90
V-22: Colorines Vessel Form Distribution by Count......................................91
V-23: Total Weight in Grams and Count of Sherds by Structure.........................92
V-24: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 2 by Weight..................93
V-25: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 2 by Count...................94
V-26: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 3 by Weight..................94
V-27: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 3 by Count...................95
V-28: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis of Structure 4 by Weight...................95
V-29: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 4 by Count...................96
V-30: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis of Structure 5 by Weight...................96
V-31:Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 5 by Count..................97
V-32: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis of Structure 6 by Weight...................97
V-33: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 6 by Count...................98
V-34: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 7 by Weight..................98
V-35: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 7 by Count...................99
V-36: Ware Totals for Patio of Circle 5..............................................100
V-37: Open and Closed Ware Amounts in Patio..........................................100
V-38: Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 2..................103
xii


V-39: Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 3...............103
V-40: Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 4...............104
V-41: Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 5...............104
V-42: Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 6...............105
V-43: Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 7...............105
xiii


CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
In archaeology, understanding architectural function can be complicated. For
example, a complication occurs when the function of a building differs from the rest of
the site with no obvious purpose. A secondary problem connected to this is when the
architecture of the structureor some of its artifactsare used to place the structure into an
ethnographic analogy or typology that implies certain activities are occurring. However
when this ethnographic analogy or typology is applied it can obscure or even disregard
activities that happened in the structure outside of the analogy or typology activities.
This study will primarily address the second problem of a typology or ethnographic
analogy suppressing actual activities that occurred, and apply a different method, practice
based analysis, to understand unusual stmcture function that will also help with the first
problem.
Chapter II discusses the theory behind practice based analysis on unusual architecture.
The chapter will examine two studies, one that used a typology and another that used an
ethnographic analogy to determine building function. Both examples are shown to deliver
incorrect information and inhibit research on other activities that could have occurred in
the unusual structures they are applied to. This chapter then discusses two examples of a
possible solution to this by analyzing buildings by their individual activity evidence,
called practice based analysis. The examples of practice based analysis, one from an
ethnographic/historical archaeology Nigerian study and the other from an archaeological
Mesoamerican study show that unusual structures often have multiple activities occurring
in them. The Mesoamerican study by Richard Lesure was used specifically with a


practice based analysis of activity areas in an unusual structure and is the framework used
for this thesis (1999). The analysis compares and contrasts the data from structures
through the three models of activities that Lesure discussed: formalization, spatial
analysis, and domestic activities (1999:394).
In Chapter III, the Background to the Region and Study, there is an introduction to the
study region and relevant prior research. The study area of the Tequila Valleys and the
Teuchitlan Culture that occurs between the Late Formative through the Late Classic is
outlined. The guachimonton architecture that is distinctive to central Jalisco, Mexico and
is the ritual architecture of the Teuchitlan Culture is the unusual architecture that this
thesis focuses on. Several guachimonton excavations have occurred to discern the
purpose of these architecture formations, however an activity analysis has not been done
on any of them. Prior research, much of which is based on prehistoric ceramic dioramas
connected to the region, has discussed the guachimonton as ritual/public architecture or
high status residences, but the actual excavation results that have been reported have been
ambiguous about the activities that occurred at the guachimonton circles. The
guachimonton site of Navajas and guachimonton Circle 5 is introduced as the study site.
This research deals with the structures from Circle 5 because it contained the most
complete set of guachimonton platforms to analyze and compare for activity patterns.
In Chapter IV, the Methods Chapter, the methods of ceramic analysis used during the
2011 Laboratory season on Navajas Circle 5 are outlined. This chapter addresses
important details about the Circle 5 excavation. The chapter then discusses the reasoning
behind what ceramic attributes were chosen which were processing, form, rims, bases,
and surface enhancements. This chapter presents the possible practices associated with
2


certain vessels by drawing from Rices Vessel Function table. Lastlythis chapter
discusses a previous ceramic analysis done on the Los Guachimontones site, and how
these studies differ and why they are not comparable (Blanco et al.2010).
In Chapter V, the Results of the 2011 Ceramic Analysis, the data from the analysis is
discussed. First the four wares of the Teuchitlan Culture that were found in the Circle 5
analysis are discussed. These wares are the Tabachines, Estolanos, Colorines, and
Arroyo Seco wares. Each ware has a specific style and form and the activities connected
to these wares is discussed. How these four wares are distributed among the Circle 5
indicate where certain activities were taking place. These are organized into the three
categories already discussed, formalization, spatial organization and domestic activities
to determine what activities were occurring and at what scale they were occurring in the
guachimonton.
Chapter VI will summarize the 2011 ceramic analysis study. This chapter will
discuss each category of activity, formalization, spatial organization, and domestic
activity that was found and the rate at which it might have occurred. The chapter goes on
to explain that formalization has the least amount of evidence in this study however there
is evidence of it occurring. The amount of spatial organization occurring has more
evidence which possibly indicated a certain amount of social hierarchy occurring in the
guachimonton circle. The domestic activity evidence is great, and this is due to the large
amount of utilitarian ware found at the site.
The Results chapter concludes that these findings do not support the previous
assumptions about the guachimonton stmctures as purely ritual spaces. Though there
were rituals occurring at this guachimonton because, despite being small, there was
3


evidence for it. With practice based analysis this finding, though small is not
disregarded, but is instead still presented along with the spatial organization and domestic
activity findings. Using practice based analysis to look at each possible type of activity
present at Navajas Circle 5 gives a more rounded understanding of the activities that
occurred at this unusual architectural formation.
4


CHAPTER II
THEORY OF PRACTICE BASED BUILDING ANALYSIS
How can a structured function be better understood using practice-based
analysis on ceramics? What do these practice based analyses indicate about the
activities within public architecture of the Late Formative and Early Classic Jalisco,
Mexico? Can an activity based approach give a more nuanced interpretation of the
role of the public architecture?
This chapter discusses the middle-range theory involved with interpreting the
architecture in Mesoamerica. This chapter first discusses two examples, one where an
ethnographic analogy is used and one where a typology is used to discuss architecture
interpretation. Then in contrast the chapter discusses two examples of practice based
analysis being used to discuss structure interpretationone of whichMound 32 at Paso de
la Amada, is used as the framework for this research. It suggests focusing interpretation
on the practices present instead of trying to categorize entire architectural structures by
one activity or title. This approach allows for a more detailed discussion of multi-use
architecture than equating an entire structure with an activity or ethnographic analogy.
The chapter then explains why using ceramic sherds as the main focus for activity
analysis helps to explain where certain activities were taking place.
Examples of Ethnographic Analogies and Typologies Used to Discuss Structure
Function
Understanding the use of architecture can be difficult. This is a particular
problem for archaeologists studying cultures that have buildings that do not have a great
amount of data from previous research, which leads archaeologists to place entire
5


structure types into a single category of activity such as the title temple or chief s house.
While these titles can be useful to designate a very specific aspect of the structureletting
the title overwhelm other activities that may have occurred hinders a full understanding
of the use of the building in question.
Kivas an Ethnographic Analogy
Archaeologists often use ethnographic or ethnohistoric analogies to interpret
structures with culturalgeographic location or organization similar to the group being
researched. This can lead to overly strong connections between the archaeological group
and the historical group without sufficient evidence behind the connection (Lesure
1999:391). This does not mean that certain ethnographic analogies are not helpful, but
overreliance on the ethnographic record is risky. For instance, the Kiva debate in the
American Southwest, is an example of labeling a building type rather than seeking to
understand the multiple practices taking place there (Lesure 1999:391). The flexible
definition applied to Kivas comes under scrutiny by Lekson in his historical overview of
the term Kiva (Lekson 1988). Lekson states that Kiva is an ethnographic term from
modern Pueblo ceremonial structures. The title Kiva was applied to all pit house
structures assumed to be ceremonialbecause of late 19th century ethnographic reports
(Lekson 1988:218-222). Archaeologists used the term Kiva to demonstrate a connection
between the historic Puebloan peoples and the ancestral group. It is possible that this was
a political move to protect the Puebloan peoples, because of the common practice in the
Southwest of trying to claim native land for settlers (Lekson 1988:218-219). One of the
reasons the term Kiva was chosen by anthropologists was because it had not been defined
clearly in ethnography or archaeology. For the archaeologist in the 19th century, it seemed
6


clear that the Kivas of the present were very similar to the semi-subterranean chambers of
the past (Lekson 1988: 214-215, 224). The problem occurs when the label of Kiva leads
archaeologists to not consider the other possible functions that the ancestral structures
might have had beyond ceremonies. Lekson5 s proposal is to restrict the title of Kiva to
only specific structures and timeframes to allow for a better analogy between the modern
Puebloan people and the ancestral pit house dwellers (Lekson 1988:225). However,
another side argues that using ethnographic labels like Kiva distinguishes some structures
from other pit houses as special, even when their distinguishing features are not similar to
other Kivas, making it easier to interpret. This might work best if the ethnographic
analogy, like Kiva, is in fact ambiguous and is only synonymous with something simple
like important or differentas opposed to specific activities like a temple or a mens
house (Stone 2002: 387-388). The Kiva term argument is split between an incredibly
general definition use and a very specific definition use, however both sides argue for the
term to be used in a more restrictive manner. Using ethnographic analogies and
typologies under better restrictions is important for the structures with unknown
functions.
The Megaron Typology Problem
The other example of a typology misuse, is the discussion of a particular type of
Neolithic Greek architecture (Demoule and Perles 1993). The structures in question are
called megatons, which is a rectangular Mycenaean great hall with an entrance framed by
columns on one of the shorter walls. Howeverthe researchers struggle with this label
because it does not cover the full breadth of the activities present in the architecture of
many of the sites in Neolithic Greece (Demoule and Perles 1993: 390). Instead of
7


abandoning the title used, the researchers instead noted that these buildings encompass
more activities than the term megaton. This is a similar solution to the Kiva discussion,
but the difference is that the term Kiva has an unspecific definition in both archaeology
and ethnography, whereas megaton is a distinctive architecture form of the Mycenaean5 s.
This is an example of where instead of using a typology or ethnographic analogy
sparingly or with restrictions, the typology is being used far too much. This ovemse
without restrictions creates more confusion about the term instead of making it easier to
understand what actually occurred in the Neolithic Greek structures.
Examples of Practice Based Analysis of Structures
This research was based around using Practice Based analysis of structures to
determine their function. In this study, the terms practice and activity are used
synonymously. Bourdieu discusses practice as a perpetual disposition of an individual or
household formed from their social environments limitations or as an external
expression of habituswhich is an internal understanding of an individuals culture
(Bourdieu 2001:533). This definition may seem circular, but it means that similar
practices can indicate that there were individuals with similar views on their culture
associated with that activity.
The Xidi-Sukur House
A historic archaeology study of the Xidi-Sukur House (chiefs house) in
northeastern Nigeria has used practice based analysis of a structure to fully outline the
activities that occurred in the house and how these activities were perceived (Smith and
David 1995). The Sukur was a polity, called a "divine kingdom,that had a well-
defended position on a plateau and remained independent until they were overcome by


modern weaponry around 1920. This cataclysmic event led to the loss of Sukur history
and only traces of information about the Sukur before the 1920s remain (Smith and David
1995: 442-443). After the 1993 ethnographic study of the Suku polity which did not
achieve the results they had hoped fora spatial analysis study was done of the structures
around the village, particularly focusing on the spatial relationship to activities in the Xidi
household (Smith and David 1995:444). The conclusion by Smith and David about the
house was that the Xidi-Sukur household is "embedded within a much larger complex of
social relationsSmith and David 1995: 453). Which is shown by practices likecertain
gateways to the house being presented with offerings and the inversion of the inner house
from regular Suku residences to symbolize the Xidi5s place in the society (Smith and
David 1995: 453-456).
The Xidi-Suku household, the Kivas, and the megatons are similar because the
structures they denote are clearly different from the others around them. Howeverthe
importance of the Xidi-Sukur house is that overcome the use of the title chief s house
by breaking the structure down into activity spacesinstead of leaving it as a term (Smith
and David 1995: 457). This is an example of how the focus on multiple activities, instead
of the most applicable title, was used to fully express the practices of an important
structure. The study of the Xidi-Sukur house drew heavily from Bourdieus early study
of the arrangement of space in the Kabyle residence (Bourdieu 1973, Smith and David
1995: 442). The Kabyle house study discussed how the common beliefs of a group
arrange the physical space and movements within it, and that some of these worldviews
are what creates concepts of the differences between the private household and the
public structures. Bourdieu also discusses how the space of the household actually
9


reflects the public mindset and hierarchy, making the household a miniature form of the
society through its spatial arrangements. Societies cannot be summarized by a single all-
encompassing title or even a set of titles. Titles cannot be used on structures to fully
describe the activities that occurred in and around them.
Mound 32 at Paso de la Amada and Activity Patterns
The previous examples of the megaton and Kiva show that typological labelling
of a structure from ethnographic literature or a cross-cultural typology can inhibit a better
understanding of the use and interpretation of the architecture by prehistoric peoples. To
analyze the data from the structure and apply practice analogies to activity spaces is a
possible alternative to this method. This was what Lesure proposed, using ethnographic
analogies on a much smaller and restricted scale to interpret activity areas and artifact
groups inside the structure in questionto better understand the argument surrounding the
Paso de la Amada mounds (Lesure 1999:392). This proposal emerged from a debate over
the categorization of other mounds, specifically Mound 6, at Paso de la Amada, in
Chiapas, Mexico. One group of researchers argued for the buildings to be defined as
high-status residencespart of their reasoning being that the structures lack uniformity in
architectural form (Blake 1991; Clark and Blake 1994: 339-345). The other group
believes that it is a public building, possibly a temple (Marcus and Flannery 1996). The
second group cites Structure 4s orientationlayout and an offering in the structure as
evidence for their temple interpretation (Marcus and Flannery 1996:91). Lesure proposed
that the problem lay in the two sides use of overly broad terms like public building and
house. He suggested that a better approach was to break down the evidence and analyze
the different activities individually (Lesure 1999:392). Lesure used Mound 32 for this
10


investigationan Early Formative mound dated between 1400 and 1250 B.C. at Paso de la
Amada, in Chiapas, Mexico (Lesure 1999: 391).
Mouna 32 s age distinguishes it as a particularly important structurebut it limits
the information that can be obtained since the mounds are from an extremely early
sedentary site with few comparable contemporary sites. The most common form of
structure found at Paso de la Amada is the platform defined as a raised surface 50 cms
high and approx. 4-8 m in length (Lesure 1999:392). These are in stark contrast to the 1
m or higher mounds of Paso de la Amadawhich are fewer in number and possibly
have one or more platform construction phases (Lesure 1999:392). The mounds of
Paso de la Amada are debated as either elite residential structuresor public buildings.
The evidence of previous excavations and studies have not led to a complete conclusion
for the kinds of activities that occurred at either structure.
Lesures study involved using spatially discrete groups of artifacts to reconstruct
the practices that took place within Mound 32, particularly a Locona phase platform in
Mound 32 and a refuse deposit associated with it (1999: 393). His goal is therefore to
reconstmct the multiple distinct practices that occurred in the structureinstead of using
only certain pieces of data to support applying a singular label, like temple or house.
Lesure empathizes that there needs to be clear expectations for mgh-status residences
or public buildings but in terms of the full range of activities that occurred in each.
Lesure also emphasizes that while these labels apply well to certain activities, significant
buildings like Mound 32 may have been a host to activities with different labels. For
instance in Mound 32 there is both evidence for the structure to have housed rituals
11


which would support a public building label and there is evidence that many domestic
activities occurred as well (Lesure 1999: 404).
Lesure argues looking at the activity evidence of formalization indicative of ritual
activities associated with public buildings and spatial organization which indicates
differences in social statuses, he also discusses domestic activity evidence. Lesure
defines formalization as "restricted modes of activity, often viewed by participants as
tradition-laden and invariantLesure 1999:394). Formalized activities occur primarily in
public buildings and refer to repeated patterns of specific activities confined to certain
spaces. Spatial organization refers to where different activities occurred. Formalization
stands in contrast to domestic activities, because while still being repeated, they lack the
rigid aspect of the rituals and traditions. Lesure defines domestic activities as including
"food preparation, consumption, and storage; the curation of a variety of objects; and a
range of small-scale productive activities1999: 394). There were five artifact clusters
from different areas of Mound 32 that were used to look for evidence of formalization,
spatial organization and domestication.
Mouna 32 s surrounding space was the first area that Lesure dealt with because
the exterior area was so well tended during the Locona phase that only one side of the
mound had refuse. Lesure notes that this is different from the regular platforms at Paso
de la Amada, where refuse surrounds the spaces. He interpreted this as evidence that the
space around Mound 32 was formalized, lacking trash deposits in other loci (Lesure
1999:398). Lesure looked at ceramic and lithic artifact distributions, quality, and rarity in
the artifact samples and he also looked at the possible imports that were among the
artifacts. The results were that no artifact group stood out particularly in the mound the
12


distributions inside the mound was even and gave no great evidence for spatial
organization in favor of elites nor evidence for rituals occurring in any one particular
space (Lesure 1999: 400).
The overall results of the study were that all five artifact samples contained
evidence for domestic activity but there was low occurrence of evidence pointing towards
formalization or social organization. The social status of the Mound 32 people during the
Locona phase seemed to be equal to other structures in the area. This evidence does not
support the claims by Clark and Blake that the Paso de la Amada mounds showed greater
social status than the smaller structures and platformsbecause despite the high amount of
domestic evidence at Mound 32, there is no other activity evidence that separates the
mound and the platforms (Clark and Blake 1994; Lesure 1999:400). The social
organization needed to denote a high status residence was not visible in these five activity
areas.
Lesure found only inconclusive evidence for rituals occurring at Mound 32
(Lesure 1999:402). There were several different artifacts that could be important to
rituals, and Lesure analyzed the density of them between the five artifact groups and the
other mounds. Most of the ritual artifacts were scarce at Mound 32 (1999:401). There
were a few statuettes that gave Mound 32 distinction over smaller platforms during the
Locona phase, but not enough to support the theory proposed by Marcus and Flannery
that the area was a public building or initiates temple (Marcus and Flannery 1996: 90-
91). Lesures conclusion is that the study he performed shows that no one answer is
correct. Lesure states that the terms residence and public building restrict the full
13


purpose of Mound 32 in the Locona period, and his model of identifying singular activity
types gives a complete picture of the actual practices that occurred (Lesure 1999: 404).
Using Practice Based Analysis in this Study
In all the examples listed here, context is key, not only to understanding the
artifacts present, but also the practices they represent. This means that for buildings with
unknown functions studying all of the activities present and then identifying whether they
are indicative of formalization, social organization, or domestic activities can give a
better understanding of what was happening in those structures. This is what this study
investigates with an architectural formation that does not have a clear function but is
plainly different from the surrounding architecture. One of the more productive datasets
that can be used to identify differing practices across architecture is ceramics, which can
be used for a variety of different activities and have differing characteristics for each.
Ceramics as a Dataset for Activities
Ceramics have a complex history of study, and are often split between the
material sciences, historical art, and archaeological studies (Rice 1987: 4). Previous
research of the ceramics from all three areas: material science, archaeology, and art
history has been applied to the research in this thesis.
Ceramics are used in this study because they potentially can vary considerably in
raw material, form, and decoration, and thus provides insight into daily practices.
Ceramics have such a great amount of variability in form and decoration that any
particular combination restricts them to certain contexts (Sinopoli 1991). The
characteristics of ceramics, particularly in the storing, processing, and cooking of food,
14


give information on these activities. Being able to determine which of these activities
occurred using ceramics gives a clearer picture.
There is particular importance for sherd analysis, as opposed to just a whole
vessel analysis, to be performed. Sherds, are often left in their original place at sites, as
looters are only interested in whole or nearly whole vessels. This makes potsherds one of
the best forms of activity analysis in areas that have been heavily looted. Whole vessels
are also representative of one moment in time, while sherds are aggregate debris over a
long period of time and are more easily tied to practices. Rice also outlines three other
technological reasons for why ceramics should be used for archaeological studies:
ceramics are everywhere and are not very restricted by certain raw materials; ceramics
are essentially nonperishable; and pottery is formed only by additive manufacturing
processes (Rice 1987: 24-25). The potter chooses the clay, what goes into the clay, and
how much they want to process it. The potter also chooses the form, the function and
decoration that goes on the pot, though this is tme of subtractive technology as well.
Even if the conception is not at the hands of one person consistently, a singular choice is
still present in the final form. This should give insight into the intended activity of the
ceramic vessel and where it is located, which further helps to identify that intended
activity.
Using Ceramics to Characterize the Activities within Architecture
The importance of ceramics in understanding activities is clear, since restrictions
and limits on the size and shape of vessels can help distinguish between different
practices. Ceramics are commonly linked with structures because of their use in cooking
storage, food preparation and serving. These activities often dictate the form of the
15


vessels in predictable ways allowing for repeated practices in the structures to be
recognized.
For example, archaeologists commonly associate more complex ceramics with
their importance for status or specialized activities. Specifically, Rice notes that artifacts
connected to ritual or elites should show higher degrees of processing of raw materials
and larger amounts of time invested in their production (Costin and Earle 1989: 196;
Feinman 1982; Rice 1987:238). An investigation of labor input versus spatial placement
showed that the sherds from vessels with the greatest labor input were in the most
restricted high-status areas in Oaxaca and New Mexico (Feinman et al.1981:880;
Flannery et al.1967). This supports the idea that ceramic artifacts with greater
processing (called fine processing by Feinman et al. 1981) and greater decoration are
more restricted economically and thus spatially in places where economic separation
occurs. In contrast to this, a lesser degree of processing and lack of decoration on
ceramics had no restrictions on distribution, indicating that it was not something that was
of high value in the Late Postclassic Valley of Oaxaca (Feinman et al.1981: 872-873,
880; Feinman 1982). Feinmans discussion of the ubiquity of these low investment
vessels is supported by Lesure5s finding that domestic artifacts were present in all
structures at Paso de la Amada (Lesure 1999:399). An important distinction between
Rices discussion of vessel use and Lesures is that Lesure discusses the possibility that
serving vessels can be domestic vessels, and Rice does not. She instead lumps all serving
vessels into the same category of fine ware in her Vessel Function chart (Table II-l).
Domestic activities can be broken down much more finely than ritual practices,
and are easier to identify through ceramics than the more restricted ritual practices that
16


may use unique ceramic forms or have no ceramics associated directly with them (Lesure
1999: 394). The reason for this is that domestic activities have a certain amount of
commonality associated with them, the ceramic vessels associated with each activity has
certain known needs, for example a jar to store perishables for a period of time needs to
have a restricted opening so that it can be sealed off or else the perishables can be
compromised. In this research, the primary activities associated with domestic practices
are cooking, storage, informal serving, and food preparation. One precise domestic
activity is easy to identify if there are whole vessels, because the use-wear from cooking
or preparation will be apparent. However, when working with sherds the analyst can use
basic characteristics, such as coarseness of paste and whether the vessels are open versus
closed, to understand a larger picture of what use the space in question was. Also
important to the sherd analysis are Feinman and Rices discussions of the degree of
processing (Feinman et al.1981; Rice 1987). Rice specifically discusses that ceramics
associated with storage and cooking should have a more coarse fabric, due both to less
thorough processing for vessels that are made more frequently and the addition of temper
to increase vessel strength for heavy use. (Rice 1987: Table 7.2) (see Table II-l).
17


Table II-l: Vessel Function Chart (Rice 1987: Table 7.2).
Functional Category Shape Material Surface Treatment and Decoration Depositional Context Frequency Clues
Storage Vessels Restricted forms, orifice modified for pouring or closure; appendages for suspension or movement (tipping) Variable (possible concern for low porosity) Variable for display or messages; slip or glaze to reduce permeability Dwellings (sometimes set into ground); trash middens Low (low replacement): may be reuse of broken or old vessels Residues of stored goods in pores
Cooking )ots Rounded, conical, globular, unrestricted ;generally lacking angles Coarse and porous, thin walls, thermal shock resistant Little to none; surface roughening for handling ease Dwellings, trash middens; rarely in special deposits (e.g. burials) High (frequent replacement) Patterns of exterior sooting or blackenin g; burned contents
Food preparation without tieat) Unrestricted forms, simple shapes Emphasis on mechanical strength; relatively coarse, dense Variable; generally low Dwellings, trash middens Moderate? Internal wear; abrasion or pitting
Serving Unrestricted for easy access; often with handles; flat bases or supports for stability Maybe fine Generally high, for display or symbolic roles Dwellings, trash middens, special deposits (burials, caches) High (frequent use and replacement) Sizes correspond to individual servings or group size
Transport Convenient for stacking; handles; lightweight ;restricted orifice Emphasis on mechanical strength; dense, hard Variable, generally low, slip or glaze to reduce permeability Trash middens, non-domestics (market) areas Variable Uniform size or multiple units of size; residues of contents
18


In archeological study there is a great importance given to unusual items,
particularly incense burners and figures, because they tend to suggest more specific
activities connected to formalized events (Lesure 1999: 402). While the paragraphs
above stress the importance of domestic practices, unusual vessels that are outside of
Rices function table (other than those that can be defined under the serving category)
strongly support formalization and deserve some special attention. The only formalized
events that would be easily seen through domestic ceramics are those associated with
feasting, however individual ritual items that had possibly unique functions and unique
forms from those described by Rice would need to be discussed individually. The
possible connection between the amount of ritual items one building contains compared
to other buildings can give insight into the activities that occurred in the building and the
status of those who lived there.
Rices function table (Table II-l) for different vessel types helps to operationalize
Lesures focus on practices in the analysis of building function. A consideration of the
different characteristics of ceramic wares can be used to reconstruct activitieswhich can
then be more specifically considered against Lesure5 s variables of spatial organization
and formalization. The principles of Feinman et al.s (1981) investment index can be
combined with Rice5 function chart (1987) to determine the daily practices that occurred
in the structure. This allows the study to identify formalized practices as well as
domestic practices and practices arranged by their spatial patterning. By identifying the
range of activities implied by different ceramic forms and types, an analysis can avoid the
problem of characterizing a structure simply by its most obvious artifacts. For example
sherds from extremely high investment vessels can be used to determine the range of
19


activities that took place in a structureas done by Lesure for Mound 32 and by Smith
and David for the Xidi-Sukur house (Lesure 1999: 404; Smith and David 1995: 456).
This way the evidence for one type of activity does not cause an entire structure to be
restrictively labelled as only a ritual, elite, or domestic space .
20


CHAPTER III
BACKGROUND TO THE REGION AND STUDY
Tequila Valley, Jalisco, Mexico
This study focuses on the ceramic assemblages from Circle 5 of the archaeological
site of Navajas. Navajas Circle 5 was excavated in 2003, and is a typical small example
of public architecture during the Late Formative (300 B.C. A.D. 200) and Early Classic
(A.D. 300-500) periods of Jalisco, Mexico. Despite the central importance of this
architecture in the region, and the ceramic dioramas depicting the architecture, the
specific activities associated with the form are still unclear.
This makes Navajas Circle 5 an excellent site to study for answering the research
question of this thesis: what is the function of this public architecture as determined by an
analysis of the practices presented in its ceramic assemblage?
The Teuchitlan Culture Archaeological Timeline
The Teuchitlan culture of Western Mexico is mostly known for its distinctive
surface architecture and subterranean shaft and chamber tombs. The Tequila Valleys of
Jalisco, Mexico were first surveyed by Isabel Kelly inl948, although Carl Lumholtz was
the first to make archaeological observations on the cultures shaft tombs in the early
1900s (Lumholtz 1902, 1903; Kelly 1948). Javier Galvan excavated in the neighboring
Atemajac valley, at the cemetery site of Tabachines, in the 1970s (Galvan 1991).
However, the Teuchitlan culture became better known through the studies of Phil
Weigand (1985). Weigand carried out primarily surface survey until excavating at the
largest known guachimonton site of Los Guachimontones in the town of Teuchitlan from
1999-2010 (Weigand and Weigand 2000). Excavations by Lorenza Lopez and Jorge
21


Ramos at Huitzilapa uncovered an unlooted shaft tomb and various structures on the
surface (Lopez and Ramos 1998). The excavation of a guachimonton group at Llano
Grande by Christopher Beekman (Beekman 2005), and the excavation of parts of the
Navajas guachimonton complex, also by Beekman, have extended the archaeological data
on these structures even further (Beekman et al.2007:6) Several systematic surveys in the
greater area have occurred more recentlyadding more sites to the many that are already
known in mountains and valleys surrounding the Tequila Volcano, though none have
been excavated (see Figure III-l for known guachimonton sites).
22


103 *30'
Figure III-l: Map Of Tequila and Atemajac Valley Systems. The Reporting Bias is
Towards Sites with Public Architecture and Cemeteries. (Beekman 2007: Figure 1.01).
23


The Chronology of the Study Area
The oldest sites in the area include El Openo style tombs, dated to approximately
1400 B.C. and named for the site of El Openo in Michoacan (Oliveros 2009). The El
Openo tombs represent the Early Formative period of Western Mexico and have some
representation in the Tequila Valley in the town of Magdalena. These have no surface
architecture associated with them. The tombs are instead represented by stairway and
chamber tombs that are dug 4m down into the ground by using large steps which lead to a
two chamber tomb (Oliveros 2009:38-41). These step chamber tombs are not the same
type of construction as the later shaft tombsthough in the literature some refer to both as
shaft tombs.
There is a long period in between the El Openo phase in the Early Formative and
the start of the Tequila I phase in the Middle Formative. This period is the least well
documented and has been called the San Felipe phase (Weigand and Weigand 2000:45-
47), recent analysis suggest it should be considered part of the Tequila I phase (Beekman
2010). It is known only from a few sites of large mounds. No other data has been found
connected to these sites and no excavation has been done.
Beginning in the Tequila II phase, a new form of public architecture emerges which
Weigand nicknamed the guachimonton after a local term used for them (Weigand 1985).
The archaeology of the Late Formative and Classic period is known as the Teuchitlan
culture (formerly tradition) because the largest guachimonton site found was right outside
of the town of Teuchitlan in the Tequila valleys. The guachimonton stmctures appear all
over the Tequila valleys and Atemajac valley region, and as far west as Puerto Vallarta
and as far east as Guanajuato, though 90/ of the circular structures are in the Tequila
24


valleys (Beekman 2003:5). One of the most well-known artifacts from the
guachimontones and shaft tombs are hollow ceramic figures which are popular on the art
market, they appear in the earlier shaft tombs continue to appear in the guachimontones
through the Teuchitlan culture period (von Winning and Hammer 1972; Weigand and
Weigand 2000:47). The shaft tombs and the guachimontones continue to be built into the
later phases stretching from Mesoamerican Late Formative to Early Classic periods.
There have been some issues with the many titles for each of these smaller phases of the
Teuchitlan occupation and the phases are different depending on the previous sources
(Beekman and Weigand 2008). The most current chronology of Teuchitlan and Epi-
Classic and Post-Classic phases in the Tequila valleys are a compilation of previous
chronologies from WeigandGalvan and Beekman (Beekman and Weigand 2008) (see
Table III-l).
25


Table III-l: Architectural and Ceramic Chronologies for Tequila Valley based on
Beekman and Weigand 2008:324.
Date Ceramic Phases (based on Beekman and Weigand 2008)
1500
1400 Atemajac
1300
1200
1100 Huistla
1000
900
800 El Grillo
700
600
500 Tequila IV
400
300
200
A.D.100 Tequila III
0
100 B.C.
200 Tequila II
300
The phases of ceramics in the Tequila valley are as follows: Tequila I -1000-300
B.C.Tequila II 300 -100 B.C.Tequila III -100 B.C. A.D. 200, Tequila IV A.D.
200-500, El Grillo A.D. 600 -900, Huistla A.D. 900-1400, Atemajac A.D. 1400-1600
(Beekman and Weigand 2008: 326).
Guachimontones
The guachimontones are a group of four to eighteen platform structures that
normally, ring a large circular step pyramid-altar. Often these platform structures can
have a shaft tomb in the center of them, but this does not occur with all, or even most, of
the guachimontones (Beekman et al.2007, 2003 a, b; Lopez, and Ramos 2006; Weigand
and Weigand 2000). The guachimontones do not always have a central altar. In fact, the
26


central altar is fairly rarethough the central altar is important to several possible ritual
activities (Beekman 2003a). The guachimontones have been described as public
architecture, but what activities occurred in them is not fully known. However, there are
ceramic dioramas that come from the shaft tombs. These ceramic dioramas depict
activities occurring at the structureslike feastspole ritualsand possible musical
ceremonies (Beekman 2003b; Butterwick 2004; von Winning and Hammer 1972).
Archaeologists have previously described rituals that may have taken place at these
structuresbased on these depictionsthough none have done an activity analysis looking
at the different ceramic artifacts of guachimont6n structures and how they could have
been connected to recurring practices (Beekman 2003a, b, 2008; Beekman et al.2007;
Blanco et al.2010; Butterwick 1998; Weigand 1996, 2001).Instead the data about
activities in the area have mostly been pulled from idealized ceramic dioramas, hollow
ceramic figures, some from possibly related codices, and some from ethnographic studies
of possible surviving descendants from the Huichol and Cora (Beekman 2003 a;
Butterwick 1998; von Winning and Hammer 197; Weigand 1997). These theories are
described below in more detail.
Theories about the Guachimonton
Some of the first theories about the guachimonton activities were those based
solely on the shaft tomb figures and their activities. These were outlined by the art
historians von Winning and Hammer (1972). The collection that they used was
extensive, but their conclusions were made in the absence of archaeological data
(Butterwick 2004:18; von Winning and Hammer 1972:28). These comments should not
detract from the detailed analysis that von Winning and Hammer did of the ceramic
27


figures though, their research is currently the most complete on the figures. Phil
Weigand5s interpretations of the guachimonton were some of the first to use
archaeological data, including ceramics, to explain what practices were performed there
(Weigand 1985, 1997). In the majority of his articles, Weigand has noted the link
between the Teuchitlan culture in the Tequila valleys and the Shaft Tombs that appear all
over western Mexico, based on the fact that there are guachimonton platforms with actual
shaft tombs beneath them (Beekman 2003a; Lopez and Ramos 2006; Weigand 1997).
Weigand also noted that the shaft tombs from other areas (most notably the neighboring
state of Nayarit) have ceramic dioramas that depict what appear to be small
guachimontones during rituals (Beekman 2003b; Butterwick 1998, 2004; von Winning
and Hammer 1972: 58-59; Weigand 1985). Most archaeologists of the area believe that in
each shaft tomb the people inside are closely related biologically. Evidence for this was
found at the Huitzilapa excavation, where a genetic syndrome appeared in some of those
buried in the shaft tomb (Lopez and Ramos 1998:69).
One interpretation of the activities in the guachimontones is Kristi Butterwick5 s
study of feastingusing evidence from the figures (1998: 89). Butterwicks analysis of
the models noted many held ceramic vessels which she believed were used for feasting
(Butterwick 1998: 99). Butterwick uses central Mexican codices and ethnographic data
to support these claims. Her analysis of the ceramic figures placed particular importance
on drinking alcohol during feasting. Evidence of the drink pulque, a fermented drink
made from maguey, or something similar, is present in some figures. There is even
evidence of several figures carrying maguey centers to be used for pulque production
(Butterwick 1998: 103). Butterwick also proposes that the figures highlight ancestor
28


worship, stating that the figures were portraits of the deceased. (Butterwick 2004: 21). In
this study Butterwick also discusses the vessels associated with figures and what vessels
were used during rituals. Her findings point to smaller single serving vessels being used
frequently during feasting. The feasting in Butterwick5 s interpretation is all part of
honoring the dead to create a connection to the land through lineage. This makes the
feasting a political act to gain connection to the land.
Beekman5s work on the guachimonton has primarily discussed how the circles are
used for political performance (Beekman 2000). His interpretation of the circle activities
involved with politics has discussed other possible rituals than feasting, but his
conclusions are similar to Butterwicks. Beekman has significantly more archaeological
data to work with which helps the studies he built on guachimonton rituals, though he
still uses the ceramic imagery to support his interpretation (Beekman 1996, 2003 a, b,
2010). The volador ceremony, the ritual of four men climbing up a pole and the jumping
off of it with ropes attached to them, has popularly been connected to the guachimonton
because of the ceramic dioramas that depict guachimontones with poles coming out of
the central altar and people climbing it (Beekman 2003:9; Weigand 1992). Beekman
notes several reasons the volador ceremony is not the same as the one depicted in the
ceramic dioramas and has interpretations involving cosmological aspects of the
guachimontones. Beekman points out from the Llano Grande excavation, that at this
guachimonton with no central altar, it would have been impossible to set up the
ceremony. The spot where the pole is placed does not have enough depth for the pole to
be used like a volador pole (Beekman 2003 b: 302). Beekman points out that the
cosmological design of the guachimonton allows for more than one pole ceremony to be
29


interpreted from the architecture. This design has aspects from several calendrical
ceremonies involving maize and maize growth. Beekman also pointed out that the
structure of the guachimontones are similar to a cross-section of a maize cobperhaps to
symbolically connect the culture even more to the maize growth cycle (Beekman 2003a:
13).
The guachimonton also exhibit both the quadripartite separation of the world and
the three layer world views that were common across Mesoamerica (Beekman 2003 a:
12). The quadripartite design is most apparent in the simpler four platform guachimonton
design, and the higher platform numbers do not change this. There is almost always an
even number of platforms that can be separated into four parts (Beekman 2003 a: 11).
This symbolism is mirrored in the decorative works on the ceramics of the Teuchitlan
tradition, where there is a common motif of large crosses sectioning off the bowls, or for
a set of four squares to be connected similarly to the four platform guachimonton. While
this study does not investigate this, there is a large amount of symbolism to be studied on
the Teuchitlan ceramic vessels. The other aspect of the Mesoamerican world view is that
it is formed of three vertical layers; a higher realm up in the sky, the middle realm which
is the earth, and the underworld. This is also easy to understand, with the central altar of
the guachimonton symbolizing the connection to the higher realm, the patios where the
rituals take place symbolizing the present earth, and the previously mentioned shaft-
tombs representing the underworld (Beekman 2003a: 12). This broad interpretation of
the guachimonton symbology means that other pole ceremonies involving the functions
of the world can be applied as well, instead of just the volador ceremony. These studies
are based off of the ceramic dioramas, historical records, codices, and archaeological
30


data. However, the studies do not discuss the possible day to day practices of the
guachimonton.
The Current Ceramic Data for the Area
This study bases the majority of its ceramic descriptions off of prior research.
The ware names, typologies and form descriptions come primarily from four sources.
Galvans excavation of the Tabachines cemetery led him to gather a great deal of data
about the ceramics that were in the burials. This led to his definition of the first three
wares that are used in this study: Colorines ware, Tabachines ware, and Arroyo Seco
ware. Galvan designated them by the finish, the thickness of the vessels, and decoration
(Galvan 1991). The Colorines ware was the largest, thickest and had decoration that was
not well executed. The Arroyo Seco ware was a moderately thick ware usually covered in
thick red paint either as large bands or almost like a slip. The Tabachines ware was the
smallest, thinnest ceramics and had excellently executed designs.
Meredith Aronsona materials scientistthen used Lralvans data and did a further
analysis on the paste, the forms, and the possible uses of these ceramics based on their
paste and form (Aronson 1993). While Aronson did not add any types or wares, she
made several exploratory tests to determine how these pots may have been used, which
will be used in this study. Aronson found that the three wares were consistently different
from one another, not just as Galvan described by size, thickness and design, but also in
their evidence of use. The Colorines ware vessels almost always showed use, sometimes
heavy use in this context. The Tabachines ware showed moderate use-wear, but no
aggressive activities were indicated like grinding or cooking. Oddly, the Arroyo Seco
ware vessels had little to no evidence of use-wear on them. This lack of use-wear on the
31


Arroyo Seco is particularly distinctive because their shape, size, and simple designs
would normally point to more utilitarian vessels.
Beekman attempted to reconcile the wares and types defined by Galvan with the
types that Weigand had previously defined but never published (Beekman 1996).
Beekman generally retained the ware names from Galvan, but used the type names given
by Weigand to the representative red on cream type within each ware (Beekman and
Weigand 2000). The other contribution Beekman made besides synthesis was to add a
fourth ware to the ceramic typological system, known as Estolanos ware (Beekman 1996:
496). Beekman did not develop global descriptions of the wares at this time, and his
research goals were strictly chronological. This typology was later published with the
addition of photos obtained by Weigand of whole vessels from the region (Beekman and
Weigand 2000). One of the main resources for this study was this text. Aronson came
closest in these studies to connecting the ceramics from the Tabachines cemetery to
actual practices. However, since Galvan^ dataset did not come (directly) from the
guachimontones, these possible practices were not connected to the Teuchitlan culture
surface architecture.
The Site of Navajas
The archaeological site of Navajas is located approximately a kilometer to the
south and uphill from the town of Santa Maria de las Navajas, in the southeast corner of
the Tequila Valleys (Figure III-2). Navajas is approximately an hour by car southwest of
Guadalajara, Jalisco and approximately 30 minutes by car southeast of Los
Guachimontones. The site is one of the earliest of the Teuchitlan culture and is
radiocarbon dated from 50 BC to AD 200, this is believed to be one occupation and there
32


was no evidence for a later culture to have occupied the site. At this site, there have been
approximately ten guachimontones identified, two of which were excavated, Circle 1 and
Circle 5 during the 2003 Tequila Valley Regional Archaeology Project (Beekman et al.
2007:10). These guachimontones are located in the central area of the site of Navajas,
which is a large and expansive Teuchitlan culture site.
Circle 5 has eight platforms and one central altar (Figure III-3). The occupation
of Circle 5 is short and it is believed that the structures were all constructed at the same
time (Beekman et al.2007: 96). As previously statedthis is the standard arrangement
and the standard construction method of the guachimontones. Six of the eight platforms
and the altar were excavated through horizontal excavation using 2x2m units. The two
other structures contained looters pits that would have compromised data for the
excavation. The squares for the excavation of each structure and the patio were 2x2m and
covered each structure and a sample area of the patio. The six platforms are not identical
and had different heights, room layouts, and sizes (Beekman et al.2007:23). Due to the
large ceramic assemblage, its typical guachimonton layout and the fact that most of the
structures were excavatedCircle 5 is an ideal setting to develop more practice-centered
interpretations of the circles, and to evaluate prior interpretations of those activities.
33


Figure III-2: The Surveyed Site of Navajas, a Kilometer to the South of the Town of
Santa Maria de las Navajas. (Beekman Et Al.2007: Figure 1.02).
34


35


CHAPTER IV
METHODS CHAPTER
This artifact analysis was done to understand if the activities in the guachimonton
structures can be determined by using a practice based analysis investigating the ceramic
activities present. Also, if these functions can be determined, what does this mean about
the purpose of the guachimontons? What kind of social functions could some of these
activities indicate?
Excavation Results
The excavations at Circle 5 took place in 2003 under the direction of Dr.
Christopher Beekman with four other trained archaeologists helping to direct individual
structure excavations (Beekman et al.2007). The seven structures excavated all involved
somewhat similar sizes and similar constructions. The structures were all built within a
kind of guachimonton platform template involving two narrowly spaced phases of
constructionthe inner stone wall phase that outlines the room (or rooms) and the terrace
phase that forms a terrace surrounding the inner room. Most of the buildings were formed
of large boulders, with raw packed clay around the stones, referred to as slump with a
form of bamboo used to create walls. Then on the exterior a fired clay, referred to as
bajareque was used to seal in the walls (Beekman 2007: 98). How the bajareque was fired
is currently unknown, and to add to the confusion of how it was created is the fact that
there was little evidence of charcoal and no hearths at Navajas, in fact no hearths have
been noted at any known guachimont6n. Not all of the structures had these construction
materialsnotably 5-2, 5-6, and 5-7 all were missing at least one of the construction
materials, 5-2 showed no sign of slump, 5-6 was very small and had little to no slump or
36


bajarequeand 5-7 also lacked slump (Beekman 2007: 99). These differences in details,
but not the overall template, is mimicked by the ceramic distribution found, where all
structures had similar percentages of ceramicsbut the actual amounts and types varied
greatly.
The Circle 5 excavation revealed a large collection of ceramic sherds associated
with it in comparison to some other guachimontones (particularly those found on the
western side of the Tequila Valleys), totaling 51770g of sherds from the excavated
platforms and altar (Beekman 2006:247). This is a good sample size of ceramics to
consider possiDle activities in these structures. While a preliminary ceramic analysis
took place in 2003, a second ceramic analysis was done in the summer of 2011 with the
Tequila Valley Regional Archaeological Project lab season, the second ceramic analysis
was used for this thesis.
The previous work in the area, discussed in the last chapter, developed a
combined type-variety and modal analysis on the ceramics (Beekman 1996; Galvan
1991). It was formally published first in 1996 in an effort to synthesize the different
types of ceramic research that had been done previously (Beekman 1996, Beekman and
Weigand 2000). The data from the types and modes has been modified since then, though
most of the modifications are still unpublished. The wares discussed in the last chapter
are important to this research and are referred to frequently henceforth. This is not a full
description of types or wares found at Navajas, as this has been presented before
(Beekman 199b, Beekman and Weigand 2000). Instead only ceramic information
relevant to the thesis is offered.
37


How the Sherd Activity Analysis Works
This spatial analysis compares the structures and patio of Circle 5. The analysis will use
the culturally defined built spaces for units: the platforms, altar, rooms and patio.
The analysis presented here aims to place different wares and types into broad
functional categoriesand evaluate the variation found across the seven structures of
Circle 5. A specific graph from Rices book is particularly useful for vessel form
function and is used with caution to help understand possible activities associated with
the ceramic collection (Rice 1987:238). The graph is useful for giving very general
definitions to vessel forms. However, the graph is not meant for sherd analysis and only
has a minimalistic description of what the pastes may be like for certain vessel types. To
quote Rice on the usage of this chart, it should only be used in an "amplified, idealized
waynot as a blueprint to determine entire specific wares and define specific functions
(Rice 1987:237) (see Table II-l).
Vessels are the primary source for function analysis in pottery source books and
articles. This study, as previously mentioned, looks at the activity area analysis with
pottery sherds. This was primarily decided because of the sheer amount of sherds at the
site. Some researchers caution against creating an activity analysis off of a sherd,
because of the variability of the activities associated with them and because sherds are
often displaced from their original activity area (Sinopoli 1991:85-88). Particularly the
point that is normally made is that when vessels are broken, the sherds are then removed
from the activity area and deposited in a midden. However, considering the extensive
amount of sherds used in this studyand the general space of each of the structuresthe
argument that spatial analysis will not show anything relevant is not applicable. This
38


study aims to develop observations about long-term accumulated activities rather than the
specifics associated with single whole vessels and will only give general activity pattern
analysis drawing specific conclusions only off of works that have been previously done
on similar ceramics in the region (Aronson 1993; Beekman and Weigand 2000;
Butterwick 1998; Furst 1998). The use of the basic information of this analysis for
activity suggestions should be reasonable. There were four primary attributes taken from
each sherd: processing, form, rims, and surface enhancements were the basis for this
study because they can be tied to functional uses of ceramics.
The differences in the quantities of ceramics, measured by the weight and the counts
of the artifacts between buildings, might indicate that there were important differences
between the groups using the buildings. Differences in quantity of material could
indicate that the buildings had different levels of activity or the groups who occupied
them had greater access to pottery than others in their circles.
The approach to activity analysis extrapolated in the Theory chapter, suggests that
different distributions of functionally specific wares should show what activities were
occurring and specifically how these activities compare to other structures within the
same architectural unit. Circle 5 has eight platforms surrounding an altar, and for this
study comparing the activities found in each structure to one another was the most
important part of the ceramic analysis. This allows for different evidence of activities to
be compared, instead of simply identifying the most frequent activity evidence.
The final stage of analysis explores the possible variation in activities between the
front and back rooms of the platforms. This was in an effort to investigate any intra-
stmcture differences. The study of the Xidi-Sukur house used data similarly, looking at
39


the different rooms and comparing the Xidi-Sukur house layout of activity areas to the
residential houses surrounding it (Smith and David 1995). However, one of the best
known studies came from the front room/back room analysis in Bourdieus Algerian
household. (Bourdieu 1973). The analysis proceeded by identifying a series of important
variables, detailed below.
Variables
A master code document was used for the 2011 study that was based on the 2003
ceramic analysis code sheet. There is a numeric code on that document for each variable
mentioned here. These codes are primarily important for the ceramic types that are
discussed later in this chapter and at greater length in the results chapter. This is because
these codes are the basis for the statistical analysis, and several other ceramic studies
since the 2011 laboratory season have used them as well. In the results chapter, the code
for each ware and type is in parenthesis next to its title.
Processing
When the sherd is first analyzed, the surface and paste are probably the two most
important factors in determining how well processed it was. One of the main
distinguishing factors for paste can be how well the clay has been refined. The
improvement of clay for a vessel can take several paths, though they all go back to the
water to clay relationship (Rice 1987:55). How clay is exposed to water determines how
easily the potter can manipulate the clay. This is called plasticity, and potters use
different levels of plasticity for different vessel forms (Rice 1987: Figure 3.4.). A better
filtered clay can indicate that the vessel was to have a special status. Feinmans
production step index found that processing of the raw material to achieve a finer paste is
40


a step that can add to the value of the vessel production (Feinman et al.1981:874). This is
one variable among many and later variables can shift what the purpose/use of the vessel.
Several different procedures are involved in the clay refinement steps of ceramic
production. Not all of the procedures are done every time though, and the differences in
procedures are determined by factors like whether the clay is already high quality without
refinement and/or if the end result is compromised by a certain procedure. The normal
procedures for clay refinement are filtering out unwanted inclusions, kneading the clay,
and adding temper. Each of these procedures can be done differently, and some
procedures are considerably more labor intense in their cleaning, tempering, and
kneading the raw clay than others. Some cultures have traditions and religious
significance attached to the gathering and preparation of their ceramic clay, like the
month that someone harvested the clay, the gender of the people gathering the clay, or the
exact process of clay preparation for ceramic production (Rice 1987: 117-118; Shepard
1954:51-53). This information is not available for the Teuchitlan people, but there is
information that sherds can show about the clay processing. The first step done to clay is
cleaning and it ranges in difficulty and refinement from simply spreading the clay out in a
thin layer and then beating any larger inclusions and globs into finer particles with feet or
a hard object, to the process of hydration sieving that uses water to separate particles in
the clay out into different layers of density leaving few to almost no visible inclusions in
the clay (Rice 1987:20; Shepard 1954: 51). The former example is a popular process in
Mexico among traditional potters, and groups use this method even now (Shepard
1954:51). There are certain visual indications of different clay cleaning techniques.
Typically the higher the amount of cleaning means the greater the amount of uniformity
41


in the size of the inclusions, and the greater the density of the clay in the sherd profile.
Greater cleaning decreases the amount of visible inclusions in a sherd profile.
The process of tempering can be skipped if the potters feel the clay has the right
amount of plasticity relative to aplastic inclusions and refinement based upon the
naturally occurring inclusions in the clay. Tempering is when certain inclusions, chosen
for their effect on shrinkage of the clay during the drying and their ability to support
during thermal structure shock and stress of the vessel during useare inserted into the
clay after it has been cleaned. The inclusions are then called temper or non-plastics
(Shepard 1954:53). Inorganic and organic temper can be used to help give clay different
levels of plasticity and avoid cracking due to shrinkage during drying and firing. The use
of temper in clay stops or slows the shrinkage that occurs between the clay and water,
tempering the movement and density of the clay to give vessels greater strength during
and after firing. The inclusions can also go through a process of cleaning and grinding
similar to the clay (Shepard 1954:52). There are some potters who choose to clean and
refine the clay with the temper already added into it to get the right density and plasticity
they want to form their vessels. It is easy to see the inclusions in a clay matrix from the
profile of a sherd, though it is more difficult to decide what temper is and what is a
natural inclusion. There are several points to remember about temper when trying to
choose between whether what is in the clay matrix is a naturally occurring part of the clay
make-up or something added in to reduce clay shrinkage. The three main concerns are
how angular the temper is and how large the temper is in the clay and how well sorted is
the temper. Often larger angular inclusions can indicate either poorly cleaned primary
clay deposit or that the clay was not cleaned with the temper in it and that the temper that
42


was added crushed prior to inclusion. The opposite of this, rounded small inclusions, can
indicate overly refined temper or clay that has been well cleaned and only has smaller
natural inclusions left or that the clay is from a secondary deposit. Petrographic analysis
helps differentiate between the two and show possible sources for the clay and temper
present (Shepard 1954:53).
Another common occurrence during clay processing is for the clay to be
compressed repeatedly to remove any air bubbles that might form unseen in the clay
slabs. One of the main problems with air bubbles is that firing can make the air bubble
burst and either damage or destroy the ceramic vessel. The process is called kneading,
and involves similar mechanics to a baker kneading bread, though the clay kneading can
be more aggressive and the end result for a potter is that no or little air is left in the clay,
while a baker kneads to add more air. If there are no problems with the sherd, it does not
look melted, or misshapen, nor has air spaces in the profile, and then the clay used for the
vessel was kneaded before firing to eliminate possible damage from air bubbles. There
are a variety of ways to knead, including more complex ways that include cutting the clay
into smaller pieces and then reattaching them to mix the clay better and get rid of air
bubbles, but it is difficult to know if anything more complex than simple kneading
occurred (Rice 1987: 121-124).
The problem with trying to notice anything but the most basic clay processing
occurring in a sherd profile is that there is such a range of procedures that it would be
foolish to try and pontificate over the exact method of clay processing (Rice 1987:115;
Shepard 1953:5154). There are some native groups who have been connected to the
Teuchitlan culture in previous publications, particularly the Huichol and the Cora, though
43


the great differences between these two cultures, should express how unlikely it is that
they continued using the same ancestral methods of pottery manufacturing for over 2000
years, even if it was considered traditional (Weigand 1969). However, while specific
comparisons (like the gender of the pottery user) will not be made between the
Cora/Huichol and the Teuchitlan, general connections are used to suggest some of the
possible activities connected to the ceramic assemblages in this study.
Trying to analyze the sherds by their surfaces in relation to the clay processing is
difficult, considering the decorations that is commonly on ceramic surfaces. The profile
of the sherd gives far more information about the clay manufacturing. The profile can
have a certain texture that ranges from an almost chalky texture to a gravelly texture. A
chalky texture often indicates a cleaner type of clay and increased processing with finer
temper, whereas the gravel like texture indicates a clay that is not as fine and had less
processing with coarser temper. The profile gives the best examples of the temper used:
well processed clay could have temper that was chosen for it, while clay that is poorly
processed (or purposefully left unprocessed) might have temper that felt to the touch like
uneven rocks and in the case of the Tequila Valleys fragments of sharp obsidian. If the
profile has empty spaces that are uneven, it can also indicate poor processing or organic
temper, because spaces can indicate tiny pockets of air. Spaces that occur from organic
inclusions burnt out of the irregular spaces, which may retain the shape of the plant
matter that was in the clay. The color of the clay in the profile can indicate the amount of
processing as well. However, this variable is strongly affected by the firing temperature.
The better processed the clay the denser it can be and the denser the clay, the harder it is
to fire out all of the organic material and start the process of activating the iron in the clay
44


to change its color (Rice 1987: Figure 4.3, 343). Not burning out all of the organics could
leave a large black line in the clay or possibly leave the entire sherd profile black, though
the core can happen because of a number of firing elements. If the clay is too dense to
allow the heat to cause a chemical reaction with the iron, the clay might only fire to a
whiteream color. Howeverfiring is extremely variable and using color to determine
firing temperature or duration is difficult (Rice 1987: 107, 343-345).
Paste color can help for determining wares from the Circle 5 assemblage. The
distinct color of the Arroyo Seco ware was one of the easiest to identify, since it was a
light red-grey color and the vessels all had a similar amount of carbon streak left in them
(Beekman et al.2007:170). The Arroyo Seco ware is the only ware in which the color of
the paste and the color of its surface treatment are the most important factors to
identifying the ware (see Figure V-9). The only ware local to the area that has an orange-
red hue is the Colorines ware. However, the Colorines ware can also be a cream color,
like the Tabachines and Estolanos ware, which makes it difficult to sort these sherds into
ware groupings without a loupe present. For these three wares, the easiest way to sort
them is by the amount of clay cleaning and temper processing that took place. Highly
dense pieces, with a thin, blurry carbon streak and barely visible temper are usually
Tabachines ware. Dense looking sherds, with large cores, a grey tint to the paste, and
small temper was often the Estolanos ware. Orange, red, ombre orange to red, an ombre
cream to red-orange or just cream colored paste, with a variety of inclusions and low clay
cleaning define the Colorines ware.
All four of the wares identified during the 2011 season were best identified by
paste. While the Tabachines ware, Estolanos ware, and Colorines ware were best
45


identified by their amount of clay cleaning and different tempers/inclusions, the Arroyo
Seco ware is best identified by its clay color and core size.
Form
Form is considered during the second stage of analysis and after the initial sort
into wares. The sherds were then sorted into open, closed, or jar neck vessels. Open
vessels, sometimes called unrestricted vessels, are usually defined by the rim or orifice
having the greatest diameter on the vessel. The most common open forms are bowls,
which are one third the height of their diameter and might have lips on their rims, but
never have necks (Rice 1987: 216). Closed vessels, sometimes referred to as restricted
vessels, are defined by the rim and rim neck having a smaller diameter than the body of
the vessel (Rice 1987: 212). The most common closed vessel forms in the study area are
jars, which are vessels with a height greater than its diameter and a neck to its rim (Rice
1987:216). Ajar neck can be identified by seeing if the sherd in question has curvature
both horizontally and vertically. It is important to note that for this analysis the jar neck
sherds were sorted into the closed vessel form, since they are just a more specific subset
of a closed vessel. The reason for the specific sort of jar necks is because jars are the
most common form of closed vessel in the area, and the neck gives a separate range of
data, like how large the vessel opening is and possibly what the vessel was used for.
When looking at sherds, particularly body sherds, determining form becomes
considerably harder because the traditional ways of determining an open or closed vessel
are not available. A definition of open and closed had to be devised that could be applied
to sherds. Body sherds were determined to be closed or open based on the amount of
finishing that was done to the interior of the sherd. Well finished interiors with smoothed
46


surfaces or slip or designs fall into the open vessel category, while sherds with unfinished
interiors were determined to be part of the closed vessel category. The reasoning for this
is that a closed vessels restricted neck would not allow for the potter to reach inside the
pot to completely finish the interior well or at all. This has been supported by the study
of the whole vessel collections both at Navajas in 2011 and other studies with whole
vessel collections in the Tequila Valley area (Beekman and Weigand 2000). The most
difficult part of this process is that the sherds can be too eroded making it difficult to see
if the interiors were finished. For this level of difficulty, longer observation time of the
sherd interior with a loupe was required and possibly even re-cleaning the sherd. Another
category of undetermined was used for those sherds that simply could not be identified as
either open or closed.
The form of the vessel has been given much attention for activity analysis.
Previous studies go into more depth about how certain forms are more convenient for
certain activities. In an article by Henrickson and MacDonald (1983:633), a detailed
study was done on the functionality of vessel forms in the African Great Lakes region.
The results of the study discuss some generalities that can be used for other vessel
analysis. For instance the widest diameter of the vessels body can give information about
the possibility of the vessel being for serving, cooking, storage or solely visual purposes.
Also, the opening of the rim of the vessel provides information about the ability of the
vessel to be used for cooking, storage or serving. Some of these studies come up with
very simple ruleslike larger closed vessels are often used for long term storage and
smaller volume vessels that are closed are for short term storage (Rice 1987:236).
47


Rims
The next important characteristic to determine is whether the sherd is a rim sherd
or not. This is usually fairly easy to determine but the more that remains of the vessel
below the rim the easier it will be to determine the form and whether the vessel was open
or closed. The rim can be used for deciding several factors; what are recurring rims in
the assemblage, what are the most common vessel sizes as determined by the rim
diameter, and the differences between the closed and open vessels can be understood
better than with just body sherds (Rice 1987:216). The study during the 2011 laboratory
season used a previously collected rim classification done during the survey of the La
Venta Corridor that gives each rim grouping in the study area a different identifying
number (Beekman 1996). During this study there were several new rims identified that
were given numbers continuing from the earlier collection.
Rim diameters feature prominently in studies of vessel function, because the
diameter of the rim gives certain details about the ability for the vessel to be used for
storage, cooking, transportation, and serving. Possibly the only activity that rim form and
rim diameters cannot address are ritual uses except for serving vessels connected to
feasting, but there can be other indications of activities such as incense burning
(Henrickson and MacDonald 1983). Even the terminology for the greater form of a
vessel, whether it is closed or open, is based on the restriction or lack thereof of the rim
(Rice 1987:214).
Bases
Sherds that are part of bases are helpful to understand what activities might have
been present in the structure. Bases on vessels can have use-wear from food processing
48


(like grinding or small cut marks), or cooking in them which provides information about
their use. The bases can also show extensive damage that can inform about their use as
well, like fire damage. The absence of extensive use-wear is also informative, particularly
if the vessel has no use wear on the inside or outside of the base (Rice 1987: 235). With
sherds this is more difficult, and even if usewear is present it is rarely clear on what part
of the vessel it may have occurred on, this can be because of the rounded bases like the
ones found primarily in the Navajas Circle 5 assemblage and because the sherds are so
eroded that the angles necessary to determine the sherd5 s placement are not apparent.
However, there are some basic things that can be understood from base sherds, such as
the type of base (convex, concave, flat, ring, pedestal, tripod, tetrapod) or whether the
vessel was opened or closed. These base types give information about the type of
activities that the vessel could have been used for. However, the collection from Navajas
has some problems with identifying bases. Basal break sherds were far less likely to be
found, or identified than rim sherds in this collection. No particular form had more basal
pieces than any other. All of the wares had low amounts of base sherds in the assemblage.
Bases are valuable for vessel function analysis if available. However, if a sherd
of a base is found, it is often difficult to tell the difference between it and a regular body
sherd, because the majority of the bases for the Teuchitlan tradition were rounded, much
like the body sherds are. The vessel function analysis depends heavily on bases to
determine not only activities like cooking, but specifics like the style of cooking the
vessel was used for (Rice 1987:237).
49


Surface Enhancement
Surface enhancement or decoration can help understand vessel uses. The types of
decoration on ceramics are vast. Types that are most popular in the study area are
painting, polishing, incising, engraving, and additions to the vessel surface (Rice
1987:146-148). Decoration, even on a sherd, is particularly important for assessing
chronology and understanding vessel use. The more intricate the decoration on a vessel
the greater the time investment on the vessel, and thus an added importance.
Throughout the analysis any sherd with a surface enhancement beyond a simple
smoothing of the exterior was noted. Sherds were thereby assigned to types within the
larger ware categories discussed above (Ex: Tabachines Red, Tabachines Red on Cream,
etc.). This includes types that can indicate that the sherd has paint on it, but there is
sometimes no way to tell if the paint was a small part of a slip or a piece of a design.
Well preserved sherds with complex designs found during analysis were noted in the
database as well and some were photographed to support previous typological
descriptions. As mentioned above and in the Theory chapterFeinmans production
index assigns values to certain types of decoration, the greater the decoration and
difficulty of decoration the higher the production value (Feinman et al.1981).A similar
method was used with the Navajas sherds and the different types from the Tequila
valleys. Certain types, due to their complexity and greater surface treatment steps
(polishing, interior-exterior designs, bi-colored designs) have been assigned a more
prestigious place, particularly the Oconahua Red on Cream type which combines fancy
designs with highly processed paste. Some of this value can be seen in previous
publications, and the investment in better executed and more complex vessel designs
50


should factor into their theorized use (Weigand and Beekman 2000). For the vessels from
Navajas Circle 5 the designs were also noted, pictured and drawn. All the specific types
within wares are outlined in more detail in the Results Chapter.
Certain types of decoration can tell a great deal about the function of the vessel.
Often vessels with more extensive decoration and a general lack of use could imply that
the vessel is only for visual or ritual/presentation purposes. However, many other surface
enhancements are not present only for presentation but have functional benefits such as
control of porosity or the ability to grip the vessel without slipping. The most common
surface enhancements are burnishing and smoothing, which help to reduce with porosity
of the vessels (Henrickson and MacDonald 1983:634). The grip improving surface
enhancements were not seen in this analysis at all. Thus, the aspects of surface
enhancements are also important for understanding possible activities that the vessels
were connected to.
Prior Research
In an article by Blanco et al.(2010)pursuing a similar study of ceramic use from
the Los Guachimontones project, the authors use the graph from Rice as the mechanism
for sorting both sherds and vessels. It places types strictly into this schema (Blanco et al.
2010).
This thesis differs from Blanco and colleagues in several respects, beginning with
the names of the wares and types. The Blanco et al.article utilizes three wares
Oconahua, Teuchitlan, and Ahualulco that were defined by their functional analysis and
assessment of paste coarseness (Blanco et al 2010: 90-93). The authors use existing type
and ware names differently from prior publications (e.g. Beekman and Weigand 2000)
51


and do not provide illustrations or photos of their types. There is also no explanation for
the change in ware and type descriptions in their study. This thesis uses the four wares
and various type names from existing sources, all of which were done with technical
attributes of the pottery in mind and with some analysis of the differences in paste
(Aronson 1993; Beekman and Weigand 2000; Beekman 1996; Galvan 1991). They also
rely heavily on usewear more than consistency in paste to define their wares and types.
However, as previously noted, usewear is not evident on many sherds and is sometimes
difficult to determine since the sherds location on the vessel is difficult to confidently
identify. An example of this occurred during this study, when several sherds were noted
to have evidence of sooting. But the location of sooting leads to different interpretations;
if sooting is on the side of a vessel it indicates a different use than if the sooting occurred
only on the bottom of the vessel (Rice 1987:235).This thesis relies heavily on the paste
analysis by loupe for sorting between the four wares. Because of these differences in
background and method, the work by Blanco and colleagues was not used for the ceramic
analysis in this study.
This methods chapter highlights the main procedure for sorting the sherds and the
main attributes that are accounted for in the sherd tables for Navajas Circle 5. Forms,
rims, rim diameters, bases, and decoration were the primary attributes that led to a ware
and type designation. Other attributes, like possible usewear and decoration outside of
the normal types highlighted in the Results Chapter were written in the notes section of
the chart. The wares and types were then used to try to distinguish between different
possible activities that are explained in the Results Chapter.
52


CHAPTER V
RESULTS OF THE 2011 CERAMIC ANALYSIS
As discussed in the methods chapter these results come from the ceramic analysis
of Navajas Circle 5. The ceramic analysis involved an extensive study of this assemblage
and all results were recorded in Excel and then analyzed using primarily Excel though
SPSS was used for a chi-square analysis.
This chapter looks at the data from Circle 5 following the methodology described
in Chapter IV. The numbers and statistics used all come from the weight data from the
ceramic analysis unless otherwise noted. The first part of this chapter goes over the wares
that were found and what defined them in the assemblage. The wares found were all
previously discussed in the background to the region and study chapter, and are expanded
upon here with new information from the Circle 5 assemblage. In the sections about the
wares a description of their possible use is included. Beneath the ware category the
fineness of the vessel, the forms of the vessels and the types that were found in the
ceramic assemblages are listed along with their descriptions from previous research
(Beekman and Weigand 2000). The wares and types are not described here in detail to
avoid duplicating previous research, and are only used as a framework to present the
activity analysis.
The second section of this chapter uses a framework proposed by Lesure (1999)
to understand the different activities occurring at Circle 5. This framework consists of
three categories; formalization, spatial organization, and domestic activities.
53


Ceramic Wares and Types that Appear at Navajas Circle 5
The ceramic types that were identified primarily fell into types that had been
described previously by prior ceramic analyses of in the Tequila Valley area (Aronson
1996; Beekman and Weigand 2000). The wares that were present at Navajas Circle 5
include the Tabachines, Colorines, Estolanos and Arroyo Seco wares (see Table V-l).
The types present are thought to have been found primarily in the Tequila III phase,
according to the current chronological sequence (Beekman and Weigand 2008). The
wares from this time period have been discussed previously, and are found outside of the
Tequila Valleys (Beekman 1996; Aronson 1993). However, the use associated with each
ware has not been fully developed. Part of this study was to try and further develop
connections between wares and the activities associated with them. The results of
different ware and type distributions per structure give insight into the activities that took
place in the guachimont6n structures.
Table V-l: Circle 5 Ware Weights from Structures. _____________________________
Ware Weights in Grams
Tabachines Estolanos Arroyo Seco Colorines
2649 1625 13271 28786
Table V-2: Each Ware's Percentage of Closed and Open Sherds at Circle 5 by Weight.
Percentage of Closed to Open Sherds by Ware
Tabachines Estolanos Arroyo Seco Colorines
Open Closed Open Closed Open Closed Open Closed
89.04% 10.96% 81.25% 18.75% 68.92% 31.08% 26.88% 73.12%
Tabachines Ware
The Tabachines ware is the finest form of ceramic vessel found in the Tequila
Valleys Late Formative and Classic periods. They are so carefully made and fashioned
that they have been described as graceful in formAronson 1997:164). The specific
54


Tequila Valley phases that are associated with the Tabachines ware are Tabachines II and
Tabachines 1111 (300 BC-AD 500). The Tabachines ware has been noted many times as a
distinctive ceramic ware of the Western Mexico region, first by Isabel Kelley (1948: 58-
61)as the Ameca Grey ware and then by Stanley Long (1966).
Tabachines ware is usually easy to identify from its cream colored paste and
delicate composition that is prone to breakage when compromised by force, water, or
overly vigorous cleaning. Washing the surface of the finely decorated Tabachines sherds
will often remove a great deal of the surface treatment and washing the paste can cause
the paste to erode. The paste is uniform with similar inclusions repeated in the profile and
is so well cleaned and sifted that the paste looks dense with few to no air pockets (see
Figure V-l). The inclusions include hematite, black obsidian fragments, and white sand.
Most of the temper in Tabachines ware appears rounded and are small compared to the
temper from other wares. Tabachines ceramics are also easily identified because they
frequently, about half of the time, have a very dense, thin black carbon streak that
contrasts with the cream paste. Tabachines paste was primarily used to make open
shallow bowls with slightly divergent rims.
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Figure V-l: Tabachines Paste from Navajas Circle 5.
Typical Forms Previous work on the Tabachines ware has noted that they are
formed by thin coils allowing for the creation of thinner and finer looking bowls
(Butterwick 2004: 26; Aronson 1993). This is true of the Tabachines ware at Navajas as
well. It had the smallest on average weight at 3.5g per sherd. It also was so well
smoothed and then later polished that there was no evidence of coil corrugation on the
surfaces.
In the Navajas Circle 5 assemblage 89 percent of the Tabachines sherds were
open and 10 percent were closed (Table V-l:Circle 5 Ware Weights from Structures.).
The Tabachines rims are straight or slightly inward curving, and usually rounded. These
rims were identified in the La Venta survey (Beekman 1996: 455-467). More rims were
identified during the 2011 ceramic analysis. The average rim diameter for the open
vessel Tabachines ware was 18.70cm and the closed vessel average rim diameter was
56


10.17cm. This data indicates how large the vessels were and shows how the Tabachines
paste was being used to form smaller, open bowls and the (rare) small, closed vessels.
Tabachines is the paste that is connected to the solid figurines from the Tequila
Valleys. However, after examining the figures it seems that not all of the figures were
made from Tabachines paste, instead a slightly rougher ware, the Estolanos ware, is used
for the large hollow figures and the Tabachines ware is used for the smaller solid figures
(Figure V-2, Figure V-3).
Figure V-2: Fragment of Figurine Made of Tabachines Paste.
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Figure V-3: Fragment of Hollow Figure with Estolanos Paste.
The potters use of Tabachines paste for making solid figurines suggests that at
least one of its primary uses was for ritual activities. All of the Tabachines types should
be connected to some sort of ritual use or a prestige good because of their high
processing, complex and well executed decoration, high polish, porosity, and evidence of
attempts to mend the bowls when they break (Beekman 1996:474). The descriptions of
the ware, highlight the majority of the sherds being open and only limited usewear; this
would also place these bowls into the serving vessel category of Rice5 s Vessel Function
Chart (Table II-l). However, as this study shows the placement of the Tabachines does
not seem to be restricted to any one space in Circle 5 despite many indications that its
only purpose was for rituals and serving.
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Tabachines Types
Table V-3: Major Types of Tabachines at Circle 5 by Weight.
Tabachines Types Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar
Polished Black-1 0 0 7 4 0 1 6
Cream-5 923 60 8 34 7 26 25
Oconahua Red on White-17/18 191 122 5 52 41 12 39
Oconahua Red-20 60 69 20 13 17 30 35
General-555 271 112 15 219 37 7 5
General Tabachines (Code 555) This is the code given to sherds that have no surface
left but are identified as Tabachines ware by the paste. This occurred often in the
assemblages (see Table V-3).
Oconahua (Code 17,18, and 20) The Oconahua types are possibly the most well-
known in the Teuchitlan Culture. Red designs across a cream, white, or orange
background are the trademark of Oconahua bowls. The orange background is from firing
variation and does not seem to occur intentionally; for instance the orange does not
happen in a pattern or only in a certain area of the bowl. The most common form is an
open bowl with a slightly inward curved walls leading to a rounded or sometimes pointed
rim. The Oconahua bowls are separated into two different varieties, Red on White
Simple and Complex (Beekman 1996:455). There has also been a Red on White Fugitive
Oconahua ware described, but these were not present in the Navajas Circle 5 collection
(Beekman 1996:475).
Once a Tabachines sherd was identified, an Oconahua piece could be specified by
the presence of painted red on the surface of the sherd at all. If there was red paint on the
sherd, even a small mark, it was considered a part of the Oconahua type. The Simple
Oconahua (code 17) bowls have designs of red borders and bands on cream background.
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The most common of these decorations is a painted red border along the rim of the bowl.
Small red dashes are also a possible decoration for the Oconahua Simple bowls.
The Complex Oconahua (code 18) bowls have a more difficult requirement to
fulfill; because of this this code was not used in the 2011 analysis because it is difficult to
determine design layout on sherds. The sherds (or whole vessels) must show intricate red
on cream designs that involve complex polygons, triangles, squares and/or organic
designs (Figure V-4). The complex Oconahua bowls have a range of quadripartite
layouts that may relate to the world view of the people who lived and used the
guachimontones (Beekman 2003a: 12). Another common layout is an arrangement of
dots with a central dot surrounded in a circle by different numbers of dots. It should not
be a far stretch to connect these dot designs to the actual guachimont6n structurewhich
has been suggested before in previous studies (Beekman 2003a: 12).
Figure V-4: Oconahua Red on White Vessel from Tala's Casa de Cultura.
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Figure V-5: Oconahua Bowl with High Polish and Blurred Design from Tala5s Casa de
Cultura.
Oconahua Red (Code 20) describes a Tabachines vessel that has no red on white
designs, and is completely covered in a solid red paint. This type was created with one
sample to describe a rim sherd that was completely red (Beekman 1996: 474). This
description was used often for sherds in the Navajas Circle 5 collection since many of the
sherds had a Tabachines paste, thickness, and form, but would be completely red. It is
possible that these sherds belonged to a different type, specifically the Oconahau Red on
Cream, and that it is just a wide band of red paint, but without further evidence it is best
to put it in the Red type.
Polished Black (Code 1) There is evidence of several other types of the Tabachines
ware present in the Navajas Circle 5 collection. One of the most distinctive is the
Tabachines Polished Black. This type only appears in very low quantities, most likely
due to its fragility. One difference between other Tabachines types and the Polished
Black type is the extremely low weight count (total weight for Circle 5=18g). This was
not due just to the sherds being in small fragments but also because they were thin.
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Tabachines Polished Black vessels have an evenness of the dark exterior and that the core
carbon is rarely been burned out, it is likely that the Tabachines Polished Black are
formed by reduction firing (Beekman 1996: 488). The blackened paste can make this type
difficult to identify, because it can look like a small sherd of another ware. The way to
identify them is by the still identifiable traits like finely processed clay and the few
visible inclusions.
Polished Cream (Code 5) The final type identified during analysis is Tabachines
Polished Cream. The sherds have an undecorated cream surface, as the name implies, and
is possibly self-slipped through vigorous polishing. These vessels are fine enough and
polished enough that both are possibilities, and it is difficult to determine from sherds at
Circle 5 whether it is self-slipped from polishing or an actual slip. The polishing of the
vessels occurred when the pot was leather hard, but after any sort of decoration had been
applied including a slip. The evidence of this kind of polishing is easiest to see on bowls
from the region where it is clear the paint was dragged through with a polishing utensil
(Figure V-5). The sherds at Navajas were only placed into this category if there was no
evidence of red paint or slip. This is slightly different from the prior published
description, as those publications included sherds that have some red specks or smudges
on them (Beekman and Weigand 2000:35). I made this distinction from prior studies
because it is likely that some ceramic processing occurred in the same place as other
ceramics, and so repeated tool use could result in the transfer of small amounts of paint
from one vessel to another. Since this could easily occur by accidentflecks of red
should not be used to assign types.
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Activities Specific to Tabachines Ware
The Tabachines ware has been identified as the fine ware of the Teuchitlan
culture and surrounding areas with likely ties to ritual (Beekman and Weigand 2000: 27).
The Tabachines ware was the second smallest group of ceramics at Circle 5 (Beekman et
al.2007:171). The Tabachines ware appears in every structure and the patio at similar
frequencies.
The Tabachines ware could be connected to either a single individuals dining
ware or to a single structures dining ware. In the research Butterwick did on shaft tomb
figure iconography, she noted that many of the figures were carrying single serving
vessels for their personal use. The vessels present in the figures hands are highly
decorative, possibly associating them with Oconahua Red on Cream (Butterwick 1998:
91). The figures display smaller vessels that can easily be held by one person. The use of
the Tabachines ware, as a single serving, possibly personal vessel, is supported by the
fact that it has an average rim diameter of 18.70cm for open vessels and 10.17cm for
closed vessels which is the smallest average rim diameters of the four wares at Circle 5.
All the vessels depicted on the figures are empty bowls or cups indicating that they were
multipurpose food vessels. This is consistent with results that the Tabachines ware
formed primarily open vessels with 89.04% as open vessels and only 10.98% as closed
vessels. More evidence for this interpretation comes from the shaft tomb excavation at
Huitzilapa (Lopez and Ramos 2006). The ceramics surrounding the individuals in the
shaft tomb directly beneath a guachimonton platform were primarily fine ware vessels, of
the Oconahua Red on Cream type (Lopez and Ramos 2006: 275). All of the vessels
surrounding the individuals in one of the chambers were interpreted as serving vessels for
63


personal use in rituals. They were filled with food and liquid, and were all finely
decorated. This suggests that the practices attributed to the Tabachines ware, particularly
the Oconahua type, were connected to presentation rituals involving either single high
status individuals or family groups. This evidence also indicates that the Tabachines
ware was not involved with the processing, storage, or cooking of food, water, or other
perishable materials. These representations of the Tabachines ware and the actual
occurrence of the Tabachines ware suggests that it is linked to the rituals performed at the
guachimonton that have been depicted in the ceramic dioramas.
The Tabachines ware presence in every structure in Circle 5 connects the entire
guachimonton to the restricted rituals that are depicted by the figures (Butterwick
1998:91). If the Tabachines ware vessels were involved in the communal feasting or
other communal practices they might have had a diminished role and only given to the
high status individuals to use. The Arroyo Seco ware may have been more appropriate for
communal feasting purposes, because of characteristics described below and would
account for the great amounts of it in Circle 5. Alternatively the Arroyo Seco vessels
may have been the everyday serving vessels to the Tabachines wares special serving
status. Decorated, highly polished vessels, like Tabachines ware, take more time to
produce and there is often prestige connected to them. The Tabachines type Oconahua
Red on Cream makes up 26% of the total Tabachines ware assemblage for Circle 5. This
indicates that there is a one in four chance that any Tabachines ware sherd found will be
of the Oconahua type and was given extra time and effort during its fabrication. This can
be contrasted with the small percentage of decorated pieces of the Arroyo Seco ware
recovered from Circle 5 that was painted 0.02%, this difference makes it clear that these
64


two wares were used for different purposes despite both having fine paste and mostly
open vessels. The Tabachines ware is connected to restricted rituals performed by elite
families and possibly connected to ritual feasting.
Estolanos Ware
The Estolanos ware was defined on the eastern side of the Tequila Valleys, within
the La Venta Corridor (Beekman 1996:496). The ware was thought to be either
temporally or functionally different than the Tabachines ware, as it was found not around
the shaft tombs but around small residential area of a small village in the La Venta
Corridor (Beekman 1996: 469). Both Tabachines and Estolanos wares are
contemporaneous and in the same spaces at Navajas Circle 5, making the possibility of a
temporal difference unlikely. The Estolanos ware is a fairly thick ware that has a fine
white paste though the white paste can be difficult to see because there is often a thick
black carbon streak that can encompass the entire sherd profile. These black carbon
streaks are the result of a reduced firing. Unlike the Tabachines ware, where reduction
firing is rare, many of the Estolanos wares show evidence of it in the final stage of firing
(see type Estolanos Grey below). The Estolanos ware is similar to the Tabachines ware
in processing and exterior design, but has some key differences, discussed below. The
inclusions in the Estolanos paste appear similar to the Tabachines paste, with small
rounded obsidian, white sand particles, and red stones. Though the Estolanos paste did
not seem to have as many red stones as the Tabachines paste, with some sherds missing
tms inclusion entirely in the profile, there were some larger sub-rounded red inclusions
that appear in the Estolanos paste. The rest of the Estolanos paste inclusions were
smaller and sub-rounded, giving the paste an even look.
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Typical Forms The most common form for Estolanos, like the Tabachines ware, is
that of an open bowl. At Navajas Circle 5, 81.25% of the Estolanos sherds came from
open vessels and 18.75% were closed. The bowls were thicker than the Tabachines
sherds on average with the Estolanos sherds averaging 5.5g. The bowls often have a
straight or a slightly incurving rim, like the rim found on the Tabachines bowls. The
Estolanos forms are larger than Tabachines, the average rim diameters of open vessel is
21.76cm and the closed vessel average rim diameter is 15.75cm. Another distinction
between the Estolanos and the Tabachines forms is that Estolanos ware includes
zoomorphic vessels and the hollow figures (Figure V-6 and Figure V-3). The Tabachines
paste is very delicate, and may not be able to hold together for a large hollow figure.
However, the more durable Estolanos ware with thicker walls and larger inclusions was
better suited to support larger and more complex shapes. There is some overlap in the
Estolanos and Tabachines forms; the main difference seems to be how sturdy the
Estolanos paste is in comparison. However, if this was the case, then the Estolanos ware
vessels should have been used for more functional ritual vessel formsinstead the
Estolanos vessels usually mimic the Tabachines forms.
Estolanos ware is one of the more difficult wares to associate with activities
because no whole vessels have been identified, in the region. Despite this the Estolanos
paste was often connected to ritual activities. The careful form of the Estolanos vessels,
the high processing and special firing for larger cores and grey surfaces, and the fine
decoration points to the Estolanos vessels having a similar role in the society as the
Tabachines vessels. Estolanos, like Tabachines is not restricted to one area of Circle 5
66


either, which could also indicate that ritual practices may have occurred everywhere at
Circle 5.
Figure V-6: Duck Zoomorphic Vessel of Estolanos Ware from Navajas.
Estolanos Types
Table V-4: Major Types of Estolanos at Circle 5 by Weight.
Estolanos Types Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar
Teuchitlan Red on Cream-22/23 47 285 11 81 38 31 33
Grey-26 9 8 0 4 0 2 23
Cream-27 0 37 0 0 19 0 47
Red Slipped- 220 0 0 34 98 0 48 23
General-222 379 125 28 67 31 21 26
General Estolanos (Code 222) The category for sherds with no visible surface left,
but are clearly Estolanos paste.
Teuchitlan Red on Cream (Code 22 and 23) This is the most well-known type in
the Estolanos ware. It is defined by red designs on the interior and exterior surface.
The Teuchitlan Red on Cream- Simple (Code 22) type is parallel to the Oconahua
Red on Cream-Simple type. The common decoration is red paint over the cream and is
67


simple but is cleanly executed. Common layouts are a red rim or a single or double lined
cross along the bottom of the bowl. The most common form of the Teuchitlan type is a
shallow open bowl. This is based on the analysis of sherds, as no complete Teuchitlan
Red on Cream vessels were recovered from Navajas.
Greater complexity in designs and more cautious execution would sort into
Teuchitlan Red on Cream-Complex (Code 23). This type is parallel to the Oconahua Red
on Cream Complex type but on the Estolanos paste. Also similar to Oconahua Complex
type, this type was not easily seen in the sherd assemblage, and erring on the side of
caution code 22 was usually used to indicate a Teuchitlan vessel. The differences
between Teuchitlan Red on Cream-Complex and Oconahua Red on Cream-Complex are
similar to those noted between Oconahua Red on Cream-Simple and Teuchitlan Red on
Cream-Simple. The Teuchitlan Red on Cream-Complex has at the very least more design
aspects to it. More organic swirls and geometric layouts appear on the Teuchitlan Red on
Cream-Complex type (Figure V-7). If there had been greater evidence of the complex
vessels specific ritual areas might have been more apparent.
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Corridor.
Estolanos Grey (Code 26) A common ware type, Estolanos Grey looks much like it
sounds; the ceramics are mostly or entirely grey in color on the surface (Figure V-8). The
Estolanos Greys were created when the surface of the ceramics was not fired long or hot
enough to burn out the organics in the paste, creating a grey surface color. Unlike the
other parallel types between the Tabachines and Estolanos wares Estolanos Grey is not
similar to the Tabachines Polished Black; they are both reduction firing but it is a
different kind of reduction. The surface of the vessels is smoothed but not polished,
though sometimes there is a shine. Instead commonly there is an even matte finish and
was probably intentional because of how even the surface treatment is.
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Figure V-8: Estolanos Grey Type.
Estolanos Cream (Code 27) A light cream or undecorated surface is what defines this
type. The difference between Estolanos Cream and Estolanos Grey is strictly the surface
color. On Estolanos Cream vessels the surface has experienced greater firing than in the
Estolanos Grey sherds.
Estolanos Red Slipped (Code 220) This is the category for Estolanos sherds that
present red decoration, but does not show enough detail, or are too eroded to give more
information about the type. It runs parallel with the Oconahua Red. This type was
created to properly note when an Estolanos sherd has red decoration on it, but there is
insufficient information to know whether it was completely slipped red, Teuchitlan Red
on Cream Complex, or a Teuchitlan Red on Cream Simple.
Activities Specific to Estolanos Ware
The Estolanos ware has not been established for as long as the other three wares
because the Tabachines and Estolanos vessels look similar when decorated(Beekman and
Weigand 2000:37). Estolanos ware was present in the least amount at Circle 5
though it does appear in every structures assemblageincluding the altar. Once again
tms information indicates the more decorative and highly processed Estolanos vessels
70


were not used as much as the utilitarian ware vessels were at the guachimonton.
Estolanos ware is also considered a high input ware like the Tabachines ware and has a
high percentage of decoration. In fact it has more decorated sherds than the Tabachines
ware with 32% of all sherds showing Teuchitlan Red on Cream decoration. During the
2011 ceramic analysis of the Navajas Circle 5 assemblage, zoomorphic vessels were also
found to be made of Estolanos paste. This may give insight into the function of the
Estolanos ware, it is possible clay left over from making the figures and zoomorphic
vessel might have been used to form vessels so as to not waste finely processed paste as
commonly potters will use the raw material most readily available to them (Rice 1987:
116). I suggest that the Estolanos vessels were meant to be the sturdier version of the
Tabachines ware. The greater durability of Estolanos vessels is evidenced in that the
average weight of the Estolanos ware sherds (5.5g) is greater than the average weight of
the Tabachines ware sherds (3.5g) by 36%, and traditionally thicker wares are used for
more physically demanding activities. It is possible that the differences in temper
mentioned above also had something to do with the need to strengthen the Estolanos ware
paste for more heavy use. Another piece of evidence to support this proposal is the
average rim diameters of 21/76cm for open vessels and 15.75cm for closed vessels, is
closer to the Arroyo Seco ware average diameters (23.47cm open vessels and 15.74cm
closed vessels) than the Tabachines ware average diameter (18.70cm open vessels and
10.17cm closed vessels). Tms indicates that the average Estolanos vessel was fairly large
and was more similar in size to the Arroyo Seco vessels. The Estolanos ware would have
been used for private rituals or communal feasting. From this wares even distribution
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the activities associated with it are connected to all platform structuresthe altarand the
patio at Circle 5.
Arroyo Seco
The Arroyo Seco ware was first defined by Javier Galvan in the tombs of
Tabachines (Galvan 1976, 1991). The Arroyo Seco ware in the Navajas Circle 5
collection is the second most common ware of the four major wares (after Colorines).
Arroyo Seco ware was usually easy to identify in the Circle 5 assemblage due to its
uniform appearance (Figure V-9). The Arroyo Seco paste is fairly distinctive light brown-
red. Originally Galvan describes the paste as a natural cream color, using a Munsell chart
reading from the surface of the Arroyo Seco vessels for the paste (10 YR: 7/3; 7.5 YR
7/4, 8/4) (Aronson 1993:369; Galvan 1991:73). It is possible to call the paste color
cream, but that does not describe the paste color well; this difference might be because it
was not based on the sherd profile but instead from the vessel surface. The inclusions in
the Arroyo Seco paste occur in two modes. They are either so small and uniform that they
are difficult to see with the naked eye, or they occur as rare large inclusions that can
project through the vessel surface. The small inclusions seen in the Arroyo Seco vessels
are typically white sand particles and obsidian. Obsidian can also occur in the larger
mode and break through the surface of the sherds. The paste is very fine and uniform,
with consistent hardness, color, and core characteristics (Figure V-9). This suggests
more standardized processing than in the Tabachines or Estolanos wares, and a great deal
more processing than in the Colorines wares. The Arroyo Seco vessels vary in thickness
at Navajas, and the vessels could be thin or thick. The paste texture did not vary because
of the size of the vessel. Arroyo Seco sherds show a limited variety of surface decoration.
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In the Circle 5 sample, there were few examples of Arroyo Seco that showed anything
more than a simple red line or red slip.
Figure V-9: Arroyo Seco Paste from Navajas Circle 5.
Typical Forms No whole Arroyo Seco vessels were found at Navajas, but there
were vessels recorded from Galvans Tabachines research (Galvan 1991:73). The vessels
are usually thick, though some of the sherds in the Circle 5 assemblage could rarely be as
thin as the Tabachines ware sherds. Wall thickness usually lies between the utilitarian
Colorines and the fine Tabachines in thickness. The average weight of the Arroyo Seco
sherds was 5.lg, putting it close to the Estolanos average weight. The Arroyo Seco ware
has the least difference between open and closed vessels. Open vessels occurred 68% of
the time in the assemblage while the closed vessels occur 31% (see table Table V-l:
Circle 5 Ware Weights from Structures.). From Galvans photos the Arroyo Seco ollas
seem to be shorter than the Colorines ollas (Galvan 1991:74).
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The rims of the Arroyo Seco open vessels are usually slightly divergent rounded
rims. The average rim diameters for the Arroyo Seco ware open vessels was 23.47cm and
the closed vessels was 15.75cm.
The Arroyo Seco vessels have characteristics of both domestic and special wares.
While the Arroyo Seco vessels show great uniformity and the paste is finely processed,
the decoration is simple and shows little polishing. I encountered no repairs and none are
mentioned in prior publications. Aronson noted that most Arroyo Seco from the
Tabachines tombs did not show a great deal of usewear (Aronson 1997: 165). The
Arroyo Seco ware may be a lower status serving vessel that was used during feasting
events where many were invited, which would explain its high frequency in every
platform assemblage. The Arroyo Seco may also be a type of daily serving ware that was
used when large rituals and feasts were not occurring. Because the difference between
these two possible activities great further study of the whole Arroyo Seco vessels and any
usewear on them needs to be done.
Arroyo Seco Types
Table V-5: Major Types of Arroyo Seco at Circle 5 by Weight.__________________________
Arroyo Seco Types Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar
General-666 1307 854 66 429 29 49 55
Simple-667 0 0 88 94 70 133 62
Red Slipped-669 2170 2583 563 2396 309 716 787
Red Designs-670 80 44 10 93 6 0 22
General Arroyo Seco (Code 666) The category for sherds with no visible surface and
Arroyo Seco paste.
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Arroyo Seco Simple (Code 667) An undecorated, but smoothed Arroyo Seco type.
The surface color of the sherds in Arroyo Seco Simple are the same pinkish shade of the
paste but slightly lighter due to a more complete firing occurring (Galvan 1991:75).
Arroyo Seco Red Slipped (Code 669) The most common type of Arroyo Seco
vessel has a thick even red slip on the surface and interior of the Arroyo Seco vessels.
Most of the whole vessels are of this type and show that the red slip usually covers the
entire vessel, with the exception of some square patches of unslipped surface at the
bottom of the vessels (Galvan 1991:73).
Arroyo Seco with Red Designs (Code 670) Red on base paste designs on Arroyo
Seco ware. Few sherds show this pattern. However, those that did had a distinct red
marking indicating some sort of design that was more than just the thick red slip of the
Arroyo Seco ware Red Slipped sherds paste being used.
Black slip on Red slip on Arroyo Seco Ware (Code 672) This is another design type
that was seen during the 2003 analysis and again in the 2011 laboratory season. This type
shows a thin black application on top of the red slip typical of the Arroyo Seco Red Slip
that creates a square black section on the sherd. Very rarely seen in the structures (it
appears once in Structure 7)and it is possible it is part of a different design altogether
but without larger sherds or a whole vessel it is difficult to tell what it might be. This
type might have been associated with a special activity, thus the use of a bi-chrome
design.
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Activities Specific to Arroyo Seco Ware
The amount of Arroyo Seco ware found at Circle 5 during this research made it
the second largest ceramic group, which does not support the findings from the ceramic
analysis done in 2003 from Navajas (Beekman et al.2007: table 4.3). Instead the amount
of the Arroyo Seco ware and the Colorines ware is reversed from the findings in the 2003
ceramic analysis. The 2003 ceramic analysis was focused on the surface treatment of the
sherds, and did not consider the paste in any systematic way, which should explain the
discrepancy.
The Arroyo Seco ware is identifiable not only by the amount of time and
processing done to its paste, but by its distinct light brown-pink color. This makes it hard
to put the Arroyo Seco ware into a single category of activities. However, this study
proposes that the Arroyo Seco ware is an indicator of communal feasting at
guachimonton sites. During the 2011 ceramic analysis, the Arroyo Seco ware was
considered to be connected to domestic activities because of its frequency and the thick
vessel walls. However, the Arroyo Seco also had a number of thin, smaller sherds that
were comparable in size to Tabachines sherds. The average weight of an Arroyo Seco
sherd is only 5.1g, even though the vessels were often either similar or greater in size
than Estolanos. In fact the average rim diameters of the Arroyo Seco open vessels was
23.47cm and the closed vessels was 15.74cm, which is greater than the overall average
rim diameters for the Estolanos vessels shown above. Only 0.02% of Arroyo Seco ware
sherds showed signs of a surface treatment with designs, other than simple broad red
bands. The lack of an elaborate surface treatment could indicate that the Arroyo Seco
vessels were not considered as prestigious as the Tabachines or Estolanos wares. So
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despite an earlier assumption than the Arroyo Seco vessels were connected to domestic
activities there are many indicators that these vessels were not used for domestic
practices. The uniform look of the ware is unusual for domestic activities; all the paste is
similar and well processed, and the surface treatment is almost always a red slip on the
interior and exterior of the vessel. Whole Arroyo Seco ware vessels found at the
Tabachines cemetery showed almost no use wear which usually points to some sort of
serving vessel(Aronson 1996: 165; Rice Table II-l). The Arroyo Seco ware was used for
a very specific activity but was most likely not part of the restricted rituals. Instead it is
more likely that the Arroyo Seco vessels were used for group activities like communal
feasting where no one group or individual in the community is emphasized, which would
explain why there is little use wear on the vessels, its large average rim size, the low
frequency of surface designs, and why there was a large number of vessels.
Colorines Ware
The most frequently identified ware present in the Navajas Circle 5 assemblage
has been described by Galvan, Aronson, Weigand and Beekman at different times and
places but all under the same name (Aronson 1996; Beekman and Weigand 2000:45-48;
Galvan 1991). Colorines ware is the quintessential utilitarian ware of the Late
Formative-Early Classic periods in the Tequila Valleys. The ware has a wide range of
wall thicknesses, vessel forms, and paste processing. This was one of the problems with
identifying Colorines because the ware is so diverse. The paste can range from a cream
to a reddish-orange color. Certain sherds even have a combined cream and red-orange
color most likely due to firing differences (Rice 1987:158). The temper in the sherds
varies as well with a variety of different types and sizes of temper appearing in the sherds
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that were analyzed. The temper size and shape seems to be related to the vessel form,
with smaller and sub-angular temper being used in the thinner vessels and larger angular
temper seen often in the larger sherds that were part of closed vessels. One of the best
markers of the Colorines paste is the variety of inclusions that include the red stones and
obsidian that appear in the other wares and orange, blue/light grey and cream gravel
(Figure V-10). These multi-colored gravel inclusions are unique to the ware and can be
useful when identifying Colorines paste. Colorines paste cores vary in thickness without
an observable pattern. The cores occur in thin sherds and thick sherds, orange and white
sherds and open and closed sherds, so it was difficult to determine any specific reason for
the cores to appear in Colorines ware. One of the few strong connections between all of
the Colorines sherds is that their paste processing is always less intensive than in the
Estolanos, Arroyo Seco, and Tabachines wares.
Figure V-10: Colorines Paste.
A difficulty with the Colorines description is that just putting has worse
processing than any other ware does not fully form a ware. Small light multi colored
rounded rocks for temper and the paste color of red-orange make the best Colorines ware
markers currently. The decorations on the sherds vary as well, from a refined version of
the Colorines ware with well executed design layouts to several forms of designs that are
messy or even incomplete (Figure V-l1).
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Figure V-ll: Colorines Red on Cream, Private Collection.
Typical Forms The Colorines ware is dominated by closed neck jars. In fact
closed sherds make up 73 percent of the Colorines ware (see Table V-l: Circle 5 Ware
Weights from Structures.). Thirty seven percent of the Colorines ware had an open
vessel form. This would strongly indicate that the vessels were primarily used for
utilitarian purposes like transportation, cooking, and storage. This is supported by the
evidence of heavy usewear that Aronson found on the Colorines whole vessels (Aronson
1997:165). Aronson does not mention specific evidence of cooking, but she does state
that the Colorines vessels were used as food containers. This is a very specific activity
that can be connected to the Colorines ware.
Since the 2011 analysis, the Colorines ware has been broken down into a Fine
Colorines ware and a Coarse Colorines ware. I first did this at Los Guachimontones in
2012, and then during the analysis of the Magdalena Basin collections in 2013. Both I
and Beekman were able to repeat this Colorines separation. While I made some
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preliminary notes on how the Colorines ware could be broken down further during the
2011 analysis (by paste color) this is not reflected in my 2011 analysis.
Colorines Types
Table V-6: Major Types of Colorines at Circle 5 by Weight.
Colorines Types Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar
Rough Cream-6 0 31 0 31 20 0 3
Ahualulco Red on Cream-35 0 105 44 153 38 29 44
Colorines Red-36 1994 3090 879 3372 438 498 721
Cream-118 0 0 221 0 114 564 360
Red on Base- 350 44 60 8 5 0 47 35
Red on Cream-355 2146 128 4 182 0 49 118
General-444 4870 3357 1130 2289 245 541 438
Colorines General (Code 444) The code for eroded sherds with no visible surface
left, but Colorines paste.
Colorines Cream (Code 118) The type of Colorines that shows no painted or
other surface decoration on the vessels at all, except for smoothing the surface. This type
is rare, and this might be because it captures those sherds with smooth cream surface and
no red decoration. However, there were no whole vessels to compare them to.
Ahualulco Red on Cream/Buff (Code 35) One of the most important types of
Colorines and the only one to have relatively fine designs (Beekman and Weigand
2000:45). The Ahualulco vessels occur with a mostly smoothed cream surface and often
intricate designs. This design type is parallel to the Teuchitlan Red on Cream Complex
and the Oconahua Red on Cream Complex designs but on a Colorines ware paste. The
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red paint (5-R: 5/8; 7.5-R.4/8: 10-R: 4/8: 5/8) that is applied to the surfaces can have
designs as complex as the Oconahua Red on Cream Complex, sporting curvilinear and
geometric designs, on a surface that is not as fine or smooth as the Oconahua bowls, but
are as smooth as the Colorines paste allows. The Ahualulco Red on Cream are nearly
open bowls with slightly divergent rims and rounded lips, and interior thickening.
Ahualulco sherds seemed to be particularly well fired, with certain hardness to the paste
that may have allowed greater surface smoothing to occur than what is seen in the other
Red on Cream/White/Buff types in the Colorines ware.
Colorines Red (Code 36) Parallel to the Red types in the Tabachines ware and
Estolanos ware. The Colorines Red type was defined to address those sherds that were
covered with red slip or paint designs.
Colorines Red on Cream/White (Code 355) This type is one of three Red on
White/Cream/Buff design types for the Colorines ware, along with Ahualulco Red on
Cream and Colorines Red on Base. The specifics of this type are that the form of the
vessel and the surface treatment is not as fine as the Ahualulco Red on Cream vessels,
nor are the designs as nicely executed. However, the designs are executed on top of a
white or cream surface, and to fall into this type there must be evidence of the surface
having an extra treatment to make it lighter, whiter, or smoother. The designs are often
poorly executed and can on occasion be incomplete. The designs are also simpler than
the Ahualulco Red on Creams. The vessels are thicker, and larger overall than the
Ahualulco vessels. This type includes both bowls and jars, while the Ahualulco vessels
are normally bowls instead of jars.
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Colorines Red on Base (Code 350) This type is the third and last of the red design types
for Colorines ware that appeared at Navajas Circle 5. The red designs are directly on the
unslipped surface. These sherds have by far the worst executed designs, though the
designs are similar to the other two red design types in the Colorines Ware. The designs
appear on both bowls and jars.
Practices Connected to the Colorines Ware
The Colorines ware was used for cooking, storage, and food preparation. It is a
utilitarian ware that is found from one end of the Tequila Valleys to the other (Aronson
1996; Beekman et al.2007; Beekman and Weigand 2000; Galvan 1991). Colorines ware
is the largest group of ceramics at Navaj as Circle 5.
The paste for the Colorines ware is not well processed, as demonstrated by sharp
fragments of obsidian in the paste. The Colorines vessels are also the largest vessels at an
average of 6.0g per sherd, and despite being heavy vessels there is also a great range of
forms and the average rim diameter for open and closed vessels was 20.82cm and
13.20cm respectively. In the Tabachines cemetery it was noted that all of the Colorines
ware vessels had been well used and were previously for utilitarian activities (Aronson
1997:165). While Circle 5 is not a cemetery, the Colorines vessels in the Tabachines
cemetery were used before they were put into the tomb and could be equivalent to the
Colorines assemblage at Circle 5. This should indicate that during the day to day
activities atNavajas Circle 5, utilitarian practices like cooking food, preparing food,
preparing pigments, holding liquids, and storing wet and dry goods occurred regularly.
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Circle 5 Analysis Results
As was discussed in the chapter about building analysis, the main purpose of this
paper is to understand the practices that occurred in the spaces of the guachimontons.
The study is based upon the idea that structures with unknown purposesor possibly
mixed purposes are better understood by breaking them down into smaller activity
categories (Lesure 1999). This study uses the three earlier discussed models of activities
from Lesure to differentiate between different types of activities. The first, formalization,
investigates how many tradition-laden practices occurred (Lesure 1999: 394). The
second is spatial organization of activity which investigates where practices occurred.
The last is domestic activities and though Lesure does not discuss domestic activities as a
model, domestic activities form a model in this paper.
The weight of the entire analyzed assemblage for Navajas Circle 5, including all
seven excavated structureswas 51310g. This includes all of the sherds identified and
those that could not be identified. The count of the Navajas Circle 5 assemblage analyzed
during the 2011 laboratory season was 9,475 which also includes those sherds that were
unidentifiable. Both of these sample sizes are high enough that to allow statistical
analysis on the different activity patterns that were found at Navajas Circle 5.
The data set of ceramics is based on the weight in grams and count of each ware
in the entire assemblage and the two methods of quantification are in agreement as to the
relative presence of each ware (Figure V-12).
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Weight and Count of Wares for Navajas Circle 5
35000
30000
25000
20000
15000
10000
5000
28786
13271
2598
2649
1625
.258
u - Colorines Arroyo Seco Tabachines Estolanos
Weights of Wares 28786 13271 2649 1625
Count of Wares 4772 2598 489 258
Figure V-12: Weight and Count of Wares for Navajas Circle 5. Weight is in Grams.
Evidence of Formalization in Practice
The possible presence of formalized activities is evaluated by the consistency of
activity in the same place over time in a restricted location (Lesure 1999: 394). At
Navajas Circle 5, the results of the analysis revealed a few ceramic practices that could
have been formalized because of their consistency in the dataset. The first is the
frequency of each ceramic ware at each structure measured in grams (Figure V-13)after
which the frequency of each ceramic ware in each structure is accountedwhich was used
for the chi-squared analysis on this dataset (Figure V-14), from the graphs alone, it is
clear that the frequency of wares between the structures were similar. However the
Pearson chi-squared analysis with a value of 978.368 and the Cramers V of.131 show
no relationship between ceramic type and structure. To achieve such consistency, there
must have been little variation in activities or practices across the structures. The
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different wares may represent different activities, but those activities occurred in all
structures.
Ware Distribution by Weight Percentage
100.00%
90.00%
80.00%
70.00%
60.00%
50.00%
40.00%
30.00%
20.00% -h
u.uuyo - Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar
C Weight 53.14% 50.00% 71.65% 60.3 5% 56.56% 58.25% 58.42%
AS Weight 21.23% 25.90% 22.11% 30.70% 27.23% 30.11% 30.86%
T Weight 8.74% 2.76% 1.67% 3.19% 7.22% 6.07% 3.58%
E Weight 2.55% 3.46% 2.43% 2.83% 5.97% 3.59% 4.91%
Figure V-13: Ware Distribution by Weight Percentage per Structure.
Ware Distribution by Count Percentage
100.00%
90.00%
80.00%
70.00%
60.00%
50.00%
40.00%
30.00%
20.00%
10.00%
u.uuyo - Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar
C Count 46.68% 43.49% 66.34% 54.12% 49.85% 62.86% 54.32%
AS Count 22.99% 27.17% 26.82% 32.86% 30.86% 28.57% 33.43%
T Count 5.87% 4.67% 2.23% 5.40% 8.61% 4.00% 5.85%
E Count 1.57% 2.85% 2.37% 3.44% 6.23% 2.57% 4.46%
Figure V-14: Ware Distribution by Count Percentage per Structure.
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The variation of open to closed ware sherds per structure is also evidence of
formalization. If the relative frequency of open or closed vessels is the same in every
structure it could be evidence of a possible shared formalized practice. An examination
of vessel form demonstrates the presence of both open and closed sherds in every
structurebut not for every ware and not in the same proportion as seen in Figure V-l5
Figure V-16, Figure V-17, Figure V-18, Figure V-19, Figure V-20, Figure V-21, and
Figure V-22. The chi-square analysis of the vessel form distributions by ware showed
that only two wares, the Colorines and Arroyo Seco defeated the null hypothesis for
having better than random distributions of vessel form by structureColorines P-value is
0 and the Arroyo Seco P-value is .001.The Tabachines and Estolanos wares did not
defeat the null hypothesis with P-values of .212 and .125 respectively. Figure V-15,
Figure V-17, Figure V-19, ana Figure V-21 breaks the distributions down by ceramic
wareboth open or closed are present in each structure for Arroyo Seco and Colorines.
Reversely only open forms are found of Tabachines and Estolanos wares in Structure 6.
The formalized restrictions placed on these ceramics may be tied to some ritual practices
that required only a certain amount of each ware form, particularly the Estolanos, and
Tabachines wares. The Colorines ware has been designated as a domestic ware for
storage and cooking and the higher number of closed vessels in this ware would not be a
surprise since normally only closed vessels are used in cooking and storage (see Table
11-1Beekman and Weigand 2000: 44, Aronson 1997:165). As mentioned in the
discussion of the Colorines ware, the presence of a domestic ware does not mean there
are no rituals taking place. Instead it could mean that events like feasting occurred
around the altarpatio and inside the structures.
86


Structure 6 shows results that are different than the other structures in this test
and will present results that are different in several other tests. This maybe the result of
Structure 6s extremely small assemblageonly 337 sherds and a weight of only 1524g
relative to other stmctures. Because of these low numbers the results for Stmcture 6 were
skewed in all the tests except the chi-squared analyses.
Tabachines Vessel Form Distribution by Weight
1000
900 1_
800 700 600 500 400 300 200 100 0 1 l I J~l
Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar
T Open 580 329 46 305 no 60 106
T Closed 888 38 1 9 0 119 4
Figure V-15: Tabachines Vessel Form Distribution by Weight.
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Full Text

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CERAMIC ACTIVITY ANALYSIS OF NAVAJAS CIRCLE 5 AND THE NEED FOR PRACTICE THEORY IN UNUSUAL MONUMENTAL ARCHITECTURE by CATHERINE JANETTE JOHNS B.A., Brevard College, 2008 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of the Arts Anthropology 2014

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ii This thesis for the Master of the Arts degree by Catherine Janette Johns has been approved for the Department of Anthropology by Christopher Beekman, Chair Tammy Stone Julien Riel Salvatore July 9 2014

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iii Johns, Catherine Janette (MA Anthropology ) Ceramic Activity Analysis of Navajas Circle 5 Thesis di rected by Assistant Professor Christopher Beekman ABSTRACT Understanding the differences in activities between buildings at a site is critical to re constructing the uses of formal architecture Studying the changes in ceramic assemblages is one way to identify the activities that could have occurred in different structures. To investigate the social organization of the Teuchitlan Culture, at the site of Navajas in Jalisco, Mexico the ceramics were analyzed The structures at Navajas form what is called a guachimontn a ring of platforms surrounding a circular step pyramid; these are ritual structures distinct from the residential architecture Of particular importance for this analysis are: identifying distribution of close d mouthed to open mouthed vessels; comparing utilitarian ware to the finer ritual ware vessels; and determining from this analysis what activities using ceramics may have occurred in the guachimontn circles. The ceramic assemblage database shows an even distribution of wares with the utilitarian ratios equally large in each structure. The results also show a similar distribution of closed and open vessels between structures, with more closed vessels in every structure. There was also no evidence of acti vity preference between the front and back rooms of the structures This provides evidence for daily activities occurring in ritual structures during the Teuchitlan Culture. The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication. Approved: Christopher Beekman

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iv DEDICATION I would like to dedicate this work to my parents for always supporting me even when I wanted to give up

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v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This thesis was a work that was not done alone. There are so many people that helped me with this long exploratory study in the analysis, writing, and presentation stages of it and just getting through it emotionally. To John Wagner and Lucas Hoedl for being my compatriots on the TRVAP 2011 Laboratory Season. Thank you both so much for your humor and all the shared knowledge (mostly through zip drive files). To Hector de la Paz for the accommodations during the summer analysis. There is nowhere so entertaining and safe to stay as Hotel de la Paz in Tala, and I will always have fond me mories of that summer because of it. To Connie Turner for being an exceptional organizer and always having kind words of support along the way. A huge thank you for helping me get my thesis format reviews printed and to the right people. To Nichole Abbot Tony Deluca, and Michele Whitmore for being my thesis defense Denver support team. Nichole and Tony you are both wonderful and I appreciated you r help so much both during the defense and the months abroad It has been my pleasure to hear all of your po ssible thesis topics on the Tequila Valley areas and I cannot wait to see the results. Michele, thank you so much for sitting through my defense so late in the night for my final run through and allowing me to stay with you during that time. Your help th roughout my time in the Program has been invaluable.

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vi To my expert grammar checker and presentation helper Abraham Johns. F or going over my thesis and editing along the way and sitting through what was probably a deadly boring presentation for you over and over again until it was right. You helped me clarify what I was trying to state in the presentation and made sure that I stopped using A large thank you to the Alice Hamilton Fund for funding m y final weeks during the laboratory analysis season. Without that funding I would not have been able to complete the entire Circle 5 analysis. To my thesis committee members Julien Riel Salvatore and Tammy Stone for providing critiques, advice and possible proje ct expansions on this research. I appreciate both your time as my committee members and your time as my professors. I also appreciate you both for being two of the only people who will ever read this thesis from the first page to the last. To my advisor, committee chair, mentor and friend Christopher Beekman. I can never thank you enough for your advice, knowledge, edits, time, patience, and of course humor. It has been a wild ride through this program and you have been there every step of the way. I can also never thank you enough for being the person to edit every page of this thesis from the first page to the last. My parents Anne and Frank Johns are my two biggest cheerleaders and at times my toughest coaches. I can never express how m uch I appre ciate you both for your love and support both emotionally and financially throughout my education You are truly my super heroes.

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vii CONTENTS CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 1 II. THEORY OF PRACTICE BASED BUILDING ANALYSIS ................................ ... 5 Examples of Ethnographic Analogies and Typologies Used to Discuss Structure Function ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 5 Kivas an Ethnographic Analogy ................................ ................................ .......... 6 The Megaron Typology Problem ................................ ................................ ......... 7 Examples of Practice Based Analysis of Structures ................................ .................. 8 The Xidi Sukur House ................................ ................................ ......................... 8 Mound 32 at Paso de la Amada and Activity Patterns ................................ ...... 10 Using Practice Based Analysis in this Study ................................ ..................... 14 Ceramics as a Dataset for Activities ................................ ................................ ........ 14 Using Ceramics to Characterize the Activities within Architecture ........................ 15 III. BACKGROUND TO THE REGION AND STUDY ................................ ............... 21 Tequila Valley, Jalisco, Mexico ................................ ................................ ............... 21 The Teuchitlan Culture Archaeological Timeline ................................ ................... 21 The Chronology of the Study Area ................................ ................................ .......... 24 Guachimontones ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 26 Theories about the Guachimontn ................................ ................................ ........... 27 The Current Ceramic Data for the Area ................................ ................................ ... 31

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viii The Site of Navajas ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 32 IV. METHODS CHAPTER ................................ ................................ ............................ 36 Excavati on Results ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 36 How the Sherd Activity Analysis Works ................................ ................................ 38 Variables ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 40 Processing ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 40 Form ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 46 Rims ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 48 Bases ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 48 Surface Enhancement ................................ ................................ ......................... 50 Prior Research ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 51 V. RESULTS OF THE 2011 CERAMIC ANALYSIS ................................ ................. 53 Ceramic Wares and Types that Appear at Navajas Circle 5 ................................ .... 54 Tabachines Ware ................................ ................................ ................................ 54 Tabachines Types ................................ ................................ ............................... 59 Activities S pecific to Tabachines Ware ................................ ............................. 63 Estolanos Ware ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 65 Estolanos Types ................................ ................................ ................................ 67 Activities Specific to Estolanos Ware ................................ ................................ 70 Arroyo Seco ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 72

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ix Arroyo Seco Types ................................ ................................ ............................ 74 Activities Specific to Arroyo Seco Ware ................................ ........................... 7 6 Colorines Ware ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 77 Colorines Types ................................ ................................ ................................ 80 Practi ces Connected to the Colorines Ware ................................ ....................... 82 Circle 5 Analysis Results ................................ ................................ ......................... 83 Evidence of Formalization in Practice ................................ ............................... 84 The Spatial Organization of Activities ................................ .............................. 91 Domestic Activity Evidence ................................ ................................ ............ 101 Summary ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 105 VI. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ .... 107 How Often do Formalization, Spatial Organization or Domestic Activities Occur? ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ 107 Formalization ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 107 Spatial Organization ................................ ................................ ......................... 110 Domestic Activities ................................ ................................ .......................... 111 Conclusions ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 111 The Practice Bas ed Analysis ................................ ................................ ............ 112 How to Go Further with this Study ................................ ................................ .. 112 REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 114

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x LIST OF TABLES Table II 1: Vessel Function Chart (Rice 1987: Table 7.2). ................................ ....................... 18 III 1: Architectural and Ceramic Chronologies for Tequila Valley based on Beekman and Weigand 2008:324. ................................ ................................ ................................ 26 V 1: Circle 5 Ware Weights from Structures. ................................ ................................ .. 54 V 2: Each Ware's Percentage of Closed and Open Sherds at Circle 5 by Weight. ......... 54 V 3: Major Types of Tabachines at Circle 5 by Weight. ................................ .................. 59 V 4: Major Types of Estolanos at Circle 5 by Weight. ................................ .................... 67 V 5: Major Types of Arroyo Seco at Circle 5 by Weight. ................................ ................ 74 V 6: Major Types of Colorines at Circle 5 by Weight. ................................ .................... 80

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xi LIST OF FIGURES Figure III 1: Map Of Tequila and Atemajac Valley Systems. The Reporting Bias is Towards Sites with Public Architecture and Cemeteries. (Beekman 2007: Figure 1.01). ..... 23 III 2: The Surveyed Site of Navajas, a Kilometer to the South of the Town of Santa Maria de las Navajas. (Beekman Et Al. 2007: Figure 1.02). ................................ ............. 34 III 3: Navajas Circle 5 After Excavation. (Beekman et al. 2007: Figure 2.91). .............. 35 V 1: Tabachines Paste from Navajas Circle 5. ................................ ................................ 56 V 2: Fragment of Figurine Made of Tabachines Paste. ................................ .................... 57 V 3: Fragment of Hollow Figure with Estolanos Paste. ................................ ................... 58 V 4: Oconahua Red on White Vessel from Tala's Casa de Cultura. ................................ 60 V ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 61 V 6: Duck Zoomorphic Vessel of Estolanos Ware from Navajas. ................................ ... 67 V 7: Complex Teuchitlan Red on Cream Estolanos Ware from La Venta Corridor. ....... 69 V 8: Estolanos G rey Type. ................................ ................................ ............................... 70 V 9: Arroyo Seco Paste from Navajas Circle 5. ................................ ............................... 73 V 10: Colorines Paste. ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 78 V 11: Colorines Red on Cream, Private Collection. ................................ ......................... 79 V 12: Weight and Count of Wares for Navajas Circle 5. Weight is in Grams. ................ 84 V 13: Ware Distribution by Weight Percentage per Structure. ................................ ........ 85 V 14: Ware Distribution by Count Percentage per Structure. ................................ .......... 85 V 15: Tabachines Vessel Form Distribution by Weight. ................................ .................. 87

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xii V 16: Tabachines Vessel Form Distribution by Count. ................................ .................... 88 V 17: Estolanos Vessel Form Distribution by Weight. ................................ .................... 88 V 18: Estolanos Vessel Form Distribution by Count. ................................ ...................... 89 V 19: Arroyo Seco Vessel Form Distribution by Weight. ................................ ............... 89 V 20: Arroyo Seco Vessel Form Distribution by Coun t. ................................ ................. 90 V 21: Colorines Vessel Form Distribution by Weight. ................................ .................... 90 V 22: Colorines Vessel Form Distribution by Count. ................................ ...................... 91 V 23: Total Weight in Grams and Count of Sherds by Structure. ................................ .... 92 V 24: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysi s for Structure 2 by Weight. ................. 93 V 25: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 2 by Count. ................... 94 V 26: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 3 by Weight. ................. 94 V 27: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 3 by Count. ................... 95 V 28: Fron t Room to Back Room Ware Analysis of Structure 4 by Weight. .................. 95 V 29: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 4 by Count. ................... 96 V 30: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis of Structure 5 by Weight. .................. 96 V 31: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 5 by Count. .................. 97 V 32: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis of Structure 6 by Weight. .................. 97 V 33: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 6 by Count. ................... 98 V 34: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 7 by Weight. ................. 98 V 35: Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 7 by Count. ................... 99 V 36: Ware Totals for Patio of Circle 5. ................................ ................................ ......... 100 V 37: Open and Closed Ware Amounts in Patio. ................................ ........................... 100 V 38: Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 2. ....................... 103

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xiii V 39: Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 3. ....................... 103 V 40: Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 4. ....................... 104 V 41: Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 5. ....................... 104 V 42: Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 6. ....................... 105 V 43: Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 7. ....................... 105

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1 CHAPTER I I. INTRODUCTION In archaeology understand ing architectural function can be complicate d For example, a complication occurs when the function of a building differs from the rest of the site with no obvious purpose. A secondary problem connected to this is when the architecture of the structure, or some of its artifacts are used to place the structure into an ethnographic anal ogy or typology that implies certain activities are occurring. However when this ethnographic analogy or typology is applied it can obscure or even disregard activities that happened in the structure outside of the analogy or typology activities Th is st udy will primarily address the second problem of a typology or ethnographic analogy suppressing actual activities that occurred, and apply a different method practice based analysis, to understand unusual structure function that will also help with the fi rst problem. Chapter II discuss es the theory behind practice based analysis on unusual architecture The chapter will examine two studies one that used a typology and another that used an ethnographic analogy to determine building function. Both examples are shown to deliver incorrect information and inhibit research on other activities that could have occurred in the unusual structures they are applied to This chapter then discusses two examples of a possible solution to this by analyzing build ings by their individual activity evidence called practice based analysis The examples of practice based analysis, one from an ethnographic/historical archaeology Nigerian study and the other from an archaeological Mesoamerican study show that unusual s tructures often have multiple activities occurring in them. The Mesoamerican study by Richard Lesure was used specifically with a

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2 practice based analysis of activity areas in an unusual structure and is the framework used for this thesis (1999) T he analy sis compare s and contrast s the data from structures, through the three models of activities that Lesure discussed: formalization, spatial analysis, and domestic activities (1999 :394 ). In Chapter III, the Background to the Region and Study, there is an introduction to the study region and relevant prior research. The study area of the Tequila Valleys and the Teuchitlan Culture that occurs between the Late Formative through the Late Classic is outlined. The guachimontn architecture that is distinctiv e to central Jalisco Mexico and is the ritual architecture of the Teuchitlan Culture is the unusual architecture that this thesis focuses on Several guachimontn excavations have occurred to discern the purpose of these architecture formations however an activity analysis has not been done on any of them Prior research, much of which is based on prehistoric ceramic dioramas connected to the region, has discussed the guachimontn as ritual/public architecture or high status residences but the actual ex cavation results that have been reported have been ambiguous about the activities that occurred at the guachimontn circles The guachimontn site of Navajas and guachimontn Circle 5 is introduced as the study site. This research deals with the structure s from Circle 5 because it contained the most complete set of guachimontn platforms to analyze and compare for activity patterns In Chapter IV, the Methods Chapter, the methods of ceramic analysis used during the 2011 Laboratory season on Navajas Circle 5 are outlined This chapter addresses important details about the Circle 5 excavation The chapter then discuss es the reasoning behind what ceramic attributes were chosen which were processing, form, rims, bases, and surface enhancements This chapter presents the possible practices associated with

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3 discusses a previous ceramic analysis done on the Los Guachimontones site and how these studies differ and w hy they are not comparable (Blanco et al. 2010) In Chapter V, the Results of the 2011 Ceramic Analysis, the data from the analysis is discussed. First the four wares of the Teuchitlan Culture that were found in the Circle 5 analysis are discussed. These wares are the Tabachines, Estolanos, Colorines, and Arroyo Seco wares. Each ware has a specific style and form and the activities connected to these wares is discussed. How these four wares are distributed among the Circle 5 indicate where certain activi ties were taking place. These are organized into the three categories already discussed, formalization, spatial organization and domestic activities to determine what activities were occurring and at what scale they were occurring in the guachimontn. Cha pter VI will summarize the 2011 ceramic analysis study. This chapter will discuss each category of activity, formalization, spatial organization, and domestic activity that was found and the rate at which it might have occurred. The chapter goes on to ex plain that formalization has the least amount of evidence in this study however there is evidence of it occurring. The amount of spatial organization occurring has more evidence which possibly indicated a certain amount of social hierarchy occurring in the guachimontn circle. The domestic activity evidence is great, and this is due to the large amount of utilitarian ware found at the site. The Results chapter concludes that these findings do not support the previous assumption s about the guachimontn structures as purely ritual spaces. Though there were rituals occurring at this guachimontn because, despite being small, there was

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4 evidence for it. With practice based analysis this finding, though small is not disregarded, but is instead still presented along with the spatial organization and domestic activity findings. Using practice based analysis to look at each possible type of activity present at Navajas Circle 5 gives a more rounded understanding of the activities that o ccurred at this unusual architectural formation.

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5 CHAPTER II II. THEORY OF PRACTICE BASED BUILDING ANALYSIS better understood using practice based analysis on ceramics? What do these practice based analyses indicate about the activities within public architecture of the Late Formative and Early Classic Jalisco, Mexico? Can an activity based approach give a more nuanced interpretation of the role of the public architecture? This chapter discusses the middle range th eory involved with interpreting the architecture in Mesoamerica This chapter first discusses two examples, one where an ethnographic analogy is used and one where a typology is used to discuss architecture interpretation. Then in contrast the chapter di scusses two examples of practice based analysis being used to discuss structure interpretation, one of which, Mound 32 at Paso de la Amada, is used as the framework for this research. It suggests focusing interpretation on the practices present instead of trying to categorize entire architectural structures by one activity or title. This approach allows for a more detailed discussion of multi use architecture than equating an entire structure with an activity or ethnographic analogy. The chapter then explain s why using ceramic sherds as the main focus for activity analysis helps to explain where certain activities were taking place. Examples of Ethnographic Analogies and Typologies Use d to Discuss Structure Function Understanding the use of architectu re can be difficult. This is a particular problem for archaeologists studying cultures that have buildings that do not have a great amount of data from previous research which leads archaeologists to place entire

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6 structure types into a single category of activity such as While these titles can be useful to designate a very specific aspect of the structure, letting the title overwhelm other activities that may have occurred hinders a full understanding of the use of the building in question. Kivas an Ethnographic Analogy Archaeologists often use ethnographic or ethnohistoric analogies to interpret structures with cultural geographic location or organization similar to the group being researched This can lead to overly strong connections between the archaeological group and the historical group without sufficient evidence behind the connectio n ( Lesure 1999:391) This does not mean that certain ethnographic analogies are not helpful, but overreliance on the ethnographic record is risky. For instance the Kiva debate in the American Southwest, is an example of labeling a building type rather than seeking to understand the multiple practices taking place there (Lesure 1999:391). The flexibl e definition applied to Kiva s comes under scrutiny by Lekson in his historical overview of the term Kiva (Lekson 1988). Lekson states that Kiva is an ethnographic term from modern Pueblo ceremonial structures. The title Kiva was applied to all pit house structures assumed to be ceremonial because of late 19 th century ethnographic reports (Lekson 1988:218 222). Archaeologists used the term Kiva to demonstrate a connection between the historic Puebloan peoples and the ancestral group. It is possible that this was a political move to protect the Puebloan peoples because of the common practice in the Southwest of trying to claim native land for settlers (Lekson 1988:218 219). One of the reasons the term Kiva was chosen by anthropologists was because it had not been defined clearly in ethnography or archaeology For the archaeologist in the 19 th century it seemed

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7 clear that the Kivas of the present were very similar to the semi subterranean chambers of the past (Lekson 1988: 214 215, 224). The problem occu rs when the label of Kiva leads archaeologists to not consider the other possible functions that the ancestral structures might only specific structures and timeframes to al low for a better analogy between the modern Puebloan people and the ancestral pit house dwellers (Lekson 1988:225). However another side argues that using ethnographic labels like Kiva distinguishes some structures from other pit houses as special even when their distinguishing features are not similar to other Kivas making it easier to interpret This might work best if the ethnographic analogy like Kiva, is in fact ambiguous and is only synonymous with something simple as opposed to specific activitie house (Stone 2002: 387 388). The Kiva term argument is split between an incredibly general definition use and a very specific definition use, however both sides argue for the term to be used in a more restrictive manner. Using ethnographic analogies and typologies under better restrictions is important for the structures with unknown functions. The Megaron Typology Problem The other example of a typology mis use, is the discussion of a particula r type of Neolithic Greek architecture (Demoule and Perls 1993). The structures in question are called megarons, which is a rectangular Mycenaean great hall with an entrance framed by column s on one of the shorter walls. However the researchers struggle with this label because it does not cover the full breadth of the activities present in the architecture of many of the sites in Neolithic Greece (Demoule and Perls 1993: 390). Instead of

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8 abandoning the title used, the researchers instead note d that the se buildings encompass more activities than the term megaron This is a similar solution to the Kiva discussion, but the difference is that the term Kiva has an unspecific definition in both archaeology and ethnography whereas megaron is a distinctive arc This is an example of where instead of using a typology or ethnographic analogy sparingly or with restrictions, the typology is being used far too much. This overuse without restrictions creates more confusion about the term instead of making it easier to understand what actually occurred in the Neolithic Greek structures. Examples of Practice Based Analysis of Structures This research was based around using Practice Based analysis of structures to determine their funct ion. In this study, the terms practice and activity are used synonymously. Bourdieu discusses practice as a perpetual disposition of an individual or or as an external expression of habitus whic (Bourdieu 2001: 533). This definition may seem circular, but it means that similar practices can indicate that there were individuals with similar views on their culture associated with that activi ty The Xidi Sukur House A historic archaeology study of the Xidi Sukur House in northeastern Nigeria has used practice based analysis of a structure to fully outline the activities that occurred in the house and how these activities were perceived (Smith and David 1995). The Sukur was a polity , defended position on a plateau and remained independent until they were overcome by

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9 modern weaponry around 1920 This cataclysmic event led to the loss of Sukur history and only traces of information about the Sukur before the 1920s remain (Smith and David 1995: 442 443). After the 1993 ethnographic study of the Suku polity which did not achieve the results they h ad hoped for, a spatial analysis study was done of the structures around the village, particularly focusing on the spatial relationship to activities in the Xidi household (Smith and David 1995:444) The conclusion by Smith and David about the house was th at the Xidi social relations (Smith and David 1995: 453 ). W hich is shown by practices like certain gateways to the house being presented with offering s and the inversion of the inner house fr om regular Suku residences (Smith and David 1995: 453 456). The Xidi Suku household the Kivas, and the megarons are similar because the s tructures they denote are clearly different from the others around them H owever t he importance of the Xidi Sukur house is that overcome the use of th e title by breaking the structure down into activity spaces instead of leaving it as a term (Smith and David 1995: 457). This is an example of how the focus on multiple activities instead of the most applicable title was used to fully express the practices of an important structure. The study of the Xidi Sukur house drew heavily from Bourdieu of the arrangement of space in the Kabyle residence (Bourdieu 1973, Smith and David 1995: 442). The Kabyle house study discussed how the common belief s of a group arrange the physical space and movements within it and that some of these wo rldviews are what creates concepts of t

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10 reflects the public mindset and hierarchy, making the household a miniature form of the society through its spatial arrangements. Societies cannot be summarized by a single all encompassing title or even a set of titles. T itles cannot be used on structures to fully describe the activities that occurred in and around them Mound 32 at Paso de la Amada and Activity Patterns The previous examples of the megaron and Kiva show that typological labelling of a structure from ethnographic literature or a cross cultural typology can inhibit a better understanding of the use and interpr etation of the architecture by prehistoric peoples To analyze the data from the structure and apply practice analogies to activity spaces is a possible alternative to this method. This was what Lesure proposed, using ethnographic analogies on a much smaller and restricted scale to interpret activity areas and artifact groups inside the structure in question, to better understand the argument surrounding the Paso de la Amada mounds (Lesure 1999:392). This proposal emerged from a debate over the categorization of other m ounds, specifically Mound 6, at Paso de la Amada in Chiapas, Mexico One group of researchers argued for the buildings to be defined as high status residences, part of their reasoning being that the structures lack uniformit y in architectural form (Blake 1991; Clark and Blake 1994: 339 345). The other group believes that it is a public building, possibly a temple (Marcus and Flannery 1996). The in the stru cture as evidence for their temple interpretation (Marcus and Flannery 1996:91). Lesure pr o posed house. He suggested that a better approach was to break down the evid ence and analyze the different activities individually (Lesure 1999:392). Lesure used Mound 32 for this

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11 investigation, an Early Formative mound dated between 1400 and 1250 B.C. at Paso de la Amada, in Chiapas, Mexico (Lesure 1999: 391). Mound 32 age di stinguishes it a s a particularly important structure, but it limits the information that ca n be obtained since the mounds are from an extremely early sedentary site with few comparable contemporary sites. The most common form of structure found at Paso de high and approx. 4 8 m in length (Lesure 1999:392). These are in stark contrast to the 1 which are fewer in number and possibly have one or more platf Paso de la Amada are debated as either elite residential structures or public buildings. T he evidence of previous excavations and studies have not led to a complete conclusion for the kinds of act ivities that occurred at either structure spatially discrete groups of artifacts to reconstruct the practices that took place within Mound 32, particularly a Locona phase platform in Mound 32 and a refuse deposit associated with it (1999: 393). His goal is therefore to reconstruct the multiple distinct practices that occurred in the structure, instead of using only certain pieces of data to support applying a singular label like temple or ho use. Lesure empathizes that there needs to be clear expectations for that occurred in each. Lesure also emphasizes that while these labels apply well to certain ac tivities, significant buildings like Mound 32 may have been a host to activities with different labels. For instance in Mound 32 there is both evidence for the structure to have housed rituals

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12 which would support a public building label and there is evide nce that many domestic activities occurred as well (Lesure 1999: 404). Lesure argues looking at the activity evidence of formalization indicative of ritual activities associated with public buildings and spatial organization which indicates differences in social statuses, he also discusses domestic activity evidence. Lesure tradition Formalized activities occur primarily in public buildings and refer to repeated patterns of specific activit ies confined to certain spaces Spatial organization refers to where different activities occurred. Formalization stands in contrast to domestic activities, because while still being repea ted, they lack the rigid aspect of the rituals and traditions. Lesure defines domestic activities as including range of small There were five artifact clusters from different areas of M ound 32 that were used to look for evidence of formalization, spatial organization and domestication. the exterior a rea was so well tended during the Locona phase that only one side of the mound had refuse. Lesure notes that this is different from the regular platforms at Paso de la Amada where refuse surrounds the spaces. He interpreted this as evidence that the spa ce around Mound 32 was formalized lacking trash deposits in other loci (Lesure 1999:398). Lesure looked at ceramic and lithic artifact distributions, quality and rarity in the artifact samples and he also looked at the possible imports that were among t he artifacts. The results were that no artifact group stood out particularly in the m ound the

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13 distributions inside the mound was even and gave no great evidence for spatial organization in favor of elites nor evidence for rituals occurring in any one parti cular space (Lesure 1999: 400). The overall results of the study were that all five artifact samples contained evidence for domestic activity but there was low occurrence of evidence pointing towards formalization or social organization The social stat us of the Mound 32 people during the Locona phase seemed to be equal to other structures in the area. This evidence does not support the claims by Clark and Blake that the Paso de la Amada mounds show ed greater social status than the smaller structures and platforms because despite the high amount of domestic evidence at Mound 32, there is no other activity evidence that separates the mound and the platforms (Clark and Blake 1994 ; Lesure 1999:400). The social organization needed to denote a high status residence was not visible in these five activity areas. Lesure found only inconclusive evidence for rituals occurring at Mound 32 (Lesure 1999:402). There were several different artifacts that could be important to rituals, and Lesure analyzed the density of them between the five artifact groups and the other mounds. M ost of the ritual artifacts were scarce at Mound 32 (1999:401) There were a few statuettes that gave Mound 32 distinction over smalle r platforms during the Locona phase but not enough to suppor t the theory proposed by Marcus and Flannery that the area was a public building or initiates temple (Marcus and Flannery 1996: 90 hat no one answer is correct Lesure states that the terms residence and public building restrict the full

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14 purpose of Mound 32 in the Locona period, and his model of identifying singular activity types gives a complete picture of the actual practices that occurred (Lesure 1999: 404) Using Practice Based Analysis in this Study In all the examples listed here, context is key, not only to understanding the artifacts present, but also the practices they represent. This means that for buildings with unknown f unctions studying all of the activities present and then identifying whether they are indicative of formalization, social organization, or domestic activities can give a better understanding of what was happening in those structures. This is what this stu dy investigates with an architectural formation that does not have a clear function but is plainly different from the surrounding architecture. One of the more productive datasets that can be used to identify differin g practices across architecture is ceramics, which can be used for a variety of different activities and have differing characteristics for each. Ceramics as a Dataset for Activities Ceramics have a complex history of study, and are often split between the material sciences historical art and archaeolog ical studies (Rice 1987: 4). Previous research o f the ceramics from all three areas: material science archaeology and art history ha s been applied to the research in this thesis Ceramics are used in this study because they potent ially can vary considerably in raw material, form, and decoration, and thus provides insight into daily practices. Ceramics have such a great amount of variability in form and decoration that any particular combination restricts them to certain contexts ( Sinopoli 1991). The characteristics of ceramics, particularly in the storing, processing, and cooking of food,

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15 give information on the se activities. Being able to determine which of these activities occurred using ceramics gives a clearer picture. There is particular importance for sherd analysis as opposed to just a whole vessel analysis, to be performed S herds are often left in their original place at sites, as looters are only interested in whole or nearly whole vessels. This makes potsherds one of the best forms of activity analysis in areas that have been heavily looted. Whole vessels are also representative of one moment in time while sherds are aggregate debris over a long period of time and are more easily tied to practices. Rice also outlin es three other technological reasons for why ceramics should be used for archaeological studies: ceramics are everywhere and are not very restricted by certain raw materials ; ceramic s are essentially nonperishable; and pottery is formed only by additive ma nufacturing processes (Rice 1987: 24 25). T he potter chooses the clay what goes into the clay and how much they want to process it T he potter also chooses the form, the function and decoration that goes on the pot though this is true of subtractive te chnology as well Even if the conception is not at the hands of one person consistently a singular choice is s till present in the final form. This should give insight into the intended activity of the ceramic vessel and where it is located which furthe r helps to identify that intended activity. Using Ceramics to Characterize the Activities w ithin A rchitecture The importance of ceramics in understanding activities is clear, since restrictions and limits on the size and shape of vessels can help distingu ish between different practices. Ceramics are commonly linked with structures because of their use in cooking, storage, food preparation and serving. These activities often dictate the form of the

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16 vessels in predictable ways allowing for repeated practices in the structures to be recognized. For example, archaeologists commonly associate more complex ceramics with their importance for status or specialized activities. Specifically, Rice notes that artifacts connected to ritual or elites should show higher degrees of processing of raw materials and larger amounts of time invested in their production ( Costin and Earle 1989 : 196 ; Feinman 1982; Rice 1987:238). An investigation of labor input versus spat ial placement showed that the sherds from vessels with the greatest labor input were in the most restricted high status areas in Oaxaca and New Mexico (Feinman et al. 1981: 880 ; Flannery et al. 1967). This supports the idea that ceramic artifacts with gre ater processing (called fine processing by Feinman et al. 1981 ) and greater decoration are more restricted economically and thus spatially in places where economic separation occurs In contrast to this a lesser degree of processing and lack of decorati on on ceramics had no restrictions on distribution, indicating that it was not something that was of high value in the Late Postclassic Valley of Oaxaca (Feinman et al. 1981: 872 873, 880 ; Feinman 1982 vessels is supported by finding that domestic artifacts were present in all structures at Paso de la Amada (Lesure 1999:399). An important distinction between sel use that serving vessels can be domestic vessels, and Rice does not She i nstead lumps all serving vessels into the same category of fine ware in her Vessel Function chart ( Table II 1 ) Domestic activities can be broken down much more finely than ritual practices, and are easier to identify through ceramics than the more restricted ritual practices that

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17 may use unique ceramic forms or have no ceramics associated directly with them (Lesure 1999: 394). The reason for this is that domestic activities have a certain amount of commonality associated with them, the ceramic vessels associa ted with each activity has certain known needs, for example a jar to store perishables for a period of time needs to have a restricted opening so that it can be sealed off or else the perishables can be compromised. In this research the primary activitie s associated with domestic practices are cooking, storage, informal serving, and food preparation. One precise domestic activity is easy to identify if there are whole vessels because the use wear from cooking or preparation will be apparent However, wh en working with sherds the analyst can use basic characteristics such as coarseness of paste and whether the vessels are open versus closed to understand a larger picture of what use the space in question was Also important to the sherd analysis are degree of processing (Feinman et al. 1981; Rice 1987) Rice specifically discusses that ceramics associated with storage and cooking should have a more coarse fabric, due both to less thorough processing for vessels t hat are made more frequently and the addition of temper to increase vessel st rength for heavy use. (Rice 1987 : Table 7.2) (see Table II 1 ).

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18 Table II 1 : Vessel Function C hart (Rice 1987 : Table 7.2) Functional Category Shape Material Surface Treatment and Decoration Depositional Context Frequency Clues Storage Vessels Restricted forms, orifice modified for pouring or closure; appendages for suspension or movement (tipping) Variable (possible concern for low porosity) Variable for display or messages; slip or glaze to reduce permeability Dwellings (sometimes set into ground); trash middens L ow (low replac ement): may be re use of broken or old vessels Residues of stored goods in pores Cooking pots Rounded, conical, globular, unrestricted ; generally lacking angles Coarse and porous, thin walls, thermal shock resistant Little to none; surface roughening for handling ease Dwellings, trash middens; rarely in special deposits (e.g. burials) High (frequent replacement) Patterns of exterior sooting or blacke n in g; burned contents Food preparation (without heat) Unrestricted forms, simple shapes Emphasis on mechanical strength; relatively coarse, dense Variable; generally low Dwellings, trash middens Moderate? Internal wear; abrasion or pitting Serving Unrestricted for easy access; often with handles; flat bases or supports for stability May be fine Generall y high, for display or symbolic roles Dwellings, trash middens, special deposits (burials, caches) High (frequent use and replacement) Sizes correspond to individual servings or group size Transport Convenient for stacking; handles; lightweight ; restricted orifice Emphasis on mechanical strength; dense, hard Variable, generally low, slip or glaze to reduce permeability Trash middens, non domestics (market) areas Variable Uniform size or multiple units of size; residues of contents

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19 In archeological study there is a great importance given to unusual items, particularly incense burners and figures, because they tend to suggest more specific activities connected to formalized events (Lesure 1999: 402). While the paragraphs above stress th e importance of domestic practices unusual vessels that are outsi de of strongly support formalization and deserve some special attention. The only formalized events that would be easily seen through domestic ceramics are those associated with feasting however individual ritual items that had possibly unique functions and unique forms from those described by Rice would need to be discussed individually. The possible c onnection between the amount of ritual items one building contains compared to other buildings can give insight into the activities that occurred in the building and the status of those who lived there ( Table II 1 ) for different vessel types helps to operationalize he different characteristics of ceramic wares can be used to reconstruct activities, which can and formalization. The principles of Feinman et al. (1981) investment index can be function chart (1987) to determine the daily practices that occurred in the structure. This allows the study to identify formalized practices as well as domestic practices and practices arranged by their spatia l patterning By identifying the range of activities implied by different ceramic forms and types, an analysis can avoid the problem of characterizing a structure simply by its most obvious artifacts. For example, sherds from extremely high investment vess els can be used to determine the range of

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20 activities that took place in a structure, as done by Lesure for Mound 32 and by Smith and David for the Xid i Sukur house (Lesure 1999: 404; Smith and David 1995: 456). This way the evidence for one type of activi ty does not cause an entire structure to be restrictively labelled as only a ritual, elite, or domestic space

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21 CHAPTER III III. BACKGROUND TO THE REGION AND STUDY Tequila Valley, Jalisco, Mexico This study focus es on the ceramic assemblages from Circle 5 of the archaeological site of Navajas. Navajas Circle 5 was excavated in 2003, and is a typical small example of public architecture during the Late Formative (300 B.C. A.D. 200) and Early Classic (A.D. 300 500) periods of Jalisco, Mexico. Despite the central importance of this architecture in the region, and the ceramic dioramas depicting the architecture, the specific activities associated with the form are still unclear This makes Navajas Circle 5 an excell ent site to study for answering the research question of this thesis: w hat is the function of this public architecture as determined by an analysis of the practices presented in its ceramic assemblage? The Teuchitlan Culture Archaeological Timeline The Te uchitlan culture of Western Mexico is mostly known for its distinctive surface architecture and subterranean shaft and chamber tombs. The Tequila Valley s of Jalisco, Mexico were first surveyed by Isabel Kelly in1948, al though Carl Lumholtz was the first to 1900s (Lumholtz 1902, 1903; Kelly 1948 ). Javier Galvan excavated in the neighboring Atemajac valley at the cemetery site of Tabachines in the 1970s (Galvan 1991). However the T euchitlan culture became better known through the studies of Phil Weigand (1985). Weigand carried out primarily surface survey until excavating at the largest known guachimontn site of Los Guachimontones in the town of Teuchitlan from 1999 2010 (Weigand a nd Weigand 2000). Excavations by Lorenza Lopez and Jorge

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22 Ramos at Huitzilapa uncovered an unlooted shaft tomb and various structures on the surface (Lopez and Ramos 1998). The excavation of a guachimontn group at Llano Grande by Christopher Beekman (Beek man 2005), and the excavation of parts of the Navajas guachimontn complex also by Beekman have extended the archaeological data on these structures even further (Beekman et al. 2007 :6) Several systematic surveys in the greater area have occurred more recently adding more sites to the many that are already known in mountains and valleys surrounding the Tequila Volcano, though none have been excavated (see Figure III 1 for known guachimontn sites).

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23 Figure III 1 : Map Of Tequila a nd Atemajac Valley Systems. The Reporting Bias is Towards Sites with Public Architecture a nd Cemeteries. ( Beekman 2007: Figure 1.01).

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24 The Chronology of the Study Area The oldest sites in the area include El Opeo style tomb s dated to approximately 1400 B.C. and named for the site of El Opeo in Michoacn (Oliveros 2009). The El Opeo tombs represent the Early Formative period of Western Mexico and have some representation in the Tequila Valley in the town of Magdalena. These have no surface architecture associated with them. The tombs are instead represented by stairway and chamber tombs that are dug 4m down into the ground by using large steps which lead to a two chamber tomb (Oliveros 2009:38 41). These step chamber tombs a re not the same type of construction as the later shaft tombs, though in the literature some refer to both as There is a long period in between the El Opeo phase in the Early Formative and the start of the Tequila I phase in the Middle For mative. This period is the least well documented and has been called the San Felipe phase (Weigand and Weigand 2000:45 47) recent analysis suggest it should be considered part of the Tequila I phase (Beekman 2010) It is known only from a few sites of l arge mounds. No other data has been found connected to these sites and no excavation has been done. Beginning in the Tequila II phase, a new form of public architecture emerges which Weigand nicknamed the guachimontn after a local term used for them (Wei gand 19 85) The archaeology of the Late Formative and Classic period is known as the Teuchitlan culture (formerly tradition) because the largest guachimontn site found was right outside of the town of Teuchitlan in the Tequila valleys. The guachimontn structures appear all over the Tequila v alley s and Atemajac v alley region and as far west as Puerto Vallarta and as far east as Guanajuato, though 90% of the circular structures are in the Tequila

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25 v alley s (Beekman 2003:5). One of the most well known artifacts from the guachimontones and shaft tombs are h ollow ceramic figures which are popular on the art market they appear in the earlier shaft tombs continue to appear in the guachimontones through the Te uchitln culture period (von Winning and Hammer 1972 ; Weigand and Weigand 2000:47). The shaft tombs and the guachimontones continue to be built into the later phases stretching from Mesoamerican Late Formative to Early Classic periods There have been som e issues with the many titles for each of these smaller phases of the Teuchitlan occupation and the phases are different depending on the previous sources (Beekman and Weigand 2008 ). The most current chronology of Teuchitln and Epi Classic and Post Classi c phases in the Tequila valleys are a compilation of previous chronologies from Weigand, Galvan and Beekman (Beekman and Weigand 2008) (see Table III 1 ).

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26 Table III 1 : Architectural and Ceramic Chronologies for Tequila Valley based on Beekman and Weigand 2008:324. Date Ceramic Phases (based on Beekman and Weigand 2008) 1500 1400 Atemajac 1300 1200 1100 Huistla 1000 900 800 El Grillo 700 600 500 Tequila IV 400 300 200 A.D. 100 Tequila III 0 100 B.C. 200 Tequila II 300 The phases of ceramics in the Tequila valley are as follows: Tequila I 1000 300 B.C., Tequila II 300 100 B.C. Tequila III 100 B.C. A.D. 200, Tequila IV A.D. 200 500, El Grillo A.D. 600 900, Huistla A.D. 900 1400, Atemajac A.D. 1400 1600 (Beekman and Weigand 2008 : 326). Guachimontones The guachimontones are a group of four to eighteen platform str uctures that, normally, ring a large circular step pyramid altar. Often these platform structures can have a shaft tomb in the center of them, but this does not occur with all, or even most, of the guachimontones (Beekman et al. 2007 2003 a, b ; Lpez. an d Ramos 2006 ; Weigand and Weigand 2000). The guachimontones do not always have a central altar I n fact the

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27 central altar is fairly rare, though the central altar is important to several possible ritual activities (Beekman 2003a). The guachimontones have been described as public architecture, but what activities occurred in them is not fully known. However there are ceramic dioramas that come from the shaft tombs T hese ceramic dioramas depict activities occurring at the structures, like feasts, pole ri tuals, and possible music al ceremonies ( Beekman 2003b ; Butterwick 2004; von Winning and Hammer 1972 ). Archaeologists have previously described rituals that may have taken place at these structures, based on these depictions though none have done an activi ty analysis looking at the different ceramic artifacts of guachimontn structures and how they could have been connected to recurring practices (Beekman 2003a, b, 2008 ; Beekman et al. 2007 ; Blanco et al. 2010; Butterwick 1998; Weigand 1996, 2001). Instead the data about activities in the area have mostly been pulled from idealized ceramic diorama s, hollow ceramic figure s some from possibly related codices, and some from ethnographic studies of possible surviving descendants from the Huichol and Cora ( Beekm an 2003a; Butterwick 1998; von Winning and Hammer 197 ; Weigand 1997 ). These theories are described below in more detail. T heories a bout the Guachimontn Some of the first theories about the guachimontn activities were those based solely on the shaft tomb figures and their activities T hese were outlined by the art histori ans von Winning and Hammer (1972 ). The collection that they used was extensive but their conclusions were made in the absence of archaeological data ( Butterwick 2004: 18; von Winning and Hammer 1972 :28). These comments should not detract from the detailed analysis that von Winning and Hammer did of the ceramic

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28 figures though, their research is currently the most complete on the figures. Phil interpretations of the guachimont n were some of the first to use archaeological data, including ceramics, to explain what practices were performed there (Weigand 1985, 1997). In the majority of his articles Weigand has note d the link between the Teuchitlan culture in the Tequila valley s and the Shaft Tomb s that appear all over western Mexico, based on the fact that there are guachimontn platforms with actual shaft tombs be neath them (Beekman 2003a ; Lopez and Ramos 2006 ; Weigand 1997 ). Weigand also noted that the shaft tombs from other areas (most notably the neighboring state of Nayarit) have ceramic dioramas that depict what appear to be small guachimontones during rituals (Beekman 2003b ; Butterwick 1998, 2004 ; von Winning and Hammer 1972: 58 59; Weigand 1985). Most archaeologists of the area believe that in each shaft tomb the people inside are closely related biologically E vidence for this was found at the Hu i tzilapa excavation, where a genetic syndrome appeared in some of those buried in the shaft tomb (Lopez and Ramos 1998 :69). One interpretation of the activities in the guachimontones is study of feasting, using evidence from the figures (199 8 : 89). the models noted many held ceramic vessels which she believed were used for feasting (Butterwick 1998 : 99). Butterwick uses central Mexican codices and ethnographic data to support these claims. Her analysis of the ceramic figures placed particular importance on drinking alcohol during feasting Evidence of the drink pulque, a fermented drink made from maguey, or something similar, is present in some figures. There is even evidence of several figures carrying maguey centers to be used for pulque production (Butterwick 199 8 : 103). Butterwick also proposes that the figures highlight ancest or

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29 worship, stating that the figures were portraits of the deceased. (Butterwick 2004: 21). In this study Butterwick also discusses the vessels associated with figures and what vessels were used during rituals H er findings point to smaller single serving vessels being used honoring the dead to create a connection to the land through lineage. This makes the feasting a political act to gain connection to the land. Beekma work on the guachimontn has primarily discussed how the circles are used for political performance (Beekman 2000). His interpretation of the circle activities involved with politics has discussed other possible rituals than feasting, but his conclusio data to work with which helps the studies he built on guachimontn rituals, though he still uses the ceramic imagery to support his interpretation (Beekman 1996, 2003 a, b, 2010) The volador ceremony, the ritual of four men climbing up a pole and the jumping off of it with ropes attached to them, has popularly been connected to the guachimontn because of the ceramic dioramas that depict guachimontones with poles coming out of th e central altar and p eople climbing it ( Beekman 2003:9 ; Weigand 1992 ). Beekman notes several reasons the volador ceremony is not the same as the one depicted in the ceramic dioramas and has interpretations involving cosmological aspects of the guachimonto nes. Beekman points out from the Llano Grande excavation, that at this guachimontn with no central altar it would have been impossible to set up the ceremony. The spot where the pole is placed does not have enough depth for the pole to be used like a vo lador pole (Beekman 2003 b: 302). Beekman points out that the cosmological design of the guachimontn allows for more than one pole ceremony to be

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30 interpreted from the architecture This design has aspects from several calendrical ceremonies involving maiz e and maize growth. Beekman also pointed out that the structure of the guachimontones are similar to a cross section of a maize cob perhaps to symbolically connect the culture even more to the maize growth cycle (Beekman 2003a: 13) The guachimontn also exhibit both the quadripartite separation of the world and the three layer world views that were common across Mesoamerica (Beekman 2003 a: 12). The quadripartite design is most apparent in the simpler four platform guachimontn design, and the highe r platform numbers do not change this T here is almost always an even number of platforms that can be separated into four parts (Beekman 2003 a: 11). This symbolism is mirrored in the decorative works on the ceramics of the Teuchitlan tradition, where th ere is a common motif of large crosses sectioning off the bowls, or for a set of four squares to be connected similarly to the four platform guachimontn. While this study does not investigate this, there is a large amount of symbolism to be studied on th e Teuchitlan ceramic vessels. The other aspect of the Mesoamerican world view is that it is formed of three vertical layers; a higher realm up in the sky, the middle realm which is the earth, and the underworld This is also easy to understand, with the central altar of the guachimontn symbolizing the connection to the higher realm, the patios where the rituals take place symbolizing the present earth, and the previously mentioned shaft tombs representing the underwor ld (Beekman 2003a: 12). This broad interpretation of the guachimontn symbology means that other pole ceremonies involving the functions of the world can be applied as well, instead of just the volador ceremony. These studies are based off of the ceramic dioramas, historical records, codices, and archaeological

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31 data H owever the studies do not discuss the possible day to day practices of the guachimontn. The Current Ceramic Data for the Area This study bases the majority of its ceramic descriptions off of prior research. The ware names, typologies and form descriptions come primarily from four sources. about the ceramics that were in the burials. This led to his d efinition of the first three wares that are used in this study : Colorines ware, Tabachines ware, and Arroyo Seco ware. Galvan designated them by the finish, the thickness of the vessels, and decoration (Galvan 1991). The Colorines ware was the largest, th ickest and had decoration that was not well executed. The Arroyo Seco ware was a moderately thick ware usually covered in thick red paint either as large bands or almost like a slip. The Tabachines ware was the smallest, thinnest ceramics and had excellent ly executed designs. Meredith Aronson, a material s analysis on the paste, the forms, and the possible uses of these ceramics based on their paste and form (Aronson 1993). While Aronson did not add any types or wares, she made several exploratory tests to determine how these pots may have been used which will be used in this study. Aronson found that the three wares were consistently different from one another not just as Galvan described by size, th ickness and design, but also in their evidence of use. The Colorines ware vessels almost always showed use, sometimes heavy use in this context. The Tabachines ware showed moderate use wear, but no aggressive activities were indicated like grinding or co oking. Oddly the Arroyo Seco ware vessels had little to no evidence of use wear on them. This lack of use wear on the

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32 Arroyo S e co is particularly distinctive because their shape, size and simple designs would normally point to more utilitarian vessels. Beekman attempted to reconcile the wares and types defined by Galvan with the types that Weigand had previously defined but never published (Beekman 1996). Beekman generally retained the ware names from Galvan, but used the type names given by Weigand t o the representative red on cream type within each ware (Beekman and Weigand 2000). The other contribution Beekman made besides synthesis was to add a fourth ware to the ceramic typological system, known as Estolanos ware (Beekman 1996: 496 ). Beekman did not develop global descriptions of the wares at this time, and his research goals were strictly chronological. This typology was later published with the addition of photos obtained by Weigand of whole vessels from the region (Beekman and Weigand 2000). O ne of the main resources for this study was this text. Aronson came closest in these studies to connecting the ceramics from the Tabachines cemetery to actual practices H owever guachimont one s these possible practices were not connected to the Teuchitlan culture surface architecture. The Site of Navajas The archaeological site of Navajas is located approximately a kilometer to the south and uphill from the town of Santa Maria de las Navajas, in the s outheast corner of the Tequila Valleys ( Figure III 2 ) Navajas is approximately an hour by car southwest of Guadalajara, Jalisco and approximately 30 minutes by car southeast of Los Guachimontones. The site is one of the earliest of the Teuchitlan culture and is radiocarbon dated from 50 BC to AD 200 this is believed to be one occupation and there

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33 was no evidence for a later culture to have occupied the site At this site there have been approximately ten guachimontones identified two of which were excavated, Circle 1 and Circle 5 during the 2003 Tequila Val l ey Regional Archaeology Project (Beekman et al 2007 :10). These guachimontones are located in the central area of the site of Navajas which is a large and expansive Teuchitlan culture site. Circle 5 has eight platforms and one central altar ( Figure III 3 ) The occupation of Circle 5 is short and it is believed that the structures were all constructed at the same time (Beekman et al. 2007: 96) As previously stated this is the standard arrangement and the standard construction method of th e guachimontones Six of the eight platform s and the altar were excavated through horizontal excavation using 2x2m units The two other structures contained looters pits that would have compromised data for the excavation. The squares for the excavation of each structure and the patio were 2x2m and covered each structure and a sample area of the patio The six platform s are not identical and had different heights, room layouts and sizes (Beekman et al. 2007 :23). Due to the large ceramic assemblage its typical guachimontn layout and the fact that most of the structures were excavated Circle 5 is an ideal setting to develop more practice centered interpretations of the circles, and to evaluate prior interpretations of thos e activities.

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34 Figure III 2 : The Surveyed Site o f Navajas a Kilometer to the South of the Town o f Santa Maria d e las Navajas ( Beekman Et Al. 2007: Figure 1.02). Circle 5

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3 5 Figure III 3 : Navajas Circle 5 A fter E xcavation (Beekman et al. 2007 : Figure 2.91). 5 2 5 3 5 4 5 5 5 6 5 7

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36 CHAPTER IV IV. METHODS CHAPTER This artifact analysis was done to understand if the activities in the guachimontn structures can be determined by using a practice based analysis investigating the ceramic activities present Also if these functions can be determined what does this mean about the purpose of the guachimontns? What kind of soci a l functions could some of these activities indicate? Excavation Results The excavations at Circle 5 took place in 2003 under the direction of Dr. Christopher Beekman with four other trained archaeologist s help ing to direct individual structure ex cavations (Beek man et al. 2007 ). The seven structures excavated all inv olved somewhat similar sizes and similar constructions. The structures were all built within a kind of guachimontn platform template involving two narrowly spaced phases of construction, the inner stone wall phase that outlines the room (or rooms) and the terrace phase that forms a terrace surrounding the inn er room. Most of the buildings were formed of large boulders, with raw packed clay around the stones, referred to as slump with a form of bamboo used to create walls. Then on the exterior a fired clay, referred to as bajareque was used to seal in the walls (Beekman 2007: 98). Ho w the bajareque was fired is currently unknown and to add to the confusion of how it was created is the fact that there was little evidence of charcoal and no hearths at Navajas, in fact no hearths have been noted at any known guach imontn Not all of the structures had these construction materials, notably 5 2, 5 6, and 5 7 all were missing at least one of the construction materials, 5 2 showed no sign of slump, 5 6 was very small and had little to no slump or

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37 bajareque, and 5 7 als o lacked slump (Beekman 2007: 99). These differences in details, but not the overall template, is mimicked by the ceramic distribution found, where all structures had similar percentages of ceramics, but the actual amounts and types varied greatly. The C ircle 5 excavation revealed a large collection of ceramic sherds associated with it in comparison to some other guachimontones (particularly those found on the western side of the Tequila Valleys), totaling 51770g of sherds from the excavated platforms and altar (Beekman 2006:247). This is a good sample size of ceramics to consider possible activities in these structures. While a preliminary ceramic analysis took place in 2003 a second ceramic analysis was done in the summer of 2011 with the Tequila Val ley Regional Archaeological Project lab season, the second ceramic analysis was used for this thesis The previous work in the area, discussed in the last chapter, developed a combined type variety and modal analysis on the ceramics ( Beekman 1996; Galvan 1991). It was formally published first in 1996 in an effort to synthesize the different types of ceramic research that had been done previously (Beekman 1996, Beekman and Weigand 2000). The data from the types and modes has been modified since then, thou gh most of the modifications are still unpublished. The wares discussed in the last chapter are important to this research and are referred to frequently henceforth This is not a full description of types or wares found at Navajas, as this has been presented before (Beekman 1996, Beekman and Weigand 2000) Instead only ceramic information relevant to the thesis is offered.

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38 How the Sherd Activity Analysis Works This spatial analysis compar es the structures and patio of Circle 5. The analysis will use the culturally defined built spaces for units: the platforms, altar, rooms and patio. The analysis presented here aims to place different wares and types into broad func tional categories, and evaluate the variation found across the seven structures of function and is used with caution to help understand possible activities associated with the ceramic collection (Rice 1987:238). The graph is useful for giving very general definitions to vessel forms. However the graph is not meant for sherd analysis and only has a minimalistic description of what the pastes may be like for certain vessel t ypes. To not as a blueprint to determine entire specific wares and define specific functions (Rice 1987:237) (see Table II 1 ). Vessels are the primary source for function analysis in pottery source books and articles. This study, as previously mentioned l ooks at the activity area analysis with pottery sherds T his was primarily decided because of the sheer amount of sherds at the site. Some researchers caution against creating an activity analysis off of a sherd, bec ause of the variability of the activities associated with them and because sherds are o ften displaced from their original activity area (Sinopoli 1991: 85 88 ). Particularly the point that is normally made is that when vessels are broken, the sherds are then removed from the activity area and deposited in a midden. However considering the e xtensive amount of sherds used in this study, and the general space of each of the structures, the argument that spatial analysis will not show anything relevant is not applicable T his

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39 study aims to develop observations about long term accumulated activi ties rather than the specifics associated with single whole vessels and will only give general activity pattern analysis draw ing specific conclusions only off of works that have been previously done on similar ceramics in the region ( Aronson 1993; Beekman and Weigand 2000; Butterwick 1998; Furst 1998). The use of the basic information of this analysis for activity suggestions should be reasonable. There were four primary attributes taken from each sherd : processing, form, rims, and surface enhancements were the basis for this study because they can be tied to functional uses of ceramics. The differences in the quantities of ceramics, measured by the weight and the counts of the artifacts between buildings might indi cate that there were important differences between the groups using the buildings. Differences in quantity of material could indicate that the buildings had different levels of activity or the groups who occupied them had greater access to pottery than ot hers in their circles. The approach to activity analysis extrapolated in the Theory chapter suggests that different distributions of functionally specific wares should show what activities were occurring and specifically how these activities compare to o ther structures within the same architectural unit Circle 5 has eight platforms surrounding an altar, and for this study comparing the activities found in each structure to one another was the most important part of the ceramic analysis. This allows for d ifferent evidence of activities to be compared instead of simply identifying the most frequent activity evidence The final stage of analysis explore s the possible variation in activities between the front and back rooms of the platforms. This was in an effort to investigate any intra structure differences The study of the Xidi Sukur house used data similarly looking at

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40 the different rooms and comparing the Xidi Sukur house layout of activity areas to the residential houses surrounding it (Smith and Da vid 1995). However, one of the bes t known studies came from the front room / back room analysis i household (Bourdieu 197 3 ). The analysis proceeded by identifying a series of important variables, detailed below Variables A master code document was used for the 2011 study that was based on the 2003 ceramic analysis code sheet. There is a numeric code on that document for each variable mentioned here. These codes are primarily important for the ceramic types that are discussed late r in this chapter and at greater length in the results chapter. This is because these codes are the basis for the statistical analysis and several other ceramic studies since the 2011 laboratory season have used them as well. In the results chapter the code for each ware and type is in parenthesis next to its title. Processing When the sherd is first analyzed the surface and paste are probably the two most important factors in determining how well processed it was. One of the main distinguishing fact ors for paste can be how well the clay has been refined. The improvement of clay for a vessel can take several paths, though they all go back to the water to clay relationship (Rice 1987:55). How clay is exposed to water determines how easily the potter c an manipulate the clay. This is called plasticity, and potters use different levels of plastici ty for different vessel forms (Rice 1987: Figure 3.4.). A better filtered clay can indicate that the vessel was to have a special status. production step index found that processing of the raw material to achieve a finer paste is

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41 a step that can add to the value of the vessel production (Feinman et al. 1981:874). This is one variable among many and later variables can shift what the purpose/use of the vessel. Several different procedures are involved in the clay refinement steps of ceramic production. Not all of the procedures are done every time though, and the differences in procedures are determined by factors like whether the clay is already high q uality without refinement and/or if the end result is compromised by a certain procedure. The normal procedures for clay refinement are filtering out unwanted inclusions, kneading the clay, and adding temper. Each of these procedures can be done differen tly, and some procedures are considerably more labor intense in their cleaning, tempering and kneading the raw clay than others. Some cultures have traditions and religious significance attached to the gathering and preparation of their ceramic clay, like the month that someone harvested the clay, the gender of the people gathering the clay or the exact process of clay preparation for ceramic production (Rice 198 7 : 117 118; Shepard 1954:51 53). This information is not available for the Teuchitlan people, but there is information that sherds can show about the clay processing. The first step done to clay is cleaning and it ranges in diffi culty and refinement from simply spreading the clay out in a thin layer and then beating any larger inclusions and glob s into finer particles with feet or a hard object, to the process of hydration sieving that uses water to separate particles in the clay out into different layers of density leaving few to almost no visible inclu sions in the clay (Rice 198 7 :20; Shepard 195 4: 51). The former example is a popular process in Mexico among traditional potters, and groups use this method even now (Shepard 1954:51). There are certain visual indications of different clay cleaning techniques T ypically the higher the amount of cle aning means the greater the amount of uniformity

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42 in the size of the inclusions, and the greater the density of the clay in the sherd profile. Greater cleaning decrease s the amount of visible inclusions in a sherd profile. The process of tempering can be skipped if the potters feel the clay has the right amount of plasticity relative to aplastic inclusions and refinement based upon the naturally occurring inclusions in the clay. Tempering is when certain inclusions, chosen for their effect on shrinkage of the clay during the drying and their ability to support during thermal structure shock and stress of the vessel during use are inserted into the clay after it has been cleaned. The inclusions are then called temper or non plastics (Shepard 1954:53). Inorganic and organic temper can be used to help give clay different levels of plasticity and avoid cracking due to shrinkage during drying and firing. The use of temper in clay stops or slows the shrinkage that occurs between the clay and water, tempering the movement and density of the clay to give vessels greater strength during and after firing. The inclusions can also go through a process of cleaning and grinding similar to the clay (Shepard 1954:52). There are some potters who choose to clean and ref ine the clay with the temper already added into it to get the right density and plasticity they want to form their vessels. It is easy to see the inclusions in a clay matrix from the profile of a sherd, though it is more difficult to deci de what temper is and what is a natural inclusion. There are several points to remember about temper when trying to choose between whether what is in the clay matrix is a naturally occurring part of the clay make up or something added in to reduce clay shrinkage. The thr ee main concerns are how angular the temper is and how large the temper is in the clay and how well sorted is the temper Often larger angular inclusions can indicate either poorly cleaned primary clay deposit or that the clay was not cleaned with the tem per in it and that the temper that

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43 was added crushed prior to inclusion The opposite of this, rounded small inclusions can indicate overly refined temper or clay that has been well cleaned and only has smaller natural inclusions left or that the clay is from a secondary deposit Petrographic analysis helps differentiate between the two and show possible sources for the clay and temper present (Shepard 1954:53). Another common occurrence during clay processing i s for the clay to be compressed repeatedly t o remove any air bubbles that might form unseen in the clay slabs. One of the main problems with air bubbles is that firing can make the air bubble burst and either damage or destroy the ceramic vessel. The process is called kneading, and involves similar mechanics to a baker knead ing bread, though the clay kneading can be more aggressive and th e end result for a potter is that no or little air is left in the clay, while a baker kneads to add more air If there are no problems with the sherd, it does not l ook melted or misshapen n or has air spaces in the profile, and then the clay used for the vessel was kneaded before firing to eliminate possible damage from air bubbles. There are a variety of ways to knead, including more complex ways that include cutti ng the clay into smaller pieces and then reattaching them to mix the clay better and get rid of air bubbles, but it is difficult to know if anything more complex than sim ple kneading occurred (Rice 1987 : 121 124). The problem with trying to notice anythin g but the most basic clay processing occurring in a sherd profile is that there is such a range of procedures that it would be foolish to try and pontificate over the exact method of clay processing (Rice 1987 :115; Shepard 1953:51, 54). There are some nat ive groups who have been connected to the Teuchitlan culture in previous publications, particularly the Huichol and the Cora, though

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44 the great differences between these two cultures should express how unlikely it is that they continued using the same ance stral methods of pottery manufacturing for over 2000 years even if it was considered traditional (Weigand 1969). However while specific comparisons (like the gender of the pottery user) will not be made between the Cora/Huichol and the Teuchitln general connections are used to suggest some of the possible activities connected to the ceramic assemblages in this study. Trying to analyze the sherds by their surfaces in relation to the clay processing is difficult considering the decoration s that is commonly on ceramic surfaces. The profile of the sherd gives far more information about the clay manufacturing. The profile can have a certain texture that ranges from an almost chalky texture to a gravelly texture. A chalky texture often indicates a cleaner type of clay and increased processing with finer temper, whereas the gravel like texture indicates a clay that is not as fine and had less processing with coarser temper. The profile gives the best examples of the temper used : well processed clay c ould have temper that was chosen for it, while clay that is poorly processed (or purposefully left unprocessed) might have temper that felt to the touch like uneven rocks and in the case of the Tequila Valleys fragments of sharp obsidian. If the profile h as empty spaces that are uneven it can also indicate poor processing or organic temper because spaces can indicate tiny pockets of air. Spaces that occur from organic inclusions burnt out of the irregular spaces which may retain the shape of the plant m atter that was in the clay. The color of the clay in the profile can indicate the amount of processing as well H owever this variable is strongly affected by the firing temperature. The better processed the clay the denser it can be and the denser the cl ay the harder it is to fire out all of the organic material and start the process of activating the iron in the clay

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45 to change its color (Rice 1987 : Figure 4.3, 343). Not b urning out all of the organics c ould leave a large black line in the clay or possib ly leave the entire sherd profile black though the core can happen because of a number of firing elements If the clay is too dense to allow the heat to cause a chemical reaction with the iron the clay might only fire to a white/cream color H owever fi ring is extremely variable and using color to determine firing temperature or duration is difficult (Rice 1987 : 107, 343 345). Paste c olor can help for determining wares from the Circle 5 assemblage. T he distinct color of the Arroyo Seco ware was one of the easiest to identify, since it was a light red grey color and the vessels all had a similar amount of carbon streak left in them (Beekman et al. 2007 : 170) The Arroyo Seco ware is the only ware in wh ich the color of the paste and the color of its surface treatment are the most important factors to identifying the ware (see Figure V 9 ). The only wa re local to the area that has an orange red hue is the Colorines ware H owever the Colorines ware can also be a cream color like the Tabachines and Estolanos ware, which makes it difficult to sort these sherds into ware groupings without a loupe present For these three wares the easiest way to sort them is by the amount of clay cleaning and temper processing that took place. Highly dense pieces with a thin, blurry carbon streak and barely visible temper are usually Tabachines ware. Dense looking she rds, with large cores, a grey tint to the paste, and small temper was often the Estolanos ware. Orange, red, ombr orange to red, an ombr cream to red orange or just cream colored paste, with a variety of inclusions and low clay cleaning define the Color ines ware. All four of the wares identified during the 2011 season were best identified by paste. While the Tabachines ware, Estolanos ware, and Colorines ware were best

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46 identified by their amount of clay cleaning and different tempers/inclusions, the Ar royo Seco ware is best identified by its clay color and core size. Form Form is considered during the second stage of analysis and after the initial sort into wares. The sherds were then sorted into open, closed, or jar neck vessels. Open vessels, sometimes called unrestricted vessels, are usually defined by the rim or orifice having the greatest diameter on the vessel. The most common open forms are bowls, which are one third the height of their diameter and might have lips on their rims but never have necks (Rice 1987 : 216). Closed vessels, sometimes referred to as restricted vessels, are defined by the rim and rim neck having a smaller diameter than the body of the vessel (Rice 198 7 : 212). The most common closed vessel forms in the study area ar e jars, which are vessels with a height greater than its diameter and a neck to its rim (Rice 198 7 :216). A jar neck can be identified by seeing if the sherd in question has curvature both horizontally and vertically. It is important to note that for this analysis the jar neck sherds were sorted into the closed vessel form, since they are just a more specific subset of a closed vessel. The reason for the specific sort of jar necks is because jars are the most common form of closed vessel in the area, and the neck gives a separate range of data, like how large the vessel opening is and possibly what the vessel was used for. When looking at sherds, particularly body sherds, determining form becomes considerably harder because the traditional ways of determ ining an open or closed vessel are not available. A definition of open and closed had to be devised that could be applied to sherds. Body sherds were determined to be closed or open based on the amount of finishing that was done to the interior of the sher d. Well finished interiors with smoothed

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47 surfaces or slip or designs fall into the open vessel category, while sherds with unfinished interiors were determined to be part of the closed vessel category. The reasoning for this tricted neck would not allow for the potter to reach inside the pot to completely finish the interior well or at all. This has been supported by the study of the whole vessel collections both at Navajas in 2011 and other studies with whole vessel collecti ons in the Tequila Valley area (Beekman and Weigand 2000). The most difficult part of this process is that the sherds can be too eroded making it difficult to see if the interiors were finished F or this level of difficulty longer observation time of the sherd interior with a lou p e was required and possibly even re cleaning the sherd. Another category of undetermined was used for those sherds that simply could not be identified as either open or closed. The form of the vessel has been given much attention for activity analysis. Previous studies go into more depth about how certain forms are more convenient for certain activities. In an article by Henrickson and MacDonald (1983:633), a detailed study was done on the functionality of vessel forms in the Af rican Great Lakes region. The results of the study discuss some generalities that can be used for other vessel analysis For instance the possibility of the vessel being for serving, cook ing, storage or solely visual purposes. Also the opening of the rim of the vessel provides information about the ability of the vessel to be used for cooking, storage or serving. Some of these studies come up with very simple rules, like larger closed ve ssels are often used for long term storage and smaller volume vessels that are closed are for short term storage (Rice 1987:236).

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48 Rims The next important characteristic to determine is whether the sherd is a rim sherd or not. This is usually fairly easy to determine but the more that remains of the vessel below the rim the easier it will be to determine the form and whether the vessel was open or closed. The rim can be us ed for deciding several factors; what are recurring rims in the assemblage, wha t are the most common vessel sizes as determined by the rim diameter, and the differences between the closed and open vessels can be understood better than with just body sherds (Rice 1987:216). The study during the 2011 laboratory season used a previously collected rim classification done during the survey of the La Venta Corridor that gives each rim grouping in the study area a different identifying number (Beekman 1996). During this study there were several new rims identified that were given numbers co ntinuing from the earlier collection. Rim diameters feature prominently in studies of vessel function, because the diameter of the rim gives certain details about the ability for the vessel to be used for storage, cooking, transportation, and serving. Po ssibly the only activity that rim form and rim diameters cannot address are ritual uses except for serving vessels connected to feasting but there can be other indications of activities such as incense burning (Henrickson and MacDonald 1983). Even the te rminology for the greater form of a vessel, whether it is closed or open, is based on the restriction or lack thereof of the rim (Rice 1987:214). Bases Sherds that are part of bases are helpful to understand what activities might have been present in the structure. Bases on vessels can have use wear from food processing

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49 (like grinding or small cut marks), or cooking in them which provides information about their use. The bases can also show extensive damage that can inform about their use as well, like fire damage. The absence of extensive use wear is also informative, particularly if the vessel has no use wear on the inside or outside of the base (Rice 1987: 235). With sherds this is more difficult, and even if usewear is present it is rarely clear on what part of the vessel it may have occurred on this can be because of the rounded bases like the ones found primarily in the Navajas Circle 5 assemblage and because the sherds are so not apparent However there are some basic things that can be understood from base sherds, such as the type of base (convex, concave, flat, ring, pedestal, tripod, tetrapod) or whether the vessel was opened or closed. These base types give information about the type of activities that the vessel could have been used for However the collection from Navajas has some problems with identifying base s Basal break sherds were far less likely to be found, or identified than rim sherds in this collection. No particular form had more basal pieces than any other A ll of the wares had low amounts of base sherds in the assemblage Bases are valuable for vessel function analysis if available. However if a sherd of a base is found it is often difficult to tell t he difference between it and a regular body sherd because the majority of the bases for the Teuchitlan tradition were rounded, much like the body sherds are. The vessel function analysis depends heavily on bases to determine not only activities like cook ing, but specifics like the style of cooking the vessel was used for (Rice 1987:237).

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50 Surface Enhancement Surface enhancement or decoration can help understand vessel uses. The types of decoration on ceramics are vast. Types that are most popular in the study area are painting, polishing, incising, engraving, and additions to the vessel surface (Rice 1987:146 148). Decoration, even on a sherd is particularly important for assessing chronology and understanding vessel use. The more intricate the decora tion on a vessel the greater the time investment on the vessel, and thus an added importance. Throughout the analysis any sherd with a surface enhancement beyond a simple smoothing of the exterior was noted. Sherds were thereby assigned to types within t he larger ware categories discussed above (Ex: Tabachines Red, Tabachines Red on Cream, etc. ). This includes types that can indicate that the sherd has paint on it, but there is sometimes no way to tell if the paint was a small part of a slip or a piece of a design. Well preserved sherds with complex designs found during analysis were noted in the database as well and some were photographed to support previous typological descriptions. As mentioned above and in the Theory chapter i ndex assign s values to certain types of decoration, the greater the decoration and difficulty of decoration the higher the production value (Feinman et al. 1981 ). A similar method was used with the Navajas sherds and the di fferent types from the Tequila v alleys. Certain types, due to their complexity and greater surface treatment steps (polishing, interior exterior designs, bi colored designs) have been assigned a more prestigious place particularly the Oconahua Red on Cream type which combines fancy des igns with highly processed paste Some of this value can be seen in previous publications, and the investment in better executed and more complex vessel designs

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51 should factor into their theorized use (Weigand and Beekman 2000 ). For the vessels from Navaja s Circle 5 the designs were also noted, pictured and drawn. All the specific types within wares are outlined in more detail in the Results Chapter. Certain types of decoration can tell a great deal about the function of the vessel. Often vessels with mor e extensive decoration and a general lack of use could imply that the vessel is only for visual or ritual/presentation purposes However many other surface enhancements are not present only for presentation but have functional benefits such as control of porosity or the ability to grip the vessel without slipping The most common surface enhancements are burnishing and smoothing, which help to reduce with porosity of the vessels (Henrickson and MacDonald 1983:634). The grip improving surface enhancements were not seen in this analysis at all. Thus, t he aspects of surface enhancements are also important for understanding possible activities that the vessels were connected to. Prior Research In an article by Blanco et al ( 2010) pursuing a similar study of ceramic use from the Los Guachimontones project, the authors use the graph from Rice as the mechanism for sorting both sherds and vessels. It places types strictly into this schema (Blanco et al 2010). This thesis differs from Blanco and colleagues in several respects, beginning with the names of the wares and types. The Blanco et al. article utilizes three wares Oc onahua Teuchitln and Ahualulco that were defined by their functional analysis and assessment of paste coarseness (Blanco et al 2010: 90 93). The authors use existing type and ware names differently from prior publications ( e.g. Beekman and Weigand 2000)

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52 and do not provide illustrations or photos of their types. There is also no explanation for the change in ware and type descriptions i n their study. This thesis uses the four wares and various type names from existing sources, all of which were done with technical attributes of the pottery in mind and with some analysis of the differences in paste ( Aronson 1993; Beekman and Weigand 2 000 ; Beekman 1996; Galvn 1991). They also rely heavily on usewear more than consistency in paste to define their wares and types. However as previously noted, usewear is not evident on many sherds and is sometimes difficult to determine since location on the vessel is difficult to confidently identify An example of this occurred during this study, when several sherds were noted to have evidence of sooting. But the location of sooting leads to different interpretations; if sooting is on the sid e of a vessel it indicates a different use than if the sooting occurred only on the bottom of the vessel (Rice 1987 : 235 ) .This thesis relies heavily on the paste analysis by loupe for sorting between the four wares. Because of these differences in background and method, the work by Blanco and colleagues was not used for the ceramic analysis in this study. This methods cha pter highlights the main procedure for sorting the sherds and the main attributes that are accounted for in the sherd tables for Navajas Circle 5. Forms, rims, rim diameters, bases, and decoration were the primary attributes that led to a ware and type de signation. Other attributes, like possible usewear and decoration outside of the normal types highlighted in the Results Chapter were written in the notes section of the chart. The wares and types were then used to try to distinguish between different po ssible activities that are explained in the Results Chapter.

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53 CHAPTER V V. RESULTS OF THE 2011 CERAMIC ANALYSIS As discussed in the methods chapter these results come from the ceramic analysis of Navajas Circle 5. The ceramic analysis involved an extensive study of this assemblage and all results were recorded in Excel and then analyzed using primarily Excel though SPSS was used for a chi square analysis This chapter looks at the data from Circle 5 following the methodology described in Chapter IV The numbers and statistics used all come from the weight data from the ceramic analysis unless otherwise noted. The first part of this chapter goes over the wares that were found and what defined them in the assemblage The wares found were all previou sly discussed in the b ackground to the r egion and s tudy chapter and are expanded upon here with new information from the Circle 5 assemblage. In the sections about the wares a description of their possible use is included Beneath the ware category the fineness of the vessel, the forms of the vessels and the types that were found in the ceramic assemblage s are listed along with their description s from previous research (Beekman and Weigand 2000). The wares and types are not described here in detail to avoid duplicating previous research, and are only used as a framework to present the activity analysis. The second section of this chapter uses a framework proposed by Lesure (1999) to understand the different activities occurring at Circle 5 This framew ork consists of three categories ; formalization, spatial organization, and domestic activities.

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54 Ceramic Wares and Types that A ppear at Navajas Circle 5 The ceramic types that were identified primarily fell into types that had been described previously by prior ceramic analyses of in the Tequila Valley area (Aronson 1996; Beekman and Weigand 2000) The wares that were present at Navajas Circle 5 include the Tabachines, Colorines, Estolanos and Arroyo Seco wares (see Table V 1 ) The types present are thought to have been found primarily in the Tequila III phase according to the current chronological sequence (Beekman and Weigand 2008). The wares from this time p eriod have been discussed previously, and ar e found outside of the Tequila V alley s (Beekman 1996 ; Aronson 1993) However, the use associated with each ware h as not been fully developed. Part of this study was to try and further develop connections between wares and the activities associated with them. The results of different ware and type distributions per structure give insight into the activities that took place in the guachimontn structures. Table V 1 : C ircle 5 Ware Weights f rom Structures Ware Weights in Grams Tabachines Estolanos Arroyo Seco Colorines 2649 1625 13271 28786 Table V 2 : Each Ware's Percentage of Clos ed a nd Open Sherds a t Circle 5 b y Weight. Percentage of Closed to Open Sherds by Ware Tabachines Estolanos Arroyo Seco Colorines Open Closed Open Closed Open Closed Open Closed 89.04% 10.96% 81.25% 18.75% 68.92% 31.08% 26.88% 73.12% Tabachines Ware The Tabachines ware is the finest form of ceramic vessel found in the Tequila periods. T hey are so carefully made and fashioned that they have been described as graceful in form ( Aronson 1997:164) The specific

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55 Tequila Valley phases that are associated with the Tab achines ware are Tabachines II and Tabachines I III ( 300 BC AD 500). The Tabachines ware has been noted many times as a distinctive ceramic ware of the Western Mexico region f irst by Isabe l Kelley (1948: 58 6 Tabachines ware is usually easy to identify from its cream colored paste and delicate composition that is prone to breakage when compromised by force, water, or overly vigorous cleaning. Washing the surface of the finely decorated Tabachines sherds will often remove a great deal of the surface treatment and washing the paste can c ause the paste to erode. The paste is uniform with similar inclusions repeated in the profile and is so well cl eaned and sifted that the paste looks dense with few to no air pockets (see Figure V 1 ) The inclusions include hematite black obsidian fragments a nd white sand. Most of the temper in Tabachines ware appears rounded and are small compared to the temper from other wares. Tabachines ceramics are also easily identified because they frequently about half of the time, have a very dense thin black carb on streak that contrasts with the cream paste. Tabachines paste was primarily used to make open shallow bowls with slightly divergent rims.

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56 Figure V 1 : Tabachines Paste from Navajas Circle 5 Typical Forms Previous work on the Tabachines ware has noted that they are formed by thin coils allowing for the creation of thinner and finer looking bowls (Butterwick 2004: 26 ; Aronson 1993 ). This is true of the Tabachines ware at Navajas as well I t had the smallest on average weight at 3.5g per sherd. It also was so well smoothed and then later polished that there was no evidence of coil corrugation on the surface s In the Navajas Circle 5 assemblage 89 percent of the Tabachines sherds were open and 10 perc ent were closed ( Table V 1 : C ircle 5 Ware Weights f rom Structures ). The Tabachines rims are straight or slightly inward curving, and usually rounded. These rims were identified in the La Venta survey (Beekman 1996 : 455 467 ). More rims were identified duri ng the 2011 ceramic analysis. The average rim diameter for the open vessel Tabachines ware was 18.70cm and the closed vessel average rim diameter was

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57 10.17cm. This data indicates how large the vessels were and shows how the Tabachines paste was being use d to form smaller open bowls and the ( rare ) small, closed vessels Tabachines is the paste that is connected to the solid figur ines from the Tequila Valle ys However after examining the figures it seems that not all of the figures were made from Tabach ines paste, instead a slightly rougher ware, the Estolanos ware, is used for the large hollow figures and the Tabachines ware is used for the smaller solid figures ( Figure V 2 Figure V 3 ). Figure V 2 : Fragment of Figurine Made o f Tabachines Paste

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58 Figure V 3 : Fragment of Hollow Figure w ith Estolanos Paste The Tabachines paste for making solid figurines suggests that at least one of its primary uses was for ritual activities. All of the Tabachines types should be connected to some sort of ritual use or a prestige good because of their high processing, complex and well executed decoration, high polish, porosity, and evidence of attempts to mend the bowls when they break (Beekman 1996:474). The descriptions of the ware highlight the majority of the sh erds being open and only limited usewear ; this Chart ( Table II 1 ). However, as this study shows the placement of the Tabachines does not seem to be restricted to any one space in Circle 5 despite many indications that its only purpose was for rituals and serving.

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59 Tabachines Types Table V 3 : Major T ypes of Tabachines at Circle 5 by Weight Tabachines Types Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar Polished Black 1 0 0 7 4 0 1 6 Cream 5 923 60 8 34 7 26 25 Oconahua Red on White 17 / 18 191 122 5 52 41 12 39 Oconahua Red 20 60 69 20 13 17 30 35 General 555 271 112 15 219 37 7 5 General Tabachines (Code 555 ) This is the code given to sherds that have no surface left but are identified as Tabachines ware by the paste. This occurred often in the assemblages (see Table V 3 ). Oconahua (Code 17, 18, and 20) The Oconahua type s are possibly the most well known in the Teuchitlan Culture. Red designs across a cream, white, or orange background are the trademark of Oconahua bowls. The orange background is from firing variation and does not seem to occur intentionally; for instance the orange does not happen in a pattern or only in a certain area of the bowl. The most common form is an open bowl with a slightly inward curved walls leading to a rounded or sometimes pointed rim. The Oconahua bowls are separated into two different varieties Red on White Simple and C omplex (Beekman 199 6 :455). There has also been a Red on White F ugitive Oconahua ware described, but these were not pres ent in the Navajas C ircle 5 collection (Beekman 1996 :475). Once a Tabachines sherd was identified, an Oconahua piece could be specified by the presence of painted red on the surface of the sherd at all. If there was red paint on the sherd, even a small mark, it was considered a part of the Oconahua type. The S imple Oconahua (code 17) bowls have designs of red borders and bands on cream background.

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60 The most common of these decorations is a painted red border along the rim of the bowl. Small red dashes a re also a possible decoration for the Oconahua Simple bowls. The C omplex Oconahua (code 18) bowls have a more di fficult requirement to fulfill ; because of this this code was not used in the 2011 analysis because it is difficult to determine design layout on sherds. The s herds (or whole vessels) must show intricate red on cream designs that involve complex polygons, triangles, squares and/or organic designs ( Figure V 4 ) The complex Oconahua bowls have a range of quadripartite layouts that may relate to the world view of the people who lived and used the guachimontones (Beekman 2003 a:12) Another common layout is an arrangement of dots with a central dot surrounded in a circle by different numbers of dots. It should not be a far stretch to connect these dot designs to the actual guachimontn structure which has been suggested before in previous studies (Beekm an 2003 a:12). Figure V 4 : Oconahua Red o n White Vessel f rom Tala's Casa d e Cultura

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61 Figure V 5 : Oconahua Bowl with High Polish and Blurred Design f rom d e Cultura Oconahua Red (Code 20) describes a Tabachines vessel that has no red on white designs, and is completely covered in a solid red paint. This type was created with one sample to describe a rim sherd that was completely red (Beekman 1 996: 474). This description was used o ften for sherds in the Navajas C ircle 5 collection since many of the sherds had a Tabachines paste, thickness, and form, but would be completely red. It is possible that these sherds belonged to a different type, spe cifically the Oconahau Red on Cream, and that it is just a wide band of red paint, but without further evidence it is best to put it in the Red type. Polished Black (Code 1) There is evidence of several other types of the Tabachines ware present in the Nav ajas Circle 5 collection. One of the most distinctive is the Tabachines Polished Black. This type only appears in very low quantities most likely due to its fragility One difference between other Tabachi n es types an d the Polished Black type is the extremely low weight count (total weight for Circle 5=18g) T his was not due just to the sherds being in small fragments but also because they were thin.

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62 Tabachines Polished Black vessels have a n evenness of the dark exteri or and that the core carbon is rarely been burned out, it is likely that the Tabachines Polished Black are formed by red uction firing (Beekman 1996: 488). The blackened paste can make this type difficult to identify because it can look like a small sherd of another ware The way to identify them is by the still identifiable traits like finely processed clay and the few visible inclusions Polished Cream (C ode 5) The final type identified during analysis is Tabachines Polished Cream. The sherds have an un decorated cream surface as the name implies, and is possibly self slipped through vigorous polishing. These vessels are fine enough and polished enough that both are possibilities and it is difficult to determine from sherds at Circle 5 whether it is sel f slipped from polishing or an actual slip The polishing of the vessels occurred when the pot was leather hard, but after any sort of decoration had been applied including a slip The evidence of this kind of polishing is easiest to see on bowls from the region where it is clear the paint was dragged through with a polishing utensil ( Figure V 5 ). The sherds at Navajas were only placed into this category if there was no evidence of red paint or slip. This is slightly different from the prior published description, as th ose publications included sherds that have some red specks or smudges on them (Beekman and Weigand 2000:35). I made this distinc tion from prior studies because it is likely that some ceramic processing occurred in the same place as other ceramics, and so repeated tool use could result in the transfer of small amounts of paint from one vessel to another. Since this could easily occ ur by accident flecks of red should not be used to assign types

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63 Activities Specific to Tabachines Ware The Tabachines ware has been identified as the fine ware of the Teuchitlan culture and surrounding areas with likely ties to ritual (Beekman and Weig and 2000: 27). The Tabachines ware was the second smallest group of ceramics at Circle 5 (Beekman et al. 2007 :171). The Tabachines ware appears in every structure and the patio at similar frequencies The Tabachines ware could be connected to either a w dining ware. In the research Butterwick did on shaft tomb figure iconography, she noted that many of the figures were carrying single serving vessels for their person al use. T he vessels present are highly decora tive possibly associating them with Oconahua Red on Cream (Butterwick 199 8 : 91). The figures display smaller vessels that can easily be held by one person. The use of the Tabachines ware as a single serving, possi bly personal vessel, is supported by the fact that it has an average rim diameter of 18.70cm for open vessel s and 10.17cm for closed vessels which is the smallest average rim diameter s of the four wares at Circle 5 A ll the vessels depicted on the figures are empty bowls or cups indicating that they were multipurpose food vessels. This is consistent with results that the Tabachines ware formed primarily open vessels with 89.04% as open vessels and only 10.98% as closed vessels. More evidence for this inte rpretation comes from the shaft tomb excavation at Huitzilapa (Lopez and Ramos 2006). The ceramics surrounding the individuals in the shaft tomb directly beneath a guachimontn platform were primarily fine ware vessels, of the Oconahua Red on Cream type (Lopez and Ramos 2006 : 275). All of the vessel s surrounding the individuals in one of the chambers were interpreted as serving vessels for

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64 personal use in rituals T hey were filled with food and liquid and were all finely decorated. This suggests that t he practices attributed to the Tabachines ware, particularly the Oconahua type were connected to presentation rituals involving either single high status individuals or family groups. This evidence also indicates that the Tabachines ware was not involved with the processing, storage, or cooking of food, water, or other perishable materials. These representations of the Tabachines ware and the actual occurrence of the Tabachines ware suggests that it is linked to the rituals performed at the guachimontn that have been depicted in the ceramic dioramas The Tabachines ware presence in every structure in Circle 5 connects the entire guachimontn to the restricted rituals that are depicted by the figures (Butterwick 1998:91). If the Tabachines ware vessels w ere involved in the communal feasting or other communal practices they might have had a diminished role and only given to the high status individuals to use T he Arroyo Seco ware may have been more appropriate for communal feasting purposes, because of cha racteristics described below and would account for the great amounts of it in Circle 5 A lternatively the Arroyo Seco vessels may have been the status. Decorat ed highly polished vessels like Tabachines ware take more time to produce and there is often prestige connected to them The Tabachines type Oconahua Red on Cream makes up 26% of the total Tabachines ware assemblage for Circle 5. This indicates that there is a one in four chance that any Tabachines ware sherd found will be of the Oconahua type and was given extra time and effort during its fabrication. This can be contrasted with the small percentage of decorated pieces of the Arroyo Seco ware recovered from Circle 5 that w as painted 0.02%, this difference make s it clear that these

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65 two wares were used for different purposes despite both having fine paste and mostly open vessels. The Tabachines ware is connected to restricted rituals performed by elite families and possibly connected to ritual feasting. Estolanos Ware The Estolanos ware was defined on the eastern side of the Tequila Valleys within the La Venta C orridor (Beekman 1996:496) The ware was thought to be either temporally or functionally different than the Tabachines ware, as it was found not around the shaft tombs but around small residential area of a small village in the La Venta Corridor (Beekman 1996: 469). Both Tabachines and Estolanos wares are contemporaneous and in the same spac es at Navajas Circle 5, making the possibility of a temporal difference unlikely. The Estolanos ware is a fairly thick w are that has a fine white paste though the white paste can be difficult to see because there is often a thick black carbon streak that can encompass the entire sherd profile. These black carbon streaks are the result of a reduced firing Unlike the Tabachines ware where reduction firing is rare, many of the Estolanos wares show evidence of it in the final stage of firing (see typ e Estolanos Grey below). The Estolanos ware is similar to the Tabachines ware in processing and exterior design, but has some key differences discussed below The inclusions in the Estolanos paste appear similar to the Tabachines paste with small rounde d obsidian, white sand particles and red stones. Though the Estolanos paste did not seem to have as many red stones as the Tabachines p aste, with some sherds missing this inclusion entirely in the profile there were some larger sub rounded red inclusions that appear in the Estolanos paste The rest of the Estolanos paste inclusions were smaller and sub rounded, giving the paste an even look.

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66 Typical Forms T he most common form for Estolanos, like the Tabachines ware, is that of an open bowl. At Navajas Circle 5, 81.25% of the Estolanos sherds came from open vessels and 18.75% were closed. The bowls were thicker than the Tabachines sherds on average with the Estolanos sherds averaging 5.5g. The bowls often have a straight or a slightly incurving rim, lik e the rim found on the Tabachines bowls. The Estolanos forms are larger than Tabachines, the average rim diameter s of open vessel is 21.76cm and the closed vessel average rim diameter is 15.75cm A nother distinction between the Estolanos and the Tabachines forms is that Estolanos ware includes zoomorphic vessels and the hollow figures ( Figure V 6 and Figure V 3 ). The Tabachines paste is very delicate, and may not be able to hold together for a large hollow figure. However the more durable Estolanos ware with t hicker walls and larger inclusions was better suited to support larger and more complex shapes There is some overlap in the Estolanos and Tabachines forms; the main difference seems to be how sturdy the Estolanos paste is in comparison However if this was the case, then the Estolanos ware vessels should have been used for more functional ritual vessel forms, instead the Estolanos vessels usually mimic the Tabachines forms Estolanos ware is one of the more difficult wares to associate with activities because no whole vessels have been identified in the region Despite this the Estolanos paste was often connected to ritual activities. The careful form of the Estolanos vessels, the high processing and special firing for larger cores and gre y su rfaces, and the fine decoration points to the Estolanos vessels having a similar role in the society as the Tabachines vessels. Estolanos, like Tabachines is not restricted to one area of Circle 5

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67 either, which could also indicate that ritual practice s may have occurred everywhere at Circle 5. Figure V 6 : Duck Zoomorphic Vessel of Estolanos Ware from Navajas Estolanos Types Table V 4 : Major T ypes of Estolanos at Circle 5 by Weight Estolanos Types Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar Teuchitlan Red on Cream 22 /23 47 285 11 81 38 31 33 Grey 26 9 8 0 4 0 2 23 Cream 27 0 37 0 0 19 0 47 Red Slipped 220 0 0 34 98 0 48 23 General 222 379 125 28 67 31 21 26 General Estolanos (Code 222) The category for sherds with no visible surface left, but are clearly Estolanos paste. Teuchitlan Red on Cream (Code 22 and 23 ) This is the most well known type in the Estolanos ware. It is defined by red designs on the interior and exterior surface The Teuchitlan Red on Cream Simple (Code 22) type is parallel to the Oconahua Red on Cream Simple type The common decoration is red paint over the cream and is

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68 simple but is cleanly executed. Common layouts are a red rim or a single or double lined cross along the bottom of the bowl. The most common form of the Teuchitlan type is a shallow open bowl. This is based on the analysis of sherds, as no complete Teuchitlan Red on Cream vessels were recovered from Navajas. G reater complexity in designs and more cautious execution would sort into Teuchitlan Red on Cream Complex (Code 23) This type is parallel to the Oconahua Red on Cream Complex type but on the Estolanos paste Also similar to Oconahua Complex type this type was not easily seen in the sherd assemblage and erring on the side of caution code 22 was usually used to indicate a Teuchitlan vessel. The differences between Teuc hitlan Red on Cream Complex and Oconahua Red on Cream Complex are similar to those noted between Oconahua Red on Cream Simple and Teuchitlan Red on Cream Simple. The Teuchitlan Red on Cream Complex has at the very least more design aspects to it M ore org anic swirls and geometric layouts appear on the Teuchitlan Red on Cream Complex type ( Figure V 7 ). If there had been greater evidence of the complex vessels specific ritual areas might have been more apparent.

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69 Figure V 7 : Complex Teuchitl an Red on Cream Estolanos Ware from La Venta Corridor Estolanos Grey (Code 26) A common ware type Estolanos Grey looks much like it sounds ; the ceramics are mostly or entirely grey in color on the surface ( Figure V 8 ). The Estolanos Greys were created when the surface of the ceramics was not fired long or hot enough to burn out the organics in the paste, creating a grey surface color. Unlike the other parallel types between the Tabachines and Estolanos wares Estolanos Grey is not similar to the Tabachines Polished Black; they are both reduction firing but it is a different kind of reduction The surfac e of the vessels is smoothed but not polished tho ugh sometimes there is a shine Instead commonly there is an even matte finish and was probably intentional because of how even the surface treatment is

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70 Figure V 8 : Estolanos Grey Type. Estolanos Cream (Code 27) A light cream or undecorated surface is what defines this type. Th e difference between Estolanos Cream and Estolanos G rey is strictly the surface color. On Estolanos Cream vessels the surface has experienced greater firing than in the Estolanos Grey sherds. Estolanos Red Slipped (Code 220) This is the category for Estolanos sherds that present red decoration, but does not show enough detail, or are too eroded to give more information about the type. It runs parallel with the Oconahua Red. Th is type was created to properly note when an Estolanos sherd has red decoration on it, but there is insufficient information to know whether it was completely slipped red, Teuchitlan Red on Cream Complex, or a Teuchitlan Red on Cream Simple. Activities S pecific to Estolanos W are The Estolanos ware has not been established for as long as the other three wares because the Tabachines and Estolanos vessels look similar when decorated(Beekman and Weigand 2000:36 37). Estolanos ware was present in the least amount at Circle 5, this information indicates the more decorative and highly processed Estolanos vessels

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71 were not used as much as the utilitarian ware vessels were at the guachimontn. Estolanos ware is also considered a high input ware like the Tabachines ware and has a high percentage of decoration. I n fact it has more decorated sherds than the Tabachines ware with 32% of all sherds showing Teuchitlan Red on Cream d ecoration. During the 2011 ceramic analysis of the Navajas Circle 5 assemblage zoomorphic vessels were also found to be made of Estolanos paste This may give insight into the function of the Estolanos ware, it is possible clay left over from making the figures and zoomorphic vessel might have been used to form vessel s so as to not waste finely processed paste as commonly potters will use the raw material most readily available to them (Rice 198 7 : 116). I suggest that the Estolanos vessels were meant to be the sturdier version of the Tabachines ware The greater durability of Estolanos vessels is evidenced in that the average weight of the Estolanos ware sherds (5.5g) is greater than the average weight of the Tabachines ware sherds (3.5g) by 36% and trad itionally thicker wares are used for more physically demanding activities. It is possible that the differences in temper mentioned above also had something to do with the need to strengthen the Estolanos ware paste for more heavy use Another piece of evi dence to support this proposal is the average rim diameter s of 21/76cm for open vessels and 15.75cm for closed vessels is closer to the Arroyo Seco ware average diameter s ( 23.47cm open vessels and 15.74cm closed vessels ) than the Tabachines ware average d iameter ( 18.70cm open vessels and 10.17cm closed vessels ). This indicates that the average Estolanos vessel was fairly large and was more similar in size to the Arroyo Seco vessels. The Estolanos ware would have been used for private rituals or communal

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72 the activities associated with it are connected to all platform structures, the al tar, and the patio at Circle 5. Arroyo Seco The Arroyo Seco ware was first defined by Javier Galvan in the tombs of Tabachines (Galvan 1976, 1991). The Arroyo Seco ware in the Navajas Circle 5 collection is the second most common ware of the four major wares ( after Colorines). Arroyo Seco ware was usually easy to identify in the Circle 5 assemblage due to its uniform appearance ( Figure V 9 ). The Arroyo Seco paste is fairly distinctive light brown red. Originally Galvan describes the paste as a natural cream color, using a Mun sell chart reading from the surface of the Arroyo Seco vessels for the paste ( 10 YR: 7/3; 7.5 YR 7/4, 8/4) (Aronson 1993:369; Galvan 1991:73). It is possible to call the paste color cream, but that does not describe the paste color well; this difference m ight be because it was not based on the sherd profile but instead from the vessel surface. The inclusions in the Arroyo Seco paste occur in two modes T hey are either so small and uniform that they are difficult to see with the naked eye, or they occur as rare large inclusions that can project through the vessel surface. The small inclusions seen in the Arroyo Seco vessels are typically white sand particles and obsidian. Obsidian can also occur in the larger mode and break through the surface of the sherd s The paste is very fine and uniform, with consistent hardness, color, and core characteristics ( Figure V 9 ). This suggests more standardized proces sing than in the Tabachines or Estolanos wares, and a great deal more processing than in the Colorines wares T he Arroyo Seco vessels va ry in thickness at Navajas, and the vessels could be thin or thick T he paste texture did not vary because of the size of the vessel Arroyo Seco sherds show a limited variety of surface decoration.

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73 In the Circle 5 sample there were few examples of Arroyo Seco that showed anything more than a simple red line or red slip. Figure V 9 : Arroyo Seco Paste from Navajas Circle 5 Typical Forms No whole Arroyo Seco vessels were found at Navajas but there The vessels are usually thick, though some of the sherds in the Circle 5 assemblage could rarely be as thin as the Tabachines ware sherds. Wall thickness usually lies between the utilitarian Colorines and the fine Tabachines in thickness. The average weight of the Ar r oyo Seco sherds was 5.1g, putting it close to the Estolanos average weight The Arroyo Seco ware has the least difference between open and closed vessels O pen vessels occurred 68 % of the time in the assemblage while t he closed vessels occur 31% (see table Table V 1 : C ircle 5 Ware Weights f rom Structures ) F seem to be shorter than the Colorines ollas (Galvan 1991:74).

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74 The rims of the Arroyo Seco open vessels are usually slightly divergent rounded ri ms. The average rim diameter s for the Arroyo Seco ware open vessels was 23.47cm and the closed vessels was 15.75cm The Arroyo Seco vessels have characteristics of both domestic and special wares While the Arroyo Seco vessels show great uniformity and t he paste is finely processed, the decoration is simple and shows little polishing I encountered no repairs and none are mentioned in prior publications Aronson noted that most Arroyo Seco from the Tabachines tombs did not show a great deal of usewear (A ronson 1997: 165) The Arroyo Seco ware may be a lower status serving vessel that was used during feasting events where many were invited, which would explain its high frequency in every platform assemblage. The Arroyo Seco may also be a type of daily se rving ware that was used when large rituals and feasts were not occurring. Because the difference between t hese two possible activities great further study of the whole Arroyo Seco vessels and any usewear on them needs to be done Arroyo Seco Types Table V 5 : Major T ypes of Arroyo Seco at Circle 5 by Weight Arroyo Seco Types Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar General 666 1307 854 66 429 29 49 55 Simple 667 0 0 88 94 70 133 62 Red Slipped 669 2170 2583 563 2396 309 716 787 Red Designs 670 80 44 10 93 6 0 22 General Arroyo Seco (Code 666) The category for sherds with no visible surface and Arroyo Seco paste.

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75 Arroyo Seco Simple (Code 667) An un decorated but smoothed Arroyo Seco type. The surface color of the sherds in Arroyo Seco Simple are the same pinkish shade of the paste but slightly lighter due to a more complete firing occurring (Galvan 1991:75). Arroyo Seco Red Slipped (Code 669) The most comm on type of Arroyo Seco vessel has a thick even red slip on the surface and interior of the Arroyo Seco vessels. Most of the whole vessels are of this type and show that the red slip usually covers the entire vessel, with the exception of some square patch es of unslipped surface at the bottom of the vessels (Galvan 1991:73). Arroyo Seco with Red Designs (Code 670) Red on base paste designs on Arroyo Seco ware. Few sherds show this pattern. However those that did had a distinct red marking indicating s ome sort of design that was more than just the thick red slip of the Arroyo Seco ware Red Slipped sherds paste being used. Black slip on Red slip on Arroyo Seco Ware (Code 672) This is another design type that was seen during the 2003 analysis and again in the 2011 laboratory season. This type shows a thin black application on top of the red slip typical of the Arroyo Seco Red Slip that creates a square black section on the sherd. Very rarely seen in the structures (it appears once in Structure 7) and it is possible it is part of a different design altogether but without larger sherds or a whole vessel it is difficult to tell what it might be. This type might have been associated with a special activity, thus the use of a bi chrome design.

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76 Activities S pecific to Arroyo Seco Ware The amount of Arroyo Seco ware found at Circle 5 during this research made it the second largest ceramic group, which does not support the findings from the ceramic analysis done in 2003 from Navajas (Beekman et al 2007 : table 4.3). Instead the amount of the Arroyo Seco ware and the Colorines ware is reversed from the findings in the 2003 ceramic analysis. The 2003 ceramic analysis was focused on the surface treatment of the sherds, and did not consider the paste in any systematic way which should explain the discrepancy The Arroyo Seco ware is identifiable not only by the amount o f time and processing done to its paste but by its distinct light brown pink color. This makes it hard to put the Arroyo Seco ware into a single category of activities. However this study proposes that the Arroyo Seco ware is an indicator of communal feasting at guachimontn sites During the 2011 ceramic analysis, the Arroyo Seco ware was considered to be connected to domestic activities because of its frequency and the thick vessel walls. H owever the Arroyo Seco also had a number of thin, smaller sherds that were comparable in size to Tabachines sherds T he average weight of an Arroyo Seco sherd is only 5.1g, even though the vessels were often either similar or greater in size than Estolanos. In fact the average rim diameter s of the Arroyo Seco open vessels was 23.47cm and the closed vessels was 15.74cm which is greater than th e overall average rim diameters for the Estolanos vessels shown above Only 0 .02% of Arroyo Seco ware sherds showed sig ns of a surface treatment with designs other than simple broad red bands The lack of a n elaborate surface treatment could indicate tha t the Arroyo Seco vessels were not considered as prestigious as the Tabachines or Estolanos wares. So

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77 despite an earlier assumption than the Arroyo Seco vessels were connected to domestic activities there are many indicators that these vessels were not us ed for domestic practices. The uniform look of the ware is unusual for domestic activities; all the paste is similar and well processed, and the surface treatment is almost always a red slip on the interior and exterior of the vessel Whole Arroyo Seco wa re vessels f ound at the Tabachines cemetery showed almost no use wear which usually points to some sor t of serving vessel(Aronson 1996 : 165; Rice Table II 1 ). The Arroyo Seco ware was used for a very specific activity but was most likely not part of the restricted rituals. Instead it is more likely that the Arroyo Seco vessels were used for group activities like communal feasting where no one group or individual in the community is emphasized which would explain why there is little use wear on the vessels, its large average rim size, the low frequency of surface designs, and why there was a large number of vessels Colorines Ware The most frequently identified ware present in the Navajas Circle 5 assemblage has been described by Galvan, Aronson, Weigand and Beekman at different times and places but all under the same name ( Aronson 1996; Beekman and Weigand 2000:45 48 ; Galvan 1991 ). Colorines ware is the quintessential utilitarian ware of the Late Formative Early Classic period s in the Tequila Valley s The ware has a wide range of wall thickness es vessel form s and paste processing This was one of the problems with identifying C olorines because the ware is so diverse The paste can range from a cream to a reddish orange color. Certain sherds even have a combined cream and red orange color most likely due to firing differences (Rice 1987 :158). The temper in the sherds varies as w ell with a variety of different types and sizes of temper appearing in the sherds

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78 that were analyzed. The temper size and shape seems to be related to the vessel form with smaller and sub angular temper being used in the thinner vessels and larger angular temper seen often in the larger sherds that were part of closed vessel s One of the best markers of the Colorines paste is the variety of inclusions that include the re d stones and obsidian that appear in the other wares and orange, blue /light grey and cr eam gravel ( Figure V 10 ) These multi colored gravel inclusions are unique to the ware and can be useful when identifying Colorines paste. Colorines paste cores vary in thickness without an observable pattern. The cores occur in thin sherds and thick sherds, orange and white sherds and open and closed sherds, so it was difficult to determine any specific reason for the cores to appear in Colorines ware. One of the few strong connections between all of the Colorines sherds is that their paste processing is always less intensive than in the Estolanos, Arroyo Seco, and Tabachines wares. Figure V 10 : Colorines P aste. S mall light multi colored rounded rocks for temper and the paste color of red orange make the best Colorines ware marke rs currently. The decorations on the sherds vary as well, from a refined version of the Colorines ware with well executed design layouts to several forms of designs tha t are messy or even incomplete ( Figure V 11 ).

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79 Figure V 11 : Colorines Red on Cream Private Collection Typical Forms The Colorines ware i s dominated by closed neck jars. I n fact closed sherds make up 73 percent of the Colorines ware (see Table V 1 : C ircle 5 Ware Weights f rom Structures ) Thirty seven percent of the Colorines ware had an open vessel form. This would strongly indicate that the vessels were primarily used for utilitarian purposes like transportation, cooking and storage. This is supported by the evidence of heavy usewear that Aronson found on the Colorines whole vessel s (Aronson 1997:165). Aronson does not mention specific evidence of cooking, but she does state that the Colorines vessels were used as food containers. This is a very specific activity that can be connected to the Colorines ware. Since the 2011 analysis, the Colorines ware has been broken down into a Fine Colorines ware and a Coarse Colorines ware. I first did this at Los Guachimontones in 2012, and then during the analysis of the Magdalena Basin collections in 2013 B oth I and Beekman were able to repeat this Colorines separation. While I made some

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80 preliminary notes on how the Colorines ware could be broken down further during the 2011 analysis (by paste color) this is not reflected in my 2011 analysis. Colorines Types Table V 6 : Major T ypes of Colorines at Circle 5 by Weight Colorines Types Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar Rough Cream 6 0 31 0 31 20 0 3 Ahualulco Red on Cream 35 0 105 44 153 38 29 44 Colorines Red 36 1994 3090 879 3372 438 498 721 Cream 118 0 0 221 0 114 564 360 Red on Base 350 44 60 8 5 0 47 35 Red on Cream 355 2146 128 4 182 0 49 118 General 444 4870 3357 1130 2289 245 541 438 Colorines General (Code 444) The code for eroded sherds with no visible surface left, but Colorines paste. C olorines Cream (C ode 118) The type of Colorines that shows no painted or other surface decoration on the vessels at all, except for smoothing the surface. This type is rare and this might be because it captures those sherds with smooth cream surface and no red decoration. However there were no whole vessels to compare them to. Ahualulco Red on Cream/Buff (C ode 35) One of the most important types of Colorines and the only one to have relatively fine designs (Beekman and Weigand 2000:45). The Ahualulco vessels occur with a mostly s moothed cream surface and often intricate designs This design type is parallel to the Teuchitlan Red on Cream Complex and the Oconahua Red on Cream Complex designs but on a Colorines ware paste. The

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81 red paint (5 R: 5/8; 7.5 R.4/8: 10 R: 4/8: 5/8) that is applied to the surfaces can have designs as complex as the Oconahua Red on Cream Complex, sporting curvilinear and geometric designs, on a surface that is not as fine or smooth as the Oconahua bowls, but are as smooth as the Colorines paste allows. The Ah ualulco Red on Cream are nearly open bowls with slightly divergent rims and rounded lips, and interior thickening Ahualulco sherds seemed to be particularly well fired, with certain hardness to the paste that may have allowed greater surface smoothing to occur than what is seen in the other Red on Cream/White/Buff types in the Colorines ware. Colorines Red (C ode 36) Parallel to the Red types in the Tabachines ware and Estolanos ware. The Colorines Red type was defined to address those sherds that were cov ered with red slip or paint designs. Colorines Red on Cream/White (C ode 355) T his type is o ne of three Red on White/Cream/B uff design types for the Colorines ware, along with Ahualulco Red on Cream and Colorines Red on Base. The specifics of this type are that the form of the vessel and the surface treatment is not as fine as the Ahualulco Red on Cream vessels, nor are the designs as nicely executed. However the designs are executed on top of a whi te or cream surface, and to fall into this type there must be evidence of the surface having an extra treatment to make it lighter, whiter, or smoother. The designs are often poorly executed and can on occasion be incomplete. The designs are also simpler than the Ahualulco Red on Cream s The vessels are thicker, and larger overall than the Ahualulco vessels. This type includes both bowls and jars, while the Ahualulco vessels are normally bowls instead of jars.

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82 Colorines Red on Base (C ode 350) This type is the third and last of the red design types for Colorines ware that appeared at Navajas Circle 5. The red designs are directly on the unslipped surface. These sherds have by far the worst executed designs, though the designs are similar to the other two red design types in the Colorines Ware. The designs appear on both bowls and jars. Practices Connected to t he Colorines Ware The Colorines wa re was used for cooking, storage, and food preparation. It is a utilitarian ware that is found from one end of the Tequila Val leys to the other (Aronson 1996; Beekman et al. 2007 ; Beekman and W eigand 2000; Galvan 1991). Colorines ware is the largest grou p of ceramics at Navajas Circle 5. The paste for the Colorines ware is not well processed, as demonstrated by sharp fragments of obsidian in the paste. The Colorines vessels are also the largest vessels at an average of 6.0g per sherd and despite being h eavy vessels there is also a great range of forms and the average rim diameter for open and closed vessels was 20.82cm and 13.20cm respectively In the Tabachines cemetery it was noted that all of the Colorines ware vessels had been well used and were prev iously for utilitarian activities (Aronson 1997:165). While Circle 5 is not a cemetery, the Colorines vessels in the Tabachines cemetery were used before they were put into the tomb and could be equivalent to the Colorines assemblage at Circle 5. This sho uld indicate that during the day to day activities at Navajas Circle 5 utilitarian practices like cooking food, preparing food, preparing pigments, holding liquids, and storing wet and dry goods occurred regularly.

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83 Circle 5 Analysis Results As was discus sed in the chapter about building analysis, the main purpose of this paper is to understand the practices that occurred in the spaces of the guachimontns. The study is based upon the idea that structures with unknown purposes, or possibly mixed purposes are better understood by breaking them down into smaller activity categories (Lesure 1999). T his study use s the three earlier discussed models of activities from Lesure to differentiate between different types of activities. The first, formalization, inve stigates how many tradition laden practices occurred (Lesure 1999: 394). The second is spatial organization of activity which invest igates where practices occurred. The last is domestic activities and though Lesure does not discuss domestic activities as a model domestic activities form a model in this paper. The weight of the entire analyzed assemblage for Navajas Circle 5, including all seven excavated structures, was 51,310g. This includes all of the sherds identified and those that could not be identified. The count of the Navajas Circle 5 assemblage analyzed during the 2011 laboratory se ason was 9,475 which also includes those sherds that were unidentifiable. Both of these sample sizes are high enough that to allow statistical analysis on the different activity patterns that were found at Navajas Circle 5. The data set of ceramics is b ased on the weight in grams and count of each ware in the entire assemblage and the two methods of quantification are in agreement as to the relative presence of each ware ( Figure V 12 ).

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84 Figure V 12 : Weight and Count of Wares for Navajas Circle 5. Weight is in G rams. Evidence of Formalization in Practice The possible presence of formalized activities is evaluated b y the consistency of activity in the same place over time in a restricted location (Lesure 1999: 394). At Navajas Circle 5, the results of the analysis revealed a few ceramic practices that coul d have been formalized because of their consistency in the dataset. The first is the frequency of each ceramic ware at each structure measured in grams ( Figure V 13 ), a fter which t he frequency of each ceramic ware in each structure is accounted which was used for the chi squared analysis on this dataset ( Figure V 14 ), f rom the graphs alone, it is clear that the frequency of wares between the structures were similar. However the Pearson chi .131 show no relationship between ceramic type and structure To achieve such consistency, there must have been little variation in activities or practices across the structures. The Colorines Arroyo Seco Tabachines Estolanos Weights of Wares 28786 13271 2649 1625 Count of Wares 4772 2598 489 258 28786 13271 2649 1625 4772 2598 489 258 0 5000 10000 15000 20000 25000 30000 35000 Weight and Count of Wares for Navajas Circle 5

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85 different wares may represent different activities, but those activitie s occurred in all structures. Figure V 13 : Ware Distribution by Weight Percentage p er Structure Figure V 14 : Ware Distribution by Count Percentage p er Structure Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar C Weight 53.14% 50.00% 71.65% 60.35% 56.56% 58.25% 58.42% AS Weight 21.23% 25.90% 22.11% 30.70% 27.23% 30.11% 30.86% T Weight 8.74% 2.76% 1.67% 3.19% 7.22% 6.07% 3.58% E Weight 2.55% 3.46% 2.43% 2.83% 5.97% 3.59% 4.91% 0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00% 80.00% 90.00% 100.00% Ware Distribution by Weight Percentage Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar C Count 46.68% 43.49% 66.34% 54.12% 49.85% 62.86% 54.32% AS Count 22.99% 27.17% 26.82% 32.86% 30.86% 28.57% 33.43% T Count 5.87% 4.67% 2.23% 5.40% 8.61% 4.00% 5.85% E Count 1.57% 2.85% 2.37% 3.44% 6.23% 2.57% 4.46% 0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00% 80.00% 90.00% 100.00% Ware Distribution by Count Percentage

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86 The variation of open to closed ware sherds per structure is also evidence of formalization. If the relative frequency of open or closed vessels is the same in every structure it could be evidence of a possible shared formalized practice. An examination of vessel form demonstrates the presence of both open and clo sed sherds in every structure but not for every ware and not in the same proportion as seen in Figure V 15 Figure V 16 Figure V 17 Figure V 18 Figure V 19 Figure V 20 Figure V 21 and Figure V 22 The chi square analysis of the vessel form distributions by ware showed that only two wares, the Colorines and Arroyo Seco defeated the null hypothesis fo r having better than random distribution s of vessel form by structure, Colorines P value is 0 and the Arroyo Seco P value is .001. The Tabachines and Estolanos wares did not defeat the null hypothesis with P values of 212 and .125 respectively. Figure V 15 Figure V 17 Figure V 19 and Figure V 21 breaks the distributions down by ceramic ware, both open or closed are present in each structure for Arroyo Seco and Colorines Reversely only open forms are found of Tabachines and Estolanos wares in Struc ture 6. The formalized restrictions placed on these ceramics may be tied to some ritual practices that required only a certain amount of each ware form, particularly the Estolanos, and Tabachines wares. The Colorines ware has been designated as a domesti c ware for storage and cooking and the higher number of closed vessels in this ware would not be a surprise since normally only closed vessels are used in cooking and storage ( see Table II 1 Beekman and Weigand 2000: 44, Aronson 1997:165). As mentioned in the discussion of the Colorines ware the presence of a domestic ware does not mean there are no rituals taking place. Instead it could mean that events like feasting occurred around the altar, patio and inside the structures.

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87 Structure 6 shows results that are different than the other structures in this test, and will present results that are different in several other tests. This maybe the re sult of only 337 sherds and a weight of only 1524g relative to other structures Because of these low numbers the results for Stru cture 6 were skewed in all the tests except the chi square d analyses Figure V 15 : Tabachines Vessel Form Distribution by Weight Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar T Open 580 329 46 305 110 60 106 T Closed 888 38 1 9 0 119 4 0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 800 900 1000 Tabachines Vessel Form Distribution by Weight

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88 Figure V 16 : Tabachines Vessel Form Distribution by Count Figure V 17 : Estolanos Vessel Form Distribution by Weight Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar T Open 157 105 12 71 29 22 40 T Closed 7 7 1 4 0 4 1 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180 Tabachines Vessel Form Distribution by Count Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar E Open 250 337 65 213 85 73 125 E Closed 53 100 13 42 0 31 26 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 Estolanos Vessel Form Distribution by Weight

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89 Figure V 18 : Estolanos Vessel Form Distribution by Count Figure V 19 : Arroyo Seco Vessel Form Distribution by Weight Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar E Open 26 52 12 41 19 15 26 E Closed 5 16 3 3 0 2 5 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Estolanos Vessel Form Distribution by Count Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar AS Open 1958 2239 482 2101 201 509 514 AS Closed 789 894 168 830 201 340 388 0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 Arroyo Seco Vessel Form Distribution by Weight

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90 Figure V 20 : Arroyo Seco Vessel Form Distribution by Count Figure V 21 : Colorines Vessel Form Distribution by Weight Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar AS Open 326 420 118 327 70 120 127 AS Closed 132 161 41 107 27 54 88 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450 Arroyo Seco Vessel Form Distribution by Count Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar C Open 1174 1859 511 790 326 417 505 C Closed 4285 3380 1061 4476 291 820 868 0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000 3500 4000 4500 5000 Colorines Vessel Form Distribution by Weight

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91 Figure V 22 : Colorines Vessel Form Distribution by Count The Spatial Organization of Activities The spatial organization of activities is to document if certain artifacts are res tricted to or removed from certain spaces because of a status display, domestic activities, or ritual According to Lesure (1999), this may be an in dication that a social rule restricted the use of that space While one test on the ceramic assemblage indicate s a type of inequality between the groups associated with the structures another test looking specifically at the more finely subdivided spaces inside the houses did not seem to indicate any spatial differentiation or restrictions. The amount of sherds for each structure varied greatly. The differences in sherd assemblage amounts could indicate a difference in social standing for the individuals or families living in each structure ( Figure V 23 ). For instance Structure 2, with the greatest sherd count /weight, may have this many ceramic artifacts because they had access to greater resources. However Structure 6, which has the smallest assembla ge of sherds, Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar C Open 233 349 115 142 52 115 102 C Closed 342 390 121 480 56 125 154 0 100 200 300 400 500 600 Colorines Vessel Form Distribution by Count

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92 may not have had as many resources at their disposal. It is also possible that it was not resources but actual numbers of people that differed between structures, and that the larger assemblages indicate a larger group of people inhabiting t hat structure space. A larger assemblage could also indicate a larger role in the practices specifically associated with Circle 5. Figure V 23 : Total Weight in Grams and Count of Sherds by Structure While the sherd assemblage for each structure differed in quantity there were no clear patterns found in a room to room spatial analysis, regardless of what variable was tested. The first test was to see if there was any consistency in the distribution o f wares between the front room and back rooms as seen in Figure V 24 Figure V 25 Figure V 26 Figure V 27 Figure V 28 Figure V 29 Figure V 30 Figure V 31 Figure V 32 Figure V 33 Figure V 34 and Figure V 35 If there was any connection shown in the results between what wares were in the front rooms or back rooms, or if all of the f r ont rooms and back rooms displayed shared patterning then there cou ld be evidence of formal, consistent use of a particular space for a particular practice Three Structure 2 Structure 3 Structure 4 Structure 5 Structure 6 Structure 7 Altar Weight in grams 17075 13695 3288 10108 1524 2982 3098 Count 2997 2525 716 1482 337 700 718 0 2000 4000 6000 8000 10000 12000 14000 16000 18000 Total Weight and Count of Sherds by Structure

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93 Structure 3. Structure 5 does not have a random distribution, the f ront room does have more sherds in every ceramic ware. This is interesting to note because it is one of the larger structures, yet the ceramic count distribution is clearly greater in the front. Structure 3 is similar to S tructure 5, the front room has m ore of each ware in it, however the front room to back room count is closer making the pattern harder to see and the P value is .042 value .048 is so close to the .05 value that it is difficult to really state that it is not a random distr ibution. The rest of the structures did not beat the null hypothesis and certainly did not match my original hypothesis of the front rooms having greater amounts of fine ware and greater amounts of utility ware in the back room. Figure V 24 : Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 2 by Weight Arroyo Seco Weight Colorines Weight Estolanos Weight Tabachines Weight Front Room 1428 3184 164 330 Back Room 1253 3508 158 245 0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000 3500 4000 Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis of Structure 2 by Weight

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94 Figure V 25 : Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 2 by Count Figure V 26 : Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 3 by Weight Tabachines Estolanos Arroyo seco Colorines Front Room 78 18 263 585 Back Room 40 11 194 322 0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis of Structure 2 by Count Tabachines Weight Arroyo Seco Weight Colorines Weight Estolanos Weight Front Room 138 1236 2124 173 Back Room 33 738 1392 52 0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis of Structure 3 by Weight

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95 Figure V 27 : Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 3 by Count Figure V 28 : Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis of Structure 4 by Weight Tabachines Estolanos Arroyo Seco Colorines Front Room 35 27 206 197 Back Room 15 13 150 172 0 50 100 150 200 250 Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis of Structure 3 by Count Tabachines Weight Arroyo Seco Weight Colorines Weight Estolanos Weight Front Room 3 78 383 14 Back Room 6 77 166 14 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450 Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis of Structure 4 by Weight

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96 Figure V 29 : Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 4 by Count Figure V 30 : Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis of Structure 5 by Weight Tabachines Estolanos Arroyo Seco Colorines Front Room 1 5 24 87 Back Room 1 2 27 39 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis of Structure 4 by Count Tabachines Weight Arroyo Seco Weight Colorines Weight Estolanos Weight Front Room 57 804 1355 106 Back Room 21 559 1762 81 0 200 400 600 800 1000 1200 1400 1600 1800 2000 Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 5 by Weight

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97 Figure V 31 : Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 5 by Count Figure V 32 : Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis of Structure 6 by Weight Tabachines Estolanos Arroyo Seco Colorines Front Room 11 27 141 201 Back Room 3 7 75 145 0 50 100 150 200 250 Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 5 by Count Tabachines Weight Arroyo Seco Weight Colorines Weight Estolanos Weight Front Room 24 60 249 35 Back Room 40 212 193 21 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 Front Room to Back Room Analysis for Structure 6 by Weight

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98 Figure V 33 : Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 6 by Count Figure V 34 : Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 7 by Weight Tabachines Estolanos Arroyo Seco Colorines Front Room 6 6 26 54 Back Room 14 5 43 50 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis of Structure 6 by Count Tabachines Weight Arroyo Seco Weight Colorines Weight Estolanos Weight Front Room 10 145 324 25 Back Room 245 265 327 65 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 7 by Weight

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99 Figure V 35 : Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 7 by Count A separate database not compiled by this researcher was used for the excavation units from the patio area. This research is important to see if the division between structure and patio was a factor in the practices at Circle 5 of Navajas The patio to st ructure comparison did not yield any great differences in the two major factors for this study; the different wares and whether the vessel was closed or open. Instead the patio revealed very similar results to the structures ( Figure V 13 Figure V 36 Figure V 37 ). Tabachines Estolanos Arroyo Seco Colorines Front Room 6 5 37 63 Back Room 6 6 45 76 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Front Room to Back Room Ware Analysis for Structure 7 by Count

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100 Figure V 36 : Ware Totals for Patio of Circle 5 Figure V 37 : Open and Closed Ware A mounts in Patio Lesure compared data between the smaller residential platforms and Mound 32 at Paso de l a Amada to discuss whether there was a special spatial organization of activities around and inside Mound 32 (Lesure 1999: 398 ). Unfortunately there are no residential excavati ons that can be used for this comparison in the Navajas archaeological record yet. Weight Count Colorines 3975 753 Arroyo Seco 1042 285 Tabachines 90 53 Estolanos 176 47 0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000 3500 4000 4500 Patio Ware Totals Open Weight Closed Weight Colorines 568 2353 Arroyo Seco 735 171 Tabachines 53 5 Estolanos 132 18 0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 Open/Closed Ware Amount in Patio

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101 The closest is the excavation of the tombs at Tabachines, but there is no way to draw actual activity data from these tombs. There has also been an excavation of one elite residential structure at Los Guachimontones; but the massive amount of data from that site has not been processed yet. I n the future the hope is that more data will become available for a better spati al organization study. Howeve r the Circle 5 data impl y that there was no great difference between the activities occurring in the different spatial components of a small guachimontn Domestic Activity Evidence Domestic activity is very apparent at C ircle 5. All of the spaces of C ircle 5 have a connection to the primary domestic ware, Colorines. Colorines actually composes the highest amount of sherds at Circle 5, and the highest number in the patio, the altar and in each of the structures. There were domestic activities occurring at Circle 5 and they were occurring often based on the amount and distribution of the Colorines ware The Arroyo Seco ware may also have a co nnection to domestic activities. However there is greater evidence for the Arroyo Seco ware to be associated with fe asting activities, because of the size of the vessels and the uniformity of the surface decoration. Even without the Arroyo Seco ware added in to the domestic activities group there are still more Colorines ware sherds than the other three wares combined, in fact there are almost twice as many Colorines sherds than any other sherd in Circle 5. The evidence that domestic activities occurred all over Circle 5 is shown in the front room back room analysis as well, there seemed to be no formal separation consis tently being recognized between rooms ( Figure V 24 Figure V 26 Figure V 28 Figure V 30 Figure V 32 Figure V 34 Figure V 38 Figure V 39 Figure V 40 Figure V 41 Figure V 42 Figure V 43 ). There are some

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102 ware distributions that were not random as previously noted Structure 3 and 5 had the best data for this, the data only shows up in two (thr ee if Structure 4 is included) out of the seven platforms and does not show a spatial organization that was shared circle wide. The distribution of open and closed vessels by room shows that three structures were not randomly distributed, Structure 6, Str ucture 4, and Structure 2 (see Figure V 38 Figure V 39 Figure V 40 Figure V 41 Figure V 42 and Figure V 43 ) The chi square analysis determined that Structure 6 had a P value of .042, Structure 4 and Structure 2 had P values of 0. There were more activities in the front room of structure 2. The re is also a slight skew for structure 6 to have more vessels, open and closed in the back room. am ount of closed vessels in it s back room. Despite these non random results there is still no pattern that is consistent front and back rooms. The do m estic ceramics are found everywhere in Circle 5, and there w ere no consiste nt spatial boundaries to domestic activities.

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103 Figure V 38 : Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 2 Figure V 39 : Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 3 Open Weight Closed Weight Open Count Closed Count Front Room 2066 1516 116 63 Back Room 900 3782 74 135 0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000 3500 4000 Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 2 Open Weight Closed Weight Open Count Closed Count Front Room 2483 2038 443 227 Back Room 1518 1594 297 187 0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000 Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 3

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104 Figure V 40 : Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 4 Figure V 41 : Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 5 Open Weight Closed Weight Open Count Closed Count Front Room 132 237 39 30 Back Room 142 32 40 9 0 50 100 150 200 250 Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 4 Open Weight Closed Weight Open Count Closed Count Front Room 934 1436 149 162 Back Room 457 1724 95 110 0 200 400 600 800 1000 1200 1400 1600 1800 2000 Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 5

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105 Figure V 42 : Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 6 Figure V 43 : Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 7 Summary The ware amounts for each structure w ere similar, as w ere the ware amounts for the patio. The Colorines ware had the largest presence in each structure and on the patio. The Colorines ware is connected to domestic activities by its large size, solid and coarse Open Weight Closed Weight Open Count Closed Count Front Room 157 153 40 18 Back Room 203 227 53 23 0 50 100 150 200 250 Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 6 Open Weight Closed Weight Open Count Closed Count Front Room 201 241 50 40 Back Room 252 502 56 37 0 100 200 300 400 500 600 Open versus Closed Vessel Distribution by Room in Structure 7

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106 paste, and its high percentage of closed vessels. The best evidenced domestic activity is storage, and the Colorines vessels found in the Tabachines tombs still had food residue still in them (Aro nson 1993: 201 ) The other activities associated with the Colorines ware are food preparation and cooking both evidenced at the Tabachines tombs as well S torage, cooking, and food preparation w ere occurring in each of the structures more often than any other activity. The second most common ware was Arroyo Seco ware Arroyo Seco ware commonly occurred as open vessel s but also occurred as closed vessel s The Arroyo Seco sherds are uniform and ty pically appear with a similar red pai nt and light brownish red paste; this uniform appearance is different from the other wares. Arroyo Seco vessels were likely associated with communal activities rather than individual aggrandizement. The most probable ac tivity is communal feasting as a serving ware in connection with the preparation of food that was done using Colorines ware. The larger amount of Arroyo Seco ware at the circle is probably due to the amount of vessels used during communal feasting. The Tabachines and Estolanos wares were the least frequent at Circle 5. Tabachines and Estolanos wares are typically open vessels with well executed designs. Both pastes are also used for the figures and other exotic vessels in the Tequila Valleys. The Tabachines and Estolanos wares were used for specific rituals possibly rituals that involved individual aggrandizement. This means that the least common activities at Circle 5 were special individual rituals, though these rituals did occur in every struc ture and on the patio, just not as often as daily domestic activities were practiced. These activities can give greater insight into what occurred at Circle 5 and it is likely that other guachimontn had similar practices involving ceramics

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107 I. CHAPTER VI VI. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION The purpose of this research was to look at the practices that occurred in the guachimontn Navajas Circle 5, in an effort to understand the full range of activities that occurred there. This study used the ceramic assemblages of each structure and the patio to outline possible activities in the guachimontn. The results have shown that ritual practices, feasting, and domestic activities all occurred at Circle 5. All of these practices also appear in every space excavated at Circ le 5 and at about the same frequency. Circle 5 and possibly other guachimontones in the area were therefore multi purpose architecture. The guachimontones were used for a variety of practices, but the result was that domestic activities were the most com mon at Circle 5 and evidence for feasting as a practice was the next most common. These results give insight into the social system, occupation status, and the repeated practices of the period. How Often d o Forma lization, Spatial Organization o r Domestic Activities Occur? Outlined in the Theory C hapter structures that need to be examined by a practice based analysis (1999) was used to analyze the results from the 2011 ceramic analysis. The activities ty pes to look for are formalization, spatial organization and domestic activities. Formalization Formalization is normally indicated by strict rituals being performed the same way in the same place. As stated above, two of the wares, Tabachines and Estol anos, seem to be heavily connected to formalized practices like rituals. Both wares have fine processing, well executed and often elaborate decoration and a high degree of finishing.

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108 High investment wares are regularly shown to be vessels that were restr icted primarily to elite spaces (Feinman et al. 1981: 880). In the case of the Tabachines and Estolanos ware, while the amounts of the vessels may have been limited, the wares were present in all of the structure assemblages and the patio assemblage and w hile the structures might be elite houses, there was no restriction on the areas where activities occurred in the circle This should mean that the activities that these vessels were involved in included every group that the structures represented. The re is also evidence of formalization in the even distribution of all four ceramic wares between the structures. The Tabachines, Estolanos, Arroyo Seco, and Colorines wares all appear in similar amounts at every platform, the altar, and the patio meaning t hat similar activities were occurring in all spaces, of the architectural formation. This should indicate that there was a level of formalization affecting all of the groups using Circle 5. Two ritual activities have been connected to the guachimontones before, the agricultural pole rituals and feasting, both discussed in the Background t o the Region and Study Chapter. Pole Rituals Some researchers have proposed that the volador ceremony was a specific ritual practice within the guachimontn architecture (Kelley 1974; Weigand 1992; Weigand and Beekman 1998:45). This is supported by the ceramic dioramas that show, in the middle of the central stacked altar, a figure atop a large pole. While similar to the volador ceremony, it has been discussed that other ceremonies may fit the description as well including the Xocotl Huetzi calendrical ceremony (Beekman 2003: 303). The volador and the Xocotl Huetzi may stem from earlier agricultural rituals connected to green maize or the spring planting period (Beekman 2 003: 311). Though depicted in the

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109 ceramic dioramas, these are difficult to connect to any activities utilizing ceramics other than feasting or specifically the processing of green maize. This ceramic analysis does not show any connection to those ceremon ies. Feasting While feasting should be a part of the formalization activity group, the actual definition of formalized practices would not include feasting since feasting would involve a great deal of domestic preparations and does not have evidence of repetitive practices. However feasting is one of the most apparent activities from the Navajas Circle 5 ceramic assemblage and should be considered in any discussion about what practices were occurring in each structure. The findings from this ceramic ana lysis supports several theories that feasting occurred at some level in the guachimonto n e s and specifically at Circle 5 (Beekman et al. 2007: 173 175 ; Butterwick 1998 ). There are two different types of feasting, aggrandized and communal. The difference b etween these two was central to the ceramic analysis done in 2003 by Gregory Tyndall, which was based on feasting research by Michael Dietler and Brian Hayden (2010). The results were mixed between aggrandized and communal feasting from the 2003 analysis and the results were mixed from the 2011 analysis as well. The 2011 results display evidence of the activity of feasting, the wares Tabachines, Estolanos, and Arroyo Seco particularly have connections to feasting. The Tabachines ware is connected to aggr andizing feasting and, as was mentioned in the Results Chapter, it is likely to be the ceramic bowls and cups displayed with the ceramic figures who are in the act of feasting. However the low amount of Tabachines ware in comparison to Arroyo Seco ware wou ld indicate that there was not as much aggrandized feasting occurring as communal feasting. The Estolanos

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110 ware, which is on average larger than the Tabachines ware, most likely had a supporting role to the Tabachines ware and may have been part of the agg randized feasting as well. Arroyo Seco ware is the largest ware of the four wares, and has the second largest presence at Circle 5 (see Figure V 19 ). The Arroyo Seco ware also has a uniform appearance without any particular designs to highlight one individual or group. This is what a communal (referred to as integrating feasting) feast ing ware should look like indicates that communal feasting was happening often and may be the activity with t he most evidence to support it. Spatial Organization Spatial organ ization was used to analyze if there were any inequalities among the Circle 5 structures. There is some evidence of inequality among the structures in the amount of sherds each structure had. Structure 5 2 has 33% of the entire Circle 5 assemblage making it the largest ceramic assemblage and 5 3 is close behind with 26% and the third largest structure assemblage is 5 5 with 20% (see Figure V 23 ). A gr eater social status or frequency of activity was most likely associated with the families represented by 5 2, 5 3, and 5 5. This is also supported by the data from the thesis of Lucas Hoedl on obsidian color distribution at Navajas Circle 5, where he has a lso found that 5 3 and 5 5 had special and different obsidian types which indicated that these structures had a different socio economic role in Circle 5 (Hoedl 2013:170). However, this does not divulge what activities were present, just that there were more activities occurring at these structures and they possibly had a special role in Circle 5.

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111 The results of the front room to back room analyses showed that there were no consistent patterns that distinguished one room over the other consistently. Both the ware and the closed to open vessel front room to back room analyses had three structures that had a better than random distribution of wares or open/closed vessels. However there were different structures in each study with only Structure 4 appearing in both. There was no spatial organization patterns shown in the front room to back room analyses in Circle 5. Domestic Activities The strongest evidence of activities was for the storing and cooking of food, which are as seen in the Results Chapter, activities associated with the Colorines ware. The Colorines ware, at 28,786g, occurred in the greatest quantities and shows where these domestic activities took place. Which, according to this analysis, was in every culturally defined space at Circle 5, including the altar. This gives evidence for the practice of domestic activities at Circle 5 which would support the possibility of the architectural formation being a type of residence but as mentioned in the Methods Chapter there were no hearths found at Circle 5 and little evidence of carbon which does not support Circle 5 being a residence However the point of this analysis is not to give the guachimontones one activity title like elite residences, and this analysis does not point to just that one designation. Instead there is evidence o f all three types of activities formalization, spatial organization, and domestic practices in this practice based analysis. Conclusions The information obtained from the 2011 ceramic analysis of the Navajas guachi montn Circle 5 has outlined important factors to consider about the practices that

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112 occurred at the guachimontn. The practice based analysis allowed for this study to look at three different possible types of activities that may have been occurring at th e Circle 5 instead of focusing on proving one category of use correct. The Practice Based Analysis Depending on which type of activity was focused on it could be stated that this was a group of ritual temples because of the formalized activity evidence, or it could have been presented as a group of high status residences because of the amount of domestic activities and spatial inequalities. However lookin g at this guachimontn with the practice based analysis allowed for each group of activities to be expressed and taken into consideration. This study and research supports using practice based analysis on unusual monumental architecture to further understand their functions. The activi ties identified provide some support of prior research in the area. The research performed on the four wares has been foundational for understanding cultural significance of the circular public architecture. This analysis has revealed that people in each structure in Circle 5, and perhaps other circles, performed the same activities. There are examples of both formalized activities and domestic activities occurring at Circle 5 in every structure and at the patio. Circle 5 was multi purpose architecture with evidence for daily domestic practices, integrating feasting activities and formalized rituals. How to Go Further with this Study A way to expand this practice based analysis, was something that Lesure himself did, which is using a residential group of buildings in comparison to the unique structures. Since there has been no analysis of the one (possibly elite) residential site excavated and no other residential excavations, that cross analysis was not an option for

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113 this thesis. Another expansion would be to look at the other artifact analyses beyond and test whether these results are comparable to the other artifacts found in the guachimontones All of the information from this analysis has the potential to be resear ched more thoroughly. Standardization of ceramic identification in the area is needed. Otherwise if someone publishes data on a ceramic analysis, comparisons between studies will be difficult to interpret. Excavations will also benefit from diversificati on beyond guachimontones and burials, though they are jeopardized by looting and agriculture. That would allow for a solid comparison between actual domestic residential practices and the guachimontn practices, and it would further our understanding of b oth contexts.

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114 II. REFERENCES Aronson, Meredith 1993 Technological Change: West Mexican Mortuary Ceramics. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Materials Science, University of Arizona. 1996 "Ceramic mortuary technology in the Valley of Atemaja c." Ancient Mesoamerica 163 16 9 Beekman, Christopher S. 1996 The Long Term Evolution of a Political Boundary: Archaeological Research in Jalisco, Mxico Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Vanderbilt University. University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan. 2000 The correspondence of regional patterns and local strategies in Formative to Classic period West Mexico. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 19: 385 412. 2003 a "Agricultural Pole Rituals a nd Rulership In Late Formative Central Jalisco". Ancient Mesoamerica 14 (2): 299 318. 2003 b Fruitful Symmetry: Corn a nd Cosmology In The Public Architecture Of Late Forma tive And Early Classic Jalisco. Mesoamerican Voices 2005 Nuevos enfoques sobre la tradicin Teuchitl n : investigaciones actuales en Llano Grande y Navajas, Jalisco. In El antiguo occidente de Mxico : nuevas perspectivas sobre el pasado prehispnico eds. Williams, E., Weigand, P. C., Lopez Mestas, L., and Grove, D. C. Colegio de Michoacn Zamora, pp. 7 3 91. 2010 "Recent research in western Mexican archaeology". Journal of Archaeological Research 18 (1): 41 109. Beekman, Christopher, and Phil C. Weigand 2000 La Cermica Arqueolgica De La Tradicin Teuchitln Jalisco: Tipologa Anlisis Petrogrfico Y Cronologa Zamora, Michoacn : El Colegio de Michoacn 2008 Conclusiones, cronologa y un intento a sntesis In La tradicin Teuchitln ed., Weigand, P. C., Beekman, C., and Esparza, R., Colegio de Michoacn Zamora, pp. 303 337. Beekman, Christopher, Gregory Tyndall, Kathy Beekman, Bruno Calgaro, Robert J. Speakman, Michael Glascock, Robert E. Parr, Bruce E. Benz, and Sarah Jennings

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116 Feinman, Gary 1982 Patterns in ceramic production and distribution, periods Early I through V. In ce ntral and southern parts of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico Richard E. Blanton, Stephen Kowalewski, Gary Feinman, and Jill Appel, pp. 181 206. Feinman, Gary M., Steadman Upham, and Kent G. Lightfoot 1981 The Production Step Measure: An Ordinal Index of Lab or Input in Ceramic Manufacture American Antiquity. 46 (4): 871 884. Furst, Peter T. 1998 Shamanic Symbolism, Transformation, and Deities in Western Mexican Funerary Art. In Ancient West Mexico: Art and Archaeology of the Unknown Past Richard F. Townsen d, New York: Thames and Hudson, pp 169 190. Galvan Villegas, L. J. 1991 Las tumbas de tiro del valle de Atemajac. Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia, Mxico DF. 1975 Informe preliminar de las exploraciones efectuadas en la zona arqueolgica Balance y perspectiva. XIII mesa redonda, vol. 1 Sociedad Mexicana de Antropologa Mxico DF, pp. 395 410. Henrickson, Elizabeth F., and Mary M. A. McDonald 1983 Ceramic Form and Function: An Ethnographic Search and an Archeological Application. American Anthropologist. 85 (3): 630 643. Hoedl, Lucas 2013 Shades of Black: Obsidian Distribution and Social Organization at the Teuchitln Tradition Site of Navajas during the Late Formative Per iod Unpublished Masters Thesis Department of Anthropology University of Colorado Denver. Kelley, Isabel T. 1948 Ceramic Provinces of Northwestern Mexico. In El Occidente de Mxico 4th Mesa Redonda pp.55 71. Sociedad Mexicana de Antropologa Mxico D.F. Lekson, Stephen H. 1988 The Idea of the Kiva in Anasazi Archaeology. The Kiva 53(3): 213 234. Lesure, Richard G. 1999 Platform Architecture and Activity Patterns in an Early Mesoamerican Village in Chiapas, Mexico. Journal of Field Archaeology. 26 (4): 391 406. Long, Stanley V.

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