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The 'Arduous Search for an Absolute Other'

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Title:
The 'Arduous Search for an Absolute Other' tourism, identity, and authenticity expectations
Creator:
Hopkins, Alena C. ( author )
Place of Publication:
Denver, Colo.
Publisher:
University of Colorado Denver
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English
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1 electronic file (120 pages). : ;

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Degree:
Master's ( Master of Humanities)
Degree Grantor:
University of Colorado Denver
Degree Divisions:
Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, CU Denver
Degree Disciplines:
Humanities
Committee Chair:
Levine-Clark, Marjorie
Committee Members:
Woodhull, Margaret
Joseph, Philip

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Subjects / Keywords:
Tourism -- Psychological aspects ( lcsh )
Authenticity (Philosophy) ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Abstract:
The major objective of this study is to critically engage with the concept of cultural authenticity within the history of modern tourism. I attempt to demonstrate that the category of cultural authenticity, rather than an "objective truth," is based on expectations that American tourists have upon arrival in a foreign country. This study will investigate the formation of authenticity expectations through exemplary travelogues produced from the late 19th century to the present. I will highlight Mark Twain's late 19th century travelogue The Innocents Abroad, the travelogues of E. Burton Holmes in the early 20th century, documentary travel films from the mid 20th century, and finally, 21st century travel blogs. These texts illuminate how authenticity expectations are formed for American tourists, emphasizing the role national identity formation, colonialism and imperial ideology, nostalgia, and fantasy play in the process. This study also stresses the consequences, both for host and guests, of upholding authenticity expectation today.
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Thesis:
Humanities
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Department of Humanities and Social Sciences
Statement of Responsibility:
by Alena C. Hopkins.

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University of Colorado Denver
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|Auraria Library
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903217727 ( OCLC )
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Full Text
THE & ARDUOUS SEARCH FOR AN ABSOLUTE OTHER5
TOURISM, IDENTITY, AND AUTHENTICITY EXPECTATIONS
by
ALENA C. HOPKINS
B.A.University of Northern Colorado, 2004
A thesis submitted to the
Faculty of the Graduate School of the
University of Colorado in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Masters of Humanities
Humanities and Social Science Program
2014


2014
ALENA HOPKINS
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
li


This thesis for the Master of Humanities degree by
Alena C. Hopkins
has been approved for the
Humanities and Social Science Program
by
Marjorie Levine-Clark, Chair
Margaret Woodhull
Philip Joseph
July 24,2014
iii


Hopkins, Alena Christine (MH, Humanities and Social Science)
The 'Arduous Search for an Absolute Other:5 Tourism, Identity, and Authenticity
Expectations
Thesis directed by Professor Marjorie Levine-Clark
ABSTRACT
The major objective of this study is to critically engage with the concept of cultural
authenticity within the history of modem tourism. I attempt to demonstrate that the
categoty of cultural authenticityrather than an objective truth is based on expectations
that American tourists have upon arrival in a foreign country. This study will investigate
the formation of authenticity expectations through exemplary travelogues produced from
the late 19th century to the present. I will highlight Mark Twain5 s late 19th century
travelogue The Innocents Abroad, the travelogues of E. Burton Holmes in the early 20th
century, documentary travel films from the mid 20th century, and finally, 21st century
travel blogs. These texts illuminate how authenticity expectations are formed for
American tourists, emphasizing the role national identity formation, colonialism and
imperial ideology, nostalgia, and fantasy play in the process. This study also stresses the
consequences, both for host and guests, of upholding authenticity expectation today.
The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication.
Approved: Marjorie Levine-Clark
IV


DEDICATION
I dedicate this work to my mother, Lauren Wahlstrom. Although she was unable to see
me accomplish this goal, the belief that she would have been proud has kept me going
through this exciting and challenging experience.


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank Marjorie Levine-Clark for her continued support over the past few
yearsas well as for inviting me to take her study abroad course in London that sparked
the contemplations that would grow into this analysis. Without her encouragement and
guidance I would not have been able to accomplish this goal.I would also like to thank
Margaret Woodhull for her support and assistance in expanding my studies to new areas
that have helped me immensely throughout this process. I would like to thank Philip
Joseph for helping me believe in my abilities as an academic and Amy Vidali for
reminding me that I can always improve as a writer, student, and teacher. Finally, I would
like to thank my family and friends for their continued love and encouragement.
vi


TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION: TOURISM AND THE SINGLE STORY OF CULTURAL
AUTHENTICITY............................................................1
Authenticity in Tourism Studies...................................7
Travelogues and the Construction of Cultural Authenticity........16
II. CONFRONTING THE OLD/CONSTRUCTING THE NEW: PRINTED TRAVEL
LITERATURE, IDENTITY, AND 19th CENTURY TOURISM.........................21
The Old and New Worlds: Constructing American Superiority........25
Searching for the Truly Foreign: Fantasy and Expectations Abroad.32
Twain and the Single Story.......................................39
Conclusion.......................................................43
III. CAPTURING THE PRE-COLONIAL OTHER: TRAVEL LECTURES,
PHOTOGRAPHS, AND EARLY 20th CENTURY TOURISM............................46
World Traveler Burton Holmes.....................................49
Holmess Search for the Pre-Colonial Other.......................54
Photography the Tourist Gaze.....................................64
Conclusion.......................................................73
IV. LONGING FOR THE PAST: TRAVEL FILMS, NOSTALGIA, AND MASS
TOURSIM................................................................75
Travel Films, Mass Tourism, and Modernity........................78
The Simpler Other................................................83
The Natural/Primitive Other......................................87
vii


Nostalgia and Fantasy..............................................94
Conclusion.........................................................98
IV. CONCLUSION: AUTHENTICY EXPECTATIONS IN THE 21st CENTURY.....99
SOURCES..................................................................108
viii


CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION: TOURISM AND THE SINGLE STORY OF CULTURAL
AUTHENTICITY
In 2012 I traveled to Europe for six weeks, an experience that was simultaneously
enriching on a personal level and unsettling from a sociological perspective. As I
encountered one tourist attraction after another, I began to recognize an occurrence that
would lead me to investigate tourism as a cultural phenomenon. In Paris, walking among
priceless artwork and artifacts at the Louvre, I realized that most of the people I was
surrounded by did not actually come to the Louvre to see the art. I saw tourists crowded
around the Mo and Mfewhile rooms full of Greek sculptures and less famous
artworks were all but empty. I saw one woman walk down the vast hallways, chatting
with a friend and taking pictures of the paintings on the wall without even glancing up at
what she was photographing. If my observations are representative of the average tourist
experience of the Louvrethat is, that most people visiting the museum are only mildly
interested in the art itselfthen I am left wondering, why do people from all over the
world flock to the Louvre?
After reading countless travelogues, scholarly articles, and academic studies, I can
answer this question in two ways. First, tourists arrived at the Louvre because the
travelogues, guidebooks, television shows, travel films, and blogs told them exactly what
to do and where to go when they traveled to Paris; and second, the average tourist, with
no particular interest in art, went to a place like the Louvre because those guidebooks and
travelogues led him or her to believe that in order to experience Paris properly, a visit to
1


the most famous French art institution was a necessity. While this assertion may seem
somewhat benignthe concept that travel literature constructs our perceptions as tourists
of foreign places becomes problematic when this same mode of seeing is applied to our
understanding of foreign cultures and people. The authentic cultural experience most
tourists seek when they travel isin factconstructed by what has been written by
novelists, diplomats, travelers, pilgrims, and tourists from another time, not by the
reality of life in the host country.
Many people who travel to foreign places as tourists are interested in findingor
at the very least being confronted withcultural authenticity, that is, a quintessentially
real experience with a particular culture. Obviously not all tourists are motivated by
the search for either cultural or authentic experiences, and indeed some seek the blatantly
artificial; Las Vegas and Disneyland are prime examples of tourist destinations that are
openly inauthentic.1 This purposefully artiricial mode of cultural experienceidentified
by some as post tourism2is distinctly different from the experience sought by many
modem tourists, particularly those traveling outside their host country. For the purposes
of this analysis I do not address post tourism; I focus on conventional leisure travelers,
for whom the yearning for authentic experiences is an integral component of travel.
Tourist promoters, scholars, and in some cases, tourists themselves, have recognized this
desire as a crucial component of modern tourism.3 But what constitutes cultural
authenticity as an experience ideal and why do tourists covet it? How do the concepts of
Sharon Bohn GmelchWhy Tourism Matters in .d...^4 red.
2 John Urry and Jonas Larsen, The Tourist Lraze 3.0 (London: SaGE Publications, 2011),
13.
3 See MacCannell, 1976; Urry and Larsen, 2010; Desmond, 1998; Taylor, 2001; Bendix,
1997; Burner, 2010.
2


heritagenationalityand ethnic identity influence a tourists aspirations to find real
cultural experiences of foreign places and people? How have host populations confirmed,
contestedor exploited the guests beliefs about what constitutes their authenticity?
Ultimately, can cultural authenticity existfor either the host or guestin a touristic
setting?
Before I address these questions at length, I want to clarify what I mean by
cultural authenticity. To suggest that there can be a real element that delineates a
particular culture implies that there must be something fundamental, natural, or tme
within that culture.4 Based on this reasoning, to have a culturally authentic experience an
outsider must have an encounter or occurrence that represents or conveys the essential
nature of the culture he or she is observing or interacting with.5 The essential nature of
culture, according to this assumption, exists outside time and spaceit is untouched; the
spirit of the people and their culture exists in pure form, regardless of economic,
historical, and political eras, remaining static and unchanging.6 To put it another way, the
search for cultural authenticity is the search for the innate, natural, and real essence of a
group of people and their culture. The search for cultural authenticity is influenced by
4 See Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), 97. This designation
is based on Saids theory that the Orient and the Oriental are objects of study that
rely on essentialist ideas and characterize the Orient. These are conceived as being
intangible and essential characteristics. I am arguing that these essentialist ideas make up
cultural authenticity.
5 For a culture to be authentic it must reveal traditional ways of life that have not been
tainted by outside forces. See Urbanowicz1977.
6 Forces such as colonialismimperialismglobalizationand tourism create contact-
zonesDubinsky1999; Nash1989) that shift cultures away from their true (authentic)
way of life and can no longer exist in their traditional form (Smith, 1989). Based on this
claimto be authentic a culture must remain static. Also see Taylor, 2001; Said, 1979.
3


the belief in the essential nature of a people; these beliefs create what I refer to
throughout this text as authenticity expectations.
The label of authenticity is problematic in a variety of ways. To label one aspect
of a culture as authentic implies that other aspects of that culture must be inauthentic, a
concept tourism scholar Edward Burner illuminates:
Of course, all cultures everywhere are real and authentic, if only because
they are there, but this is quite different from the concept of 'authenticity/
which implies an inherent distinction between what is authentic and what
is inauthentic, applies labels to cultures, and values one more than the
other.7
When a tourist searches for authenticity within a cultureelements of the culture are
unavoidably valued more than others. The notion of cultural authenticity relies on
regarding certain aspects of culture, those deemed as more real than others, as
emblematic of the culture as a whole. It is this understanding that I aim to interrogate. As
I will argue, cultural authenticity is not a product of something innate or essential in a
given culture; instead, it is the product of the perceptions and observations of those who
package the culture in particular waysthrough written, visual, and material
representations.
Travel literature creates and reinforces what author Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie
calls a single story. In her 2009 Ted TalkThe Danger of a Single Story Adichie
describes her experience as an African author constrained by the stereotypes that are
linked to her own cultural single story. Adichie recounts the story of an editor who
claimed her characters were not authentically African because they were not
impoverished and starving; having grown up as a child of educated, middle-class parents,
7 Edward M. Burner, 'The Maasai and the Lion King/1 in Tourists and Tourism: A
Tfeaed. Sharon Bohn Gmelch (Long Grove: Waveland Press2010)226.
4


Adichie5s experience did not fit the Western standard of an authentic Atncan. Therefore,
she could not lay claim to her own identity as African. As Adichie articulatesthe single
story creates stereotypes. And the problem with stereotypes is not that they are untme,
but they are incomplete. They make one story become the only story.,,8 There are people
impoverished and starving in Africa, but to claim that this reality is the only reality of the
people of the vast continent of Africa is to disregard the rich and infinite stories that do
not fit this single story.
Travel literature reduces entire cultures and their peoples to a single story, and, as
Adichie states, to listen to the single story destroys the possibility for genuine encounters:
Fve always thought that it is impossible to engage properly with a place or
a person without engaging with all the stories of that place and that person.
The consequence of the single story is this: It robs people of dignity. It
makes our recognition of our equal humanity difficult. It emphasizes how
we are different rather than how we are similar.8 9
When the encounters are defined by the search for the authentic, the real stories are
ultimately reduced to a simple story retold over and over in guidebooks and travel
literature, which highlights how the host people are different from tourists. The
authentic culture tourists seek cannot exist in the lived experience of an entire group of
people, because it cannot be more than a single story.
Jonathan Culler, literary theorist and author of The Semiotics of Tourism,
explores the phenomenon of reducing complex cultures into one-dimensional objects
from a semiotic perspective. For Culler, tourists take the single story of a culture as a
sign of a culture as a whole:
8 Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, The Danger of a Single Story TED Video 12:59, filmed
July 2009, posted October 2009,
http://www.ted.com/talks/chimamanda_adichie_the_danger_of a single_story.html.
9 Adichie The Danger of a Single Story 13:33.
5


The tourist is interested in everything as a sign of itself, an instance of a
typical cultural practice: a Frenchman is an example of a Frenchman, a
restaurant in the Quartier Latin is an example of a Latin Quarter
restaurantsignifying Latin Quarter Restaurantness. All over the world
the unsung armies of semiotics, the tourists, are fanning out in search of
signs of Frenchness, typical Italian behavior, exemplary Oriental scenes,
typical American thmways, traditional English pubs; [...] tourists persist
in regarding these objects and practices as cultural signs.10
As Culler indicates, tourists take signs of culture as the entirety of culture, reducing the
culture in question (and notably, the people of that culture) to a sign of itself. In doing
so, the single story or the sign become emblematic of the whole; the whole story no
longer exists or matters in the touristic encounter. Roland Barthes labels this concept as a
disease of thinking in essence which reduces multiple ethnic realities to signs and
masks the real conditionsclasses and professions of those encountered.11
While the majority of encounters narrated in travelogues enact the single story,
some enact a more dangerous version of the single story that relies on Western imperialist
ideology. The version of the single story depends on whether the culture in question is
Western or non-Western; when American tourists encounter a Western Other (that is,
Western Europeans such as the British or French) they often seek a version of the single
story based on cultural signs that underscore their foreignness. Cullers example of the
English pub denoting English culture is a prime example of American tourists5 encounter
with the Western Other; the English pub signifies Englishness simply because it is not
Americanness and it adheres to tourists expectations of what Englishness should be.
When many American tourists encounter the non-Western Other (particularly those in
10 Jonathan Culler, 'The Semiotics of Tourism,in Framing the Signs: Criticisms and Its
Institutions, ed. by Jonathan Culler (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), 2.
11 Roland Barthes, 'The Blue Guide,m Mythologies, trans. by Annette Lavers (New
York: Hill and Wang1972)75.
6


less civilized places)the single story is often influenced by relationships of power and
supremacy bom out of imperialist ideology that assumes Western cultural superiority.
American tourists searching for exemplary African behavior often define that behavior as
more primitive or savage than American or Western cultural practices. Though the
motivations and the history behind each version of the single story differsa point I will
explain at length in subsequent chaptersboth exemplify the act of reducing complex
cultures into a simplistic story.
Authenticity in Tourism Studies:
Numerous scholars have explored the notion of authenticity in the touristic experience. In
the early 1960s scholars began to look at tourism as a cultural phenomenon. In 1961,
Daniel J. Boorstin published The Image: A Guide to Pseudo-Events in America, a text
that helped to create the enduring image of the superncial tourist. Boorstin argues that
tourists experiences are always artificial. Tourists seek attractions, which inevitably are
contrived and inauthentic; these attractions, according to Boorstin are an artificial
product to be consumed in the very places where the real thing is as free as air.12
Boorstin5 s inquiry brings up two questions that dominate the study of authenticity within
tourism: first, whether or not tourists desire authenticity, and second whether or not a
tourist can find authentic experiences. Boorstin asserts that tourists do not want
authenticityif they didthey would merely seek out the real thing and that genuine
experiences are readily available, if tourists would only look outside tourist attractions to
12 Daniel J. Boorstein, The Image: A Guide to Pseudo-Events in America (New York;
Atheneum1972)99.
7


find them. Boorstin's position places responsibility on tourists for the lack of authenticity
they experience or encounterbut assumes that the authentic is out there.
In 1976, sociologist Dean MacCannell,a leading scholar in the field of tourism
studies, published his groundbreaking text The Tourist: A New Theory of The Leisure
Class. MacCannell also argues that touristic encounters are essentially inauthentic, but
his argument differs from Boorstin in two distinct ways. MacCannell argues that tourists
inability to experience authentic encounters lie not in their lack of interest in the real
thing (in fact, MacCannell argues that most tourism is motivated by the search for
authenticity), but rather in modern social structures that complicate the search for
authenticity. MacCannell's argument shifts the responsibility of the superficiality of the
touristic experience from the individual tourist to society as a whole; the simulated
structure of tourist attractionsas well as the individual tourists need to find
authenticityare the result of the artificiality of civilization, which makes authenticity
inaccessible for the modern-day man or woman. MacCannell5 s theory moves the focus
away from individual touristic desires and toward structural factors within society that
drive the modern tourist to search for authenticity. Inauthenticity is not the fault of the
individual but rather a consequence of a consumer capitalist society that sees everything
as artificial.
Furthermore, MacCannell does not agree with Boorsteins assertion that
authenticity can easily be found outside tourist attraction. In fact, MacCannell asserts
that if a tourist happens to have an authentic encounter or experience, it is likely by
accident. MacCannell relies on a variation of Erving Goffmans theory of front and back
regions of social establishments. Goffman claims that in society there are spaces that are
8


open to the public, the front regions, and those that are private, the back regions.
MacCannell utilizes Goffmans theory to contend that in tourist settingsthere are notas
Boorstin argues, two types of encountersthe real and the artificialbut varying levels
of front and back, public and private:
Specifically, I have suggested that for the study of tourist settings front
and back be treated as ideal poles of a continuum, poles linked by a series
of front regions decorated to appear as back regions, and back regions set
up to accommodate outsiders.13
Within tourist settingsback regions are often set up as front regionsstaging an inside
look at what is supposed to be hidden from the outsider. A tourist site that provides
entrance into the huts of a local tribesmen is claiming to deliver a glimpse into private
back regions; MacCannell would argue that this sort of site is actually a front region set
up to look like a back region, not a tme back region where the private lives of the
tribesmen occur. MacCannell calls this an act of staged authenticity.14
Entrance into the private lives of unfamiliar people is the thrill of tourism, and as
MacCannell argues, the very thing tourists seek.15 However, through the act of staged
authenticity, reality becomes difficult, if not impossible, to ascertain: "What is being
shown to tourists is not the institutional back region, as Goffman defined this term.
Rather, it is a staged back region, a kind of living museum for which we have no
analytical terms 16 Furthermore, the act of searching for reality makes it impossible to
find: It is only when a person makes an effort to penetrate into the real life of the areas
he visits that he ends up in places especially designed to generate feelings of intimacy
13 Dean MacCannell, The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class (New York:
Schocken Books1976)105
14 MacCannell, The Tourist, 91.
15 MacCannell, The Tourist, 98.
16 MacCannell, The Tourist, 99.
9


and experience that can be talked about as participation.17 18 The staged aspects of a
culture become all tourists can find. Taking this point further, literary scholar Jeffery
Alan Melton uses MacCannelFs theory to address the consequences of tying authenticity
to fulfillment in tourism:
Herein is the key to the ultimate and inescapable failure of tourism: no
matter how often it promises authenticity, it can never fulfill that promise;
moreover, it never did, even when tourists called themselves travelers,
even when trees grew dense and undisturbed on the shores of Walden
Ultimately, tourists cannot find authenticity because the search for authenticity creates
staged regions that are meant to create feelings of locating the essence of a culture or
people.
Despite some criticism, MacCannelFs theory of staged authenticity continues to
be widely accepted and cited within tourism studies. Sociologist and tourism scholar John
Urry and researcher Jonas Larsen, authors of The Tourist Gaze 3.0, published in 1990,
rely on a variation of MacCannelFs theory but deemphasize the importance MacCannell
places on authenticity. MacCannell argues that tourists covet authenticitythat, in fact,
authenticity is the driving force behind tourismbut ultimately tourists can never find
authenticity. Urry and Larsen, on the other hand, argue that tourists in the postmodern
era do not care if they find authenticity or not. Rather post tourists of today, as compared
to tourists of the mid 20th century, recognize their inability to have authentic experiences,
and therefore, no longer seek authenticity.19 While Urry and Larsen make a valid point
many modern tourists embrace the inauthenticity of staged tourist sites in popular
17 MacCannell, The Tourist, 106.
18 Jeffrey Alan Melton, Mark Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism: The Tide of a Great
Popular Movement (Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 2002),11.
19 Urry and Larsen, The Tourist Gaze 3.0,13.
10


destinations around the worldthe post tourist is still the minority among the masses.
The majority of modern tourists still seek real cultural experiences. Numerous authors
throughout the twentieth century and into the twenty-first century have continued to
uphold MacCannells claim that the search for authenticity is a crucial component of
tourism and tourism study.20 21
More recently, scholars have begun to question not only the ability of tourists to
have authentic experiences but also the consequences of seeking cultural authenticity,
particularly for host populations in non-Western regions. Social and cultural
anthropologist John P. Taylor argues in his essay, Authenticity and Sincerity In
Tourism published in 2001that the ghosts of colonialism continue to haunt modem
intercultural relationships when authenticitya dangerous ideological component of
Western modernism,,,21 remains a driving desire for tourists and tourism promoters. The
notion of cultural authenticity promotes the creation and recreation of myths
stereotypesand fantasies shaping the Wests view of Others22 Such discussions call
into question the very nature of cultural authenticity and the significance of its existence
as a category of objective truth23 whether achievable or not.
As Taylors essay suggeststourism study is greatly indebted to postcolonial
theory.24 Numerous scholars have recognized the role tourism has played in constructing
hegemonic cultural ideals, both for the American and European West and for the non-
20 See Desmond, 1998; Burner, 2001; Lacy and Douglas, 2002; Chhabra, Healy, and
Sills2003.
21 John P. Taylor, "Authenticity and Sincerity In Tourism,m Annals of Tourism
Research 28 (2001):24, PII: S0160-7383 (00) 00004-9.
22 Taylor, Authenticity and Sincerity in Tourism, 25.
23 Taylor, Authenticity and Sincerity in Tourism, 8.
24 See Said, 1979.
11


American/European East. Edward Said, author of Orientalism and a preeminent scholar
in the field of postcolonial theory, argues that the Orient exists as a manifestation of
Western (European and later American) ideas about what constitutes the Oriental.
According to Westerners, the Oriental is irrational, backward, ignorant, and poor while
the Westerner is rational, progressive, enlightened, and prosperous.25 The Westerner is
solidified in his own identity by identifying that which he sees to be completely different.
Said also highlights that the Orient is represented for the Westerner through texts; the
accounts of explorers, colonialists, merchants, and tourists created the image of the
Orient for Westerners.26 This image goes back centuries, long before tourists set out to
look for the authentic Orient, a point underscored by film historian Jeffrey Richards: UA
vision of the East has been conjured up that has haunted the mind of Western man for
centuries.27 When Westerners encounter the Orient they arrived with authenticity
expectations already formed by the accounts of those who came before. Therefore, the
Orient is a creation and fantasy of the West; there is no authentic Orient because it does
not exist without its opposite, the Occident.28
The notion of defining identity through difference inevitably stems from and
results in a sense of superiority by Westerners; according to Said, the power of
Orientalism lies in the idea that what collectively identifies the West is its supremacy
over the East. Said explains the process of identity formation as:
a collective notion identifying 'us5 Europeans as against all 'those5 non-
Europeans, and indeed it can be argued that the major component in
25 Said, Orientalism, 40.
26 Said, Orientalism, 2-3.
27 Jeffrey Richards, Visions of Yesterday (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1973),
187.
28 Said, Orientalism, 22.
12


European culture is precisely what made that culture hegemonic both in an
outside Europe: the idea of European identity as a superior one in
comparison with all the non-European peoples and cultures.29
This notion has defined the Western approach to the foreign: by creating a system in
which the hegemonic culture of Europe is always superior to the culture of the East, the
encounter can never reveal anything but inferiority in the non-Westerner. This very
complex idea, and its inherent danger when applied to intercultural encounters of any
kind (including tourism), is made clear in a remark cited by Said and attributed to Karl
Marx: They cannot represent themselves; they must be represented 30 Though Said
used Marxs comment out of contextMarx was commenting on the lack of political
representation among French peasantsthe concept of representing an underrepresented
group applies to Saids theories. For the Orientalist, the peoples of the near and far East
are powerless, just as the French peasants were, and needed to be represented by those
with power (Westerners). While the intent may be positive for both iterationsto
represent those who cannot represent themselvesit inevitably implies that those being
represented are inrerior and need others to speak for them. Ultimately the danger of
Orientalism lies in the notion that the only way to understand the non-Westerner is
through the lens of the Westerner; such a notion removes all possibility for a Westerner
to uncover the authenticculture of a non-Westerner.
Numerous scholars interpret tourists need to experience anothers authentic
culture as a way to confirm tneir identitywe know who we are by who we are not. This
has led scholars to survey how tourism functions in the construction of heritage and
29 Said, Orientalism, 7.
30 Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (New York: Mondial, 2005),
84, quoted in Said, Orientalism, x.
13


national and ethnic identity. In her 1998 text, Staging Tourism: Bodies on Display From
WaiKiki to Sea World, Jane Desmond explores the staging of embodied tourist attractions
(particularly the Luau and hula dancing as displays of Hawaiian culture) in the creation
and reinforcement of identity differences. She argues that these types of show stage the
us in contradistinction to the not-us on display.31 Ultimately the not-us on display is
an image of an ideal native, emphasizing characteristics that are pleasing to tourists and
ignoring or disregarding real aspects of the culture that do not fit the ideal. Desmond
emphasizes the difference between the 'native Hawaiian5 (of indigenous ancestry) and
the 'native5 (Euro-American ideal) in the Hawaiian tourism image. Her argument
highlights the constructed nature of the touristic idealized imageyet simultaneously
upholds the assumption that there is an authentic culture beyond the outsiders image of
it.
Additionally, Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett5s text, Destination Culture: Tourism,
Museums, and Heritage, also published in 1998, explores the role heritagecomprised of
the traditions, beliefs, customs, and practices that are part of the history of a group or
nationplays in modern tourism. Heritage tourism relies on recreating past traditions
and practices as both an economic stimulus to a particular region and a way to revitalize
cultural customs that are in danger of extinction. Authenticity in heritage tourism sites is
often linked to how well the site displays or recreates dead or dying traditions for a
particular culture.32 However, Kirshenblatt-Gimblett argues that, despite popular belief,
31 Karen Dubinsky, The Second Greatest Disappointment: Honeymooning and Tourism
at Niagara Falls (New Bmnswick: Rutgers, 1999), xv-xvi.
32 DeepakChhabraRobert Healy and Erin SillsStaged Authenticity and Heritage
Tourism.Annals of Tourism Research 30 (2003): 703, accessed April 4,
2013. doi:10.1016/S0160-7383(03)00044-6.
14


heritage is not lost and foundstolen and reclaimed; insteadheritage produces
something new in the present that has recourse to the past 33 Kirshenblatt-Gimblett
primarily focuses on the way heritage is displayed in museums and festivals, but her
theories are equally applicable in touristic settings. As she explains, though the
presentation modes differ, the effect of integrating heritage into a display results in the
same oversimplification of cultures: the ethnographic fragment returns with all the
problems of capturinginferringconstitutingand ra " ar 34
(emphasis added). Tourist sites that emphasize heritage are filled with ethnographic
fragments, from local tourist shops that sell genuine crafts to performances that
repurpose traditional ceremonial dances and songs to delight touristspresenting the
whole through parts and reinforcing the single story of cultural authenticity.
Clearly understanding authenticity and its role in tourism is a persistent endeavor.
Despite ongoing debates about authenticity, many scholars conclude that cultural
authenticity can exist, even it tourists cannot find it. In response to the enduring
acceptance of authenticity as definitive quality, I argue in this study that cultural
authenticity as a category of objective truth is problematic for many reasons. First, I
contend that cultural authenticity within tourism is based on a single story that may reveal
parts of a culture, but cannot convey the whole picture. Additionally, I maintain cultural
identity, for both the host and guest, is consistently renegotiated through contact between
the host and guestwhether that guest is a tourist, anthropologist, colonialist, or
missionary. As historian John Walton points outtourism promotes and reinforces
33 Barbara Kirshenblatt-imblett///////^. Tb/zr/j/w
(Berkeley: University of California Press1998)149.
34 Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, Destination Culture, 55.
15


collective identities[...] while at the same time play[s] its own part in the construction
and content of those identities.35 There can be no authentic culture because cultures are
always in flux, never static. Finally, I emphasize that cultural authenticity, rather than an
innate quality, is created through written and visual accounts that reinforce and cultivate
authenticity expectations.
Not only is cultural authenticity problematic: continuing to sustain authenticity
expectations has far-reaching consequences. Authenticity expectations promote the
propagation of hierarchal differences among individuals and groups. Just as gender, class,
and race have been used to justify disparate treatment, authenticity expectations utilize
the idea that there is something natural or innatean objective truth in a hosts identity
that makes him or her different and, therefore, inferior. Ultimately authenticity
expectations justify the separation of tourists from the host and the degradation of those
deemed naturally subordinate. As Adi chi e designates, authenticity expectations
emphasize how we are different, rather than how we are the same.
Travelogues and the Construction of Cultural Authenticity:
In this analysis, I demonstrate the role authenticity expectations have played in the
construction of host and guest identities in the history of modem tourism. Modem
tourismthat is, travel purely for pleasurebecame a regular practice for middle and
upper class Americans in the 19th century. While travel for pleasure was open to the very
wealthy prior to this period, it was not until the post-Civil War period that Americans
35 John K. WaltonIntroduction in //7"and
Conflict, ed. John K Walton (Clevedon: Channel View Publications, 2005), 8.
16


began traveling for pleasure with any regularity.36 The emerging tourist movement
continued to gain steam in to the 20th century, but it was not until the advent of jet travel
that tourism exploded into a mass movement.37 Scholars recognize the 1950s and 60s as
the beginning of the era of mass tourism, a phenomenon that has continued to gain
influence and popularity into the 21st century.38
Technological advances not only aided in the frequency and ease with which
Americans traveled abroad, they also shifted the production of travelogues. While 19th
century travelogues were mainly text based, the mode of presentation shifted in the 20th
century to include visual elements. Early 20th century travelogues and travel lectures
often included photographs and mdimentary film clips, and by the mid 20th century,
travel films and television series were widely produced and broadcast. In this study I
explore how these three exemplary forms of traveloguesprinted travel literature, travel
lectures with photographic images, and travel filmsshaped authenticity expectations
throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. Through these texts I demonstrate the role
travelogues played in the creation and dissemination of authenticity expectations for
generations of American travelers.
To explore the formation of authenticity expectations in 19th century travel
literatureI investigate Mark Twains printed travel accountThe Innocents Abroad.
Published in 1869, Twains text stresses the perceived contrast between the Old and New
Worlds for post-Civil War touristsilluminating how tourism helped construct American
36 Jeffrey SteinbrinkWhy the Innocents Went Abroad: Mark Twain and American
Tourism in the Late Nineteenth Century,American Literature Realism, 1870 1910 16
(1983): 279, accessed July 212013, http://www.istor.org/stable/27746104.
37 GmelchWhy Tourism Matters 6.
38 See Gmelch, 2010; Walton, 2005; Urry and Larson, 2011.
17


national identity against non-American identity at a time of national insecurity. The
Innocents Abroad reveals how Twain utilized American^ wish to see the New World as
superior to the Old to delight his readers. By consistently emphasizing American tourists
as more culturally and morally advanced than anyone else encountered, the travelogue
promoted the creation of authenticity expectations that assumed American superiority.
Given its popularity, Twain5 s text helped solidify authenticity expectations for hundreds
of thousands of future travelers.
By the early 20th century, travel for pleasure became more prevalent, as did the
wish among American tourists to discover authentic cultures. To illustrate these desires, I
consider the written and visual travel accounts of world traveler, E. Burton Holmes.
Holmes, one of the first travel documentary lecturers, traveled extensively throughout the
first half of the 20th century. He presented photographic images with his travel stories in
lectures throughout the country and he is accredited with coining the term travelogue.
His travelogues, along with the visual images he presented, brought his experiences to
life and helped create the enduring tourist gaze 39 Through Holmess travelogues I
investigate the integral role colonialism and imperial ideology that sought to spread
Western cultural systems throughout the world played in the construction of authenticity
expectations. As Western influence grew around the world, many tourists felt that
discovering true examples of less civilized cultures was becoming more difficult.
Holmes vehemently sought the pre-colonial Other, and through his travel lectures brought
his single story of the Other to America before the masses could afford to experience it
for themselves. Holmess travel accounts and images were not only widely disseminated;
39 See Urry and Larsen, 2011.
18


they exemplify what MacCannell would later identify as the "arduous search for an
Absolute Other.40
As mass tourism exploded in the mid 20th century, tourists fanned out in search of
cultural authenticity with more fervor than their predecessors. Television series and
commercial films highlighted both accessible and remote places around the world as ideal
tourist destinations. These films reveal another important aspect of the roots of
authenticity expectations; many travel films relied on the longing of tourists from
modemWestern nations to experience the lives of the primitive or less civilized. As
American society became increasingly industrialized, urbanized, and modernized
throughout the 20th century, a sense of loss and nostalgia for simpler times increased
among modern Americansas did the desire to experience the simple, natural, and
primitive Other. Travel films from the late 1950s and early 1960s indicate a nostalgic
longing for authenticity as indicative of American perceptions of loss and alienation from
their own culture and played a crucial role in the formation of authenticity expectations.
Finally, I conclude my investigation by emphasizing the current place of cultural
authenticity within tourism through a reading of the top travel blogs of 2013.41 The
digital travel experience has allowed for mass dissemination of authenticity expectations
and the single story of cultural authenticity. Travel blogs continue to create authenticity
expectations for modem tourists.
My selection of texts uncovers moments of transformation within modem society
that emphasize the ways in which authenticity expectations have been utilized to
40 MacCannell, The Tourist, 5.
41 The Top 13 Travel Bloggers of 2013Elliottpublished November 16, 2012
http://elliott.org/blog/the-top-13-travel-bloggers-of-2013/.
19


construct cultural authenticity. Through these texts, I establish that in the search for
cultural authenticityAmerican tourists are continually seeking a reconstruction of their
expectationscreated by photographs, oral accounts, and travel literature produced by
those who came before. As historian Keith Jenkins argues, we understand the world
through stories that create our reality.42 43 Ultimately, to view a culture is always a
subjective act.
The act of representing another through stories holds great power, as Adichie
states: How they are toldwho tells themwhen theyre toldhow many stories are told
are really dependent on power. Power is the ability not just to tell the story of another
person, but to make it the definitive story of that person.,,43 The stories told in travelogues
create the image of the Other, reduced to a single story. Yet, that image is always a
product of the encounter, not a demonstration of an objective truth Travelogues have
the power to make the single story of people around the world the only authentic story.
42 Keith Jenkins, Re-thinking History (Abingdon: Routledge, 1991),11.
43 Adichie The Danger of a Single Story, 9:43.
20


CHAPTER II
CONFRONTING THE OLD /CONSTRUCTING THE NEW
PRINTED TRAVEL LITERATURE, IDENTITY, AND 19th CENTURY
TOURISM
I cannot think of half the places we went to or what we particularly saw;
we had no disposition to examine into anything at allwe only wanted to
glance and goto move, keep moving! The spirit of the country was upon
us.44 -Mark Twain, The Innocents Abroad
Published in 1869, Mark Twain5 s The Innocents Abroad provides a vibrant illustration of
the contemplations and preoccupations of the early American tourist at the beginning of a
great popular movement that would eventually grow into a massive industry.ihe
book was immensely popular, and, according to literary scholar Jeffery Steinormk,
established its authors reputation and the beginning of his fortune by selling 100,000
copies before the second anniversary of its publication and wmch still claims title as 'the
most popular book of foreign travel ever written by any American.46 47 The book recounts
Twains journey to Europe and the Holy Land on the /(ya steamship that set
sail from New York in 18b/. The trip was among the first of the great pleasure
excursion[s],,4? that middle and upper class Americans would embark on in the decades
to come. Up until this point many Americans had traveled abroadfor migration, trade,
and religious workbut few had done so purely for pleasure. Twains text represents an
excellent example of travel literature produced by the early American tourist; both its
44 Mark Twain, The Innocents Abroad (New York: Empire Books, 2012), 40.
45 See Melton2002.
46 SteinbrinkWhy the Innocents Went Abroad 278.
47 Twain, The Innocents Abroad,1.
21


time of publication and its popularity solidify The Innocents Abroad as a classic text of
19th century travel literature.
Twain embarked on the Quaker City in June 1867 and traveled to dozens of cities
in Europe, the near East, and Africa. The ship set sail from New York, crossed the
Atlantic, and first stopped in the Azoresa group of Portuguese islands in the North
Atlantic. From there the party traveled to Gibraltar, skirting the coast of Spain and
France to Marseilles. Once docked at Marseilles, Twain and his fellow voyagers traveled
into France, touring Lyons and Paris. Back on the ship, the group set sail once more for
Genoa. While in Italy the party journeyed to many destinations: Milan, Pisa, Venice,
Naples, and Rome were among the more notable stops. They then sailed to Sicily, Greece
and the Greek Archipelago, Constantinople and Smyrna, the Isle or Cypms, and into the
Holy Landvisiting several cities including JoppaJerusalemand Damascus. Upon
leaving the Holy Land, the pilgrims proceeded to Egypt before crossing the Atlantic for a
final stop in Bermuda. The excursion lasted nearly six months; the Quaker City returned
to dock in New York on November 20th1867.48
Travel literature in 19th century America was widely produced and read, and, as a
result, readers had certain expectations when it came to these texts. Unlike fiction, travel
literature was understood as an autobiographical documentary based report; the general
public expected that the accounts relayed by the author were based on factual and faithful
eyewitness stories. While Twain was not a conventional travel writer, a point he readily
admittedhe did attempt to please contemporary readers with a careful adherence to
48 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 1-4.
22


travel-book conventions.49 50 As Jeffrey Alan Melton, author of Mark Twain, Travel
Books, and Tourism: The Tide of a Great Popular Movement, indicates, 'Trustworthiness
and fidelity to fact were essential characteristics for any touring partner, and most writers
would communicate their sincerity right away.,,5 Like other authors of travel literature,
Twain set up a sense of credibility for his readers in the preface to 77/e
by claiming,
I offer no apologies for any departures from the usual style of travel-
writing that may be charged against mefor I think I have seen with
impartial eyes, and I am sure I have written at least honestly, whether
wisely or not.51
Despite his departure from the usual style, Twain made it clear that he was not writing
fiction. Readers could expect that /ocraW was a trustworthy account and,
therefore, that Twain5 s description of the cultures he encountered were intended to be
genuine representations.52
Yet, The Innocents Abroad did vary from the conventions of travel literature to
some degree. Tme to character, Twain recounted his journey with humorous, tongue-in-
cheek observations. Throughout his journey, Twain often made grand declarations over
seemingly trivial occurrences, and, at times, he seemed to be poking fun at everyone he
encounteredincluding his fellow tourists. Occasionally, Twain remarked on the growing
tourist movement with worry, comparing the hordes of tourists he saw in Europe and the
Holy Land to a tribe invading the Old World.53 It is possible that Twain was aware of
some of the underlying problems with the phenomenon of tourism and was using this text
49 Melton, Mark Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism, 3.
50 Melton, Mark Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism, 26.
51 Quoted in Melton, Mark Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism, 28.
52 Melton, Mark Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism, 2-3.
53 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 221.
23


as a way to deride its growth and popularity. This theory would explain some of his
quips against his fellow travelers and his seemingly grandiose stories, but even if his text
was intended to malign the new movement, Twain made it clear in the preface that he
was not intending to present his text as a work of satirical fiction. Although little is
known about how contemporary readers received Twain5 s work, its popularity and mass
consumption by American readers as a non-fiction travel account, not a satire, meant that
his stories were likely taken as truthnot fiction.54
Despite its variances from common travel literature of the time, The Innocents
Abroad reveals several important things for the purposes of this study. FirstTwains
texts shows that the early pleasure excursion helped Americans regenerate a positive
sense of national identity after the Civil War left many feeling insecure and dispirited.
Twain consistently underscores the contrast between the Old and New world, often
emphasizing American superiority and encouraging Americans to feel culturally and
morally advanced. Secondeven early American tourists were seeking the single story
as a reproduction of a fantasy based on something he or she had read, heard, or seen prior
to the encounter with the foreign and new. And finallyTwains sometimes droll
sometimes cantankerous observations perpetuated the single story and created and
reinforced authenticity expectations that would influence tourists of the 20th and 21st
centuries. The Innocents Abroad shows that early tourists were not yet blatantly in search
of cultural authenticity, yet, through this text, Twain helped fuel the ongoing search for
cultural authenticity for the next generation of American tourists.
54 Melton, Mark Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism, 2.
24


The Old and New Worlds: Constructing American Superiority:
In the mid to late 19th century, particularly in the post-Civil War period, middle and upper
class Americans began traveling for pleasure with more and more frequency. As Twain
emphasizes, everyone was talking of travel in the summer before he embarked on his
own excursion. Twain recounts a humorous story of a friend, Mr. B, astonished when an
American shopkeeper informed him that he planned to spend all summer at home:
'Not going to Paris! Not g-----well, then, where in the nation are you
going to go?5 'Nowhere at all.5 'Not anywhere whatsoever? -not any place
on earth but this?5 My comrade took his purchase and walked out of the
store without a wordwalked out with an injured look upon his
countenance. Up the street apiece he broke silence and said impressively:
'It was a liethat is my opinion of it! 55
Mr. B5s exasperation suggests the growing expectation of travel among the middle class
in America at the time. However, despite the pervasiveness of travel and Mr. Bs
disbelief, not everyone could afford to travel abroad. Travel literature provided an
opportunity for those left at home during the new wave of tourism to participate in the
popular undertaking. Armcnair travela term popularized in the 19th centuryallowed
readers to experience the world from the comfort of their own homes by reading travel
accounts.56 Melton highlights that for those left out of the movement books like The
Innocents Abroad permitted readers to vicariously witness the people and places of
foreign countries through the descriptions of an author they trusted.57 These texts not only
allowed the American public to experience the Old world without the hassles of travel but
also became the main mode through which average Americans learned about other
55 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 7.
56 Alison Byerly, Are We There Yet?: Virtual Travel and Victorian Realism (Ann Arbor:
University of Michigan Press2013)26.
57 Melton, Mark Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism,18.
25


culturesthey gained their worldliness through them. Sometimesthese accounts were
the only way the American public knew about the cultures of many places around the
world.
Prior to the Civil War, Americans traveling abroad ventured on a trip similar to
the Grand Tour an English tradition from the 17th and 18th centuries in which young
men toured the continent in an effort to complete their education in art and culture.58 The
few Americans who traveled to Europe before the Civil War maintained a reverence for
Old World traditions. However, after the war the perceptions and the behavior of
Americans abroad shifted. American literature scholar Jeffrey Steinbrink, author of
Why the Innocents Went Abroad: Mark Twain and American Tourism in the Late
Nineteenth Century designates the post Civil War tourist as distinctly different from his
pre-war counterpart. He argues that the post war tourist was typically,
less genteel, less familiar with the process of living within long standing
traditions, less often classically educated, less often the master of a
language other than his own. He had come into his moneyoften quite a
lot of itmore recently, tended to place his confidence in himself, in his
country, and in the sufficiency of the present rather than the sanctity of the
past; he was curious, active, and acquisitive; he was simultaneously
skeptical and deferential, and quite unabashedlyand identifiably
American.59
Notably, Steinbrink designates the tourist as male throughout this passagewhile women
were certainly traveling during Twains timethe American version of the Grand Tour
was still predominantly thought of as a male endeavor. For the post war male tourist the
Grand Tour became a chance for American tourists not to admire the rituals, traditions,
art, and cultures of the Old World as their pre-war counterparts had done, but to identify
58 GmelchWhy Tourism Matters 6.
59 SteinbrinkWhy the Innocents Went Abroad 279.
26


themselves as distinctly different from the Old Worldas exemplars of New World
ascendency over the Old.
As Steinbrink suggests, the popularity of post-war travel was in part the result of
increased financial means among a larger faction of the population, but the central
ariving force was psychological.60 The desire to travel, specifically to travel abroad, was
a response to the cynicism engrossing the nation in the wake of the "draining and
dispiriting Civil War.61 62 According to Steinbrink, travel offered a sort of remedy to the
crestfallen American: bitter in the wake of the conflict [...] Americans sought a cure by
diverting themselves in the Old World and often were surprised to find a measure of their
national pride refreshed and reaffirmed in the process.,,62 The rise in tourism and the
popularization of travel books embodied a quest for cultural stability among the
American population.63 Not only did tourism offer weary Americans an escape, it could
produce a restored pride in tneir sense of national identity by affording them with an
opportunity to witness that which was different, and, as I will argue, inevitably inferior.
Melton makes this point explicitly: aspirations to travel were partly fueled by a
collective national desire to strengthen positive feelings surrounding American identity.
Manifest Destiny and the expanding frontier were no longer entirely sufficient in fueling
American national pride:
After the Civil War, as the tourist tide became a tidal wave, America could
no longer define itself through the frontier aloneits ample geography
waiting for poetic meters. The new American had to travel, to move
See Steinbrink, 1983; Melton, 2002; Michelson, 1977.
61 Steinbrink, Why the Innocents Went Abroad, 280.
62 Steinbrink, Why the Innocents Went Abroad, 280.
63 Melton, Mark Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism, 21.
27


outside the vastness and around the rest of the world, and this new
Americantrue to the new agecould only go as a tourist.64
In order to redefine national identity the collective notion of American destiny had to
expand to include American importance beyond that of the country and the continent.
The notion of solidifying national identity and pride through interactions with
foreign cultures was not new when Twain set out on his pleasure excursion; Europeans
had been constructing their identity through imperial pursuits for several centuries. Said
suggests that as American global influence increased, Americans identified themselves
with the European West, and therefore with Western notions of superiority over those
Othered.65 For American travelers, identifying with the West meant ascertaining that
they were modern, industrialized, and civilized and those they encountered in the East
represented inferior culturesstatic, uncivilized, and inferior.
Despite his declarations of impartiality, Twain often labeled the people he
encountered as inferior to those in America. In DamascusTwains description of the
city evokes an image of abject poverty and paints a picture of Arabs as animal-nke; he
describes the people as a [w]retched nest of human vermin about the fountainrags,
dirt, sunken cheeks, pallor of sickness, sores, projecting bones, dull, aching misery in
tneir eyes and ravenous hunger speaking from every eloquent fibre and muscle from head
to foot.66 Twains depiction ties to the belief held by many Westerners that the East was
unwilling or unable to embrace the progress of civilization; compared to American ways
of life, the people of the East lived in absolute squalor. In Jerusalem Twain again
declared the Arab world was dreary, and lifeless and filled with signs of scarcity:
64 Melton, Mark Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism,15.
65 Said, Orientalism, 4.
66 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 212.
28


"Rags, wretchedness, poverty and dirt, those signs and symbols that indicate the presence
of Moslem rule more surely than the crescent-flag itselfabound.67 Twains description
created an impression for American readers that the Arab world was one of utter poverty
that had not embraced modernity and true civilization. AdditionallyTwains mention of
the crescent-flag and Muslim mle suggests that he felt that progress and enlightenment
were tied to Christianityas opposed to Islam ignorance The belief in Christian
superiority was a cmcial element of difference between Westerners and non-Westerners,
which Twain utilized to raise Americans above the heathens they encountered.
In another village in the Holy Land, Twain details his encounter with a group of
Arabsdeclaring: They were the wildest horde of half-naked savages we had found thus
far. They swarmed out of mud bee-hives; out of hovels of the dry-goods box pattern; out
of gaping caves under shelving rock; out of crevices in the earth 68 Again Twain
suggests locals are uncivilized and insect-like, and declares that the people are
surrounded by and embody a barbarous ignorance and savagery.69 These depictions
emphasize how Twain utilized the dichotomy between EastAVest, Occident/Orient
civilized/uncivilized to highlight American superiority and advancement. This image of
the Orient allowed Americans to disassociate themselves from what they perceived as the
ignorant, savage, and backwards people of the East.
Given European attitudes of the timeTwains response to the East was
unsurprising. HoweverTwain not only denigrated the less civilized cultures he
encountered, he also maligned those in Europe as faded and insignificant. Although
67 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 264.
68 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 255.
69 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 255.
29


Americans identified with the European West, they also identified with a sense that
America had surpassed Europe, and therefore had become the highest and most powerful
along the hierarchal cultural marker. This trend began prior to Twain; the 19th century
American author Washington Irving lamented the decay of Europe half a century before
Twain5 s excursion. In one account or his travels, Irving makes numerous references to
the decline of the Old World, and, according to Melton, this attitude had a lasting effect
on American perceptions of Europe: 'Taken together, these not-so-subtle associations
encourage readers to view Europe as a culture long past its prime, described with the tone
of a romantic dreamer touring a cemetery that was aesthetically charming, perhaps, but
marked by death nonetheless.70 Tourism helped Americans reinforce the sense that they
had surpassed Europe and assert their own superiority. By placing himself on the world
stageTwain was not only able to witness first hand the cultures of the Old Worldhe was
also able to compare America to those cultures deemed great by history and popular
beliefs.
Twain pointed to past glory and present decline in his encounters with famous
European cities. In VeniceTwain declared the once great city decayedforlorn
poverty-stricken, and commercelessforgotten and utterly insignificant.71 He states that
the once great city of Europe had fallen to mediocrity:
Her glory is departed, and with her cmmbling grandeur of wharves and
palaces about her she sits among her stagnate lagoons, forlorn and
beggared, forgotten of the world. She that in her palmy days commanded
the commerce of a hemisphere and made the weal or woe of nations with a
beck of her puissant finger, is become the humblest among the peoples of
70 Melton, Mark Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism, 20.
71 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 98.
30


the earth,a peddler of glass beads for womenand trifling toys and
trinkets for school-girls and children.72
Later, in Pisa, Twain again underscores the prior splendor of another fallen European
city: uSurrounded by poverty, decay and min, it conveys to us a more tangible impression
of the foreign greatness of Pisa than books could give us.73 By underlining the former
glory of the great European cities, Americans could lift themselves above the
uncivilized East and the civilized West. The New World, to American tourists
abroad, embodied the ideals of the European West, but it had ascended beyond the decay
of the Old World to become the greatest example of civilization in the world.
The Innocents Abroad imbued late 19th century American tourists with an
assumption of their own superiority. In encountering Europe and the near East in this
manner, American tourists were able to solidify their identity as superior, as Steinbrink
indicates:
The confidence in the vitality, the promise, and even the superiority of his
country led to certain characteristic behaviors on the part of the middle-
class American tourist. Like many travelers he made comparisons which
without being precisely invidious tended to make clear that he preferred
what he knew to what he found.74
In viewing the foreign with an eye of superiority, Twain, like other American tourists,
was able to simultaneously renew his confidence in Americas greatness while defining
all those he encountered as inferior.
Twain often felt rejuvenated in the discovery that he found America to be far
superior to all those he encountered. In another interesting proclamation, Twain
72 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 96.
73 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 112.
74 SteinbrinkWhy the Innocents Went Abroad 282-3.
31


expressed an unusual amount of pride in declaring America superior to France in its
ability to produce beautiful women:
I will conclude this chapter with a remark that I am sincerely proud to be
able to makeand glad, as well, that my comrades cordially endorse it, to
wit; by far the handsomest women we have seen in France were bom and
reared in America. I feel like I am a man who has redeemed a failing
reputation and shed luster upon a dimmed escutcheon by a single just deed
done at the eleventh hour.75
The grand nature of this statement reveals how Twain used the popular American desire
for cultural superiority, particularly in regards to Europeans, to delight the reader.
Though this pronouncement is intended to amuse American readers, it also shows Twain
and his fellow travelers experiencing a sense of pride in the greatness of their own land.
They traveled across the world to see the renowned beauty of the French women and
discovered that the women of their home were, in fact, more beautiful.
Travel accounts produced by Americans during this time consistently, whether
consciously or unconsciously, portrayed the people of the Old World as inferior, just as
notions of cultural authenticity were beginning to emerge for American tourists. These
accounts became the basis for future travelers, who then in turn linked their ideas of the
authenticity of the cultures they encountered with inferiority.
Searching for the Truly Foreign: Fantasy and Expectations Abroad:
The problem with authenticity in tourism is not a modern problem. Long before droves
of American tourists fanned out across the globe to find authenticity, tourists sought
experiences that would either confirm their preconceived notions of places and peoples,
or sought encounters that were truly novel and different. Unlike the modem tourist who
75 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 66.
32


has access to a plethora of texts and images of most places on earth, 19th century tourists
did not yet have a clear understanding of many of the cultures and people they would
encounter. Thus it was the element of foreignness that became desirable. These
tourists were in search of the novel, the strange, and the curious. As Twain professed
early in his travelogue,
they were to see the ships of twenty naviesthe customs and costumes of
twenty curious peoplesthe great cities of half the worldthey were to
hob-nob with nobility and hold friendly converse with kings and princes,
grand moguls, and the anointed lords of mighty empires! It was a brave
conception; it was the offspring of a most ingenious brain.76
The possibility to see and experience new cultures and places was the ultimate promise
for excitement. But traveling abroad also allowed tourists to witness and live out the
fantasy world of travel books, epic poems, adventure stories, and myths. The popularity
of excursion trips and leisure travel relied on peoples aspirations to delight in the Old
World just as they had imagined it. Ultimatelya place or a peoples authenticity relied
on how well it adhered to tourists fantasiesnot on an objective truth.
Twain was searching for a fantasy: the fantasy of childhood stories and the
fantasy of the novel and untouched. Neither could truly existas a traveler Twain
always had expectations, and even when he thought he had discovered the tmly foreign it
was quickly dispelled with a familiar sight. Author Bruce Michelson argues in his article
"Mark Twain the Tourist: The Form of The Innocents Abroad," that tourism is a type of
padia, an improvisational play, as opposed to a more stmctured, formal game. According
to Michelsonthis type of play encourages make-believe: In the padia of pleasure
touring, the object is to sustain an imaginative engagement and thereby to transform a
76 Twain, The Innocents Abroad,1.
33


various and sometimes tedious real world into a world of novelty, fantasy, and
adventure 77 Tourists view the reality in front of them through a lenscreated from the
stories, images, and expectations they have pre-formedthat focuses their experience.
The unconscious aim is to uphold the constructed realityrather than really seeing or
engaging with the people, places, and things in front of them.
Twain recounted an experience that highlights the touristic wish for a fantasy,
rather than a reality, while traveling in France. After witnessing his companion, the
doctor, attempting to speak French to a woman and receiving nothing but confused looks,
Twain declared the doctor must be mispronouncing his French. Overhearing this
exchange, the woman responded to Twain in English, revealing herself a tourist as well,
which greatly vexed Twain:
Here we were in beautiful Francein a vast stone house of quaint
architecturesurrounded by all manner of curiously worded French
signsstared at by strangely haoited, bearded French peopleeverything
gradually and surely forcing upon us the coveted consciousness that at
last, and beyond all question, we were in beautiful France and absorbing
its nature to the forgetfulness of everything else, and coming to feel a
happy romance of the thing in all its enchanting delightfulnessand to
think of this sKinny veteran intruding with her vile Englishat such a
moment, to blow the rair vision to the winds! It was exasperating.78
Prior to the woman responding in English, the scene adhered to Twain5s fantasy, but
when the woman spoke English she removed the element of foreignness and the scene no
longer appeared authentic; Twains exasperation and dismay at a seemingly trivial
encounter demonstrates the influence the desire for fantasy, rather than reality, had over
American tourists traveling abroad.
77 MichelsonMark Twain the Tourist 386.
78 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 40.
34


Numerous times throughout The Innocents Abroad Twain emphasizes the way in
which his experiences did not meet his expectations. In one instance, Twain describes
the French peasants in reference to the idyllic image he had expected:
Ah the grisettes! I had almost forgotten. They are another romantic fraud.
They were (if you let the books of travel tell it) always so beautifulso
neat and trim, so gracefulso naive and trustingso gentle, so winning
[...] and oh, so charmingly, so delightfully immoral.79
Twain5 s encounters with the grisettes exposed the image produced by the books of travel
as inauthentic and he declaresI sorrow for the vagabond student of the Latin Quarter
now, even more than formerly I envied him. Thus topples to earth another idol of my
infancy.80 81 82 Laterin another disappointing encounterTwain laments the loss of a
different fantasy: To glance at the genuine son of the desert is to take the romance out
of him foreverto behold his steed is to long in charity to strip his harness off and let
him fall to pieces.,,81 And toward the end of his travels, after seeing the river Jordan and
the Dead Sea, Twain sadly declared,
[tjravel and experience mar the grandest pictures and rob us of the most
cherished traditions of our boyhood. Well, let them go. I have already
seen the empire of King Solomon diminish to the size of the State of
Pennsylvania; I suppose I can bear the reduction of the seas and the
82
river.
His disappointments are not in the encounters themselves: that is, there is nothing
particularly wrong with these encounters. Instead, Twain bemoaned the loss of his
fantasy.
79 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 65.
80 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 66.
81 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 257.
82 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 282.
35


Twains experiences were not always disappointing; he recounts a sense of joy at
recognizing sights around Paris (confirming as reality his expectations) and happily
encountered scenes that reminded him of cherished childhood stories (allowing him to
enter the fantasy world of the stories of his childhood).83 One of the few happy moments
Twain reported during his stay in the Holy Land was of a scene that fit his fantasy
perfectly: The picture lacks nothing. It casts you back at once into your forgotten
boyhood, and again you dream over the wonders of the Arabian Nights.84 These
moments allowed Twain to maintain the fantasy he had imagined, which pleased him
immensely.
However, more often than not Twain did not find the fantasies he sought, as we
see when Twain sadly depicts his dream of the Turkish baths and his subsequent
disappointment:
For years and years I have dreamed of the wonders of the Turkish bath; for
years and years I have promised myself that I would enjoy one. Many and
many a time, in fancy, I have lain in the marble bath, and breathed the
slumberous fragrance of Eastern spices that filled the air; [...] That was
the picture, just as I got it from incendiary books of travel. It was a poor,
miserable imposture. The reality is no more like it than the Five Points are
like the Garden of Eden.85
The greater the hold the fantasy had on him, the greater his disappointment when the
encounter or experience did not live up to his expectations. Though Twain imagined he
was seeking the real, he was in fact seeking a fantasya familiarity that fit his hopes and
anticipations. Authenticity, for Twain, was the recreation of his fantasy shaped by the
83 Twain The Innocents Abroad, 47,192.
84 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 192.
85 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 175.
36


narratives of travel books and childhood stories, not something innate or essential in the
people he encountered.
But the Innocents were not only looking for the worlds and peoples they had read
about, they were looking for new, untouched, and truly foreign lands in order to
experience their own adventures. Twain recounts the party5 s experience of finding what
they perceived to be tmly foreign, a place completely unlike what they knew at home:
Tangier is the spot we have been longing for all the time. Elsewhere we
have found foreign-looking things and foreign-looking people, but always
with things and people intermixed that we were familiar with before, and
so the novelty of the situation lost a deal of its force. We wanted
something thoroughly and uncompromisingly foreignforeign from top
to bottomforeign from center to circumstanceforeign inside and
outside and all aroundnothing anywhere about it to dilute its
foreignnessnothing to remind us of any other people or any other land
under the sun.86
Twain5 s search for the new, like his aspirations to find the fantasy of his favorite
childhood stories, was rooted in the aspiration to create an imagined world. In Tangier
Twain found a place that maintained the illusion of foreignness, unlike the encounter in
Paris. Therefore, Tangiers seemed to maintain its authenticity as completely untouched.
Yet, his excitement did not last, and as he reflected on Tangier it had somehow lost its
appeal: Tangier is full of interest for one daybut after that it is a weary prison.87
Before long the fantasy of the tmly foreign is destroyed by the mere fact that it becomes
familiar; he must move on to find another people and place that can fulfill his fantasy
again.
But finding the tmly foreign was not always easy. While in Rome Twain
responds to an overwhelming feeling that everything he was seeing and experiencing was
86 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 29.
87 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 35.
37


seen by thousands before him (ironicallythis is among the most frustrating aspects of
travel for the modern tourist):
What is there in Rome for me to see that others have not seen before me?
What is there for me to touch that others have not touched? What is there
for me to feel, to learn, to hear, to know, that shall thrill me before it pass
to others? What can I discover? Nothing. Nothing whatsoever. One
charm of travel dies here.88
As Twain declared, one aspect of the appeal of travel was and is linked to the discovery
of the new. In this case, Rome was not authentically foreign because it had been explored
and discovered by those who came before. In order for the site to maintain authenticity, it
needed to remain untouched, a belief that would continue to motivate tourists for
centuries.
Twain and his companions were not seeking real people and places; instead, they
were seeking preconceived ideas of the authentic. When people at home in America
read Twain5 s account or his encounters and adventures, disappointments and thrills, they
developed their own authenticity expectations. When they would later travel, they would
measure the success of their trip on their ability to find the world Twain and others had
described. Therefore, the authentic cultures and experiences later tourists would seek
were merely recreation of a recreation and so on. Said recognizes this phenomenon as a
powerful tool that creates the image of the foreign:
In any instance of at least written language, there is no such thing as a
delivered presence, but a re-presence, or a representation. [...] that
Orientalism makes sense at all depends more on the West that on the
Orient, and this sense is directly indebted to various Western techniques of
representation that make the Orient visible, clear, 'there5 in discourse
about it.89
88 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 120.
89 Said, Orientalism, 21-22.
38


The places and the people existed to American readers at home because of these
representations. The stories from The Innocents Abroad made the foreign and unknown
visible, but they helped solidify that image as genuine, rather than as a subjective and
satirical interpretation. The world illustrated in The Innocents Abroad was the fantasy of
a brilliant man, but it was not an accurate representation of the people and cultures he
encountered.
Twain and the Single Story:
The Innocents Aboard created an important iteration of the single story in travel
literaturewhat Kirshenblatt-Gimblett calls the essentialized or totalized Other. When
Twain and his fellow travelers encountered people who were truly foreign they
recounted their experiences with that group in three distinct modeseither as
essentialized (viewing the essence of a group), totalized (seeing the whole through parts),
or idealized (viewing a group as fitting a preconceived ideal)creating new expectations
of foreign cultures for American readers at home. These modes of representation reduce a
group to one assumptionan objective truth and claim that this assumption
encompasses all the people of that race or culture; they create the single story. Twain
claims that all Portuguese people are slowpoorshiftlesssleepyand lazy90 the
Turkish people smell likelike Turks91 and the Italians are filthy in their habits.92
He also declares that the Damascenes are the ugliestwickedest looking villains we have
90 Twain, The Innocents Abroad,19.
91 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 166.
92 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 147.
39


seen93 94 and that he never disliked a Chinamen as I do these degraded Turks and
Arabs.,,94 The Innocents Abroad is littered with such remarks; undoubtedly Twain5 s
remarks are to be read with a certain awareness of his satirical humor, but his statements
continually create and reinforce essentializing stereotypes of cultural and national groups.
The travelers first interaction with the curious customs of foreign people was
on the Azores islands, belonging to Portugal. Twain affords the reader with an account of
the people that demonstrates the essentializing tendency of his observations. Twain points
to the subtle understanding among travelers that there is something innate in the
characteristics of people: The group on the pier was a rusty onemen and women and
boys and girls, all ragged and barefoot, uncombed and unclean, and by instinct,
education, and profession beggars.95 Twain implies that these people are in some way
not only taught to be, but are instinctively, beggars. But the most telling of Twains
assessments likens the people of the Azores to animals:
The donkeys and the men, women, and children of a family all eat and
sleep in the same room, and are unclean, are ravaged by vermin, and are
tmly happy. The people lie, and cheat the stranger, and are desperately
ignorant, and have hardly any reverence for their dead. The latter trait
shows how little better they are than the donkeys they eat and sleep with.96
Assuming that the people of the Azores have no reverence for their dead, likely because
they do not have the same customs that Twain is familiar with, Twain declares that they
are ultimately an inferior race and no better that the animals they cohabitate with.
Later in his travels, particularly in southern Italy, Twain again makes references
to the unkempt peasants reminding him of animals, rather than fellow humans:
93 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 215.
94 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 217.
95 Twain, The Innocents Abroad,17.
96 Twain, The Innocents Abroad,19.
40


They are very uncleanthese peoplein face, in person and dress. When
they see any body with a clean shirt on, it arouses their scorn. The women
wash clothes, half the day, at the public tanks in the streets, but they are
probably somebody elses. Or may be they keep one set to wear and
another to wash; because they never put on any that have ever been
washed. When they get done washing, they sit in the alleys and nurse their
cubs. They nurse one ash-cat at a time, and the others scratch their backs
against the door-post and are happy.97
Though he witnessed these women cleaning, he remarked that they must never wear the
clothes they clean. His observation of their cleanliness (or lack there of) led directly into
his comparison between the women and their cubs and his descriptions of their
behavior clearly referenced alley cats. This observation not only degrades the women, it
represents all Italian peasants in a totalized manner. Twain describes one group of
peasants he witnessed in one act of their daily existence, yet he claimed this act
encompassed the entirety of their racethese people were a part of the whole that was
meant to characterize the totality of the race.
As he traveled farther east, his racism and judgments of people, particularly
Arabs, increased. He often commented on Arab nature as lazydirtyand
untrustworthy. In SyriaTwain remarked that the people of Syriaas well as all Muslim
people, were in their very nature immoral: "Mosques are plenty, churches are plenty,
graveyards are plenty, but morals and whisky are scarce. The Koran does not permit
Mohammedans to drink. Their natural instincts do not permit them to be moral.98 This
quip is an example of an essentializing tendency in Twain5 s observations. Twain
remarked that their natural instincts made them immoralbroadly claiming that he had
discovered and was ready to report on the very essence of an entire group of people.
97 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 118.
98 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 170.
41


Additionally, Twain5 s assumption that Muslims are immoral again links back to the
common belief in Christian superiority.
Furthermore, Twain reinforced the idea that those he encountered were inferior by
insinuating that the downtrodden people of the near East needed assistance from the West
in order to progress. In one instance Twain labels the Turkish people as essentially good
but oppressed and desiring aid from the West: 'These people are naturally good-hearted
and intelligent, and with education and liberty, would be a happy and contented race.
They often appeal to the stranger to know if the greater world will not some day come to
their relief and save them.99 Twain emphasizes the prevailing notion at the time that
non-Europeans not only needed Western interventionthey truly wanted it. He also
discusses the fate of Turkey as it its future should be in the control of the more powerful
and civilized countries of the world: I wish Europe would let Russia annihilate Turkey a
littlenot much, but enough to make it difficult to find the place again without a
divining-rod or diving-bell.100 The early travel literature, even that produced by
Americans, bolstered European imperialist rhetoric, which became much more apparent
in the travelogues of the early 20th century.
But not all those Twain came across disgusted him. He occasionally remarks on
the politeness of the French (ironically, given todays stereotypes surrounding the
graciousness of the French people) and the sincerity of the Russians. This is an example
of idealized stereotypes. Though they are seemingly not as negative as remarks made
about the Italians or Syrians, such remarks still reduce these groups to a single story and
create the foundation for expectations of later travelers. While these tendencies seem
99 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 208.
100 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 208.
42


harmless enough, and are certainly common practice among travelers writing of a new
experience, remarks like these, read and repeated hundreds and thousands of times, create
authenticity expectations. When a traveler seeks an authentic interaction with a group of
people, he or she is actually seeking the recreation of an occurrence had by the "Old
Travelersthose delightful parrotswho came before.101
As I have arguedthe construction of the Otherand the basis of cultural
authenticitywas created by guidebooks and travelogues. While there were certainly
guidebooks at the time Twain was traveling, the limited scope of their readership and the
limited numbers of people traveling made it so that the texts that would contribute to the
construction of authenticity expectations had not been widely produced or disseminated.
The popularity of Twain5 s book, as well as the essentializing, totalizing, and idealizing
nature of his observations, helped develop the single story of cultural authenticity within
tourism.
Conclusion:
In one humorous account Twain describes how travel guides hyped attractions, and
reflects on the way in which the guides revere what appears to be a simple tree:
Now in America that interesting tree would be chopped down or forgotten
within the next five years, but it will be treasured here. The guides will
point it out to the visitors for the next eight-hundred years, and when it
decays and falls down they will put up another there and go on with the
same old story just the same.102
Twain recognized that travel literature held a certain power; it allowed the stories to live
on, even when the real thing was gone. The stories that Twain told in The Innocents
101 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 46.
102 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 59.
43


Abroadhis musing about the people and his experiences with the culturewould create
authenticity expectations for generations to come. The cultures Twain portrayed are long
gone, just like the tree he imagined the guides would continue to show even after the
real tree was gone. Cultural authenticity is like that tree; the people and the places
Twain encountered no longer exist as they did, but the same old stories are still told about
them.
As Steinbrink emphasizes, The Innocents Abroad does provide a glimpse into the
people and places Twain happened upon, but its primary value lies in what it reveals
about Americans traveling abroad in the 19th century: That books chief
accomplishment, however, like the more modest accounts left behind by other travelers,
rests not so much in what it tells us about the lands the Innocents visited while abroad as
it does about the land to which they returned.103 In recognizing that this text and others
like it reveal more about Americans perceptions of their own identities than an
accurate presentation of authentic cultures we can see how the idea of cultural
authenticity was constructed by American tourists through the lens of superiority. From
early in the history of modern tourism, the wish to seek out the foreign was linked to the
need to solidify and strengthen American identity. Ultimately, the stories Twain recounts
reveal American culture, not the cultures of those he encountered.
Cultural authenticity is rooted in the desire to have reality reflect fantasy; it
embodies a story of the past, not a reality of the present. To reduce a people to their past,
to a short interface or a passing observation, reduces them to less than human, and
destroys the possibility for true interaction. Twains remarks were likely not taken as
103 SteinbrinkWhy the Innocents Went Abroad284.
44


passing observations but rather the truthful accounts of an innocent abroad. Later
travelers would use these experiences to craft their own expectationsand as tourism
became more prevalent in the 20th century, so did authenticity expectations.
45


CHAPTER III
CAPTURING THE PRE-COLONIAL OTHER
TRAVEL LECTURES, PHOTOGRAPHS, AND EARLY 20th CENTURY
TOURISM
But a glimpse of one of the streets of native Biskra, so strangely beautiful,
intensifies our interest in that other oasisso far awaywhich must be
even more strange, even more African than anything in Biskra.104
E. Burton HolmesBurton Holmes Travelogues
At the end of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th century leisure travel had not yet
exploded into the mass tourism of the mid-twentieth century, but it was becoming more
widespread among the American middle class than it had been in Twains time. Travel
for pleasure was relatively new for average Americans when Twain set out on his
excursion, so, tourists of the 19th century did not yet have a great deal or information
from previous travelers on which to base their expectations. While Twain was primarily
seeking evidence of New World superiority and the recreations of his fantasies from
literature and guidebooks, he was rarely overtly looking for cultural authenticity; for
travelers of the next generations, that quickly changed. By the end of the 19th century
travel lecturers John Stoddard and later E. Burton Holmes became well known for their
public talks recounting their experiences abroad, which often centered around finding a
real or genuine Other. The search for cultural authenticity is a recurring theme within
turn of the century travelogues, and the travel lectures and later printed travelogues of
Stoddard and Holmes made authenticity expectations more prevalent and accessible to
104 E. Burton Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: With Illustrations from
Photographs By the Author: Volume Two (Chicago: The Travelogue Bureau,
1914)164.
46


the American public. As more Americans attended lectures or read travelogues, they
developed specific expectation of what and who they would encounter when they
traveled abroad.
The search for cultural authenticity is much more evident in Holmess travelogues
than it had been in The Innocents Abroad. Although manuscripts from Holmes5 s lectures
did not survive, in 1914 Holmes released twelve volumes recounting his travels around
the world. Holmes traveled extensively, but for the purposes of this study I focus on
Holmes5 s contact with North Africa in order to highlight the way Holmes5 s expectations
were shaped by a European imperialist ideology that assumed Western cultural
supremacy. I particularly concentrate on Holmes5s experiences with non-Western Others
in Algeria, Egypt, and the Oases of the Sahara. I have chosen these sites in order to
demonstrate the vital role that expanding European empires and imperialist ideology
played in influencing Americans traveling abroad.
Holmess travelogues underscore the ways in which Americans identified with the
ideals of the European West, as well as with the colonial efforts and imperialist
ideologies of the West that played such large roles in Western and non-Western
interactions. European imperial pursuits sought to spread Western influence abroad; the
ideology that motivated Western imperial aspirations relied on the assumption that
Western society was culturally, morally, and economically superior.105 Imperial ideology
seeped into the lives of Americans traveling abroad and shaped their image of those they
encountered. The observations made by tourists at the turn of the 20th century were not
105 Dennison Nash, 'Tourism as a Form of Imperialism,in Hosts and Guests: The
Anthropology of Tourism, ed. Valene L. Smith (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania
Press,1989)38.
47


benign; they were the product of a context in which Americans traveling abroad saw the
world through a Western lens and placed them in a superior position to those they
encountered.
Holmess interactions with the non-Western Other parallels Twains in numerous
ways. However, the impact of the expanding European empires on both the host and
guest is more conspicuous in Holmess interactions; Holmess writings show that his
identification with the West and the colonial pursuits of Europe influenced both the way
he wrote about the people and places he encountered ana his longing to find the real
pre-colonial culture of the places he visited. Imperialist ideology that assumed Western
superiority affected the way in which Holmes saw the Others he encountered, while
colonialism made unchanged, pure cultures (without Western influence) more difficult
for tourists to uncover. The desire to seek out the authentic became a driving force in 20th
century tourism as colonialism pushed tourists farther away from finding the untouched
Other. Furthermore, Holmes5 s use of photographs throughout his travel lectures and later
his printed travelogues reinforced for Western tourists, and particularly American
touriststhat authentic non-Westem culture was something different and foreign to the
Western way of life. These images provided proof of Western essentialized beliefs
about the Orient and furthered the dissemination of authenticity expectations. Holmess
experiences demonstrate that as tourism became a growing cultural phenomenon among
the American middle class, so did the touristic need to find authentic cultural exchanges,
particularly in relation to non-Western Others.
48


World Traveler Burton Holmes:
Holmes was bom in 1870, the son of a prosperous Chicago banker. Owing to his familys
affluence, Holmes uwas able to be independent from his earliest days106 permitting him
to begin traveling at a young age. While his first interest was not in becoming a travel
lecturer (he had aspirations to become a stage magician), his early experiences traveling
abroad with his grandmother, his predilection for the center stage, and his fascination
with the then famous John Stoddard set him up to become one of the preeminent travel
lectures of the 20th century.107
In the late 19th century, and well in to the 20th century, Holmes traveled the world
collecting stories and photographs for his travel lectures. According to Theodore Barber,
author of 'The Roots of Travel Cinema: John L. Stoddard, E. Burton Holmes and the
Nineteenth-Century Illustrated Travel Lecture Holmes was not initially successful as a
travel lecturer.108 Stoddard was already well established as the foremost travel lecturer of
the time, and Holmes was unable to surpass him in popularity. It was not until Stoddard
retired and, by some accounts, handed the reigns over to Holmes that Holmes5s career
began to thrive. Despite his relative lack or initial success, the length of Holmes5 s career
far surpassed that of Stoddard. Holmes continued lecturing until shortly before his death
in 195 8.109 While Holmes was not the only travel lecturer of his time, he did play a
106 Irving WallaceEverybodys Rover Boy in 77/e Mo
World: Burton Holmes Travelogues 1892-1938, ed. Genoa Caldwell (New York:
Abrams1977)15.
107 WallaceEverybodys Rover Boy15.
108 X. Theodore Barber, 'The Roots of Travel Cinema: John L. Stoddard, E. Burton
Holmes and the Nineteenth-Century Illustrated Travel Lecture,Film History 5:1(1993):
80, accessed February 12014, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3815111.
109 BarberThe Roots of Travel Cinema 82.
49


prominent role in the development of the burgeoning travel lecture business and tourism
industry.
Traveling was not only a hobby for Holmes it was also his career. Most summers
Holmes traveled to destinations around the world to collect material for his lectures, and,
by fall, Holmes would return to America, touring and lecturing in major cities around the
United States. A travel lecture by Holmes was the grand event of the season110 for
many upper and middle class Americans; most would pay over a dollar to see a lecture
(Hollywood movie showings cost about a dime) and would often attend in elegant
evening dress.111 Holmes5 s travel lectures featured both still photographic images (some
taken by Holmes himself) and short moving image scenes.112 The introduction of images
added to the popularity of the travel lecture, a point underscored in an editorial from 1910
m Moving Picture World:
So clearly and graphically are the scenes presented that one may acquire a
reasonably accurate knowledge of distant lands and their inhabitants for
the expenditure of a few cents per week; and there is no heavy expense or
hardship for actual travel.113
Traveling abroad during this period required a substantial time commitment; jet planes
had not yet revolutionized the travel experience, so passage to Europe, Africa, and the
Near East meant many weeks crossing the Atlantic on steamships. Often the chaos of
foreign ports was enough to sour even seasoned travelers; upon arriving in Alexandria,
110 Genoa CaldwellThe Travelogue Man in 77/eMofForW..
Burton Holmes Travelogues 1892-1938, ed. Genoa Caldwell (New York: Abrams, 1977),
25.
111 CaldwellThe Travelogue Man 25.
112 BarberThe Roots of Travel Cinema 81.
113 Quoted in Alison Griffiths To the World the World We Show Early Travelogues as
Filmed Ethnography,Film Studies 11:3 (1999): 294, accessed Febmary 1,2014,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/3815203.
50


Holmes contemptuously declaredTo land in Alexandria at the height of the tourist
season is to enjoy all the sensations of shipwreck, high-sea piracy, and war time
panic.114 For those who did not wish to suffer the difficulties of travelingHolmess
lectures, combined with his vivid images, allowed viewers to experience a more engaging
form of armchair travel than purely text-based travelogues.
Additionally, the popularity of the travel lectures lay in their ability both to
entertain and educate the American public from the comfort of a lecture hall. As Alison
Griffiths suggests, uit was perceived as a more cost-efficient and intellectually worthy
method of vicariously experiencing distant lands and peoples 115 Americans were eager
to learn about the global communityof which America was emerging as a leader. In
the early 20th century American influence on the international scene was in its infancy,
yet, as Barber notes, Americans were enthusiastic to attend shows that highlighted the
country5 s prominence abroad.116 Social and cultural analyst Mary Louise Pratt, author of
Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation, highlights the role travel literature
played in stimulating national pride by giving the "reading publics a sense of ownership,
entitlement and familiarity with respect to the distant parts of the world that were being
exploredinvadedinvested inand colonized.117 Although Pratt primarily examines
European audiencesher insight into the role travel literature plays in the construction of
national pride illuminate some of the potential appeal travelogues held for American
114 E. Burton Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: With Illustrations from Photographs
By the Author: Volume Four (Chicago: The Travelogue Bureau, 1914),10.
115 Griffiths To the World tie World We Show 293.
116 BarberThe Roots of Travel Cinema 69.
117 Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (New York:
Routledge2002)3.
51


audiences. Through these lectures the American public was able to identify and connect
with a sense of pride in Americas expanding global presence and influence.
However, Americans were not only interested in seeing American influence
abroad, but also in witnessing how Americans compared to others around the world.
Much like The Innocents Abroad, 20th century travelogues often portrayed Americans as
superior to others around the world. As Griffiths points out, the ethnographic element of
the early 20th century travel lectures and the images they included became a contributing
factor to notions of cultural supremacy: Ethnographic meaning would [...] have
circulated within and between the texts that comprised the lecture[s] and been part of a
wider cultural matrix of Eurocentric ideas on racial hierarchies and white supremacy.118
Often the travelogues promulgated an ethnocentric belief in Western cultural
superiority119 andas Barber notesthe published versions of Holmess travelogues
show that he clearly believed in the supremacy of the West.120
The theme of Western superiority recurs throughout Holmes5 s travelogues.
Frequently Holmes praises the West for saving the Arab people from poverty and
despotism. In one instanceHolmes responds to an Englishmans pronouncement that the
people of Cairo could not suffer more and live by declaring yet they have suffered
more and lived to see their land redeemed from poverty, if not from ignorance, under the
business management of Englishmen.121 Holmess belief that the English redeemed
the Egyptians from poverty, combined with his remark on Arab ignorance, displays his
belief in Western superiority. Holmess accounts were a tool of colonial
118 GriffithsTo the World the World We Show 295.
119 BarberThe Roots of Travel Cinema 69.
120 BarberThe Roots of Travel Cinema 81.
121 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four, 41.
52


propaganda122 and for many Americans these lectures provided proof of the benefits
of imperialism and Americas place as an ally in the colonial efforts of Europe.
Concurrently, much as Twain had done, Holmes also portrayed America as
surpassingboth in cultural importance and global influencethe great countries of
Europe. Holmes aligns Americans with Western ideals while simultaneously lifting
America above the European West. In one passageHolmes describes Americas
greatness by declaring thatthough not yet a world powerit was America who first stood
up to the tyrannical deythe Arabic ruler of Algiers. Holmes recounts:
But when the War of 1812 had been brought to a successful termination,
there came a change in the attitude of our government, and it is to our
credit that the then youngest of the great nations of the world, the United
States of America, was the first of all the nations of the world to defy the
dey and refuse to cringe before him.123
Through this declaration Holmes exhibits to his American audience that the United States
was superior to the cruel and repressive rulers of the East andat the same timemore
courageous than the countries of the Old World who would not stand up to tyranny.
Holmess belief in American superiority is also evident in Holmess closing
remarks on his trip to Egypt. While reflecting on his travels Holmes reiterates that
though he enjoyed traveling, he was pleased that he would soon be returning to America:
We may roam afar and mingle with the children of the past in the old
lands of the older hemisphere, interested or amazed by the things they find
great, but when it comes to living our real lives and doing our real work
we turn with eagerness toward the new hemisphere, content to live and
work among our fellow-countrymen, who are the heirs of a great
yesterday, the masters of a wonderful to-day, and the makers of a still
more wonderful to-morrow.124
122 GriffithsTo the World the World We Show 283.
123 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Two, 41-42.
124 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four, 144.
53


Holmes5 s comments underscore his belief that the Old World was stuck in the past and
was unable to progress into modern life. Additionally, his remark that Americans were
heirs of the past, the masters of the present, and the makers of the future demonstrates
that to Holmes America was undoubtedly the greatest and soon to be the most powerful
nation of the world.
Travel lectures allowed American viewers to vicariously experience the world
without leaving home; at the same time, they demonstrated the growing role of
Americans abroad and set up an expectation that Americans were superior to both the
peoples of the Orient and those of the Western Old World. Above all, however, Holmes5 s
travelogues reveal how colonialism and imperial ideology of Western empires influenced
Americans abroad and shaped their expectations. In investigating the role colonialism
played in early 20th century tourism an essential contradiction emerges: American tourists
sought interactions that revealed the authentic cultures of those they met, yet, rapid
colonialism (which the American public supported) had destroyed Americans ability
to find pre-Western influenced cultures. Western colonial presences created the desire
among American tourists to find the non-Western Other, a pre-colonial cultural
authenticity.
Holmess Search for the Pre-Colonial Other:
The search for cultural authenticity, particularly in non-Western cultures, was
continuously tied to the Western colonialism. The colonization of exotic and strange
cultures strengthened the longing among Western tourists to find the authentic cultures of
the lands they encountered. The pre-colonial Other that tourists saw as authentic
54


(untouched) was not unlike the fantasy Twain sought; both were examples of the
fabricated images that constituted cultural authenticity. At the same time, imperialist
ideology solidified American^ belief in their own superiority over non-Westerners. For
Americans traveling abroad, authenticity depended on how significantly the exchange
contrasted what he or she recognized as Western. Holmess travelogues reveal that as
colonialism aided in the homogenization of cultures around the globe, authenticity
became harder for American tourists to find. But, what tourists were seeking were not
the real lived experiences of the people they encountered (which would account for the
colonial influences and their impact on the culture). Rather, they were seeking the
conformation to their authenticity expectations of the culture as it was before it was
Westernized.
This contradiction played out in a number of ways. Western tourists chose a
location because it was friendly to the Westit had been tamed and made safebut it
was no longer authentically non-Westem. The very nature of travel literature, combined
with the assumption of Western superiority, emphasized the aspects of travel encounters
that reaffirmed the single story of the Other. While this can be seen in most travel
literature, it is especially apparent in Holmes5s travelogues. Holmess lectures not only
underscores his search for quintessential experiences with the pre-colonial Other, they
confirmed the single story of the groups he came across.
Holmes5 s writing about his travels demonstrates ideologies of Western superiority
and essentialized beliefs of non-Western inferiority in action. Western imperial ideology,
according to Pratt, developed in part in the mid 18th century with "the emergence of
natural history as a structure of knowledge and the turn toward interioras opposed to
55


maritime, exploration.,,125 The scientific and economic exploration that followed caused a
shift in European planetary consciousness that, according to Pratt, constructed notions
of Eurocentrism and Western superiority.125 126 Natural history, for the European explorers
and scientists who created it, was a way of organizing nature into a hierarchical structure.
This act began the process of European forces asserting power over the planet, and, as
Pratt argues, led to the development of racial hierarchies that eventually naturalized
European global presence and authority.127 While the systemization of nature was
undoubtedly one among many factors that produced European notions of supremacy in
the generations that followed, these hierarchies produced scientific categories on which
cultural authenticity is based. Western imperialism, from its roots, contributed to tourists5
beliefs in the essential nature of non-European people around the world.
The belief in the essential nature of people led the Westerner to develop a set of
truths about different groups, most notably to define the Orient. According to Said, the
Western view of the Orient was in direct opposition to the traits that defined the
Occident: the Westerner was rational, innovative, and in ceaseless pursuit of liberty and
progress. In contrast, those in the East were gullible, static, emotional, lethargic,
backward, and tended toward despotism.128 The contrast between the Occident and the
Orient is evident throughout Holmes5 s travelogues; when describing Arab people,
Holmes often designates them as poor, ignorant, unchanging (except for with European
intervention), passive, and abnormal or bizarre.
125 Pratt, Imperial Eyes,11.
126 Vrditt, Imperial Eyes,15.
U7 PmttImperial Eyes26.
128 Said, Orientalism, 4, 38-40.
56


Holmes confirms the stereotype of the ignorant, backward, and uneducated Arab
for his readers when he describes the education system in Egypt. In discussing an
Egyptian university, Holmes boldly disregarded the system as archaic and obsolete:
This so-called university creates and fosters more ignorance and mental
darkness than any other institution in the world; and worse, it scatters its
curse broadcast over all North Africa, and over Arabia, Turkey, Persia, the
Moslem provinces of India, and all the Moslem lands and islands of the
Orient. For all these countries send their most promising young men to
commit intellectual suicide here in the halls and courts of El Azhar [...].129
The Moslem universities excluded all modern scienceall historyall accurate
geography, in facteverything worth knowing.130 Insteadaccording to Holmesthe
universities made bright young minds dull on the grindstone of the terrible Koran.131 In
Holmes5 s estimation, the Arab approach to education was the exact opposite of the
Western worldit did not lift up the values of progress but dragged promising young
men down into ignorance through the study of Islam. Through Western eyesHolmes
saw American and Western values as superior, and this lens focused his observations
throughout his travelogues.
Holmes also depicts Arabs as superstitious. While visiting a village in Egypt
Holmes laments that the children were not given proper medical care, not for lack of
availability, but because tradition and superstition kept even well-off parents away:
The saddest sights in Egypt are the children, unwashed, with filthy eyes
that are losing their brightness and possibly their sight because of silly
superstition. [...] Egypt is the blindest nation in the worlda nation of
near-sighted, one-eyed, or dead-eyed victims of a disease born of filth,
ignorance, and childish superstitions.132
129 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four, 27.
130 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four, 26.
131 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four, 26.
132 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four, 81-82.
57


Again, Holmes depicts the Arab as ignorant, backward, and unwilling to embrace modem
science. Rather than allow the progressive forces brought by the English to benefit them,
the Arab people chose to live frozen in their unenlightened past.
Additionally, poverty plays a prominent role in Holmes5 s image of the Arab
world. Countless times throughout his travelogues Holmes labels the people as poor and
despondent, and he connects this condition to the repression of Arab mlers. In one
example, Holmes portrays the people working along the Nile as utterly poor, their lives
necessitating harsh and tiresome work: Something of the inexorableness of Nature is
brought home to us as we glide past those endless ranks of naked toilers bending their
backs at the command of Nature5s terrible task-master, who bears the name Necessity!
How poor they are.133 HoweverHolmes adds that their lives had significantly improved
since the despotic mlers were overthrown by the English, claiming the Arab mlers would
torture a man for any gold he hadwhile British justice now enables him to keep and
enjoy the wealth he earns134 Yetdespite the new system of justiceHolmes remarks
that poverty and laziness were essential characteristics of Egyptian people: Thus
laziness became a secure virtue, and industry a dangerous vice 135 Even with the
positive forces of the WestHolmes essentialized the Arab people as inescapably poor
suggesting poverty was an objective truth of the Eastern experience.
Holmes often describes Arab mlers as tyrannical, highlighting another Western
essentialized belief that Orientals tended toward despotism.136 By designating the Arab
mlers as oppressors, Holmes also reveals his approval of Western imperial pursuits to
133 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four, 76.
134 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four, 78.
135 YioXmt%, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four, 79.
58


liberate the people. Holmes presents colonialism as beneficial to the subjugated
people, whether they wanted it or not, because it forced the Arab into the enlightened
(And Western) world:
The native may protest, and the modem Egyptian is a vigorous protestor,
but the fact remains that Egypt belongs to England by virtue of the
perpetual fiction of a temporary occupation. Egypt, before England came,
was a land of lawlessness and pauperism. Alexandria, once the greatest
city of a classic agehad shrunk to an estate of a poor fishing village of
five thousand souls. Today Egypt is rich and prosperous and Alexandria a
thriving and attractive city of more than three hundred and fifty
thousand.137
Holmes credits all Egyptian prosperity to the progressive influence of the English; before
they came the rulers had diminished the city to nothing more than a poor fishing
village Though Holmes clearly supported English rule in Egyptit was this very force
that made it difficult for him to find those authentic encounters he sought. Holmes
deemed any exchange with an Arab that did not fit his essentialized view of the Orient as
inauthentic. If the people he encountered did not fit his expectations of the Orient, they
were no longer authentic representations of Arab culture. Egypt had been Westernized,
which meant Holmes had to search even more vigorously to find the authentic.
The Westernized aspects of Cairo were no longer authentic or real, according to
Holmes. In order to find the real Cairo he had to move away from the areas that were
most heavily influenced by the West:
But the real streets of Cairo are not found in the neighborhood of the hotel.
We must plunge into the maze of the bazaars, reeking with color, before
we can feel that we are in the real streets of the real Cairothe Cairo of
the Arabian conquerors of Egypt; it is as picturesque as any 'Streets of
Cairo5 at an exposition.138
137 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four, 9.
138 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four, 23.
59


Interestinglythe picturesque and authentic Cairo he was looking for was that which
most closely resembled expositions he had seen, likely back home in Chicago, that
depicted Cairo. His expectations surrounding the authenticity of the people and the
places of Egypt were shaped prior to his trip; his anticipations were the result of Western
ideas surrounding the Orient that he had pre-formed long before he arrived in the port of
Alexandria.
Although Holmes was continually searching for authentic contact with the real
cities of the East, he often celebrated the Westernizing influences of Europe on the
region. In his account of his trip to Algiers, Holmes remarks with pleasure that the West
had civilized the once savage land of the Barbary Coast:
A hundred years ago a visit to the Barbary Coast was an experience not to
be desired by voyagers from Christian lands, who then came not as
tourists with cameras and guidebooks but as prisoners and slaves in
manacles and chain.139 140
However, with the arrival of French mle in Algiers, the city became a top tourist
destination for travelers like Holmes: The city of Algiers is now numbered among the
most popular resorts of those happy folk who have both the time and the inclination to
trot about the globe, seeking the beautiful, the curious, and the picturesque.,,140 Yet the
civilizing influences brought with them European cultural modes that became more
prominently represented than Algerian, African, or Oriental traditions and customs.
Subsequently, the people and places Holmes encountered were no longer a pure
exemplification of the Orient, but rather were changed into Western-influenced Orient.
Algiers signified the effects of the conglomeration of colonialism and imperial ideology
139 YkAmesBurton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Two, 5.
140 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Two,10.
60


on an Eastern city, and fueled the desire among tourists to find the 'real5 untouched
Orient that was no longer readily available. Holmes was indebted to the imperial rule of
France in Northern Africahe likely would not have been there if the place had not been
made more appealing to Westernersbut the Western influence made it impossible for
him to find what he was seeking; the authentic encounter with the non-Westem.
Just as he had to work to find the Cairo he had imaginedHolmes could not
easily find the real Algiers. Upon his arrival Holmes describes the city as the Paris of
Africa: So perfectly does this colonial city ape in its architecture and in the details of its
daily life the most attractive of the worlds great capitals that we involuntarily look for
the Louvre, the Eiffel Tower, and the Seine.,,H1 While he undoubtedly enjoyed the
amenities of a European influenced city, Holmes could no longer find the essence of the
citythe authentic element that he soughtas a result of Western influence. Just as he *
14Figure 1:Modern Algiers. Holmes remarks that the African city was almost indistinguishable
from cities in Europe. Burton Holmes Travelogues.
THE INCLINED ArrROACM TO THK BOIXEYARD
61


had in Cairo, Holmes longed for the authentic element that seems to have eluded him:
But this is not real Algiers. The Arab city is behind and above all this. That cascade of
white roofs that seems to come tumbling from
the sky, that is the real Algiers or at least
what is left of it.142 He was searching for the
old Algiers, as opposed to the Algiers that
imitated the more recognizable European cities,
in order to have an authentic encounter.
NotablyHolmess image of the newer portions
of Algiers displayed the city from afar,
highlighting the architecture, while his image of
the old city showcased a woman and child in
traditional Arab clothing (See Figures 1 and 2).
The photograph of the old Algiers not only
emphasized the architectural differences
Figure 2: "The Old Algiers." Notably,
between the old and new city, but also included Holmess image of the Old Algiers includes
.ear Asians to the ^ng for the ^ ^
viewer that this was an image of an authentic (that is, not influenced by Western forces)
Oriental street. Ultimately Holmes lamented the loss of authenticity, but most certainly
did not condemn the role colonialism played in the destruction of the so-called real
Algiers or Cairo.
142 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Two, 24.
62


Holmes also draws on imperial ideology when he describes the people of
Northern Africa as indebted to the West for freeing them from the tyrannical Muslim
rulers: The poor Arab owes a debt of gratitude to the last of those tyrant deysthe
potentate whoafter misruling the land for many yearsbecame unintentionally
instrumental in bringing on the war which assured his own destruction and the welfare of
his people.143 In this passage, Holmes recognizes that the West had destroyed an
element of the former Arab world (that is, when the Arab world was ailed by Arab
leaders), but emphasized the benefit that imperial mle had brought to the Arab world.
The French may have conquered the land butaccording to Holmes (and the imperial
ideology in Europe), it was for the benefit of the Arab people.
Western imperial ideology helped form Holmes5 s authenticity expectations; the
pre-colonial Others Holmes was searching for were not only frozen in their past, they
were deemed naturally inferior to Westerners. Any signs of progress that Holmes saw
meant that the real authentic Other was farther out of reach. Tourists of the early 20th
century were seeking exchanges that revealed the pre-colonial cultures of the places they
visited, not the real lives of the people they came across. This process secured those
encountered in their past; according to touristsa non-Western groups authenticity lay
not in its lived experience but in the way they lived before colonial influence. Yet, the
influence of the West had a profound impact on the reality of colonized people; to ignore
that impact and search for the pre-colonial Other reinforced the natural order that
deemed the East as inferior to the West while simultaneously ignoring the present of the
living people.
143 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Two, 26-29.
63


Photography and the Tourist Gaze:
Western imperial and colonial ideologyan essential belief in the Western cultural
superiority and the need to spread that cultureinfluenced Holmess ability to find
authentic interactions with the non-Western Other. Not only did he seek the authentic, he
sought to provide photographic evidence of his encounters. Holmes5 s lectures and
printed accounts include many photographic images as proof of his experiences.
Photography became the main mode through which the authentic interface or experience
was documented. This mode of representation helped produce the tourist gaze. Due to its
tie to colonial and imperial contexts, photography inevitably propagated hierarchical
distinctions between civilized and uncivilized, Western and non-Western, cultured and
savage. These images, and the meaning behind them, became an important element in the
formation of authenticity expectations.
The advent of photography not only shifted our understanding of the visual world,
it drastically changed the way we understand the act of looking. Scholars have
investigated at length the concept of the gaze: the idea that the act of looking is a
learned behavior rather than a natural ability.144 We are trained by society, by
institutions, and by traditions to view the world in a particular way.145 Chris Jenks,
author of Visual Culture argues, 'The world is not pre-formed, waiting to be 'seen5 by
the 'extro-spection5 of the 'naked eye.5 There is nothing 'out-there5 intrinsically formed,
interesting, good or beautiful, as our dominant cultural outlook would suggest. Vision is
144 John Berger, Ways of Seeing (London: Penguin, 1973), 8.
145 Urry and Larsen, The Tourist Gaze 3.0,1.
64


a skilled cultural practice 146 The notion that visual experience is a learned behavior
that we are trained to see the world in a particular wayis evident in many aspects of
sociological study, including tourism study. Authors John Urry and Jonas Larsen call
this the tourist gaze. Urry and Larsen argueThe tourist gaze7 is not a matter of
individual psychology but of socially patterned and learnt 'ways of seeing5 (Berger,
1972). It is a vision constructed through mobile images and representational
technologies.,,147 Inevitably, the view of Western tourists of those he or she encounters is
formed through the lens of cultural superiority.
One way the tourist gaze has been constructed is via the act of photographing and
disseminating the reproduction of those images for mass consumption. Most people tend
to take what they see in a photograph as proofwe believe what we see. This reaction to
photographic evidence seems to authenticate whatever is pictured in the photograph. In
her essay, On Photography, Sonia Sontag argues, A photograph passes for
incontrovertible proof that a given thing happened. The picture may distort; but there is
always the presumption that something exists, or did exist, which is like what5s in the
picture.148 This concept, when applied to images presented in travel lectures and printed
travelogues, allows an image to stand as incontrovertible proof that something exists as it
is pictured.
146 Chris JenksAn Introduction, in / 0ed. Chris Jenks (London:
Routledge1995)10.
147 Urry and Larsen, The Tourist Gaze 3.0, 2.
148 Susan SontagOn Photography in
Society, ed. David Crowley et al.(Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 2002), 175.
65


Holmes presented images in his travelogues that corresponded with the stories he
was telling and often corroborated his descriptions of the scenes and the people he
encountered. When describing the Egyptian universities Holmes offered an image of a
group of young men lounging in a courtyard, reaffirming his declarations that the Arab
people had not embraced progress
and industriousness (See figure
3). The image of the young men
lounging in the courtyard,
captioned Moslem 'College
Men confirms Western
assumptions about the indolent
nature of the Orient, allowing the
viewer in America to solidify his
or her own perceptions of the
authentic Other.
Yet, to assume that the images reflected reality ignores the interpretive nature of
photography. People have long recognized paintings and drawings as capable of
reflecting realitybut most accept that those depictions are inevitably flawed (they cannot
accurately portray the world because they are created by humans). Photographs, on the
other hand, are seen as evidence or proof of reality:
What is written about a person or an event is frankly an interpretation, as
are handmade statements, like paintings and drawings. Photographed
images do not seem to be statements about the world so much as pieces of
it, miniatures of reality that anyone can make or acquire.149
149 SontagOn Photography 174.
circles
iV)r rcjjeating
on ihc
audibly the
UM-li-ss lt^sons 4*ciiEc set for ilu.m
to tim ITnrt
Figure 3: "Moslem College Men. Holmes uses this
image to confirm Western expectations of the nature of
the "East." Burton Holmes Travelogues.
66


As Sontag points out, it is well accepted that "Photographs furnish evidence. Something
we hear about, but doubt, seems proven when we are shown a photograph of it.,,15 This
was especially tme before the advent of technologies that allowed for the manipulation of
an image, but, even before these technologies, the composition of photographs could be
manipulated. As Sontag suggests, the act of photography is always open to influence:
In deciding how a picture should look, in preferring one exposure to
another, photographers are always imposing standards on their subjects.
Although there is a sense in which the camera does indeed capture reality,
not just interpret it, photographs are as much an interpretation of the world
as paintings and drawings are.150 151
Just as paintings and drawings are subjective illustrations of the world, photographs are
also skewed representations, yet, this is often masked. Instead,
tool of confirmation within tourism.
The images Holmes presented in his travelogues not
only contributed to the popularity of his lectures, they helped
propagate authenticity expectations. Just as he included an
image of lazy college men, to provide proof of his
observation that the Egyptian Universities were frozen in
their archaic past, Holmes often supplied images to confirm
his claims that the Arab people were the opposite of
Westerners. In one instance, Holmes included a photo of a
woman licking a stone alter (see figure 4), with the caption
the photograph becomes a
Figure 4: A Cure for
Indigestion." Holmes
presents Arabs as
superstitious. Burton Holmes
Travelogues.
150 Sontag, On Photography, 175.
151 Sontag, On Photography, 175.
67


A Cure for Indigestion.152 This image upholds Holmes5 s claim that the Arab people
subscribe to childish superstitions and are backward and unenlightened. In another
example, Holmes furnished a photograph of several Algerian men dressed in traditional
clothing sitting in front of a modern European styled courtyard (See figure 5); the caption
reads Dreaming of the Past.153 AgainHolmes reinforced the notion that the Orient was
fixed in the pastwhile Western influence was attempting to move backward cultures
forward.
Figure 5: "Dreaming of the Past." This image juxtaposes Arab past and European present.
Burton Holmes Travelogues.
152 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four, 30.
153 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Two, 34.
68


tv.^r
r Figure 6: Images of Egyptians. These images do not reveal anything specific about the
Egyptian people; instead, they reinforce differences between East and West. Burton Holmes
Travelogues.
Interstingly, Holmes5s photographs do not always correspond with the text in his
written travelogues. While we cannot precisely know if this was a conscious decision by
Holmes or a decision made by the publisher, the seemingly random placement of some of
the photos would affect the viewer or reader in specific ways. Particularly, the photos of
the people Holmes encountered, randomly placed within the text, add an air of
authenticity to his accounts. We can see that the people look different, dress different,
and interact differently from Westerners (see figure 6). These images present the smiles
and frowns of the people of Cairo (Cairenes)but do not provide specific information
about who they are or when and where Holmes encountered them. Though these photos
may not reveal any specific information about the lived experience of the people, Holmes
69


included them in order to furnish visual proof for his audience of what an Egyptian
looked like.
Holmess images also present the ideal image of the foreigner. Holmes
presented images that reinforced ideas about what the foreigner should look like, which
underscore pre-existing assumptions about those he encountered. In one example
Holmes presents the image of a woman dressed in traditional clothing, her eyes downcast
but inviting to the viewer. The caption below this
image reads The Idealized Orientsee figure 7).
This image is meant to depict the perfect Oriental
woman to American viewers, and interestingly,
by referring to her as the idealized Orient, rather
than Oriental, Holmes suggested that this woman
was representative of the entire culture. Again,
this image does not correspond to any particular
story Holmes recounts, but rather is placed within
the text to supply the viewer with an image of the
authentic non-Westemer.
Even when the photos seem randomly
placed, the location of an image can in fact be
significant. In one telling instance, Holmes describes a long and hard fought battle
between the French and the residents of Constantine. After a lengthy description of the
battlein which the French were the victorsHolmes concludesSuch was the end of
sanatorium where the
half-dead
ling that
amended by
rse, excludes
1UEALIZKU ORIENT
Figure 7: "The Idealized Orient." The
Oriental woman represents the entire
Orient. Burton Holmes Travelogues.
70


Moslem authority in the city of Constantine.154 What is particularly disturbing about
Holmes5 s account of Western forces overtaking the East is the picture that is embedded at
the end of this story. The photograph depicts an especially degrading interaction Holmes
recounted earlier in his musings on Constantine. The story tells of Holmes and his
companions happening upon an impassible river. Rather than return the way they came,
the men enlist an elderly Arab man to be their human ferry Holmes explains the
crossing, emphasizing his own discomfort:
And as if he knows my fears, this dilapidated old human ferry-boat
seemed purposely to prolong my agony, slowly stumbling along, slipping
at every step, and emitting with every breath a hoarse, deep gasp
suggesting that he was about to die of heart-disease.155
It is this photograph, several pages
after he recounted the river crossing,
which concluded Holmess story of
the Muslim defeat (See figure 8).
The clover shape of the image is
another puzzling element of the
picture. While it is impossible to
know the motivations for this choice,
the imagery of the clover may
ing, swinging vici
hands relaxed
entlv the r(
idly, in the br<
end of Mos
citv of Constan
suggest a correlation to Christianity. a human fe&ky
The clover is traditionally associated
Figure 8: "A Human Ferry." Holmes denigrates the
with St. Patrick, who, according to elderly Arab man. Burton Holmes Travelogues.
154 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Two, 112.
155 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Two, 107.
71


legenddrove the snakes out of Ireland. Many now recognize that there were never
snakes in Ireland and the legend of St. Patrick was likely symbolic of the Christians
dispelling paganism from Ireland.156 Perhaps the clover shaped image is intended to
symbolize the triumph of Christianity over Islam. Regardless of the motivations behind
the symbol, the degrading image, and Holmes5 s placement of the image at the end of the
story recounting their overthrow, characterized the Arab people as disgraced, humiliated,
and conquered by the powerful West. Not only did Holmes subscribe to the belief that
the European civilization was further advanced and therefore justified in seeking to
improve the lot of the Arab people, he clearly saw the Western subject as far superior to
the Arab subject.
Photographs have power; whether or not Holmes intentionally utilized that power
is hard to know, but the randomness and the subject matter of the photographs highlight
an important effect of the photographic image. As Sontag point out, the act of
photographing a person or thing becomes an act of appropriation: uTo photograph is to
appropriate the thing photographed. It means putting oneself into a certain relation to the
world that feels like knowledgeandthereforelike power.157 By randomly placing
images of people, Holmes not only attempted to authenticate his descriptions, he
controlled what he encountered. As Sontag arguesto collect photographs is to collect
the world158 and Holmes was the man who photographed the world.159
156 Philip Freeman, St. Patrick of Ireland: A Biography (New York: Simon and Schuster,
2005)169.
157 SontagOn Photography 174.
158 SontagOn Photography 174.
159 Genoa Caldwell, ed., The Man Who Photographed the World: Burton Holmes
Travelogues 1892-1938 (New York: Abrams, 1977).
72


Conclusion:
Toward the end of his journey through Egypt Holmes recounted a moment in the halls of
Abu Simbelan ancient shrine. Holmes declared that this moment was one of those
instants longest remembered and most frequently recalled. The fervor with which
Holmes recounts this instant, and what his excitement reveals, makes this passage worth
quoting in its entirety:
It came at sunrise one morning late in February. We stood in the great
portal gazing into the dim sanctuary. Behind us the Nile, beyond which
rose the eastern hills outlined against the glow of the coming day. The sun
leaps in sudden glory above the crests, and sends its first ray straight as an
arrow into the holy place that Rameses hollowed in the Nubian cliff. That
first flash of the new-born day pierces the darkness of this cavemed
sanctuary and smites the four gods there in the inmost shrine full in their
stones faces. It was a vivid, thrilling thing, to see the bright glory of the
newest to-day touch and make luminous the dark mystery of this shrine of
the oldest yester-day.160
Holmess excitement reveals a significant aspect of the way Americans traveling abroad
in the early 20th century viewed the East. Holmes was near ecstatic to see the light
illuminate the spaces of yesterday, flooding the dark spaces of the old world. The
symbolism of the moment is significant; the Western man brought with him progress and
enlightenment, shedding light and smiting the old ways of the dark, backward parts of the
world. Holmes was thrilled to witness and be a part of the progressive movement in the
Orient, and it seems the symbolic moment of this act eclipsed his own feelings of
frustration that the real Orient was slipping away.
Through Holmes5s travelogues we can see the problematic nature of authenticity
expectations and its ties to imperial ideology within tourism, as well as the important role
photography played in the early construction of those expectations. By the time Holmes
16Q HolmesBurton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four141.
73


died in 1958, tourism had become a massive industry that relied heavily on notions of
cultural authenticity. As American society became more technologically advanced,
touristic desires also shifted; by the 1950s and 60s Americans sought experiences abroad
that provided an escape from the modern. Travel films became a dominant new form of
armchair travel during the second half of the 20th century. These films not only utilized
notions of American superiority and colonial and imperial ideology to create authenticity
expectations; they also relied on Americas nostalgic longing for the pre-modern that
again shifted how American tourists formed authenticity expectations.
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CHAPTER IV
LONGING FOR THE PAST
TRAVEL FILMS, NOSTALGIA, AND MASS TOURSIM
Stop your running and take the time to come alive again.161
Wings to South America: Journey to Springtime
By the middle of the 20th century, there were few placesat least those visited by
American touriststhat were unaffected by the Western world. While this fact allowed
tourists to travel more easily to once dangerous and remote places, it also meant that
tourists had a more difficult time experiencing authenticity as they expected. The old
world of the native was lostwhich kindled a longing among tourists to recover or
discover an authentic interaction or experience with native cultures. Nostalgia became a
ariving force for American tourists, leading tourists to search for examples of traditional,
pure and untouched cultures to reconnect with a simpler past.
Although many American tourists traveling abroad were in favor of Western
expansion, colonialism directly impacted tourists ability to find authentic cultural
interfaces. Once Western forces influenced the cultures encountered by tourists, they
appeared to tourists to be less authentic. Tms theme recurred throughout Holmess
travelogueshe simultaneously praised the West for bringing progress and prosperity to
the less civilized people of the worldbut needed to push further to discover the real
culture that existed before Western influence. This paradox is cmcial to understanding
Holmes5 s motivations, but it became much more pronounced as mass tourism exploded
161 Pan Am World Airways, Wings to South America: Journey to Springtime, directed by
Harry L. Coleman (1960, New York: Coleman Productions) web video, 10:05,
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y3IJzn-Szy4.
75


after WWII. Furthermore, decolonization made authenticity even harder to find for
tourists of the mid to late 20th century. The postcolonial world was more complicated;
therefore, tourists often felt even more distanced from the simplicity they imagined
adhered to authentic cultures.
The 1950s and 60s saw the rise of mass tourism, an industry that continues to
grow in numbers and influence even today. The rise in tourism at this time can be linked
to numerous factorsthe growth of discretionary spending among the middle class,
increased vacation and leisure time among American workers, and, most importantly,
improvements in transportation.162 According to Sharon Bohn Gmelch, author of "Why
Tourism Matters with the rise of jet travel in the 196Os (which dramatically cut travel
times) and the increased use of private automobiles in North America and Europeaided
by higher salaries and more generous vacation timesboth international and domestic
tourism flourished.163 These factorsthe availability of comparatively trouble-free
modes of transportationelevated incomesand additional leisure timemeant that post-
war middle-class Americans could now expect to travel at least a few times in their lives.
Furthermore, as the number of tourists increased the search for cultural authenticity that
had been developing over the past century became solidified as a chief aspiration of
American tourists.
Though it is undeniable that financial and transportation factors played major
roles in the advent of mass tourism, some have argued that the rise in tourism can also be
linked to increased feelings of discontent with modern civilization, predominantly in
162 Valene L. SmithIntroduction in 77/e q/Tb/zr/s/w
ed. by Valene L/ Smith (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989),1.
163 GmelchWhy Tourism Matters 6.
76


developed countries in the post-WWII era.164 Tourism allowed Americans to satisfy a
longing to reconnect with a traditional or simple past from which they now felt alienated.
According to John Taylorauthor of Authenticity and Sincerity in Tourism the modem
subject sought a link to the natural and uncivilized Other as a remedy for his or her
own diminished sense of connection to the civilized world:
Enamored by the distance of authenticity, the modern consciousness is
instilled with a simultaneous feeling of lack and desire empting from a
sense of loss felt within 'our5 world of mass culture and industrialization,
and giving rise to possibilities of redemption through contact with the
naturally, spiritually, and culturally 'unspoilt/165
Authenticity expectations within mass tourism were not only formed from ideas of
American superiority and colonialist and imperialist ideology, as it had been for Twain
and Holmesbut were also intricately tied to the modern subjects sense of estrangement
from American authenticity. Feeling separated from his or her own nature because of
the conditions of consumer capitalist culture, the post-war American tourist set out to find
authenticity elsewhere.
Nostalgia within tourism developed from a yearning among American tourists to
identify with the authentic cultures of Western and non-Westem Others around the world.
The authentic Other that tourists longed to discover/recover was often represented in mid
20th century travelogues as simple, natural, and primitive. The authenticity of these
people, to the American tourist, was in tact because it had not been spoiled by modernity
and progress. These depictionsmore iterations of the single storyarticulated a groups
authenticity in a simplified version of their past. For these groups, authenticity did not
164 See MacCannell, 1976; Taylor, 2001.
165 John TaylorAuthenticity and Sincerity in Tourism 10.
77


depend on objective truths but rather on the nostalgic longing of American tourists to
see them in a way that confirmed their expectations.
The late 1950s television show High Adventure with Lowell Thomas and Pan
Am5s 1960s short commercial film series New Horizons and Wings to highlight notions
of cultural authenticity and nostalgia at the birth of mass tourism. These productions
demonstrate that by the late 1950s and early 1960s notions of cultural authenticity were
fixed in travel literature and travelogues and were associated with a nostalgic longing for
the past. By the middle of the 20th century tourists saw progress as a destructive
element in host countries. As tourism scholar Sharon Bohn Gmelch underlinesWestern
tourists often regarded any change toward the 'modem5 or contemporarywhether it
occurs among ethnic minorities in their own society or in the less-developed countries
they visit abroadas negative.166 Travel films responded to tourists desire to see
cultures in their pure form and coalesced this nostalgic longing around the search for
the simpleprimitiveand unspoilt. Nearly a century after Twains excursion
authenticity expectations had grown into fully formed experiential idealsthese
expectations were entrenched in the mind of tourists as indispensable aspects of
encounters with non-Americans around the world.
Travel FilmsMass Tourismand Modernity:
Film had been used to document travel for much of the 20th century; in fact, Holmes5 s use
of film in his lectures from early in his career set him above his competition. However,
the travel films Holmes presented in his lectures were short clips and usually did not have
166 GmelchWhy Tourism Matters 19.
78


sound attached; they were more like lantern slide shows than film as we recognize it
today.167 Although these films were immensely popular at the time, it was not until the
mid 20th century before travel films portrayed the world in vivid color and replicated the
sights and sounds of the places and people showcased. Film historian Jeffery Ruoff
indicates that the new medium helped fuel the production and dissemination of
documentary travelogues in the mid 20th century. Just as the printing press had
revolutionized the written travelogue and photography had enriched travel lectures of the
early 20th century, film became a fashionable way for Americans to see the world without
leaving home.168 By the mid 20th century travel films were not only the most popular
form of armchair travelthey also helped invigorate American interest in foreign
cultures and allowed viewers to experience those cultures in a new and exciting way.
Irish film scholar Ruth Barton also emphasizes the influence of travel films on the
viewers ability to vicariously participate in travel. In her article The
Ballykissangelization of Ireland Barton argues that these films provided viewers with a
sneak peek into the lives of people around the world:
Cinema democraticized the notion of travel, offering it, albeit as a
surrogate to the real experience, to anyone who peered into the peepshow.
In many instances, it also replicated the pleasures of the picture postcard,
relaying its views not as real locations but as studio sets.169
While Barton is primarily concerned with fictional portrayals of travel in cinema, the
concept of travel film as a new, more vivid form of armchair travel is equally
167 BarberThe Roots of Travel Cinema 82.
168 Jeffrey RuoffIntroduction: The Filmic Fourth Dimension: Cinema as Audiovisual
Vehicle,in Virtual Voyages: Cinema and Travel, ed. by Jeffery Ruoff (Durham: Duke
University Press, 2006)7.
169 Ruth Barton, 'The Ballykissangelization of Ireland,Historical Journal of Film,
Radio, and Television 20 (2000): 413, accessed April 8, 2014, doi:
10.1080/01439680050127851.
79


applicable to nonfiction travel series like High Adventure and Pan Am5s commercial
travel films of the 1960s. These productions allowed viewers, often from the comfort of
their own homes, to gain intimate visual and auditory entrance into the lives of people
around the world.
High Adventure with Lowell Thomas was an adventure travel special that aired on
CBS in the 1950s. Thomas, a well-know journalist and globetrotter, explored remote and
exotic locations around the world in the series. Each hour long episode featured a new
destination, from India to New Guinea to the Belgian Congo; the show brought exotic
and primitive cultures to life and delivered them to living rooms across America.
Although the series was filmed and aired in black and white, the sights and sounds of the
tribes and cultures afforded average Americans with a glimpse into the exotic lives of the
less civilized.
New Horizons and Wings to, commercial series produced by Pan Am, supplied
viewers with glimpses into exciting and unusual places that had been made accessible by
jet travel. The films were produced throughout the 60s and 70s, highlighting dozens of
destinations. Although the films produced by Pan Am were advertisement for the airliner,
they also afforded viewers with a pleasurable and whimsical experience. As columnist
Colin Marshal declares, the films afforded viewers with an original and fantastical
spectacle: in an era of stoically authoritative voiceoversethnomusicologically-spiced
orchestral scores, and colors vividly saturated enough to approach fantasy, weren5t
commercials sometimes glorious?170 According to Marshalthe film mediumeven if it
170 Pan Ams 1960s and 70s Travel Films: Visit 11 Placesin 7 Languages Open
Culture, published March 2, 2012,
80


was in the form of an advertisement, could be thrilling and extremely entertaining to the
1960s and 70s viewer.
Notably, the films were not purely entertaining: they also contained an
educational element. For centuries travelogues presented Americans with an opportunity
to learn about the cultures of the world, and once travel films became more prevalent,
they provided an important educational venue for popular audiences interested in the
everyday livescultural practicesand spiritual beliefs of little known cultures 171 Travel
films were more popular and accessible to mass audiences, and, according to travel film
scholar Amy J. Staples, u[these films] reached wider audiences than most anthropologists
and ethnographic filmmakers and helped shaped popular discourses about global
cultures.172 While films produced by ethnographers and anthropologists attempted to
portray indigenous people with some scientific objectivity, travel films often did not
attempt to maintain any impartiality. The subjects showcased in these films, rather than
in films produced by scholars, were likely to be portrayed in a more biased and
observational mode than scientific.
Given that travel films were more widely viewed than educational films, the
biased representations of people portrayed in the films were the primary way the
American public learned about foreign cultures. Documentary travel films often
portrayed foreign subjects imbued with American desires for simplicity in order to
evoked nostalgia for American viewers. Although the mode of representation varied,
http://www.openculture.com/2012/03/pan ams 1960s and 70s travel films visit 11 pi
aces in 7 languages.html.
171 Amy J. Staples, "Lewis Cotlow and the Ethnographic Imaginary,in Virtual Voyages:
Cinema and Travel, ed. by Jeffery Ruoff (Durham: Duke University Press, 2006), 199.
172 Staples, Lewis Cotlow and the Ethnographic Imaginary 199.
81


nostalgia within travel films played a key role in the development of authenticity
expectations for the post-war tourist.
Touristic nostalgia manifests in several distinct ways in the travel films of the mid
20th century. Among the most common of these representations were the simple Other
and the natural/primitive Other. Both portrayals relied on depicting Others as deeply
bonded to the past and ideal specimens of uncormpted authenticity. Whether it was a
simpler version of modern civilization or a vastly different primitive culture, the portrayal
often promised an encounter with authenticity to mitigate feeling of loss in modem
America culture.
The desire for nostalgia has been directly linked to a sense of inauthenticity
within modernity. Touristic nostalgia relies on this sense of dissatisfaction with modem
civilization; tourists seek an association with simple and natural Other in order to
reconnect with what they perceives as lost in modernity. As Freud discussed at length in
Civilization and Its Discontents, modern, civilized subjects often attribute their sense of
unhappiness to the artificiality of civilization; the very aspects of civilized life that have
removed them from the harshness of nature have become the source of their discontent.
Rather than rejoicing in the progress and advancements that have allowed them to
mitigate the harshness of nature, civilized people often long for a simpler way of life. As
Freud illuminates: This contention holds that what we call our civilization is largely
responsible for our misery, and that we should be much happier if we gave it up and
returned to primitive conditions.173 Nostalgia for simple and primitive conditions,
according to Freud, rests in the false assumption that primitive people who are more
173 Sigmund Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents, trans. by James Strachey (New
York: W.W. Norton and Company1961)58.
82


affixed in nature do not suffer the unhappiness and discontent that the modem man or
woman experiences. Tourists sense that civilization is artificial accounts for the
prevailing ambition among tourists to find authenticity, that is, to find people who are not
suffering from the artificiality of civilization.
The Simpler Other:
Travel films utilized nostalgia to construct images of the simple Other by portraying
Western groups or cultures living out pre-modern and pre-industrial lives. These groups
often lived in civilized parts of the worldbut they lived a simpler life than Americans.
To the modern American, these cultures were pre-industrial, mral, and traditional: the
opposite of the industrial, urban, and progressive lifestyle in modern America. This mode
of representation addresses Taylor5s theory that modern subjects were searching for the
pure representations of culture, even in interactions with other more modern cultures.
This tendency can be seen clearly in portrayals of the Irish in mid century travel films,
the quintessential example of the less civilized European. American tourists
authenticity expectations were tied to a dream of a simpler, non-industrial pastthe
essence of society that industrialization and urbanization had spoiledand Ireland was
the perfect example of a simple and uncomplicated lifestyle.
In TVevv //or/zozxsv /re/ a Pan Am commercial film from the early 1960s,
American viewers saw the Irish as a prime example of the simpler Other. The film
displays images of the modem Irish people as steeped in the simple, ancient traditions of
the past. Early in the film the narrator, Ed Stokes, describes what American tourists could
expect upon arriving in Ireland: "there is a new spirit abroad in Ireland. And yet, in this
83


modem country they [American tourists] will discover many reminder[s] of an ancient
past.174 Almost immediately Stokes utilizes a nostalgic reference to downplay the
modem side of Ireland. The film entices the viewer with promises of encounters with an
age-old culture, one that had not been mined by modernity and was decidedly different
from the world Americans knew at home. As Taylor suggests, viewing the Irish as
simple Others allowed American tourists to witness a truly uncomplicated way of life
producing the desired feeling of nostalgia for what had been lost in American life.
Notably, although Ireland was part of the Western world, it was also a colonized
nation. Historically the people of England, as well as Protestant Americans, viewed the
Irish people as backward in many ways aligning them with non-white Others. By
depicting the Irish people as intricately linked to their ancestral heritage, Stokes evokes
an image of the tme pre-colonial Other (not unlike the Other Holmes desired) that was
easily accessible to tourists. By continually reiterating their attachment to their age-old
ways and quaint customs, Strokes promised that in Ireland American tourists would find
an authentic culture that was unburdened by the complicated, colonial and postcolonial
world. The representation of the past was one in which Britain had not yet concurred
Irelandaccording to Stokes the people of Ireland, despite their position as a colonized
people, "have been and still are guardians and exemplars of age-old ways and picturesque
customs.175 The image of the pure culture that remained in tact despite colonization was
precisely what Holmes searched for so vigorously. The depiction of the Irish as simple,
happy, and unaffected not only diminished fears that colonialism destroyed cultures; it
174 Pan Am World Airways, New Horizons: Ireland, directed by Jack Kuhne (1960;
Movietonews), web video, 1:12, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HCuKHzfk h4.
175 Pan Am, New Horizons: Ireland, 2:03.
84


allowed Americans to easily view a simple an unspoilt culture. The people of Ireland
became to American tourists a promise that simplicity and old-ways of life could survive
in the complicated modern world and that in Ireland the pre-colonial Other was readily
available.
The films depiction of the Irish people as deeply united with their pre-colonial
and pre-modern past was not unusual. As Barton emphasizes, even Irish heritage cinema,
produced by the Irish themselves, often propagated an image of Irish culture as tied to its
past: The heritage on which the Irish tourist industry chiefly draws is that of our Celtic
past[...] It is a rural heritage which is reliant on an idea of Irelands present being
indistinguishable from its past and of the Irish people as happy, innocent and
welcoming 176 The image of the Irish was not only simplehappyand welcomingbut
also frozen in their past. The image of the less civilized Irishman allowed Americans to
reconnect with a simpler way of life, a way of life that no longer existed in industrialized
America.
Irelands position as both Western and colonial allowed English and Americans to
view the Irish people as a less sophisticated, pre-industrial reminder of their own past.
The film often links Irishness to folk traditions that underscore the pre-modem elements
of the culture. The film utilized scenes of Irish people dancing and producing traditional
crafts to demonstrate the Irish as immersed in a sort of living past. Stokes describes Irish
dancing as somewhat mysterious but as a celebrated aspect of the cultureIts exact
originlike much in Irish historyblur into the mists of time177 and their crafts as
utilizing old-world techniques: From the unforgotten combination of wheel and spindle
176 Ruth Barton The Ballykissangelization of Ireland 418
177 Pan Am, New Horizons: Ireland, 2:49.
85


talented hands and looms have come these [hand woven tweed fabrics]178 The film
focuses on the traditional aspects of Irish culture to show the old customs as very much
alive among the people. Stokes declares: Practices of the past serve the present 179
These elements helped create an image of Ireland and the Irish people as authentically
pre-modern, while allowing Americans to reminisce about the quaint traditional customs
that were once apart of Americans culture.
Although Ireland was Western in that it was physically located in Europethe
long tradition for Protestant Europeans and Americans of rendering the Irish as
uncivilized makes the Irish portrayal in travel film as a simple Other unsurprising.
However, what is unexpected is that the Irish way of life is presented as desirable.
Nostalgia became an enticement, and as this was a commercial film produced by an
airliner whose main goal was to entice Americans to travel, the Irish way of life was
depicted as different than the American hustle and bustle lifestyle. Stokes declares:
But the grass does seem greener. Its not everywhere that you can play
golf with history looking over your shoulder. Or, for that matter, where a
mans hotel is a castle. [...] Here there is time for a quiet ride. Time to
understand the sense of wonder which has never left the people of Ireland.
And theres no hurryone jogs along in a two-wheeler or strolls under the
soft and luminous sky. From the people of Ireland to people everywhere
goes the warm and friendly invitation: Come to Ireland! Stay awhile.180
By encouraging viewers to take the time to revive their relationship with a simple past,
the film utilizes the nostalgic desires of the modern Americans to persuade them to come
experience the simple life for themselvesif only for a while.
178 Pan Am, New Horizons: Ireland, 3:57.
179 Pan Am, New Horizons: Ireland, 3:40.
180 Pan Am, New Horizons: Ireland, 9:30; 10:46.
86


Representations such as these created authenticity expectations among Americans
traveling abroad; an authentic Irish encounter relied on witnessing the simple, pre-
colonial lifestyle of the Irish people and downplayed the modernity of Ireland. Nostalgia,
as a chief desire of Americans traveling abroad, helped create the image of the simple
Irishman. Yetthe image of the simple and happy Irishman was not the objective truth
or lived experience of the Irish; the authentic was nothing more that than an image
produced by Western views of what constituted Irishness Converselynostalgia also
shaped the image of other groupsparticularly the less civilized people of Africa and
South America. Portrayals of these non-Western cultures often relied not only on
showing the simplicity of the culturebut also the cultures natural inferiority.
The Natural/ Primitive Other:
While films about Ireland highlighted the simplicity of a modern nation5 s pre-colonial
culture that still existed in the present, films exhibiting non-Western cultures presented an
image of the Other as not only simple, but also primitive and natural. These films
suggest primitive cultures were attached to a natural element that was missing in
modem American culture. Furthermore, tourism allowed the modem, civilized, and
industrialized American to (re)discover a lost authentic and primitive self181 through
interactions with the primitive. Modern subjects could be rejuvenated through contact
with authentic primitivism; they go native182 to supplement what they believed to be
missing in their own modern experience. As Taylor suggest, the sense that something
181 John TaylorAuthenticity and Sincerity in Tourism 10.
182 Jane Desmond, Staging Tourism: Bodies on Display From Waikiki to Sea World
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 82.
87


was lost in modernity is crucial to understanding Americans need to connect with the
primitive and natural: the withering of the aura of authenticity at home prompts the
fallen to seek it elsewhere 183 In seeking the primitiveAmerican tourists were able to
associate with an authentic way of life that did not contain the artificiality of modem
civilization. Yet, tourists were not only able to find the elusive element of genuineness
that had been lost their cultureby going native they were rejuvenate their own
authentic primitive past.
The image of the primitive Other was often romanticized in travel films. They
were frequently presented as examples of soft primitivism that was not dangerous
violent, and out of control, but rather childlike, free, and natural.184 The image of the
naive, uninhibited native provided tourists with the comfort that the primitive connection
to/reliance on nature was still alive in the jungles of Africa and the plains of South
America. //wre ir/YZ/ivO// 7770/was* showcases touristsnostalgic longing for
the authentic primitive Other. Although locating surviving broadcasts from the show is
difficult, I was able to find an episode filmed in the Belgian Congo. In this episode,
Thomas presented the African tribes as imbued with a connection to the natural world
that was lacking in modern civilization. He declared the people were So simple and
uncomplicated185 and maintained that [c]ivilization cant offer anything quite like
this 186 Unlike the image of the simple Irishmanwho represented Americans not-too-
183 John TaylorAuthenticity and Sincerity in Tourism 13.
184 Desmond, Staging Tourism,11.
185 High Adventure with Lowell Thomas: Belgian Congo (1958; Columbia Broadcast
System)part 110:30, web video. http://dbs.Ralib.uRa.edu/cRi-
bin/parc.CRi?userid=Ralileo&dbs=parc&ini=parc.ini&action=retrieve&recno=l&format=
citation.
High Adventure with Lowell Thomas, Belgian Congo part 1,5:46.
88


distant past of a rural and traditional lifestyle, the natural and primitive Other
represented a living example of Americans evolutionary past. Tourists nostalgia for
the primitive was a reminder of life when humans were closer to animals, completely
reliant on their instincts and the natural elements. An encounter with African tribes
provided the modem civilized man or woman a glimpse into their own primitive past, a
chance to imagine life outside the confines of civilization.
This nostalgic need to associate with a primitive past can also be seen as a result
of fear surrounding the Atomic Era. The post war tourist was acutely aware that a
weapon now existed that could destroy all civilization and throw Americans back into
primitive life. In Thomass experience in the Belgian Congo this fear can be glimpsed;
one section of the episode shows an elderly tribal leader speaking to a group of young
men and women, and by default, the camera. Thomas translates what the elder was
sayingexhibiting the latent fear of post-war America:
Do you know what hes really saying? Hes saying Why dont you silly
Europeans, Americans, and Asiatics stop fighting wars and come live with
us in the forest? Here where your ancestors used to dwell.5 And in this
atomic age who knows. Who knows when we may be joining them.187
Thomas highlights the distant relationship between now civilized countries and this
seemingly primitive tribe, as well as the underlying fear among Americans that a
primitive existence could be the future for Americans as well as the past. Though this
was a source of fear for Americansit also promised a hint of comfort. The tribes people
were not burdened by the worries of the Atomic age, because, as Thomas emphasizes,
High Adventure with Lowell Thomas: Belgian Congo (1958; Columbia Broadcast
System)part 2,10:10, web video. http://dbs.Ralib.uRa.edu/cRi-
bin/parc.CRi?userid=Ralileo&dbs=parc&ini=parc.ini&action=retrieve&recno=l&format=
citation.
89


[h]ere in the Ituri forest its still the stone age.188 Going native promised a reprieve
from the uncertainties that engulfed those in the civilized world. It was ever so tempting
to think that, even briefly, Americans could escape the challenges of modern life and live
a live like their primitive ancestors.
Although tourists longed for a relationship with the primitive, travel films
maintained notions of American superiority. Undoubtedly race played a crucial role in
Westerner designations of the non-Westerner as primitive. For centuries, pseudo-
scientific endeavors like physiognomy and phrenology sought to uncover "signs of innate
truth of a racial hierarchy that placed white Europeans as scientifically superior to all
other races.189 Physiognomy in particular, drew links between animal and human
features190 propagating a belief among Westerners that the dark-skinned people of the
world were racially inferior to more civilized white people. These sciences made
natural inferiority recognizable191 and allowed images of the wild and native savage as
animal-like to be scientifically proven
Even after pseudo-scientific practices like physiognomy and phrenology lost their
appeal, the racial hierarchies they propagated were interwoven in tourism. As tourism
scholar Karen Dubinsky declaresRacial hierarchies have been inscribed in the political
economy and power relations of the tourist industry.192 The desire to non-whites as
High Adventure with Lowell Thomas: Belgian Congo part 1,29:32.
189 Philippa LevineStates of Undress: Nakedness and the Colonial Imagination
Victorian Studies 50 (2008):206, accessed May 24, 2014,
http://muse.ihu.edU/iournals/vic/summary/v050/50.2.levine.html.
190 LevineStates of Undress 206.
191 LevineStates of Undress 206.
192 Karen Dubinsky, "Local Color: The Spectacle of Race at Niagara Falls,in Gender,
Sexuality, and Colonial Modernities, ed. Antoinette Burton (New York: Routledge,
1999)67.
90


primitive and natural was tied to Western desires to maintain those hierarchies. In
viewing dark-skinned people living an almost animal-like existence, tourists were able to
maintain the racial hierarchies established centuries before. By the 1960s these sciences
were no longer practiced, yet, their lasting effects can be seen in the travel films of the
period; the primitive African and South American people were depicted as more
similar to the animals of the jungles than the American men filming them.
Portrayals of primitive or natural Others as animal-like are prevalent in the travel
films of the period. Thomas often depicts the people Africa as uncomplicated, instinctive,
and sub-human, and numerous times relates the people of the jungle to the creatures that
surround them. Thomas describes the ritual among young men in the Pigmy tribe to
practice swinging on vines. After witnessing this ritual of part play, part practicality,
Thomas remarks that the young men are Training for life where man still hasnt entirely
come down from the tree and where every boy must leam to imitate the monkey.193 *
Later, in describing the process of gathering honey, Thomas again compares the Pigmy to
primates in declaring that the "Pigmy workman [are] as nimble as monkeys.,,194 Thomas
degraded the tribesman as less than human by attaching them to the animal world around
them. The encounter between Westerners and the tribesmen allowed Thomas, and his
viewers back in America, to experience first hand an authentic culture entwined in the
natural world while maintaining distinctions between white and black, civilized and
uncivilized, human and animal. Despite themes of nostalgia throughout the episode that
193 High Adventure with Lowell Thomas: Belgian Congo part 2, 2:54.
X9A High Adventure with Lowell Thomas: Belgian Congo part 2, 4:45.
91


encouraged Americans to go native Thomas still declared that the tribes people were
representative of the [l]owest stage of human culture195
Thomas also was able to demonstrate the primitiveness of the Pigmy people
through presenting images of the people unclothed. Often the tribes people were either
partially or entirely naked. The episode included a scene of tribeswomen bathing, and
lingers for several seconds on close-ups of the womens bare breasts or buttocks.196
Revealing a naked woman on national television was sensational in its own right; an
American woman would never be shown in a state of complete undress, but producers
could show a naked African woman because she was primitive, again, almost animal-
like, an did not need to be protected or hidden. As Philippa Levine argues in u States of
Undress: Nakedness and the Colonial Imagination nakedness signified a lack of
civilization to the Western viewer: To be primitive was to be in a state of nature
unschooled, unselfconscious, lacking in shame and proprietynothing better signified
the primitive than nakedness197This nakednessaccording to Levinewas commonly
represented as a lack: Indigenous people lacked not only clothing but manners and
morals along with railwayssanitationand a taste for capitalism.198 By showing the
tribeswomen in their natural state, Thomas was not only stressing their identification with
nature, but also designating them as lower on the cultural (and, notably, racial) hierarchy.
A naked African woman was seen an object for scientific study, not unlike the animals of
the jungle that surrounded her.
195 High Adventure with Lowell Thomas: Belgian Congo part 2, 9:08.
196 High Adventure with Lowell Thomas: Belgian Congo 1,10:50, 31:20.
197 LevineStates of Undress192.
198 LevineStates of Undress 194.
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THE ARDUOUS SEARCH FOR AN ABSOLUTE OTHER' TOURISM, IDENTITY, AND AUTHENT I CITY EXPECTATIONS by ALENA C. HOPKINS B.A., University of Northern Colorado, 2004 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Humanities Humanities and Social Science Program 2014

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ii 2014 ALENA HOPKINS ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

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iii This thesis for the Master of Humanities degree by Alena C. Hopkins has been approved for the Humanities and Social Science Program by Marjorie Levine Clark, Chair Margaret Woodhull Philip Joseph July 24 2014

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iv Hopkins, Alena Christine (MH, Humanities and Social Science) The Arduous Search for an Absolute Oth er:' Tourism, Identity, and Authenticity Expectations Thesis directed by Professor Marjorie Levine Clark ABSTRACT The major objective of this study is to critically engage with the concept of cultural authenticity within the history of modern tourism. I attempt to demonstrate that the category of cultural authenticity rather than an "objective truth," is based on expectations that American tourist s have upon arrival in a foreign country. This study will investigate the formation of authenticity expec tations through exemplary travelogues produced from the late 19 th century to the present. I will highlight Mark Twain's late 19 th century travelogue The Innocents Abroad the travelogues of E. Burton Holmes in the early 20 th century, documentary travel fi lms from the mid 20 th century, and finally, 21 st century travel blogs. These texts illuminate how authenticity expectations a re formed for American tourists, emphasizing the role national identity formation, colonial ism and imperial ideology, nostalgia, a nd fantasy play in the process This study also stresses the consequences, both for host and guests, of upholding authenticity expectation today. The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication. Approved: Marjorie Le vine Clark

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v DEDICATION I dedicate this work to my mother, Lauren Wahlstrom. Although she was unable to see me accomplish this goal, t he belief that she would have been proud has kept me going throug h this exciting and challenging experience.

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vi ACKNOWLE DGMENTS I would like to thank Marjorie Levine Clark for her continued support over the past few years, as well as for inviting me to take he r study abroad course in London that sparked the contemplations that would grow into this analysis. Without her enc ouragement and guidance I would not have been able to accomplish this goal. I would also l ike to thank Margaret Woodhull for her support and assistance in expanding my studies to new areas that have helped me immensely throughout this process I would lik e to thank Philip Joseph for helping me believe in my abilities as an academic and Amy Vidali for reminding me that I can always improve as a writer, student, and teacher Finally, I would like to thank my family and friends for their continued love and en couragement

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vii TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION : TOURISM AND THE SINGLE STORY OF CULTURAL AUTHENTICITY . .. .. ... 1 Authenticity in Tourism Studies. . ..7 Travelogues and the Construction of Cultural Authenticity... ..16 II. CONFRONTI NG THE OLD/CONSTRUCTING THE NEW: PRINTED TRAVEL LITERATURE, IDENTITY, AND 19 TH CENTURY TOURISM 2 1 The Old and New Worlds: Constructing American Superiority .. .. ... .. .25 Searching for the Truly Fore ign: Fantasy and Expectations Abroad .. ...3 2 Twain and the Single Story ..39 Conclusion ... .43 III. CAPTURING THE PRE COLONIAL OTHER : TRAVEL LECTURES, PHOTOGRAPHS, AND EARLY 20 TH CENTURY TOURISM . 46 World Traveler Burton Holmes .. .. 49 Holmes's Search for the Pre Colonial Other .. ..5 4 Pho tography the Tourist Gaze . ..64 Conclusion.. ...73 IV. LONGING FOR THE PAST : TR AVEL FILMS, NOSTALGIA, AND MASS TOURSI M. .. ..7 5 Travel Films, Mass Tourism and Modernity. ...78 The Simpler Other ... . 83 The Natural /Primitive Other .. ..... ...87

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viii Nostalgia and Fantasy ... ....9 4 Conclusion .........98 IV. CONCLUSIO N : AUTHENTICY EXPECTATIONS IN THE 21 ST CENTURY ..99 SOURCES . ..... 108

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1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION: TOURISM A ND THE SINGL E STORY OF CULTURAL AUTHENTICITY In 2012 I traveled to Europe for six weeks, an experience that was simultaneously enriching on a personal level and unsettling from a sociological perspective. As I encountered one tourist attraction after an other, I began to recognize an occurrence that would lead me to investigate tourism as a cultural phenomenon. In Paris, walking among priceless artwork and artifacts at the Louvre, I realized that most of the people I was surrounded by did not actually com e to the Louvre to see the art. I saw tourists crowded around the Mona Lisa and Nike while rooms full of Greek sculptures and less "famous" artworks were all but empty. I saw one woman walk down the vast hallways, chatting with a friend and taking picture s of the paintings on the wall without even glancing up at what she was photographing. If my observations are representative of the average tourist experience of the Louvre that is, that most people visiting the museum are only mildly interested in the art itself then I am left wondering, why do people from all over the world flock to the Louvre? After reading countless travelogues, scholarly articles, and academic studies, I can answer this question in two ways. First, tourists arrived at the Louvre beca use the travelogues, guidebooks, television shows, travel films, and blogs told them exactly what to do and where to go when they trave led to Paris; and second, the average tourist, with no particular interest in art, went to a place like the Louvre becaus e those guidebooks and travelogues led him or her to bel ieve that in order to experience Paris properly a visit to

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2 the most famous French art institution was a necessity. While this assertion may seem somewhat benign, the concept that travel literature co nstructs our perceptions as tourists of foreign places becomes problematic when this same mode of "seeing" is applied to our understanding of foreign cultures and people. The "authentic" cultural experience most tourists seek when they travel is, in fact, constructed by what has been written by novelists, diplomats, travel ers, pilgrims, and tourists from another time, not by the "reality" of life in the host country. Many people who travel to foreign places as tourists are interested in finding or at the very least being confron ted with cultural authenticity, that is, a quintessentially "real" experience with a particular culture. Obviously not all tourists are motivated by the search for either cultural or authentic experiences, and indeed some seek the blatantly artificial; Las Vegas and Disneyland are prime examples of tourist destinations that are openly inauthentic. 1 This purposefully artificial mode of cultural experience identified by some as post tourism 2 is distinctly different from the experience sought by many modern tourists, particularly those traveling outside their host country. For the purposes of this analysis I do not address post tourism; I focus on conventional leisure travelers, for whom the yearning for authentic experiences is an inte gral component of travel. Tourist promoters, scholars, and in some cases, tourists themselves, have recognized this desire as a crucial component of modern tourism 3 But what constitutes cultural authenticity as an experience ideal and why do tourists cove t it? How do the concepts of 1 Sharon Bohn Gmelch, "Why Tourism Matters," in Tourists and Tourism: A Reader ed. 2 John Urry and Jonas Larsen, The Tourist Gaze 3.0 (London: SAGE Publ ications, 2011), 13. 3 See MacCannell, 1976; Urry and Larsen, 2010; Desmond, 1998; Taylor, 2001; Bendix, 1997; Bruner, 2010.

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3 heritage, nationality, and ethnic identity influence a tourist's aspirations to find "real" cultural experiences of foreign places and people? How have host populations confirmed, contested, or exploited the guest's beliefs abo ut what constitutes their authenticity? Ultimately, can cultural authenticity exist for either the host or guest in a touristic setting? Before I address these questions at length, I want to clarify what I mean by cultural authenticity. To suggest that t here can be a "real" element that delineates a particular culture implies that there must be something funda me ntal, natural, or true within that culture 4 Based on this reasoning, t o have a c ulturally authentic experience an outsider must have an encounte r or occurrence that represents or conveys the essential nature of the culture he or she is observing or interacting with. 5 The essential nature of culture, according to this assumption, exists outside time and space it is untouched; the spirit of the peop le and their culture exists in pure form, regardless of economic, historical, and political eras, remaining static and unchanging. 6 To put it another way, the search for cultural authenticity is the search for the innate, natural, and real essence of a gr oup of people and their culture. The search for cultural authenticity is influenced by 4 See Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), 97. This designation is based on Said's theory that the "Orient" a nd the "Oriental" are "objects" of study that rely on essentialist idea s and characterize the Orient These are conceived as being intangible and essential characteristics. I am arguing that these essentialist ideas make up cultural authenticity. 5 F or a culture to be authentic it must reveal traditional ways of life that have not been "tainted" by outside forces. See Urbanowicz, 1977. 6 Forces such as colonialism, imperialism, globalization, and tourism create "contact zones" (Dubinsky, 1999; Nash, 19 89) that shift cultures away from their true (authentic) way of life and can no longer exist in their traditional form (Smith, 1989). Based on this claim, to be "authentic" a culture must remain static. Also see Taylor, 2001; Said, 1979.

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4 the belief in the essential nature of a people ; these beliefs create what I refer to throughout this text as authenticity expectation s The label of authenticity is p roblematic in a variety of ways. To label one aspect of a culture as authentic implies that other aspects of that culture must be inauthentic, a concept tourism scholar Edward Bruner illuminates: Of course, all cultures everywhere are real and authentic, if only because they are there, but this is quite different from the concept of authenticity,' which implies an inherent distinction between what is authentic and what is inauthentic, applies labels to cultures, and values one more than the other. 7 When a tourist searches for "authenticity" within a culture, elements of the culture are unavoidably valued more than others. The notion of cultural authenticity relies on regarding certain aspects of culture, those deemed as more real than others, as emblema tic of the culture as a whole. It is this understanding that I aim to interroga te. As I will argue, cultural authenticity is not a product of something innate or essential in a given culture; instead, it is the product of the perceptions and observations of those who package the culture in particular ways through written, visual, and material representations Travel literature creates and reinforces what author Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie calls a "single story." In her 2009 Ted Talk, "The Danger of a Single Story," Adichie describes her exp erience as an African author constrained by the stereotypes that are linked to her own cultural "single story." Adichie recounts the story of an editor who claimed her characters were not authentically African because they wer e not impoverished and starving; h aving grown up as a child of educated, middle class parents, 7 Edward M. Brune r, "The Maasai and the Lion King," in Tourists and Tourism: A Reader ed. Sharon Bohn Gmelch (Long Grove: Waveland Press, 2010), 226.

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5 Adichie's experience did not fit the Western st andard of an authentic African. T herefore she could not lay claim to her own identity as African. As Adichi e articulates "the single story creates stereotypes. And the problem with stereotypes is not that they are untrue, but they are incomplete. They make one story become the only story." 8 There are people impoverished and starving in Africa, but to claim th at this reality is the only reality of the people of the vast continent of Africa is to disregard the rich and infinite stories that do not fit this single story. Travel literature reduces entire cultures and their people s to a single story, and, as Adic hie states, to listen to the single story destroys the possibility for genuine encounters: I've always thought that it is impossible to engage properly with a place or a person without engaging with all the stories of that place and that person. The conse quence of the single story is this: It robs people of dignity. It makes our recognition of our equal humanity difficult. It emphasizes how we are different rather than how we are similar. 9 When the encounters are defined by the search f or the authentic, the real stories are ultimately reduced to a simple story retold over and over in guidebooks and travel literature, which highlights how the host people are different from tourists The "authentic" culture tourist s seek cannot exist in the lived experien ce of an entire group of people, because it cannot be more than a single story. Jonathan Culler literary theorist and author of "The Semiotics of Tourism explores the phenomenon of reducing complex cultures into one dimensional objects from a semiotic perspective. For Culler, tourists take the "single story" of a culture as a sign of a culture as a whole: 8 Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, "The Danger of a Single Story" TED Video 12:59, filmed July 2009, posted October 2009, http:/ /www.ted.com/talks/chimamanda_adichie_the_danger_of_a_single_story.html. 9 Adichie "The Danger of a Single Story," 13:33.

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6 The tourist is interested in everything as a sign of itself, an instance of a typical cultural practice: a Frenchman is an example of a Frenchman, a restaurant in the Quartier Latin is an example of a Latin Quarter restaurant, signifying "Latin Quarter Restaurantness.' All over the world the unsung armies of semiotics, the tourists, are fanning out in search of signs of Frenchness, typical Italian beha vior, exemplary Oriental scenes, typical American thruways, traditional English pubs; [] tourists persist in regarding these objects and practices as cultural signs. 10 As Culler indicate s, tourists take signs of culture as the entirety of culture, reduci ng the culture in question (and notably, the people of that culture) to a sign of itself. In doing so, the single story or the sign become emblematic of the whole; the whole story no longer exists or matters in the touristic encounter. Roland Barthes labe ls this concept as a "disease of thinking in essence," which reduces multiple ethnic realities to signs and masks the real "conditions, classes and professions" of those encountered. 11 While the majority of encounters narrated in travelogues enact the singl e story, some enact a more dangerous version of the single story that relies on Western imperialist ideology. The version of the single story depends on whether the culture in question is Western or non Western; when American tourists encounter a Western O ther (that is, Western Europeans such as the British or French) they often seek a version of the single story based on cultural signs that underscore their "foreignness." Culler's example of the English pub denoting English cu lture is a prime example of Am erican tourist s' encounter with the Western Other ; the English pub signifies Englishness simply because it is not Americanness and it adheres to tourists' expectations of what Englishness should be When many American tourist s encounter the non Western Oth er (particularly those in 10 Jonathan Culler, "The Semiotics of Tourism," in Framing the Signs: Criticisms and Its Institutions ed. by Jonathan Culler (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), 2. 11 Roland Barthes, "The Blue Guide," in Mythologies trans. by Annette Lavers (New York: Hill and Wang, 1972), 75.

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7 less "civilized" places) the single story is often influenced by relationships of power and supremacy born out of imperialist ideology that assumes Western cultural superiority American tourist s searching for exemplary African b ehavior often define that behavior as more primitive or savage than American or Western cultural practices. Though the motivations and the history behind each version of the single story differs a point I will explain at length in subsequent chapters both exemplify the act of reducing complex cultures into a simplistic story. Authenticity in Tourism Studies: Numerous scholars have explored the notion of authenticity in the touristic experience. In the early 1960s scholars began to look at tourism as a cul tural phenomenon. In 1961, Daniel J. Boorstin published The Image: A Guide to Pseudo Events in America a text that helped to create the enduring image of the superficial tourist. Boorstin argues that tourists' experience s are always artificial. Tourists seek attractions, which inevitably are contrived and inauthentic; these attractions, according to Boorstin are "an artificial product to be consumed in the very places where the real thing is as free as air." 12 Boorstin's inquiry brings up two questions tha t dominate the study of authenticity within tourism: first, whether or not tourists desire authenticity, and second whether or not a tourist can find authentic experiences. Boorstin asserts that tourists do not want authenticity if t he y did, t he y would mer ely seek out "the real thing," and that genuine experiences are readily available, if tourists would only look outside tourist attractions to 12 Daniel J. Boorstein, The Image: A Guide to Pseudo Events in America (New York; Atheneum, 1972), 99.

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8 find them. Boorstin's position places responsibility on tourists for the lack of authenticity they experience or encounter but assumes that the "authentic' is out there. In 1976, sociologist Dean MacCannell, a leading scholar in the field of tourism studies, published his groundbreaking text The Tourist: A New Theory of The Leisure Class MacCannell also argues th at touristic encounters are essentially inauthentic, but his argument differs from Boorstin in two distinct ways. MacCannell argues that tourist s inability to expe rience authentic encounters lie not in their lack of interest in the real thing (in fact, Ma cCannell argues that most tourism is motivated by the search for authenticity), but rather in modern social structures that complicate the search for authenticity. MacCannell's argument shifts the responsibility of the superficiality of the touristic expe rience from the individual tourist to society as a whole; the simulated structure of tourist attractions as well as the individual tourist's need to find authenticity are the result of the artificiality of civilization, which makes authenticity inaccessibl e for the modern day man or woman MacCannell's theory moves the focus away from individual touristic desires and toward structural factors within society that drive the modern tourist to search for authenticity. Inauthenticity is not the fault of the in dividual but rather a consequence of a consumer capitalist society that sees everything as artificial. Furthermore, MacCannell does not agree with Boorstein's assertion that authenticity can easily be found outside tourist attraction. In fact, MacCanne ll asserts that if a tourist happens to have an authentic encounter or experience, it is likely by accident. MacCannell relies on a variation of Erving Goffman's theory of front and back regions of social establishments. Goffman claims that in society ther e are spaces that are

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9 open to the public, the front regions, and those that are private, the back regions. Ma cCannell utilizes Goffman's theory to contend that in tourist settings there are not, as Boorstin argues, two types of encounters the real and the artificial but varying levels of front and back, public and private : Specifically, I have suggested that for the study of tourist settings front and back be treated as ideal poles of a continuum, poles linked by a series of front regions decorated to app ear as back regions, and back regions set up to accommodate outsiders. 13 Within tourist settings, "back" regions are often set up as front regions, staging an inside look at what is supposed to be hidden from the outsider. A tourist site that provides ent rance into the huts of a local tribesmen is claiming to deliver a glimpse into private back regions; MacCannell would argue that this sort of site is actually a front region set up to look like a back region, not a true back region where the private lives of the tribesmen occur. MacCannell calls this a n act of "staged authenticity." 14 Entrance into the private lives of unfamiliar people is the thrill of tourism, and as MacCannell argues, the very thing tourists seek 15 However, through the act of staged authe nticity, reality becomes difficult, if not impossible, to ascertain: "What is being shown to tourists is not the institutional back region, as Goffman defined this term. Rather, it is a staged back region, a kind of living museum for which we have no anal ytical terms." 16 Furthermore, the act of searching for reality makes it impossible to find: "It is only when a person makes an effort to penetrate into the real life of the areas he visits that he ends up in places especially designed to generate feelings of intimacy 13 Dean MacCannell, The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class (New York: Schocken Books, 1976), 105 14 MacCannell, The Tourist, 91. 15 MacCannell, The Tourist 98. 16 MacCannell, The Tourist, 99.

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10 and experience that can be talked about as "participation." 17 The staged aspects of a culture become all tourists can find. Taking this point further, literary scholar Jeffery Alan Melton uses MacCannell's theory to address the consequences of tying authenticity to fulfillment in tourism: Herein is the key to the ultimate and inescapable failure of tourism: no matter how often it promises authenticity, it can never fulfill that promise; moreover, it never did, even when tourists called themselv es travelers, even when trees grew dense and undisturbed on the shores of Walden Pond. 18 Ultimately, tourists cannot find authenticity because the search for authenticity creates staged regions that are meant to create feelings of locating the "essence" o f a culture or people. Despite some criticism, MacCannell's theory of staged authenticity continues to be widely accepted and cited within tourism studies. Sociologist and tourism scholar John Urry and researcher Jonas Larsen, authors of The Tourist Gaze 3.0 published in 1990, rely on a variation of MacC annell's theory but deemphasize the importance MacCannell places on authenticity. MacCannell argues that tourists covet authenticity that, in fact, authenticity is the driving force behind tourism but ulti mately tourists can never find authenticity. Urry and Larsen, on the other hand, argue that tourists in the postmodern era do not care if they find authenticity or not. Rather post tourist s of today, as compared to tourists of the mid 20 th century, recogn ize their inability to have authentic experiences and therefore, no longer seek authenticity. 19 While Urry and Larsen make a valid point many modern tourists embrace the inauthenticity of staged tourist sites in popular 17 MacCannell, The Tourist 106. 18 Jeffrey Alan Melton, M ark Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism: The Tide of a Great Popular Movement (Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press 2002 ), 11. 19 Urry and Larsen, The Tourist Gaze 3.0 13.

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11 destinations around the world the p ost tourist is still the minority among the masses. The majority of modern tourists still seek real cultural experiences. Numerous authors throughout the twentieth century and into the twenty first century have continued to uphold MacCannell's claim th at the search for authenticity is a crucial component of tourism and tourism study. 20 More recently, scholars have begun to question not only the ability of tourists to have authentic experiences but also the consequences of seeking cultural authenticity, particularly for host populations in non Western regions. Social and cultural anthropologist John P. Taylor argues in his essay, "Authenticity and Sincerity In Tourism," published in 2001, that the ghosts of colonialism continue to haunt modern intercultu ral relationships when authenticity, a "dangerous ideological component of Western modernism," 21 remains a driving desire for tourists and tourism promoters. The notion of cultural authenticity promotes the "creation and recreation of myths, stereotypes, a nd fantasies shaping the West's view of Others." 22 Such discussions call into question the very nature of cultural authenticity and the significance of its existence as a category of "objective truth 23 whether achievable or not. As Taylor's essay suggest s, tourism study is greatly indebted to postcolonial theory. 24 Numerous scholars have recognized the role tourism has played in constructing hegemonic cultural ideals, both for the American and European West and for the non 20 See Desmond, 1998; Bruner, 2001; Lacy and Douglas, 2002; Chhabra, Healy, and Sills, 2003. 21 John P. Taylor, "Authenticity and Sincerity In Tourism," in Annals of Tourism Research 28 (2001): 24, PII: S0160 7383 (00) 00004 9. 22 Taylor, "Authenticity and Sincerity in Tourism," 25. 23 Taylor, "Authenticity and Sincerity in Tourism," 8 24 See Said, 1979.

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12 American/European East. Edward S aid, author of Orientalism and a preeminent scholar in the field of postcolonial theory, argues that the Orient exists as a manifestation of Western (European and later American) ideas about what constitutes the Oriental According to Westerners, the Ori ental is irrational backward, ignorant and poor while the Westerner is rational, progressive, enlightened, and prosperous. 25 The Westerner is solidified in his own identity by identifying that which he sees to be completely different. Said also highlights that the Orient is represented for the Westerner through texts; the accounts of explorers, colonialists, merchants, and tourists created the image of the Orient for Westerners. 26 This image goes back centuries, long before tourists set out to look for the authentic Orient, a point underscored by film historian Jeffrey Richards: "A vision of the East has been conjured up that has haunted the mind of Western man for centuries." 27 When Westerners encounter the Orient they arrived with authenticity expectation s already formed by the accounts of those who came before. Therefore, the Orient is a creation and fantasy of the West; there is no authentic Orient because it does not exist without its opposite, the Occident. 28 The notion of defining identity through dif ference inevitably stems from and result s in a sense of superiority by Westerners ; according to Said, the power of Orientalism lies in the idea that what collectively identifies the West is its supremacy over the East. Said explains the process of identit y formation as: a collective notion identifying us' Europeans as against all those' non Europeans, and indeed it can be argued that the major component in 25 Said, Orientalism 40. 26 Said, Orientalism 2 3. 27 Jeffrey Richards, Visions of Yesterday (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1973), 187. 28 Said, Orientalism 22.

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13 European culture is precisely what made that culture hegemonic both in an outside Europe: the idea of European identity as a superior one in comparison with all the non European peoples and cultures. 29 This notion has defined the Western approach to the foreign: by creating a system in which the hegemonic culture of Europe is always superior to the c ulture of the East, the encounter can never reveal anything but inferiority in the non Westerner. This very complex idea, and its inherent danger when applied to intercultural encounters of any kind (including tourism), is made clear in a remark cited by S aid and attributed to Karl Marx: "They cannot represent themselves; they must be represented." 30 Though Said used Marx's comment out of context Marx was commenting on the lack of political representation among French peasants the concept of representing an underrepresented group applies to Said's theories. For the Orientalist, the peoples of the near and far East are powerless, just as the French peasants were, and needed to be represented by those with power ( Westerner s ). While the intent may be positive for both iterations to represent those who cannot represent themselves it inevitably implies that those being represented are inferior and need others to speak for them. Ultimately the danger of Orientalism lies in the notion that the only way to understa nd the non Westerner is through the lens of the Westerner; such a notion removes all possibility for a Westerner to uncover the "authentic" culture of a non Westerner. Numerous scholars interpret tourists' need to experience another's authentic culture as a way to confirm their identity we know who we are by who we are not. This has led scholars to survey how tourism functions in the construction of heritage and 29 Said, Orientalism 7. 30 Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Lou is Bonaparte (New York: Mondial, 2005), 84, quoted in Said, Orientalism x.

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14 national and ethnic identity. In her 1998 text, Staging Tourism: Bodies on Display From Waikiki to Sea World Jane Desmond explores the staging of embodied tourist attractions (particularly the Luau and hula dancing as displays of Hawaiian culture) in the creation and reinforcement of identity differences. She argues that these types of show "stage the us' in contradistinction to the not us' on display." 31 Ultimately the not us' on display is an image of an ideal native, emphasizing characteristics that are pleasing to tourists and ignoring or disregarding real aspects of the culture that do not f it the ideal. Desmond emphasizes the difference between the native Hawaiian' (of indigenous ancestry) and the native' (Euro American ideal) in the Hawaiian tourism image. Her argument highlights the constructed nature of the touristic idealized image, y et simultaneously upholds the assumption that there is an authentic culture beyond the outsider's image of it. Additionally, Barbara Kirshenblatt Gimblett's text, Destination Culture: Tourism, Museums, and Heritage also published in 1998, explores the ro le heritage comprised of the traditions, beliefs, customs, and practices that are part of the history of a group or nation plays in modern tourism. Heritage tourism relies on recreating past traditions and practices as both an economic stimulus to a parti cular region and a way to revitalize cultural customs that are in danger of extinction. Authenticity in heritage tourism sites is often linked to how well the site displays or recreates dead or dying traditions for a particular culture. 32 However, Kirshenb latt Gimblett argues that, despite popular belief, 31 Karen Dubinsky, The Second Greatest Disappointment: Honeymooning and Tourism at Niagara Falls (New Brunswick: Rutgers, 1999), xv xvi. 32 Deepak, Chhabra, Robert Healy and Erin Sills, "Staged Authenticity and Heritage Tourism." Annals of Tourism Research 30 (2003): 703, accessed April 4, 2013. doi:10.1016/SO160 7383(03)00044 6.

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15 "heritage is not lost and found, stolen and reclaimed;" instead, "heritage produces something new in the present that has recourse to the past." 33 Kirshenblatt Gimblett primarily focuses on the way heritag e is displayed in museums and festivals, but her theories are equally applicable in touristic settings. As she explains, though the presentation modes differ, the effect of integrating heritage into a display results in the same oversimplification of cultu res: "the ethnographic fragment returns with all the problems of capturing, inferring, constituting, and presenting the whole through parts 34 (emphasis added). T ourist sites that emphasize heritage are filled with ethnographic fragments from local tourist shops that sell genuine crafts to performances that repurpose traditional ceremonial dances and songs to delight tourists present ing the whole through parts and reinforcing the single story of cultural authenticity Clearly understanding authenticity a nd its role in tourism is a persistent endeavor. Despite ongoing debates about authenticity, many scholars conclude that cultural authenticity can exist, even if tourists cannot find it. In response to the enduring acceptance of authenticity as definitive quality I argue in this study that cultural authenticity as a category of "objective truth" is problematic for many reasons First, I contend that c ultural authenticity within tourism is based on a single story that may reveal part s of a culture, but ca nnot convey the whole picture. Additionally, I maintain cultural identity, for both the host and guest, is consistently renegotiated through contact between the host and guest whether that guest is a tourist, anthropologist, colonialist, or missionary. As historian John Walton points out, tourism "promotes and reinforces 33 Barbara Kirshenblatt Gimblett, Destination Culture: Tourism, Museums, and Heritage, (Berkeley: Univ ersity of California Press, 1998), 149. 34 Kirshenblatt Gimblett, Destination Culture 55.

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16 collective identities, [] while at the same time play[s] its own part in the construction and content of those identities." 35 There can be no authentic culture because cultures are always in flux, never static. Finally, I emphasize that cultural authenticity, rather than an innate quality, is created through written and visual accounts that reinforce and cultivate authenticity expectations. Not only is cultural authenticity problematic : c o ntinuing to sustain authenticity expectations has far reaching consequence s Authenticity expectations promote the propagation of hierarchal differences among individuals and groups. Just as gender, class, and race have been used to j ustify disparate trea tment, authenticity expectations uti lize the idea that there is something natural or innate an "objective truth," in a host's identity that makes him or her dif ferent and, therefore, inferior. U ltimately authenticity expectations justify the separation o f tourists from the host and the degradation of those deemed naturally subordinate. As Adichie designates authenticity expectations emphasize how we are different, rather than how we are the same. Travelogues and the Construction of Cultural Authentici ty: In this analysis, I demonstrate the role authenticity expectations have played in the construction of host and guest identities in the history of modern tourism. M odern tourism that is travel purely for pleasure became a regular practice for middle a nd upper class Americans in the 19 th century. While travel for pleasure was open to the very wealthy prior to this period, it was not until the post Civil War period that Americans 35 John K. Walton, "Introduction," in Histories of Tourism: Representation, Identity, and Conflict, ed. John K Walton (Clevedon: Channel View Publications, 2005), 8.

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17 began traveling for pleasure with any regularity. 36 The emerging tourist m ovement continued to gain steam in to the 20 th century, but it was not until the advent of jet travel that tourism exploded into a mass movement. 37 Scholars recognize the 1950s and 60s as the beginning of the era of mass tourism, a phenomenon that has conti nued to gain influence and popularity into the 21 st century. 38 Technological advances not only aided in the frequency and ease with which Americans traveled abroad, they also shifted the production of travelogues. While 19 th century travelogues were mainl y text based, the mode of presentation shifted in the 20 th century to include visual elements. Early 20 th century travelogues and travel lectures often included photographs and rudimentary film clips, and by the mid 20 th century travel films and televisio n series were widely produced and broadcast. In this study I explore how these three exemplary forms of travelogues printed travel literature, travel lectures with photographic images, and travel fi lms shaped authenticity expectations throughout the 19 th a nd 20 th centuries. Through these texts I demonstrate the role travelogues played in the creation and dissemination of authenticity expectations for generations of American travelers. To explore the formation of authenticity expectations in 19 th century tra vel literature I investigate Mark Twain's printed travel account, The Innocents Abroad Published in 1869, Twain's text stresses the perceived contrast between the Old and New Worlds for post Civil War tourists, illuminating how tourism helped construct A merican 36 Jeffrey Steinbrink, "Why the Innocents Went Abroad: Mark Twain and American Tourism in the Late Nineteenth Century," American Literature Realism 1870 1910 16 (1983): 279, accessed July 21, 2013, http ://www.jstor.org/stable/27746104 37 Gmelch, "Why Tourism Matters," 6. 38 See Gmelch, 2010; Walton, 2005; Urry and Larson, 2011.

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18 national identi ty against non American identity at a time of national insecurity The Innocents Abroad reveals how Twain utilized American's wish to see the Ne w World as superior to the Old to delight his readers. By consistently emphasizing Ameri can tourists as more culturally and morally advanced than anyone else encountered, t he travelogue promoted the creation of authenticity expectations that assumed American superiority. Given its popularity, Twain's text helped solidify authenticity expectat ions for hundreds of thous ands of future travelers. By the early 20 th century, travel for pleasure became more prevalent, as did the wish among American tourists to discover authentic cultures. To illustrate these desires, I consider the written and visua l travel accounts of world traveler, E. Burton Holmes. Holmes, one of the first travel documentary lecturers, traveled extensively throughout the first half of the 20 th century. He presented photographic images with his travel stories in lectures th rough out the country and he is accredited with coining the term travelogue. His travelogues, along with the visual images he presented, brought his experiences to life and helped create the enduring "tourist gaze." 39 Through Holmes's travelogues I investigate the integral role colonial ism and imperial ideology that sought to spread Western cultural systems throughout the world played in the construction of authenticity expectations. As Western influence grew around the world, many tourists felt that di s coverin g true examples of "less civilized cultures was becoming more difficult. Holmes vehemently sought the pre colonial Other, and through his travel lectures brought his single story of the Other to America before the masses could afford to experience it for themselves. Holmes's travel accounts and images were not only widely disseminated; 39 See Urry and Larsen, 2011.

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19 they exemplify what MacCannell would later identify as the "arduous search for an Absolute Other." 40 As mass tourism exploded in the mid 20 th century, tourists fanned out i n search of cultural authenticity with more fervor than their predecessors. Television series and commercial films highlighted both accessible and remote places around the world as ideal tourist destinations. These films reveal another important aspect o f the roots of authenticity expectations; many travel films relied on the longing of tourists from modern, Western nations to experience the lives of the "primitive" or less civilized. As American society became increasingly industrialized, urbanized, a nd modernized throughout the 20 th century, a sense of loss and nostalgia for simpler times increased among modern Americans as did the desire to experience the simple, natural, and primitive Other. Travel films from the late 1950s and early 1960s indicate a nostalgic longing for authenticity as indicative of American perceptions of loss and alienation from their own culture and played a crucial role in the formation of authenticity expectations. Finally, I conclude my investigation by emphasizing the curr ent place of cultural authenticity within tourism through a reading of the top travel blogs of 2013. 41 The digital travel experience has allowed for mass dissemination of authenticity expectations and the single story of cultural authenticity. Travel blogs continue to create authenticity expectations for modern tourists. My selection of texts uncovers moments of transformation within modern society that emphasize the ways in which authenticity expectations ha ve been utilized to 40 MacCannell, The Tourist, 5. 41 The Top 13 Travel Bloggers of 2013," Elliott, published Novemb er 16, 2012, http://elliott.org/blog/the top 13 travel bloggers of 2013/

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20 construct cultural authentic ity Through these texts, I establish that in the searc h for cultural authenticity, American tourist s are continually seeking a reconstruction of their expectations created by photographs, oral accounts, and travel literature produced by those who came bef ore. As historian Keith Jenkins argues, we understand the world through stories that create our reality 42 Ultimately, t o view a culture is always a subjective act. The act of representing another through stories holds great power, as Adichie states: "How they are told, who tells them, when they're told, how many stories are told, are really dependent on power. Power is the ability not just to tell the story of another person, but to make it the definitive story of that person." 43 The stories told in trave logues create the image of the Other reduced to a single story Yet, that image is always a product of the encounter, not a demonstration of an "objective truth Travelogues have the power to make the single story of people around the world the only "au thentic" story. 42 Keith Jenkins, Re thinking History (Abingdon: Routledge, 1991), 11. 43 Adichie "The Danger of a Single S tory," 9:43.

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21 CHAPTER II CONFRONTING THE OLD /CONSTRUCTING THE NEW PRINTED TRAVEL LITERATURE, IDENTITY, AND 19 TH CENTURY TOURISM I cannot think of half the places we went to or what we particularly saw; we had no disposition to examine into anything at all we only wanted to glance and go to move, keep moving! The spirit of the country was upon us. 44 ~Mark Twain, The Innocents Abroad Published in 1869, Mark Twain's The Innocents Abroad provides a vibrant illustration of the contemplations an d preoccupations of the early American tourist at the beginning of a "great popular movement' that would eventually grow into a massive industry. 45 The book was immensely popular, and, according to literary scholar Jeffery Steinbrink, "established its auth ors reputation and the beginning of his fortune by selling 100,000 copies before the second anniversary of its publication and which still claims title as the most popular book of foreign travel ever written by any American.'" 46 The book recounts Twain's journey to Europe and the Holy Land on the Quaker City a steamship that set sail from New York in 1867. The trip was among the first of the "great pleasure excursion [s] 47 that middle and upper class Americans would embark on in the decades to come. Up u ntil this point many Americans had traveled abroad for migration, trade, and religious work but few had done so purely for pleasure. Twain's text represents an excellent example of travel literature produced by the early American tourist; both its 44 Mark Twain, The Innocents Abroad (New York: Empire Books, 2012), 40. 45 See Melton, 2002. 46 Steinbrink, "Why the Innocents Went Abroad," 278. 47 Twain, The Innocents Abroad 1.

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22 time of publication and its popularity solidify The Innocents Abroad as a classic text of 19 th century travel literature. Twain embarked on the Quaker City in June 1867 and traveled to dozens of cities in Europe, the near East, and Africa. The ship set sail fro m New York, crossed the Atlantic, and first stopped in the Azores a group of Portuguese islands in the North Atlantic. From there the party traveled to Gibraltar, skirting the coast of Spain and France to Marseilles. Once docked at Marseilles, Twain and his fellow voyagers traveled into France, touring Lyons and Paris. Back on the ship, the group set sail once more for Genoa. While in Italy the party journeyed to many destinations: Milan, Pisa, Venice, Naples, and Rome were among the more notable stops. They then sailed to Sicily, Greece and the Greek Archipelago, Constantinople and Smyrna, the Isle of Cyprus, and into the Ho ly L and, visiting several cities including Joppa, Jerusalem, and Damascus. Upon leaving the Holy Land, the pilgrims proceeded to Eg ypt before crossing the Atlantic for a final stop in Bermuda. The excu rsion lasted nearly six months; the Quaker City returned to dock in New York on November 20 th 1867. 48 Travel literature in 19 th century America was widely produced and read, and, as a result, readers had certain expectations when it came to these texts. Unlike fiction, travel literature was understood as an autobiographical documentar y based report; the general public expected that the accounts relayed by the author were based on fact ual and faithful eyewitness stories. While Twain was not a conventional travel writer, a point he readily admitted, he did attempt to "please contemporary readers with a careful adherence to 48 Twain, The Innocents Abroad 1 4.

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23 travel book conventions." 49 A s Jeffrey Alan Melton author of Mar k Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism: The Tide of a Great Popular Movement indicates "Trustworthiness and fidelity to fact were essential characteristics for any touring partner, and most writers would communicate their sincerity right away." 50 L ike other authors of travel literature, Twain set up a sense of credibility for his readers in the preface to The Innocents Abroad by claiming I offer no apologies for any departures from the usual style of travel writing that may be charged against me for I think I have seen with impartial eyes, and I am sure I have written at least honestly, whether wisely or not. 51 Despite his "departure from the usual style Twain made it clear that he was not writing fiction. R eaders could expect that The Innocents Abroad wa s a trustworthy account and therefore, that Twain's description of the cultures he encountered were intended to be genuine representations 52 Yet, The Innocents Abroad did vary from the conventions of travel literature to some degree. True to character, Twain recounted his journey with humorous, tongue in cheek observations. Throughout his journey, Twain often made grand declarations over seemingly trivial occurrences, and, at times, he seemed to be poking fun at everyone he encountered, including his fel low tourists. Occasionally, Twain remarked on the growing tourist movement with worry, comparing the hordes of tourists he saw in Europe and the Holy Land to a tribe invading the Old World. 53 It is possible that Twain was aware of some of the underlying p roblems with the phenomenon of tourism and was using this text 49 Melton, Mark Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism 3. 50 Melton, Mark Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism 26. 51 Quoted in Melton, Mark Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism 28. 52 Melton, Mark Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism 2 3. 53 Twain, The Innocents Abroad 221.

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24 as a way to deride its growth and popularity This theory would explain some of his quips against his fellow travelers and his seemingly grandiose stories, but even if his text was intended to malign the new movement, Twain made it clear in the preface that he was not intending to present his text as a work of satirical fiction. Althou gh little is known about how contemporary readers received Twain's work, i ts popularity and mass consumption by American readers as a non fiction travel account, not a satire, meant that his stories were likely taken as truth, not fiction. 54 Despite its variances from common travel literature of the time, The Innocents Abroad reveals several important things for th e purposes of this study. First, Twain's texts shows that the early pleasure excursion helped Americans regenerate a positive sense of national identity after the Civil War left many feeling insecure and dispirited Twain consistently underscores the co ntrast between the Old and New world, often emphasizing American superiority and encouraging Americans to feel culturally and morally advanced Second, even early American tourists were seeking "the single story" as a reproduction of a fantasy based on som ething he or she had read, heard, or seen prior to the encounter with the foreign and new. And finally, Twain's sometimes droll, sometimes cantankerous observations perpetuated the single story and created and reinforced authenticity expectations that wou ld influence tourists of the 20 th and 21 st centuries The I nnocents Abroad shows that early tourist s were not yet blatantly in search of cultural authenticity, yet, t hrough this text, Twain helped fuel the ongoing search for cultural authenticity for the next generation of American tourists. 54 Melton, Mark Twain, T ravel Books, and Tourism 2.

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25 The Old and New Worlds: Constructing American Superiority : In the mid to late 19 th century, particularly in the post Civil War period, middle and upper class Americans began traveling for pleasure with more and more frequency. As Twain emphasizes, everyone was talking of travel in the summer before he embarked on his own excursion. Twain recounts a humorous story of a friend, Mr. B, astonished when an American shopkeeper informed him that he planned to spend all sum mer at home: Not going to Paris! Not g --well, then, where in the nation are you going to go?' Nowhere at all.' Not anywhere whatsoever? not any place on earth but this?' My comrade took his purchase and walked out of the store without a word walk ed out with an injured look upon his countenance. Up the street apiece he broke silence and said impressively: It was a lie that is my opinion of it!' 55 Mr. B's exasperation suggests the growing expectation of travel among the middle class in America at t he time. However, despite the pervasiveness of travel and Mr. B's disbelief, not everyone could afford to travel abroad. Travel literature provided an opportunity for those left at home during the new wave of tourism to participate in the popular undertaki ng. "Armchair travel," a term popularized in the 19 th century, allowed readers to experience the world from the comfort o f their own home s by reading travel accounts. 56 Melton highlights that for those left out of the movement books like The Innocents Abro ad permitted readers to vicariously witness the people and places of foreign countries through the descriptions of an author they trusted. 57 These texts not only allowed the American public to experience the Old world without the h assles of travel but also became the main mode through which average American s learned about ot her 55 Twain, The Innocents Abroad 7. 56 Alison Byerly, Are We There Yet?: Virtual Travel and Victorian Realism (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2013), 26. 57 Melton, Mark Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism, 18.

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26 cultures they gained their "worldliness" through them. Sometimes, these accounts were the only way the American public knew about the cultures of many places around the world. Prior to the Civil War, Americans traveling abroad ventured on a trip similar to the Grand Tour, a n English tradition from the 1 7 th and 18 th centuries in which young men toured the continent in an effort to complete their education in art and culture. 58 The fe w Americans who traveled to Europe before the Civil War maintained a reverence for Old World traditions. However, after the war the perc eptions and the behavior of American s abroad shifted. American literature scholar Jeffre y Steinbrink, author of "Why t he Innocents Went Abroad: Mark Twain and American Tourism in the Late Nineteenth Century," designates the post Civil War tourist as distinctly different from his pre war counterpart. He argues that the post war tourist was typically, less genteel, less fa miliar with the process of living within long standing traditions, less often classically educated, less often the master of a language other than his own. He had come into his money often quite a lot of it more recently, tended to place his confidence in himself, in his country, and in the sufficiency of the present rather than the sanctity of the past; he was curious, active, and acquisitive; he was simultaneously skeptical and deferential, and quite unabashedly and identifiably American. 59 Notably, Stei nbrink designates the tourist as male throughout this passage while women were certainly traveling during Twain's time, the American version of the Grand Tour was still predominantly thought of as a male endeavor. For the post war male tourist the Grand T our became a chance for American tourists not to admire the rituals, traditions, art and cultures of the Old World as their pre war counterparts had done, but to identify 58 Gmelch, Why Tourism Matters," 6. 59 Steinbrink, "Why the Innocents Went Abroad," 279.

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27 themselves as distinctly different from the Old World as exemplars of New World asce ndency over the Old. As Steinbrink suggests the popularity of post war travel was in part the result of increased financial means among a larger faction of the population, but the central driving force was psychological. 60 The desire to travel, specifical ly to travel abroad, was a response to the cynicism engrossing the nation in the wake of the "draining and dispiriting" Civil War. 61 According to Steinbrink, travel offered a sort of remedy to the crestfallen American: "bitter in the wake of the conflict [] Americans sought a cure by diverting themselves in the Old World and often were surprised to find a measure of their national pride refreshed and reaffirmed in the process." 62 The rise in tourism and the popularization of travel books embodied a "quest for cultural stability" among the American population. 63 Not only did tourism offer weary American s an escape, it could produce a restored pride in their sense of national identity by affording them with an opportunity to witness that which was different, and, as I will argue, inevitably inferior. Melton makes this point explicitly: aspirations to travel were partly fueled by a collective national desire to strengthen positive feelings surrounding American identity. Manifest Destiny and the expanding fron tier were no longer entirely sufficient in fueling Amer ican national pride : After the Civil War, as the tourist tide became a tidal wave, America could no longer define itself through the frontier alone its ample geography waiting for poetic meters. The new American had to travel, to move 60 See Steinbrink, 1983; Melton, 2002; Michelson, 1977. 61 Steinbrink "Why the Innocents Went Abroad," 280. 62 Steinbrink, "Why the Innocents Went Abroad," 280. 63 Melton, Mark Twai n, Travel Books, and Tourism, 21.

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28 outside the vastness and around the rest of the world, and this new American, true to the new age, could only go as a tourist. 64 In order to redefine national identity the collective notion of American destiny had to ex pand to include American importance beyond that of the country and the continent. The notion of solidifying national identity and pride through interactions with foreign cultures was not new when Twain set out on his pleasure excursion; Europeans had been constructing their identity through imperial pursuits for several centuries. Said suggests that as American global influence increased, American s identified themselves with the European West, and therefore with Western notions of superiority over those Ot hered 65 For American traveler s identifying with the West meant ascertaining that they were modern, ind ustrialized, and civilized and those they encountered in the East represented inferior cultures static, uncivilized, and inferior. Despite his declarat ions of impartiality, Twain often labeled the people he encountered as inferior to those in America. In Damascus, Twain' s description of the city evokes an image of abject poverty and paints a picture of Ar abs as animal like; he describes the people as a "[w]retched nest of human vermin about the fountain rags, dirt, sunken cheeks, pallor of sickness, sores, projecting bones, dull, aching misery in their eyes and ravenous hunger speaking from every eloquent fibre and muscle from head to foot." 66 Twain's dep iction ties to the belief held by many Westerners that the East was unwilling or unable to embrace the progress of civilization; compared to American ways of life, the people of the East lived in absolute squalor. In Jerusalem Twain again declared the Ara b world was "dreary, and lifeless," and filled with signs of scarcity: 64 Melton, Mark Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism, 15. 65 Said, Orientalism, 4. 66 Twain, The Innocents Abroad 212.

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29 "Rags, wretchedness, poverty and dirt, those signs and symbols that indicate the presence of Moslem rule more surely than the crescent flag itself, abound." 67 Twain's descriptio n create d an impression for American readers that the Arab world was one of utter poverty that had not embraced modernity and true civilization. Additionally, Twain's mention of the crescent flag and Muslim rule suggests that he felt that progress and enlightenme nt were tied to Christianity, as opposed to Islam "ignorance." The belief in Christian superiority was a crucial element of difference between Westerners and non Westerners which Twain utilized to raise Americans above the "heathens" they encountered. In another village in the Holy Land Twain details his encounter with a group of Arabs, declaring: "They were the wildest horde of half naked savages we had found thus far. They swarmed out of mud bee hives; out of hovels of the dry goods box pattern; ou t of gaping caves under shelving rock; out of crevices in the earth." 68 Again Twain suggests locals are uncivilized and insect like, and declares that the people are surrounded by and embody a "barbarous ignorance and savagery." 69 These depictions emphasize how Twain utilized the dichotomy between East/West, Occident/Orient, civilized/uncivilized to highlight American superiority and advancement. This image of the Orient allowed American s to disassociate themselves from what they perceived as the ignorant, sa vage, and backwards people of the East. Given European attitudes of the time, Twain's response to the East was unsurprising. However, Twain not only denigrated the "less civilized" cultures he encountered, he also maligned those in Europe as faded and ins ignificant Although 67 Twain, The Innocents Abroad 264. 68 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 255. 69 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 255.

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30 Americans identified with the European West, they also identified with a sense that America had surpassed Europe, and therefore had become the highest and most powerful along the hierarchal cultural marker. T his trend began prior to Twain; t he 19 th century American author Washington Irving lamented the decay of Europe half a cen tury before Twain's excursion. In one account of his travels, Irving makes numerous references to the decline of the Old World, and, according to Melton, this attitude had a lasting effect on Am erican perceptions of Europe: "Taken together, these not so subtle associations encourage readers to view Europe as a culture long past its prime, described with the tone of a romantic dreamer touring a cemetery that was aesthetically charming, perhaps, but marked by death nonetheless." 70 Tourism helped Americans reinforce the sense that they had surpassed Europe and assert their own superiority. By placing himself on the world stage, Twain was not only able to witness fi rst hand the cultures of the Old World, he was also able to compare America to those cultures deemed great by history and popular beliefs. Twain pointed to past glory and present decline in his encounters with famous European cities. In Venice, Twain decl ared the once great city "decayed, forlorn, poverty stricken, and commerceless forgotten and utterly insignificant." 71 He states that the once great city of Europe had fallen to mediocrity: Her glory is departed, and with her crumbling grandeur of wharves and palaces about her she sits among her stagnate lagoons, forlorn and beggared, forgotten of the world. She that in her palmy days commanded the commerce of a hemisphere and made the weal or woe of nations with a beck of her puissant finger, is become the humblest among the peoples of 70 Melton, Mark Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism, 20. 71 Twain, The Innocents Abroad 98.

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31 the earth, a peddler of glass beads for women, and trifling toys and trinkets for school girls and children. 72 Later, in Pisa, Twain again underscores the prior splendor of another fallen European city: "Surrounded by poverty decay and ruin, it conveys to us a more tangible impression of the foreign greatness of Pisa than books could give us." 73 By underlining the former glory of the great European cities, American s could lift themselves above the uncivilized East and the civilized West. The New World, to American tourist s abroad, embodied the ideals of the European West, but it had ascended beyond the decay of the Old World to become the greatest example of civilization in the world. The Innocents Abroad imbued late 19 th century American tourists with an assumption of their own superiority. In encountering Europe and the near East in this manner, American tourists were able to solidify their identity as superior, as Steinbrink indicates: The confidence in the vitality the promise, and even the superiority of his country led to certain characteristic behaviors on the part of the middle class American tourist. Like many travelers he made comparisons which without being precisely invidious tended to make clear that he p referred what he knew to what he found. 74 In viewing the foreign with an eye of superiority, Twain, like other American tourists, was able to simultaneously renew his confidence in America's greatness while defining all those he encountered as inferior. T wain often felt rejuvenated in the discovery that he f ound America to be far superior to all those he encountered In another interesting proclamation, Twain 72 Twain, The Innocents Abroad 96. 73 Twain, The Innocents Abroad 112. 74 Steinbrink, "Why the Innocents Went Abroad," 282 3.

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32 expressed an un usual amount of pride in declaring America superior to France in its ability to pro duce beautiful women: I will conclude this chapter with a remark that I am sincerely proud to be able to make and glad, as well, that my comrades cordially endorse it, to wit; by far the handsomest women we have seen in France were born and reared in Amer ica. I feel like I am a man who has redeemed a failing reputation and shed luster upon a dimmed escutcheon by a single just deed done at the eleventh hour. 75 The grand nature of this statement reveals how Twain used the popular American desire for cultura l superiority, particularly in regards to Europeans, to delight the reader. Though this pronouncement is intended to amuse American reader s it also s hows Twain and his fellow trave lers experiencing a sense of pride in the greatness of their own land. Th ey traveled across the world to see the renowned beauty of the French women and discovered that the women of their home were, in fact, more beautiful. Travel accounts produced by Americans during this time consistently whether consciously or unconscious ly, portrayed the people of the Old World as inferior, just as notions of cultural authenticity were beginning to emerge for American tourists. These accounts became the basis for future travelers, who then in turn linked the ir ideas of the authenticity o f the cultures they encountered with inferiority. Searching for the Truly Foreign: Fantasy and Expectations Abroad : The problem with authenticity in tourism is not a modern problem. Long before droves of American tourists fanned out across the globe to f ind authenticity, tourists sought experiences that would either confirm their preconceived notions of places and peoples, or sought encounters that were truly novel and different. Unlike the modern tourist who 75 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 66.

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33 has access to a plethora of texts and images o f most places on earth, 19 th century tourists did not yet have a clear understanding of many of the cultures and people they would encounter. Thus it was the element of "foreignness" that became desirable. These tourists were in search of the novel the s trange, and the curious. A s Twain pr ofessed early in his travelogue, they were to see the ships of twenty navies the customs and costumes of twenty curious peoples the great cities of half the world they were to hob nob with nobility and hold friendly co nverse with kings and princes, grand moguls, and the anointed lords of mighty empires! It was a brave conception; it was the offspring of a most ingenious brain. 76 The possibility to see and experience new cultures and places was the ultimate promise for excitement. But traveling abroad also allowed tourists to witness and live out the fantasy world of travel books, epic poems, adventure stories, and myths. The popularity of excursion trips and leisure travel relied on people's aspirations to delight in the Old World just as t hey had imagined it. Ultimately, a place or a people's authenticity relied on how well it adhered to tourists' fantasies, not on an "objective truth." Tw ain was searching for a fantasy: the fantasy of childhood stories and the fanta sy of the novel and untouched. Neither could truly exist as a traveler Twain always had expectations, and even when he thought he had discovered the truly foreign it was quickly dispelled with a familiar sight. Author Bruce Michelson argues in his articl e "Mark Twain the Tourist: The Form of The Innocents Abroad ," that tourism is a type of padia an improvisational play, as opposed to a more structured, formal game. According to Michelson, this type of play encourages make believe: "In the padia of pleasu re touring, the object is to sustain an imaginative engagement and thereby to transform a 76 Twai n, The Innocents Abroad 1.

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34 various and sometimes tedious real world into a world of novelty, fantasy, and adventure." 77 Tourists view the reality in front of them through a lens created from th e stories, images, and expectations they have pre formed that focuses their experience. The unconscious aim is to uphold the constructed reality, rather than really seeing or engaging with the people, places, and things in front of them Twain recounted an experience that highlights the touristic wish for a fantasy, rather than a reality, while traveling in France. After witnessing his companion, the doctor, attempting to speak French to a woman and receiving nothing but confused looks, Twain declared t he doctor must be mispronouncing his French. Overhearing this exchange, the woman responded to Twain in English, revealing herself a tourist as well which greatly vexed Twain: Here we were in beautiful France in a vast stone house of quaint architecture surrounded by all manner of curiously worded French signs stared at by strangely habited, bearded French people everything gradually and surely forcing upon us the coveted consciousness that at last, and beyond all question, we were in beautiful France and absorbing its nature to the forgetfulness of everything else, and coming to feel a happy romance of the thing in all its enchanting delightfulness and to think of this skinny veteran intruding with her vile English, at such a moment, to blow the fair visi on to the winds! It was exasperating. 78 Prior to the woman responding in English, the scene adhered to Twain's fantasy, but when the woman spoke English she removed the element of foreignness and the scene no longer appeared authentic; Twain's exasperation and dismay at a seeming ly trivial encounter demonstrates the influence the desire for fantasy, rather than r eality, had over American tourist s traveling abroad. 77 Michelson, "Mark Twain the Tourist," 386. 78 Twain, The Innocents Abroad 40.

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35 Numerous times throughout The Innocents Abroad Twain emphasizes the way in which his experien ces did not meet his expectations. In one instance, Twain describes the French peasants in reference to the idyllic imag e he had expected: Ah the grisettes! I had almost forgotten. They are another romantic fraud. They were (if you let the books of tra vel tell it) always so beautiful so neat and trim, so graceful so na•ve and trusting so gentle, so winning [] and oh, so charmingly, so delightfully immoral. 79 Twain's encounters with the grisettes exposed the image produced by the books of travel as ina uthentic and he declares, ""I sorrow for the vagabond student of the Latin Quarter now, even more than formerly I envied him. Thus topples to earth another idol of my infancy." 80 Later, in another disappo inting encounter, Twain laments the loss of a differ ent fantasy: To glance at the genuine son of the desert is to take the romance out of him forever to behold his steed is to long in charity to strip his harness off and let him fall to pieces." 81 And toward the end of his travels, after seeing the river J ordan and the Dead Sea, Twain sadly declared, [t]ravel and experience mar the grandest pictures and rob us of the most cherished traditions of our boyhood. Well, let them go. I have already seen the empire of King Solomon diminish to the size of the Sta te of Pennsylvania; I suppose I can bear the reduction of the seas and the river. 82 His disappointments are not in the encoun ters themselves: that is, there is nothing particula rly wrong with these encounters. I nstead, Twain bemoaned the loss of his fant asy. 79 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 65. 80 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 66. 81 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 257. 82 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 282.

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36 Twain's experiences were not al ways disappointing; he recounts a sense of joy at recognizing sights around Paris (confirming as reality his expectations) and happily encountered scenes that remind ed him of cherished childhood stories (allowing him to enter the fantasy world of the stories of his childhood). 83 One of the few happy moments Twain reported during his stay in the Holy Land was of a scene that fit his fantasy perfectly: "The picture lacks nothing. It casts you back at once into your forgot ten boyhood, and again you dream over the wonders of the Arabian Nights." 84 These moments allowed Twain to maintain the fantasy he had imagined, which pleased him immensely. However, more often than not Twain did not find the fantasies he sought, as we se e when Twain sadly depicts his dream of the Turkish baths and his subsequent disappointment: For years and years I have dreamed of the wonders of the Turkish bath; for years and years I have promised myself that I would enjoy one. Many and many a time, in fancy, I have lain in the marble bath, and breathed the slumberous fragrance of Eastern spices that filled the air; [] That was the picture, just as I got it from incendiary books of travel. It was a poor, miserable imposture. The reality is no more li ke it than the Five Points are like the Garden of Eden. 85 The greater the hold the fantasy had on him, the greater his disappointment when the encounter or experience did not live up to his expectations. Though Twain imagined he was seeking the real, he w as in fact seeking a fantasy a familiarity that fit his hopes and a nticipations. Authenticity, for Twain, was the recreation of his fantasy shaped by the 83 Twai n The Innocents Abroad 47, 192. 84 Twain, The Innocents Abroad 192. 85 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 175.

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37 narratives of travel books and childhood stories, not something innate or essential in the people he e ncountered. But the Innocents were not only looking for the worlds and peoples they had read about, they were looking for new, untouched, and truly foreign lands in order to experience their own adventures. Twain recounts the party's experience of findin g what they perceived to be truly foreign, a place completely unlike what they knew at home: Tangier is the spot we have been longing for all the time. Elsewhere we have found foreign looking things and foreign looking people, but always with things and people intermixed that we were familiar with before, and so the novelty of the situation lost a deal of its force. We wanted something thoroughly and uncompromisingly foreign foreign from top to bottom foreign from center to circumstance foreign inside an d outside and all around nothing anywhere about it to dilute its foreignness nothing to remind us of any other people or any other land under the sun. 86 Twain's search for the new like his aspirations to find the fantasy of his favorite childhood stories, was rooted in the aspiration to create an imagined world. In Tangier Twain found a place that maintained the illusion of foreignness, unlike the encounter in Paris Therefore, Tangiers seemed to maintain its authenticity as completely untouched Yet, h is excitement did not last, and as he reflected on Tangier it had somehow lost its appeal: "Tangier is full of interest for one day, but after that it is a weary prison." 87 Before long the fantasy of the truly foreign is destroyed by the mere fact that it becomes familiar; he must move on to find another people and place that can fulfill his fantasy again. But finding the truly foreign was not always easy. While in Rome Twain responds to an overwhelming feeling that everything he was seeing and experienci ng was 86 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 29. 87 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 35.

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38 seen by thousands before him (ironically, this is among the most frustrating aspects of t ravel for the modern tourist): What is there in Rome for me to see that others have not seen before me? What is there for me to touch that others have not touc hed? What is there for me to feel, to learn, to hear, to know, that shall thrill me before it pass to others? What can I discover? Nothing. Nothing whatsoever. One charm of travel dies here. 88 As Twain declared, one aspect of the appeal of travel was an d is linked to the discovery of the new. In this case, Rome was not authentically foreign because it had been explored and discovered by those who came before. I n order for the site to maintain authenticity, it need ed to remain untouched a belief that wou ld continue to motivate tourists for centuries. Twain and his companions were not seeking real people and places; instead, they were seeking preconceived ideas of the authentic. When people at home in America read Twain's account of his encounters and adventures, disappointments and thrills, they developed their own authenticity expectations When they would later travel, they would measure the success of their trip on their ability to find the world Twain and others had described. Therefore, the authe ntic cultures and experiences later tourists would seek were merely recreation of a recreation and so on. Said recognizes this phenomenon as a powerful tool that creates the image of the foreign: In any instance of at least written language, there is no such thing as a delivered presence, but a re presence, or a representation. [] that Orientalism makes sense at all depends more on the West that on the Orient, and this sense is directly indebted to various Western techniques of representation that make the Orient visible, clear, there' in discourse about it. 89 88 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 120. 89 Said, Orientalism 21 22.

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39 The places and the people existed to American reader s at home because of these representations. The stories from The Innocents Abroad made the foreign and unknown visible, but they helped solid ify that image as genuine rather than as a subjective and satirical interpretation The world illustrated in The Innocents Abroad was the fantasy of a brilliant man, but it was not an accurate representation of the people and cultures he encountered. Twain and the Sing le Story : The Innocents Aboard created an important iteration of the single story in travel literature, what Kirshenblatt Gimblett calls the essentialized or totalized "Other." When Twain and his fellow travelers encountered people who were truly "foreign" they recounted their experience s with that group in three distinct modes either as essentialized (viewing the essence of a group), totalized (seeing the whole through parts), or idealized (viewing a group as fitting a preconceived ide al) creating new expectati ons of foreign cultures for American readers at home. These modes of representation reduce a group to one assumption an "objective truth," and claim that this assumption encompasses all the people of that race or culture; they cr eate the single story. Twain claims that all Portuguese people are "slow, poor, shiftless, sleepy, and lazy," 90 the Turkish people "smell like like Turks," 91 and the Italians are "filthy in their habits." 92 He also declares that the "Damascenes are the uglies t, wickedest looking villains we have 90 Twain, T he Innocents Abroad, 19. 91 Twain, The Innocents Abroad 166. 92 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 147.

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40 seen" 93 and that he "never disliked a Chinamen as I do these degraded Turks and Arabs." 94 The Innocents Abroad is littered with such remarks; undoubtedly Twain's remarks are to be read with a certain awareness of his sat irical humor, but his statements continually create and reinforce essentializing stereotypes of cultural and national groups. The travelers' first interaction with the cu rious customs" of foreign people was on the Azores islands, belon ging to Portugal. Tw ain affords the reader with an account of the people that demonstrates the essentializing tendency of his observations. Twain points to the subtle understanding among travelers that there is something innate in the characteristics of people: "The group on the pier was a rusty one men and women and boys and girls, all ragged and barefoot, uncombed and unclean, and by instinct, education, and profession beggars." 95 Twain implies that these people are in some way not only taught to be, but are instinctively, b eggars. But the most telling of Twain's assessments likens the people of the Azores to animals: The donkeys and the men, women, and children of a family all eat and sleep in the same room, and are unclean, are ravaged by vermin, and are truly happy. The people lie, and cheat the stranger, and are desperately ignorant, and have hardly any reverence for their dead. The latter trait shows how little better they are than the donkeys they eat and sleep with. 96 Assuming that the people of the Azores have no reverence for their dead, likely because they do not have the same customs that Twain is familiar with, Twain declares that they are ultimately an inferior race and no better that the animals they cohabitate with. Later in his travels, particularly in s outhern Italy, Twain again makes references to the unkempt peasants reminding him of animals, rather than fellow humans: 93 Twain, The Innocents Abroad 215. 94 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 217. 95 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 17. 96 Twain, The Innocents Abroad 19.

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41 They are very unclean these people in face, in person and dress. When they see any body with a clean shirt on, it arouses their scorn The women wash clothes, half the day, at the public tanks in the streets, but they are probably somebody else's. Or may be they keep one set to wear and another to wash; because they never put on any that have ever been washed. When they get done washin g, they sit in the alleys and nurse their cubs. They nurse one ash cat at a time, and the others scratch their backs against the door post and are happy. 97 Though he witnessed these women cleaning, he remarked that they must never wear the clothes they clean. His observation of their cleanliness (or lack there of) led directly into his comparis on between the women and their cubs, and his descriptions of their behavior clearly referenced alley cats. This observation not only degrades the women, it rep resents all Italian peasants in a totalized manner. Twain describes one group of peasants he witnessed in one act of their daily existence, yet he claimed this act encompassed the entirety of their race "these people" were a part of the whole that was mea nt to characterize the totality of the race. As he traveled farther east, his racism and judgments of people, particularly Arabs, increased. He often commented on Arab "nature" as lazy, dirty, and untrustworthy. In Syria, Twain remarked that the people of Syria, as well as all Muslim people, were in their very nature immoral: "Mosques are plenty, churches are plenty, graveyards are plenty, but morals and whisky are scarce. The Koran does not permit Mohammedans to drink. Their natural instincts do not p ermit them to be moral." 98 This quip is an example of an essentializing tendency in Twain's observations. Twain remarked th at "their natural instincts" made them immoral, broadly claiming that he had discovered and was ready to report on the very essence o f an entire group of people. 97 Twain, The I nnocents Abroad 118. 98 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 170.

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42 Additionally, Twain's assumption that Muslims are immoral again links back to the common belief in Christian superiority. Furthermore, Twain reinforced the idea that those he encountered were inferior by insinuating that the downtrodden people of the near East needed assistance from the West in order to progress. In one instance Twain labels the Turkish people as essentially good but oppressed and desiring aid from the West: "These people are naturally good hearted and intel ligent, and with education and liberty, would be a happy and contented race. They often appeal to the stranger to know if the greater world will not some day come to their relief and save them." 99 Twain emphasizes the prevailing notion at the time that non Europeans not only needed Western intervention, they truly wanted it. He also discusses the fate of Turkey as if its future should be in the control of the more powerful and civilized countries of the world: "I wish Europe would let Russia annihilate Tur key a little not much, but enough to make it difficult to find the place again without a divining rod or diving bell." 100 The early travel literature, even that produced by Americans, bolstered European imperialist rhetoric which became much more apparent in the travelogues of the early 20 th century. But not all those Twain came across disgusted him. He occasionally remarks on the politeness of the French (ironically, given today's stereotypes surrounding the graciousness of the French people) and the sinc erity of the Russians. This is an example of idealized stereotypes. Though they are seemingly not as negative as remarks made about the Italians or Syrians, such remarks still reduce these groups to a single story and create the foundation for expectatio ns of later travelers. While these tendencies seem 99 Twain, The Innocents Abroad 208. 100 Twain, The Innocents Abroad 208.

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43 harmless enough, and are certainly common practice among travelers writing of a new experience, remarks like these, read and repeated hundreds and thousands of times, create authenticity expectations Wh en a traveler seeks an authentic interaction with a group of people, he or she is actually seeking the recreation of an occurrence had by the Old Travelers those delightful parrots who came before. 101 As I have argued, the construction of the Other and th e basis of cultural authenticity was created by guidebooks and travelogues. While there were certainly guidebooks at the time Twain was traveling, the limited scope of their readership and the limited numbers of people traveling made it so that the texts that would contribute to the construction of authenticity expectations had not been widely produced or disseminated. The popularity of Twain's book, as well as the essentializing, totalizing, and idealizing nature of his observations, helped develop the s ingle story of cultural authenticity within tourism. Conclusion: In one humorous account Twain describes how travel guides hyped attractions, and reflects on the way in which the guides revere what appears to be a simple tree: Now in America that inte resting tree would be chopped down or forgotten within the next five years, but it will be treasured here. The guides will point it out to the visitors for the next eight hundred years, and when it decays and falls down they will put up another there and go on with the same old story just the same. 102 Twain recognized that travel literature held a certain power; it allowed the stories to live on, even when the real thing was gone. The stories that Twain told in The Innocents 101 Twain, The Innocents Abroad, 46. 102 Twain, The Innocents Abroad 59.

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44 Abroad his musing about the peop le and his experiences with the culture would create authenticity expectations for generations to come The cultures Twain portrayed are long gone, just like the tree he imagined the gui des would continue to show even after the "real" tree was gone. Cult ural authenticity is like that tree; the people and the places Twain encountered no longer exist as they did, but the same old stories are still told about them As Steinbrink emphasizes The Innocents Abroad does provide a glimpse into the people and pla ces Twain happened upon but its primary value li es in what it reveals about American s traveling abroad in the 19 th century: "That book's chief accomplishment, however, like the more modest accounts left behind by other travelers, rests not so much in what it tells us about the lands the Innocents visited while abroad as it does about the land to which they returned." 103 In recognizing that this text and others like it reveal more about Americans perceptions of their o wn identities than an "accurate" presen tation of authentic cultures we can see how the idea of cultural authenticity was constructed by American tourists through the lens of superiority. From early in the history of modern tourism, the wish to seek out the foreign was linked to the need to sol idify and strengthen American identity. Ultimately, the stories Twain recounts reveal American culture, not the cultures of those he encountered. Cultural authenticity is rooted in the desire to have reality reflect fantasy; it embodies a story of the pa st, not a reality of the present. To reduce a people to their past, to a short interface or a passing observ ation, reduces them to less than human, and destroys the possibility for true interaction. Twain's remarks were likely not taken as 103 Steinbrink, "Why the Innocents Went Abroad," 284.

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45 passi ng observat ions but rather the truthful accounts of an innocent abroad. Later travelers would use these experiences to craft their own expectations, and as tourism became more prevalent in the 20 th century so did authenticity expectations

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46 CHA PTER III CAPTURING THE PRE COLONIAL OTHER TRAVEL LECTURES, PHOTOGRAPHS, AND EARLY 20 TH CENTURY TOURISM But a glimpse of one of the streets of native Biskra, so strangely beautiful, intensifies our interest in that other oasis so far away which must be even more strange, even more African than anything in Biskra. 104 ~ E. Burton Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues At the end of the 19 th century and beginning of the 20 th century leisure travel had not yet exploded into the mass tourism of the mid twentieth centu ry, but it was becoming more widespread among the American middle class than it had been in Twain's time. Travel for pleasure was relatively new for average Americans when Twain set out on his excursion, so tourists of the 19 th century did not yet have a great deal of information from previous travelers on which to base their expectations. While Twain was primarily seeking evidence of New World superiority an d the recreations of his fantasies from litera ture and guidebooks, he was rarely overtly looking for cultural authenticity; for travelers of the next generations, that quickly changed. By the end of the 19 th century travel lecturers John Stoddard and later E. Burton Holmes became well know n for their public talks recounting their experiences abroad, w hich often centered around finding a real or genuine Other. The search for cultural authenticity is a recurring theme within turn of the century travelogues, and the travel lectures and later printed travelogues of Stoddard and Holmes made authenticity ex pectations more prevalent and accessible to 104 E Burton Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: With Illustrations from Photographs By the Author: Volume Two (Chicago: The Travelogue Bureau, 1914), 164.

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47 the American public. As more Americans attended lectures or read travelogues, they developed specific expectation of what and who they would encounter when they traveled abroad. The search for cultural authenti c ity is much more evident in Holmes's travelogues than it had been in The Innocents Abroad Although manuscripts from Holmes's lectures did not survive, in 1914 Holmes released twelve volumes recounting his travels around the world. Holmes traveled extens ively, but for the purposes of this study I focus on Holmes's contact with North Africa in order to highlight the way Holmes's expectations were shaped by a European imperialist ideology that assumed Western cultural supremacy. I particularly concentrate o n Holmes's experiences with non Western Other s in Algeria, Egypt, and the Oases of the Sahara. I have chosen these sites in order to demonstrate the vital role that expanding European empires and imperialist id eology played in influencing American s traveli ng abroad. Holmes's travelogues underscore the ways in which Americans identified with the ideals of the European West, as well as with the colonial efforts and imperialist ideologies of the West that played such large roles in Western and non Western inte ractions. European imperial pursuits sought to spread Western influence abroad; the ideology that motivated Western imperial aspirations relied on the assumption that Western society was culturally, morally, and economically superior. 105 Imperial ideology se eped into the lives of Americans traveling abroad and shaped the ir image of those they encountered. The observations made by tourists at the turn of the 20 th century were not 105 Dennison Nash, "Tourism as a Form of Imperialism," in Hosts and Guests: The Anthropology of Tourism e d. Valene L. Smith (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989), 38.

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48 benign; they were the product of a context in which Americans traveling abroad s aw the world through a Western lens and placed them in a superior position to those they encountered. Holmes's interactions with the non Western Other parallels Twain's in numerous ways. However, the impact of the expanding European empires on both the h ost and guest is more conspicuous in Holmes's interactions; Holmes's writings show that his identification with the West and the colonial pursuits of Europe influenced both the way he wrote about the people and places he encountered and his longing to find the real, pre colonial culture of the places he visited. Imperialist ideology that assumed Western superiority affected the way in which Holmes saw the Others he encountered, while colonialism made unchanged, pure cultures (without Western influence) m ore difficult for tourists to uncover. The desire to seek out the authentic became a driving force in 20 th century tourism as colonialism pushed tourists farther away from finding the untouched Other. Furthermore, Holmes's use of photographs throughout his travel lectures and later his printed travelogues reinforced for Weste rn tourists, and particularly American touri sts, that "authentic" non Western culture was something different and foreign to the Western way of life. These images provided "proof" of W estern essentialized beliefs about the "Orient" and furthered the dissemination of authenticity expectations Holmes's experiences demonstrate that as tourism becam e a growing cultural phenomenon among the American middle class so did the touristic need t o find authentic cultural exchanges particularly in relation to non Western Others.

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49 World Traveler Burton Holmes : Holmes was born in 1870, the son of a prosperous Chicago banker. Owing to his family's affluence, Holmes "was able to be independent from h is earliest days," 106 permitting him to begin traveling at a young age. While his first interest was not in becoming a travel lecturer (he had aspirations to become a stage magician), his early experiences traveling abroad with his grandmother, his predilect ion for the center stage, and his fascination with the then famous John Stoddard set him up to become one of the preeminent travel lectures of the 20 th century. 107 In the late 19 th century, and well in to the 20 th century, Holmes traveled the world collect ing stories and photographs for his travel lectures. According to Theodore Barber, author of "The Roots of Travel Cinema: John L. Stoddard, E. Burton Holmes and the Nineteenth Century Illustrated Travel Lecture," Holmes was not initially successful as a t ravel lecturer. 108 Stoddard was already well established as the foremost travel lecturer of the time, and Holmes was unable to surpass him in popularity. It was not until Stoddard retired and, by some accounts, handed the reigns over to Holmes that Holmes's career began to thrive. Despite his relative lack of initial success, the length of Holmes's career far surpassed that of Stoddard. Holmes continued lecturing until shortly before his death in 1958. 109 While Holmes was not the only travel lecturer of his t ime, he did play a 106 Irving Wallace, "Everybody's Rover Boy," in The Man Who Photographed the World: Burton Holmes Travelogues 1892 1938, ed. Genoa Caldwell (New York: Abrams, 1977), 15. 107 Wallac e, "Everybody's Rover Boy," 15. 108 X. Theodore Barber, "The Roots of Travel Cinema: John L. Stoddard, E. Burton Holmes and the Nineteenth Century Illustrated Travel Lecture," Film History 5:1 (1993): 80, accessed February 1, 2014, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3815111 109 Barber, "The Roots of Travel Cinema," 82.

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50 prominent role in the development of the burgeoning travel lecture business and tourism industry. Traveling was not only a hobby for Holmes it was also his career. Most summers Holmes traveled to destinations around the world to collec t material for his lectures, and, by fall, Holmes would return to America, touring and lecturing in major cities around the United States. A travel lecture by Holmes was "the grand event of the season" 110 for many upper and middle class Americans; most woul d pay over a dollar to see a lecture (Hollywood movie showings cost about a dime) and would often attend in elegant evening dress. 111 Holmes's travel lectures featured both still photographic images (some take n by Holmes himself) and short moving image scene s. 112 The introduction of images added to the popularity of the travel lecture, a point underscored in an editorial from 1910 in Moving Picture World : So clearly and graphically are the scenes presented that one may acquire a reasonably accurate knowledge o f distant lands and their inhabitants for the expenditure of a few cents per week; and there is no heavy expense or hardship for actual travel. 113 Traveling abroad during this period required a substantial time commitment; jet planes had not yet revolution ized the travel experience, so passage to Europe, Africa, and the Near East meant many weeks crossing the Atlantic on steamships. Often the chaos of foreign ports was enough to sour even seasoned travelers; upon arriving in Alexandria, 110 Genoa Caldwell, "The Travelogue Man," in The Man Who Photographed the World: Burton Holmes Travelogues 1892 1938, ed. Genoa Caldwell (New York: Ab rams, 1977), 25. 111 Caldwell, "The Travelogue Man," 25. 112 Barber, "The Roots of Travel Cinema," 81. 113 Quoted in Alison Griffiths "'To the World the World We Show': Early Travelogues as Filmed Ethnography," Film Studies 11:3 (1999): 294, accessed February 1 2014, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3815203

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51 Holmes contemptuousl y declared, "To land in Alexandria at the height of the tourist season is to enjoy all the sensations of shipwreck, high sea piracy, and war time panic." 114 For those who did not wish to suffer the difficulties of travel ing Holmes 's lectures, combined with his vivid images, allowed viewer s to experience a more engaging form of "armchair" travel than purely text based travelogues. Additionally, the popularity of the travel lectures lay in their ability both to entertain and educate the American public fro m t he comfort of a lecture hall. A s A lison Griffiths suggests it was perceived as a more cost efficient and intellectually worthy method of vicariously experiencing distant lands and peoples." 115 Americans were eager to learn about the global community of w hich America was emerging as a leader. In the early 20 th century American influence on the internatio nal scene was in its infancy, y et, as Barber notes, Americans were enthusiastic to attend shows that highlighted the country 's prominence abroad. 116 Social and cultural analyst Mary Louise Pratt, author of Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation highlights the role travel literature played in stimulating national pride by giving the reading publics a sense of ownership, entitlement and familiari ty with respect to the distant parts of the world that were being explored, invaded, invested in, and colonized." 117 Although Pratt primarily examines European audiences, he r insight into the role travel literature plays in the construction of national prid e illuminate some of the potential appeal travelogues held for American 114 E. Burton Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: With Illustrations from Photographs By the Author : Volume Four (Chicago: The Travelogue Bureau, 1914), 10. 115 Gr iffiths "'To the World the World We Show,'" 293. 116 Barber, "The Roots of Travel Cinema," 69. 117 Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (New York: Routledge, 2002) 3.

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52 audiences Through these lectures t he American public was able to identify and connect with a sense of pride in America's expanding global presence and influence. However, American s were not only interested in seeing American influence abroad but also in witnessing how Americans compa red to others arou nd the world. Much like The Innocents Abroad 20 th century travelogues often portrayed Americans as superior to others around the wo rld. As Griffiths points out, the ethnographic element of the early 20 th century travel lectures and the images they included became a contributing factor to notions of cultural supremacy: "Ethnographic meaning would [] have circulated within and between the texts that comprised the lecture[s] and been part of a wider cultural matrix of Eurocentric ideas on racial hierarchies and white supremacy." 118 Often the travelogues "promulgated an ethnocentric belief in Western cultural superiority 119 and, as Barber notes, the published versions of Holmes's travelogues show that he clearly believed in the supremacy of the West. 120 The theme of Western superiority recurs throughout Holmes's travelogues. Frequently Holmes praises the West for "saving" the Arab people fro m poverty and despotism. In one instance, Holmes responds to a n Englishman's pronouncement that the people of Cairo "could not suffer more and live" by declaring "yet they have suffered more and lived to see their land redeemed from poverty, if not from i gnorance, under the business management of Englishmen." 121 Holmes 's belief that the English "redeemed" the Egyptians from poverty, combined with his remark on Arab ignorance, displays his belief in Western superiority. Holmes's accounts were a "tool of col onial 118 Griffiths, "'To the World the World We Show,'" 295. 119 Ba rber, "The Roots of Travel Cinema," 69. 120 Barber, "The Roots of Travel Cinema," 81. 121 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four 41.

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53 propaganda 122 and f or man y Americans these lectures provided "proof" of the benefits of imperialism and America's place as an ally in the colonial efforts of Europe. Concurrently, much as Twain had done, Holmes also portrayed America as surpassing b oth in cultural importance and global influence the great countries of Europe. Holmes aligns Americans with Western ideals while simultaneously lifting America above the European West. In one passage, Holmes describes America's greatness by declaring tha t, though not yet a world power, it was America who first stood up to the tyrannical dey the Arabic ruler of Algiers. Holmes recounts: But when the War of 1812 had been brought to a successful termination, there came a change in the attitude of our govern ment, and it is to our credit that the then youngest of the great nations of the world, the United States of America, was the first of all the nations of the world to defy the dey and refuse to cringe before him. 123 Through this declaration Holmes exhibits to his American audience that the United States was superior to the cruel and repressive rulers of the East and, at the same time, more courageous than the countries of the Old World who would not stand up to tyranny. Holmes 's belief in American superi o rity is also evident in Holmes's closing remarks on his trip to Egypt. While reflecting on his travels Holmes reiterates that though he enjoyed traveling, he was pleased that he would soon be returning to America: We may roam afar and mingle with the chi ldren of the past in the old lands of the older hemisphere, interested or amazed by the things they find great, but when it comes to living our real lives and doing our real work we turn with eagerness toward the new hemisphere, content to live and work am ong our fellow countrymen, who are the heirs of a great yesterday, the masters of a wonderful to day, and the makers of a still more wonderful to morrow. 124 122 Griffiths, "'To the World the World We Show,'" 283. 123 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Two 41 42. 124 Holme s, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four 144.

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54 Holmes's comments underscore his belief that the Old World was stuck in the past and was unable to p rogress into modern life. Additionally, his remark that Americans were heir s of the past, the masters of the present, and the makers of the future demonstrates that to Holmes America was undoubtedly the greatest and soon to be the mos t powerful nation of the world. Travel lectures allowed American viewer s to vicariously experience the world without leaving home; at the same time, they demonstrated t he growing role of Americans abroad and set up an expectation that Americans were superior to both the peopl es of the Orient and those of the Western Old World. Above all, h owever, Holmes's travelogues reveal how colonial ism and imperial ideology of Western empir es influenced Americans abroad and shaped their expectations. In investigating the role colonialism p layed in early 20 th century tourism an essen tial contradiction emerges: American tourist s sought interactions that revealed the authentic cultures of those they met, yet, rapid colonialism (which the American public supported) had "destroyed" Americans' ab ility to find pre Western influenced cultures. Western colonial presences created the desire among American tourist s to find the non Western Other, a pre colonial cultural authenticity Holmes's Search for the Pre Colonial Other : The search for cultural authenticity, particularly in non Western cultures, was continuously tied to the Western colonial ism The colonization of exotic and strange cultures strengthened the longing among Western tourists to find the authentic cultures of the lands they encounter ed. The pre colonial Other that tourists saw as authentic

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55 (untouched) was not unlike the fantasy Twain sought; both were examples of the fabricated images that constituted cultural authenticity. At the same time, imperialist ideology solidified American's belief in their own superiority over non Westerners For American s traveling abroad, authenticity depended on how significantly the exchange contrasted what he or she recognized as Western. Holmes's travelogues reveal that as colonialism aided in the homo genization of cultures around the globe, aut henticity became harder for American tourist s to find. But, what tourists were seeking were not the real lived experience s of the people they encountered (which would account for the colonial influences a nd thei r impact on the culture). Rather, they were seeking the conformation to their authenticity expectations of the culture as it was before it was Westernized. This contradiction played out in a number of ways Western tourists chose a location because it wa s friendly to the West it had been tamed and made safe but it was no longer authentically non Western. The very nature of travel literature, combined with the assumption of Western superiority, emphasized the aspects of travel encounters that reaffirmed th e single story of the Other. While this can be seen in most travel literature, it is especially apparent in Holmes's travelogues. Holmes's lectures not only underscores his search for quintessential experiences with the pre colonial Other, they confirmed the single story of the groups he came across Ho lmes's writing about his travel s demonstrates ideologies of Western superiority and essentialized beliefs of non Western inferiority in action. Western imperial ideology, according to Pratt, developed in p art in the mid 18 th century with "the emergence of natural history as a structure of knowledge," and "the turn toward interior, as opposed to

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56 maritime, exploration." 125 The scientific and economic exploration that followed caused a shift in European "planeta ry consciousness" that, according to Pratt, constructed notions of Eurocentrism and Western superiority. 126 Natural history, for the European explorers and scientists who created it, was a way of organizing nature into a hierarchical structure. This act beg an the process of European forces asserting power over the planet, and, as Pratt argues, led to the development of racial hierarchies that eventually naturalized European global presence and authority. 127 While the systemization of nature was undoubtedly on e among many factors that produced European notions of supremacy in the generations that followed, these hi erarchies produced scientific categories on which cultural authenticity is based. Western imperialism, from its roots, contributed to tourists' belie fs in the essential nature of non European people around the world. The belief in the essential nature of people led the Westerner to develop a set of "truths" about different groups, most notably to define the Orient. According to Said, the Western view of the Orient was in direct opposition to the traits that defined the Occident: the Westerner was rational, innovative, and in ceaseless pursuit of liberty and progress. In contrast, those in the East were gullible static, emotional, lethargic backward and tended toward despotism. 128 The contrast between the Occident and the Orient is evident throughout Holmes's travelogues; when describing Arab people, Holmes often designates them as poor, ignorant, unchanging (except for with European intervention), pas sive, and abnormal or bizarre. 125 Pratt, Imperial Eyes 11. 126 Pratt, Imperial Eyes 15. 127 Pratt, Imperial Eyes, 26. 128 Said, Orientalism 4, 38 40.

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57 Holmes confirms the stereotype of the ignorant, backward, and uneducated Arab f or his readers when he describes the education system in Egypt. In discussing an Egyptian university Holmes boldly disregarded the system as archaic and obsolete: This so called university creates and fosters more ignorance and mental darkness than any other institution in the world; and worse, it scatters its curse broadcast over all North Africa, and over Arabia, Turkey, Persia, the Moslem pr ovinces of India, and all the Moslem lands and islands of the Orient. For all these countries send their most promising young men to commit intellectual suicide here in the halls and courts of El Azhar []. 129 The Moslem universities excluded "all modern science, all history, all accurate geography, in fact, everything worth knowing." 130 Instead, according to Holmes, the universities made bright you ng minds "dull on the grindstone of the terrible Koran." 131 In Holmes's estimation the Arab approach to educat ion was the exact opposite of the Western world it did not lift up the values of progress but dragged "promising young men" down into ignorance through the study of Islam. Through Western eyes Holmes saw American and Western values as superior and this l ens focused his observations throughout his travelogues. Holmes also depicts Arabs as superstitious. While visiting a village in Egypt Holmes laments that the children were not given proper medical care, not for lack of availability, but because traditi on and superstition kept even well off parents away: The saddest sights in Egypt are the children, unwashed, with filthy eyes that are losing their brightness and possibly their sight because of silly superstition. [] Egypt is the blindest nation in the world, a nation of near sighted, one eyed, or dead eyed victims of a disease born of filth, ignorance, and childish superstitions. 132 129 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four 27. 130 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelog ues: Volume Four 26. 131 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four 26. 132 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four 81 82.

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58 Again, Holmes depicts the Arab as ignorant, backward, and unwilling to embrace modern science. Rather than allow the progr essive forces brought by the English to benefit them, the Arab people chose to live frozen in their unenlightened past. Additionally, poverty plays a prominent role in Holmes's image of the Arab world. Countless times throughout his travelogues Holmes labels the people as poor and despondent, and he connects this condition to the repression of Arab rulers. In one example, Holmes portrays the people working along the Nile as utterly poor, their lives necessitating harsh and tiresome work: "Something of the inexorableness of Nature is brought home to us as we glide past those endless ranks of naked toilers bending their backs at the command of Nature's terrible task master, who bears the name Necessity! How poor they are." 133 However, Holmes adds that their lives had significantly improved since the despotic rulers were overthrown by the English, claiming the Arab rulers would torture a man for any gold he had, while "British justice now enables him to keep and enjoy the wealth he earns." 134 Yet, despite the n ew system of "justice," Holmes remarks that poverty and laziness were essential characteristics of Egyptian people : "Thus laziness became a secure virtue, and industry a dangerous vice." 135 Even with the "positive" forces of the West, Holmes essentialized th e Arab people as inescapably poor, suggesting poverty was an "objective truth" of the Eastern experience. Holmes often describes Arab rulers as tyrannical, highlighting another Western essential ized belief that "O rientals" tended toward despotism. 136 By d esignating the Arab rulers as oppressors, Holmes also reveals his approval of Western imperial pursuits to 133 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four, 76. 134 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four, 78. 135 Holmes, Bur ton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four, 79. 136 Said, Orientalism, 4.

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59 "liberate" the people Holmes presents colonialism as beneficial to the subjugated people, whether they wanted it or not, because it forced the Arab into the enlightened (And Western) world : The native may protest, and the modern Egyptian is a vigorous protestor, but the fact remains that Egypt belongs to England by virtue of the perpetual fiction of a temporary occupation. Egypt, before England came was a land of lawlessness and pauperism. Alexandria, once the greatest city of a classic age, had shrunk to an estate of a poor fishing village of five thousand souls. Today Egypt is rich and prosperous and Alexandria a thriving and attractive city of more than three hundred and fifty thousand. 137 Holmes credits all Egyptian prosperity to the progressive influence of the English; before they came the rulers had diminished the city to nothing more than a "poor fishing village." Though Holmes clearly suppo rted English rule in Egypt, it was this very force that made it difficult for him to find those authentic encounters he sought. Holmes deemed any exchange with an Arab that did not fit his essentialized view of the Orient as inauthentic I f the people he encountered did not fit his expectations of the Orient they were no longer authentic representations of Arab culture. Egypt had been Westernized, which meant Holmes had to search even more vigorously to find the authentic. The Westernized aspects of C airo were no longer authentic or real, according to Holmes. In order to find the real Cairo he had to move away from the areas that were most heavily influenced by the West: But the real streets of Cairo are not found in the neighborhood of the hotel. W e must plunge into the maze of the bazaars, reeking with color, before we can feel that we are in the real streets of the real Cairo the Cairo of the Arabian conquerors of Egyp t; it is as picturesque as any Streets of Cairo' at an exposition. 138 137 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four 9. 138 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four 23.

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60 Interesti ngly, the "picturesque" and authentic Cairo he was looking for was that which most closely resembled expositions he had seen, likely back home in Chicago, that depicted Cairo. His expectations surrounding the authenticity of the people and the places of E gypt were shaped prior to his trip; his anticipations were the result of Western ideas surrounding the Orient that he had pre formed long before he arrived in the port of Alexandria. Although Holmes was continually searching for authentic contact with th e real cities of the East, he often celebrated the Westernizing influences of Europe on the region. In his account of his trip to Algiers, Holmes remarks with pleasure that the West had civilized the once s avage land of the Barbary Coast: A hundred years ago a visit to the Barbary Coast was an experience not to be d esired by voyagers from Christian lands, who then came not as tourists with cameras and guidebooks but as prisoners and slaves in manacles and chain. 139 However, with the arrival of French rule in Algiers, the city became a top tourist destination for travelers like Holmes: "The city of Algiers is now numbered among the most popular resorts of those happy folk who have both the time and the inclination to trot about the globe, seeking the beauti ful, the curious, and the picturesque." 140 Yet the "civilizing" influences brought with them European cultural modes that became more prominently represented than Algerian, African, or Oriental traditions and customs. Subsequently, the people and places Hol mes' encountered were no longer a pure exemplification of the Orient, but rather were changed into Western influenced Orient. Algiers signified the effects of the conglomeration of colonial ism and imperial ideology 139 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Two 5. 140 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travel ogues: Volume Two 10.

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61 on an Eastern city, and fueled the desir e among tourists to find the real' untouched Orient that was no longer readily available. Holmes was indebted to the imperial rule of France in Northern Africa he likely would not have been there if the place had not been made more appealing to Westerner s but the Western influence made it impossible for him to find what he was seeking; the authentic encounter with the non Western. J ust as he had to work to find the "Cairo" he had imagined, Holmes could not easily find the "real" Algiers. Upon his arri val Holmes describes the city as the Paris of Africa: "So perfectly does this colonial city ape in its architecture and in the details of its daily life the most attractive of the world's great capitals that we involuntarily look for the Louvre, the Eiffel Tower, and the Seine." 141 While he undoubtedly enjoyed the amenities of a European influenced city, Holmes could no longer find the essence of the city the authentic element that he sought as a result of Western influence. Just as he 141 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Two 23. Figure 1 : Modern Algiers. Holmes remarks that the African city was almost indistinguishable from cities in Europe. Burton Holmes Travelogues

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62 had in Cairo, Holmes l onged for the authentic element that seems to have eluded him: "But this is not real Algiers. The Arab city is behind and above all this. That cascade of white roofs that seems to come tumbling from the sky, that is the real Algiers or at least what is left of it." 142 He was searching for the old Algiers, as opposed to the Algiers that imitated the more recognizable European cities, in order to have a n authentic encounter Notably, Holmes's image of the newer portions of Algiers displayed the city from a far, highlighting the architecture, while his image of the old city showcased a woman and child in traditional Arab clothing (See Figures 1 and 2). The photograph of the old Algiers not only emphasized the architectural differences between the old and new city, but also included "real" Algerians to increase the feeling for the viewer that this was an image of an authentic (that is, not influenced by Western forces) Oriental street. Ultimately Holmes lamented the loss of authenticity, but most certainly di d not condemn the role colonialism played in the destruction of the so called "real" Algiers or Cairo. 142 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Two 24. Figure 2 : "The Old Algiers." Notably, Holmes's image of the Old Algiers includes an image of 'authentic' Arabs. Burton Holmes Travelogues.

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63 Holmes also draws on imperial ideology when he describes the people of Northern Africa as indebted to the West for freeing them from the tyrannical Musli m rulers: "The poor Arab owes a debt of gratitude to the last of those tyrant deys, the potentate who, after misruling the land for many years, became unintentionally instrumental in bringing on the war which assured his own destruction and the welfare of his people." 143 In this passage, Holmes recognizes that the West had destroyed an element of the former Arab world (that is, when the Arab world was ruled by Arab leaders), but emphasized the benefit that imperial rule had brought to the Arab world. The Fr ench may have "conquered" the land but, according to Holmes (and the imperial ideology in Europe), it was for the benefit of the Arab people. Western imperial ideology helped form Holmes's authenticity expectations; t he pre colonial Others Holmes was sea rching for were not only frozen in their past, they were deemed naturally inferior to Westerners. Any signs of "progress" that Holmes saw meant that the "real" authentic Other was farther out of reach. Tourists of the early 20 th century were seeking excha nges that revealed the pre colonial cultures of the places they visited, not the real lives of the people they came across. This process secured those encountered in their past; according to tourists, a non Western group's authenticity lay not in its live d experience but in the way they lived before colonial influence. Yet, the influence of the West had a profound impact on the reality of colonized people; to ignore that impact and search for the pre colonial Other reinforced the "natural order" that deem ed the East as inferior to the West while simultaneously ignoring the present of the living people. 143 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Two 26 29.

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64 Photography and the Tourist Gaze: Western imperial and colonial ideology an essential belief in the Western cultural superiority and the need to spread th at culture influenced Holmes's ability to find authentic interactions with the non Western Other. Not only did he seek the authentic, he sought to provide photographic evidence of his encounters. Holmes' s lectures and printed accounts include many photog raphic images as "proof" of his experiences Photography became the main mode through which the authentic interface or expe rience was documented. This mode of representation helped produce the tourist gaze. D ue to its tie to colonial and imperial context s photography inevitably propagated hierarchical distinctions between civilized and uncivilized, Western and non Western, cultured and savage. These images, and the meaning behind them, became an important element in the formation of authenticity expectat ions The advent of photography not only shifted our understanding of the visual world, it drastically changed the way we understand the act of looking. Scholars have investigated at length the concept of the "gaze:" the idea that the act of looking is a learned behavior rather than a natural ability. 144 We are trained by society, by institutions, and by traditions to view the world in a particular way. 145 Chris Jenks, author of Visual Culture argues, "The world is not pre formed, waiting to be seen' by t he extro spection' of the naked eye.' There is nothing out there' intrinsically formed, interesting, good or beautiful, as our dominant cultural outlook would suggest. Vision is 144 John Berger, Ways of Seeing (London: Penguin, 1973), 8. 145 Urry and La rsen, The Tourist Gaze 3.0 1.

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65 a skilled cultural practice." 146 The notion that visual experience is a lea rned behavior that we are trained to see the world in a particular way is evident in many aspects of sociological study, including tourism study. Authors John Urry and Jonas Larsen call this the "tourist gaze." Urry and Larsen argue "The tourist gaze' i s not a matter of individual psychology but of socially patter n ed and learnt ways of seeing' (Berger, 1972). It is a vision constructed through mobile images and representational technologies." 147 Inevitably, the view of Western tourist s of those he or sh e encounters is formed through the lens of cultural superiority. One way the tourist gaze has been constructed is via the act of photographing and disseminating the reproduction of those images for mass consumption. Most people tend to take what they s ee in a photograph as proof we believe what we see. This reaction to photographic evid ence seems to authenticate what ever is pictured in the photograph. In her essay, "On Ph otography," Sonia Sontag argues, "A photograph passes for incontrovertible proof that a given thing happened. The picture may distort; but there is always the presumption that something exists, or did exist, which is like what's in the picture." 148 This concept, when applied to images presented in travel lectures and printed travelogues, allows an image to stand as incontrovertible proof that something exists as it is pictured. 146 Chris Jenks, "An Introduction," in Visual Culture ed. Chris Jenks (London: Routledge, 1995), 10. 147 Urry and Larsen, The Tourist Gaze 3.0 2. 148 Susan Sontag, "On Photography," in Communication in History: Technology, Cultur e, Society ed. David Crowley et al. (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 2002), 175.

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66 Holmes presented images in his travelogues that corresponded w ith the stories he was telling and often corroborated his descriptions of the scenes and the peop le he encountered. When describing the Egyptian universities Holmes offered an image of a group of young men lounging in a courtyard, reaffirming his declara tions that the Arab people had not embraced progress and industriousness (See figure 3). The image of the young men lounging in the courtyard, captioned "Moslem College Men'" confirms Western assumptions about the indolent nature of the Orient, allowing the viewer in America to solidify his or her own perceptions of the authentic Other. Yet, to assu me that the images reflected reality ignores the interpretive nature of photography. People have long recognized paintings and drawings as capable of reflecting reality, but most accept that those depictions are inevitably flawed (they cannot accurately p ortray the world because they are created by humans). Photographs, on the other hand, are seen as evidence or proof of reality: What is written about a person or an event is frankly an interpretation, as are handmade statements, like paintings and drawin gs. Photographed images do not seem to be statements about the world so much as pieces of it, miniatures of reality that anyone can make or acquire. 149 149 Sontag, "On Photography," 174. Figure 3 : "Moslem College Men. Holmes uses this image to confirm Western expectations of the nature of the "East." Burton Holmes Travelogues

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67 As Sontag points out, it is well accepted that "Photographs furnish evidence. Something we hear about, but doubt, seems proven when we are shown a photograph of it." 150 This was especially true before the advent of technologies that allowed for the manipulation of an image, but, even before these technologies, the composition of photographs could be manipul ated. As Sontag suggests the act of photography is always open to influence: In deciding how a picture should look, in preferring one exposure to another, photographers are always imposing standards on their subjects. Although there is a sense in which the camera does indeed capture reality, not just interpret it, photographs are as much an interpretation of the world as paintings and drawings are. 151 Just as paintings and drawings are subjective illustrations of the world, photographs are also skewed representations, yet, this is often masked. Instead, the photograph becomes a tool of confirmation within tourism. The images Holmes presented in his travelogues not only contributed to the popularity of his lectures, they helped propagate authenticity expectations Just as he included an image of lazy "college men," to provide proof of his observation that the Egyptian Universities were frozen in their archaic past, Holmes often supplied images to confirm his claims that the Arab peo ple were the opposi te of Westerner s In one instance, Holmes included a photo of a woman licking a stone alter (see figure 4), with the caption 150 Sontag, "On Photography," 175. 151 Sontag, "On Photography," 175. Figure 4 : "A Cure for Indigestion." Holmes presents Arabs as superstitious. Burt on Holmes Travelogues.

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68 "A Cure for Indigestion." 152 This image upholds Holmes's claim that the Arab people subscribe to "childish superstitions" and are b ackward and unenlightened. In another example Holmes furnishe d a photograph of several Algerian men dressed in traditional clothing si t ting in front of a modern European styled courtyard (See figure 5); the caption reads "Dreaming of the Past." 153 Again Holmes reinforced the notion that the Orient was fixed in the past, while Western influence was attempting to move "backward" cultures forward. 152 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four 30. 153 Holmes, Burton Holmes Tr avelogues: Volume Two, 34. Figure 5 : "Dreaming of the Past." This image juxtaposes Arab past and European present. Burton Holmes Travelogues.

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69 Interstingly, Holmes's photographs do not always correspond with the text in his written travelogues. While we cannot precisely know if this was a conscious decision by Holmes or a decision made by the publisher, the seemingly random placement of some of the photos would affect the viewer or reader in specific way s Particularly the photos of the peopl e Holmes encountered, randomly placed within the text, add an air of authenticity to his accounts. We can see that the people look different, dress different, an d interact differently from Westerner s (see figure 6 ). These images present the "smiles and fr owns" of the people of Cairo (Cairenes), but do not provide specific information about who they are or when and where Holmes encountered them. Though these photos may not reveal any specific information about the lived experience of the people, Holmes Figure 6 : Images of Egyptians. These images do not reveal anything specific about the Egyptian people; instead, they reinforce differences between East and West. Burton Holmes Travelogues.

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70 incl uded them in order to furnish visual proof for his audience of what an Egyptian looked like. Holmes's images also present the "ideal" image of the foreigner. Holmes presented images that reinforced ideas about what the foreigner should look like, whic h underscore pre existing assumptions about those he encountered. In one example Holmes presents the image of a woman dressed in traditional clothing, her eyes downcast but inviting to the viewer. The caption below this image reads "The Idealized Orient" (see figure 7 ). This image is meant to depict t he perfect Oriental woman to American viewe r s and interestingly, by referring to her as the idealized Orient, rather than Oriental, Holmes suggested that this woman was representative of the entire culture Again, this image does not correspond to any particular story Holmes recounts, but rather is placed within the text to supply the viewer with an image of the authentic non Western er Even when the photos seem randomly placed, the location of an image c an in fact be significant. In one te lling instance, Holmes describes a long and hard fought battle between the French and the residents of Constantine. After a lengthy description of the battle, in which the French we re the victors, Holmes concludes, "Su ch was the end of Figure 7 : "The Idealized Orient." The Oriental woman represents the entire Orient. Burton Holmes Travelogu es.

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71 Moslem authority in the city of Constantine." 154 What is particularly disturbing about Holmes's account of Western forces overtaking the East is the picture that is embedded at the end of this story. The photograph d epicts an especially de grading interaction Holmes recounted earlier in his musings on Constantine. The story tells of Holmes and his companions happening upon an impassible river. Rather than return the way they came, the men enlist an elderly Arab man to be their "human ferry. Holmes explains the crossing, emphasizing his own discomfort: And as if he knows my fears, this dilapidated old human ferry boat seemed purposely to prolong my agony, slowly stumbling along, slipping at every step, and emitting with every breath a hoar se, deep gasp suggesting that he was about to die of heart disease. 155 It is this photograph, several pages after he recounted the river crossing, which concluded Holmes's story of the Muslim defeat (See figure 8 ). The clover shape of the image is anot her puzzling element of the picture. While it is impossible to know the motivations for this choice, the imagery of the clover may suggest a correlation to Christianity. The clover is traditionally associated with St Patrick, who, according to 154 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Two 112. 155 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Two 107. Figure 8 : "A Human Ferry." Holmes denigrates the elderly Arab man. Burton Holmes Travelogues

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72 legend, d rove the "snakes" out of Ireland. Many now recognize that there were never snakes in Ireland and the legend of St. Patrick was likely symbolic of the Christians dispelling paganism from Ireland. 156 Perhaps the clover shaped image is intended to symbolize t he triumph of Christianity over Islam. Regardless of the motivations behind the symbol, the degrading image, and Holmes's placement of the image at the end of the story recounting their overthrow, characterized the Arab people as disgraced, humiliated, an d conquered by the powerful West. Not only did Holmes subscribe to the belief that the European civilization was further advanced and therefore justified in seeking to improve the lot of the Arab people, he clearly saw the Western subject as far superior to the Arab subject. Photographs have power; whether or not Holmes intentionally utilized that power is hard to know, but the randomness and the subject matt er of the photographs highlight an important effect of the photographic image. As Sontag point ou t, the act of photographing a person or thing becomes an act of appropriation: "To photograph is to appropriate the thing photographed. It means putting oneself into a certain relation to the world that feels like knowledge and, therefore, like power." 157 By randomly placing images of people, Holmes not only attempted to authenticate his descriptions he controlled what he encountered. As Sontag argues, "to collect photographs is to collect the world," 158 and Holmes was "the man who photographed the world." 159 156 Philip Freeman, St. Patrick of Ireland: A Biography (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2005), 169. 157 Sontag, "On Photogr aphy," 174. 158 Sontag, "On Photography," 174. 159 Genoa Caldwell, ed., The Man Who Photographed the World: Burton Holmes Travelogues 1892 1938 (New York: Abrams, 1977).

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73 Conclusion: Toward the end of his journey through Egypt Holmes recounted a moment in the halls of Abu Simbel, an ancient shrine. Holmes declared that this moment was one of "those instants longest remembered and most frequently recalled." The fervor wi th which Holmes recounts this instant, and what his excitement reveals, makes this passage worth quoting in its entirety: It came at sunrise one morning late in February. We stood in the great portal gazing into the dim sanctuary. Behind us the Nile, be yond which rose the eastern hills outlined against the glow of the coming day. The sun leaps in sudden glory above the crests, and sends its first ray straight as an arrow into the holy place that Rameses hollowed in the Nubian cliff. That first flash of the new born day pierces the darkness of this caverned sanctuary and smites the four gods there in the inmost shrine full in their stones faces. It was a vivid, thrilling thing, to see the bright glory of the newest to day touch and make luminous the dark mystery of this shrine of the oldest yester day. 160 Holmes's excitement reveals a si gnificant aspect of the way American s traveling abroad in the early 20 th century viewed the East. Holmes was near ecstatic to see the light illuminate the spaces of yesterd ay, flooding the dark spaces of the old world. The symbolism of the moment is significant; the Western man brought with him progress and enlightenment, shedding light and smiting the old ways of the dark, backward parts of the world. Holmes was thrilled t o witness and be a part of the progressive movement in the Orient, and it seems the symbolic moment of this act eclipsed his own feelings of frustration that the "real" Orient was slipping away. Through Holmes's travelogues we can see the problematic na ture of authenticity expectations and its ties to imperial ideology within tourism, as well as the important role photography played in the early construction of those expectations By the time Holmes 160 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Four 141.

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74 died in 1958, tourism had become a massive industry th at relied heavily on notions of cultural authenticity. As American society became more technologically advanced, touristic desires also shifted; by the 1950s and 60s Americans sought experiences abroad that provided an escape from the modern. Travel films became a dominant new form of "armchair" travel during the second half of the 20 th century. These films not only utilized notions of American superiority and colonial and imperial ideology to create authenticity expectations; they also relied on America's nostalgic longing for the pre modern that again shifted how American tourists formed authenticity expectations.

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75 CHAPTER IV LONGING FOR THE PAST TRAVEL FILMS, NOSTALGIA, AND MASS TOURSIM Stop your running and take the time to come alive a gain. 161 ~ Wings to South America: Journey to Springtime By the middle of the 20 th century, there were few places at least those visited by American tourists that were unaffected by the West ern world While this fact allowed tourists to travel more easily to once dangerous and remote places, it also meant that tourists had a more difficult time experiencing authenticity as they expected. The old world of the native was lost, which kindled a longing among tourists to recover or discover an authentic intera ction or experience with native culture s Nostalgia became a driving force for American tourist s leading tourists to search for examples of traditional, "pure," and untouched cultures t o reconnect with a simpler past. Although many American tourists tra veling abroad were in favor of Western expansion colonialism directly impacted tourist s ability to find authentic cultural interfaces Once Western forces influenced the cultures encountered by tourists they appeared to tourists to be less authentic. T his theme recurred throughout Holmes's travelogues he simultaneously praised the West for bringing progress and prosperity to the less civilized people of the world, but needed to push further to discover the "real" culture that existed before Western infl uence. This paradox is crucial to understand ing Holmes's motivations, but it became much more pronounced as mass tourism exploded 161 Pan Am World Airways Wings to South America: Journey to Springtime directed by Harry L. Coleman (1960, New York: Coleman Productions) web video, 10:05, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y3IJzn Szy4

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76 after WWII. Furthermore, decolonization made authenticity even harder to find for tourists of the mid to late 20 th century. T he postcolonial world was more complicated; therefore, tourists often felt even more distanced from the simplicity they imagined adhered to authentic cultures. The 1950s and 60s saw the rise of mass tourism, an industry that continues to grow in numbers and influence even today. The rise in tourism at this time can be linked to numerous factors the growth of discretionary spending among the middle class, increased vacation and leisure time among American workers, and, most importantly, improvements in t ransportation. 162 According to Sharon Bohn Gmelch, author of "Why Tourism Matters," with the "rise of jet travel in the 1960s (which dramatically cut travel times) and the increased use of private automobiles in North America and Europe aided by higher sala ries and more generous vacation times both international and domestic tourism flourished." 163 These factors the availability of comparatively trouble free modes of transportation elevated incomes, and additional leisure time meant that p ost war middle class Americans could now expect to travel at least a few times in their lives. Furthermore, as the number of tourists increased the search for cultural authenticity that had been developing over the past century became solidified as a chief aspiration of Ameri can tourists. Though it is undeniable that financial and transportation factors played major role s in the advent of mass tourism, some have argued that the rise in tourism can also be linked to increased feelings of discontent with modern civilization, p redominantly in 162 Valene L. Smith, "Introdu ction," in Hosts and Guests: The Anthropology of Tourism ed. by Valene L/ Smith (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989), 1. 163 Gmelch, "Why Tourism Matters," 6.

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77 developed countries in the post WWII era. 164 Tourism allowed Americans to satisfy a longing to reconnect with a traditional or simple past from which they now felt alienated According to John Taylor, author of "Authenticity and Sincerity i n Tourism," the modern subject sought a link to the natural and uncivilized Other as a remedy for his or her own diminished sense of connection to the civilized world: Enamored by the distance of authenticity, the modern consciousness is instilled wit h a simultaneous feeling of lack and desire erupting from a sense of loss felt within our' world of mass culture and industrialization, and giving rise to possibilities of redemption through contact with the naturally, spiritually, and culturally unspoil t.' 165 A uthenticity expectations within mass tourism were not only formed from ideas of American superiority and colonialist and imperialist ideology, as it had been for Twain and Holmes, but were also intricately tied to the modern subject's sense of estr angement from American "authenticity." Feeling separated from his or her own "nature" because of the conditions of consumer capitalist culture the post war American tourist set out to find authenticity elsewhere. Nostalgia within tourism developed from a yearning among American tourists to identify with the authentic cultures of Western and non Western Others around the world. The authentic Other that tourists longed to discover/recover was often represented in mid 20 th century travelogues as simple, nat ural, and primitive. The authenticity of these people, to the American tourist, was in tact because it had not been spoiled by modernity and progress. These depictions more iterations of the single story, articulated a group's authenticity in a simplifi ed version of their past For these groups, authenticity did not 164 See MacCannell, 1976; Taylor 2001. 165 John Taylor, "Authenticity and Sincerit y in Tourism," 10.

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78 depend on "objective truths," but rather on the nostalgic longing of American tourists to see them in a way that confirmed their expectations. The late 1950s television show High Adventure w ith Lowell Thomas and Pan Am's 1960s short commercial film series New Horizons and Wings to highlight notions of cultural authenticity and nostalgia at the birth of mass tourism. These productions demonstrate that by the late 1950s and early 1960s notions of cultural authenticity were fixed in travel literature and travelogues and were associated with a n ostalgic longing for the past. By the middle of the 20 th century tourists saw "progress" as a destructive element in host countries. As tourism scholar Sha ron Bohn Gmelch underlines, "Western tourists often regarded any change toward the modern' or contemporary whether it occurs among ethnic minorities in their own society or in the less developed countries they visit abroad as negative." 166 Travel films resp onded to tourists' desire to see cultures in their "pure" form and coalesced this nostalgic longing around the search for the simple, primitive, and "unspoilt." Nearly a century after Twain's excursion, authenticity expectations had grown into fully formed experiential ideals these expectations were entrenched in the mind of tourists as indispensable aspects of encounters with non Americans around the world. Travel Films, Mass Tourism and Modernity : Film had been used to document travel for much of the 2 0 th century; in fact, Holmes's use of film in his lectures from early in his career set him above his competition. However, the travel films Holmes presented in his lectures were short clips and usually did not have 166 Gmelch, "Why Tourism Matters," 19.

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79 sound attached; they were more like lant ern slide shows than film as we recognize it today. 167 Although these films were immensely popular at the time, it was not until the mid 20 th century before travel films portrayed the world in vivid color and replicated the sights and sounds of the places a nd people showcased. Film historian Jeffery Ruoff indicates that the new medium helped fuel the production and dissemination of documentary travelogues in the mid 20 th century. J ust as the printing press had revolutionized the written travelogue and photog raphy had enriched travel lectures of the early 20 th century, film became a fashionable way for Americans to see the world without leaving home 168 By the mid 20 th century travel films were not only the most popular form of "armchair" travel they also helpe d invigorate American interest in foreign cultures and allowed viewers to experience those cultures in a new and exciting way. Irish film scholar Ruth Barton also emphasizes the influence of travel f ilms on the viewer's ability to vicariously participate in travel I n her article "The B allykissangelization of Ireland, Barton argues that these films provided viewers with a sneak peek into the lives of people around the world: Cinema democraticized the notion of travel, offering it, albeit as a surrogate t o the real experience, to anyone who peered into the peepshow. In many instances, it also replicated the pleasures of the picture postcard, relaying its views not as real locations but as studio sets. 169 While Barton is primarily concerned with fictional p ortrayals of travel in cinema, the concept of travel film as a new, more vivid form of "armchair" travel is equally 167 Barber, "The Roots of Travel Cinema," 82. 168 Jeffrey Ruoff, "Introduction: The Filmic Fourth Dimension: Cinema as Audiovisual Vehicle," in Virtual Voyages: Cinema and Travel ed. by Jeffery Ruoff (Durham: Duke University Press, 2006), 7. 169 Ruth Barton, "The Ballykissangelization of Ireland," Historical Journal of Film, Radio, and Television 20 (2000): 413, accessed April 8, 2014, doi: 10.1080/01439680050127851.

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80 applicable to nonfiction travel series like High Adventure and Pan Am's commercial travel films of the 1960s. T hese productions allowed view ers, often from the comfort of their own homes, to gain intimate visual and auditory entrance into the lives of people around the world. High Adventure with Lowell Thomas was an adventure travel special that aired on CBS in the 1950s. Thomas, a well know journalist and globetrotter, explored remote and exotic locations around the world in the series. Each hour long episode featured a new destination, f rom India to New Guinea to the Belgian Congo; the show brought exotic and primitive cultures to life and delivered them to living rooms across America. Although the series was filmed and aired in black and white, the sights and sounds of the tribes and cultures afforded average Americans with a glimpse into the exotic lives of the less "civilized." New Hori zons and Wings to, commercial series produced by Pan Am, supplied viewers with glimpses into exciting and unusual places that had been made accessible by jet travel. The films were produced throughout the 60s and 70s, highlighting dozens of destinations. Although the films produced by Pan Am were advertisement for the airliner, they also afforded viewers with a pleasurable and whimsical experience. As columnist Colin Marshal declares, the films afforded viewers with an orig inal and fantastical spectacle: "in an era of stoically authoritative voiceovers, ethnomusicologically spiced orchestral scores, and colors vividly saturated enough to approach fantasy, weren't commercials sometimes glorious?" 170 According to Marshal, the film medium, even if it 170 "Pan Am's 1960's and 70s Travel Fi lms: Visit 11 Places, in 7 Languages," Open Culture, published Marc h 2, 2012,

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81 was in the form of an advertisement, could be thrilling and extremely entertaining to the 1960s and 70s viewer. Notably, the films were n ot purely entertaining: they also contained an educational element. For centuries travelogues presented Americans with an oppo rtunity to learn about the cultures of the world, and once travel films became more prevalent, they "provided an important educational venue for popular audiences interested in the everyday lives, cultural practices, and spiritual beliefs of little known c ultures." 171 Travel films were more popular and accessible to mass audiences, and, according to travel film scholar Amy J. Staples, "[these films] reached wider audiences than most anthropologists and ethnographic filmmakers and helped shaped popular discour ses about global cultures." 172 While films produced by ethnographers and anthropologist s attempted to portray indigenous people with some scientific objectivity, travel films often did not attempt to maintain any impartiality. T he subjects showcased in thes e films rather than in films produced by scholars, were likely to be portrayed in a more biased and observational mode than scientific. Given that travel films were more widely viewed than educational films, the biased representations of people portraye d in the films were the primary way the American public learned about foreign cultures. Documentary travel film s often portrayed foreign subjects imbued with American desires for simplicity in order to evoked nostalgia for American viewer s Although the mo de of representation varied, http://www.openculture.com/2012/03/pan_ams_1960s_and_70s_ travel_films_visit_11_pl aces_in_7_languages.html 171 Amy J. Staples, "Lewis Cotlow and the Ethnographic Imaginary," in Virtual Voyages: Cinema and Travel ed. by Jeffery Ruoff (Durham: Duke University Press, 2006), 199. 172 Staples, "Lewis Cotlow and t he Et hnographic Imaginary," 199.

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82 nostalgia within travel films played a key role in the development of authenticity expectations for the post war tourist. Touristic nostalgia manifests in several distinct ways in the travel films of the mid 20 th century. Am ong the most common of these representations were the simple Other and the natural /primitive Other. Both portrayals relied on depicting Other s as deeply bonded to the past and ideal specimens of uncorrupted authenticity. W het her it was a simpler version o f modern civilization or a vastly different pr imitive culture, the portrayal often promised an encounter with authenticity to mitigate feeling of loss in modern America culture The desire for nostalgia has been directly linked to a sense of inauthentici ty within modernity. Touristic nostalgia relies on this sense of dissatisfaction with modern civilization; tourists seek an association with simple and natural Other in order to reconnect with what they perceives as lost in modernity. As Freud discussed a t length in Civilization and Its Discontents modern, civilized subject s often attribute their sense of unhappiness to the artificiality of civilization; the very aspects of civilized life that have removed them from the harshness of nature have become the source of their discontent. Rather than rejoicing in the progress and advancements that have allowed them to mitigate the harshness of nature, civilized people often long for a simpler way of life. A s Fre u d illuminates: "This contention holds that what we call our civilization is largely responsible for our misery, and that we should be much happier if we gave it up and returned to primitive conditions." 173 Nostalgia for simple and primitive conditions, according to Freud, rests in the false assumption th at primitive people who are more 173 Sigmund Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents trans. by James Strachey (New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 1961), 58.

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83 affixed in nature do not suffer the unhappiness and discontent that the modern man or woman experiences. Tourists' sense that civilization is artificial accounts for the prevailing ambition amon g tourists to find authentic ity, that is, to find people who are not suffering from the artificiality of civilization. The Simpler Other: Travel films utilized nostalgia to construct images of the simple Other by portraying Western groups or cultures living out pre modern and pre industrial lives. These groups often lived in "civilized" parts of the world, but they lived a simpler life than Americans. To the modern American, these cultures were pre ind ustrial, rural, and traditional: the opposite of the industrial, urban, and pro gressive lifestyle in modern America. This mode of representation addresses Taylor's theory that modern subjects were searching for the pure representations of culture even in interactions with other more modern cultures. This tendency can be seen clearly in portrayals of the Irish in mid century travel films, the quin tessential example of the "less civilized" European. American tourists' authenticity expectations were tied to a dream of a simpler, non industrial past the essence of society that industrial ization and urbanization had spoiled and Ireland was the perfect example of a simple and uncomplicated lifestyle. In New Horizons: Ireland a Pan Am commercial film from the early 1960s, American viewers saw the Irish as a prime example of the s impler Oth er. The film displays images of the modern Irish people as steeped in the simple, ancient traditions of the past Early in the film th e narrator, Ed Stokes, describes what American tourist s could expect upon arriving in Ireland: "there is a new spirit abro ad in Ireland. And yet, in this

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84 modern country they [American tourists] will discover many reminder [s] of an ancient past." 174 Almost immediately Stokes utilizes a nostalgic reference to downplay the modern side of Ireland. The film entices the viewer with promises of encounters with an age old culture, one that had not been ruined by modernity and was decidedly different from the world Americans knew at home. As Taylor suggests, viewing the Irish as simple Others allowed American tourists to witness a trul y uncomplicated way of life, producing the desired feeling of nostalgia for what had been lost in American life. Notably, a lthough Ireland was part of the Western world, it was also a colonized nation. Historically the people of England, as well as Pro testant Americans, viewed the Irish people as "backward," in many ways aligning them with non white Others. By depicting the Irish people as intricately linked to their ancestral heritage Stokes evokes a n image of the true pre colonial Other (not unlike t he Other Holmes desired) that was easily accessible to tourists. By continually reiterating their attachment to their age old ways and quaint customs, Strok es promised that in Ireland American tourist s would find an aut hentic culture that was unburdened by the complicated, colonial and postcolonial world The representation of the past was one in which Britain had not yet concurred Ireland according to Stokes the people of Ireland, despite their position as a colonized people, have been and still are guar dians and exemplars of age old ways and picturesque customs." 175 The image of the pure culture that remained in tact despite colonization was precisely what Holmes search ed for so vigorously. The depiction of the Irish as simple, happy, and unaffected not o nly diminished fears that colonialism destroyed cultures; it 174 Pan Am World Airways, New Horizons: Ireland directed by Jack Kuhne (1960; Movietonews), web video, 1 :12, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HCuKHzfk_h4 175 Pan Am, New Horizons: Ireland 2:03.

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85 allowed Americans to easily view a simple an unspoilt culture. The people of Ireland beca me to American tourist s a promise that simplicity and old ways of life could survive in the complicated modern world and that in Ireland the pre colonial Other was readily available. The film's depiction of the Irish people as deeply united with their pre colonial and pre modern past was not unusual. As Barton emphasizes, even Irish heritage cinema, produc ed by the Irish themselves, often propagated an image of Irish culture as tied to its past: "The heritage on which the Irish tourist industry chiefly draws is that of our Celtic past, [] It is a rural heritage which is reliant on an idea of Ireland's pres ent being indistinguishable from its past and of the Irish people as happy, innocent and welcoming." 176 The image of the Irish was not only simple, happy, and welcoming but also frozen in their past. The image of the "less civilized" Irishman allowed Americ ans to reconnect with a simpler way of life, a way of life that no longer existed in industrialized America. Ireland's position as both Western and colonial allowed English and Americans to view the Irish people as a less sophisticated, pre industrial re minder of their own past. The film often links Irishness to folk traditions that underscore the pre modern elements of the culture The film utilized scenes of Irish people dancing and producing traditional crafts to demonstrate the Irish as immersed in a sort of living past. Stokes describes Irish dancing as somewhat mysterious but as a celebrated aspect of the culture "Its exact origin, like much in Irish history, blur into the mists of time" 177 and their crafts as utilizing old world techniques: "From the unforgotten combination of wheel and spindle, 176 Ruth Barton, The Ballykissangelization of Ireland," 418 177 Pan Am, New Horizons: Ireland 2:49.

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86 talented hands and looms h ave come these [ hand woven tweed fabrics]." 178 The film focuses on the traditional aspects of Irish culture to show the old customs as very much alive among the people. Stokes declares : "Practices of the past serve the present." 179 These elements helped create an image of Ireland an d the Irish people as authentically pre modern, while allowing Americans to reminisce about the quaint traditional customs that were once apart of Americans cu lture. Although Ireland was Western in that it was physically located in Europe, the long tradition for Protestant Europeans and Americans of rendering the Irish as uncivilized makes the Irish portrayal in travel film as a simple Other unsurprising. Ho wever, what is unexpected is that the Irish way of life is presented as desirable. Nostalgia became an enticement, and as this was a commercial film produced by an airliner whose main goal was to entice American s to travel, the Irish way of life was depict ed as different than the American hustle and bustle lifestyle. Stokes declares: But the grass does seem greener. It's not everywhere that you can play golf with history looking over your shoulder. Or, for that matter, where a man's hotel is a castle. [ ] Here there is time for a quiet ride. Time to understand the sense of wonder which has never left the people of Ireland. And there's no hurry, one jogs along in a two wheeler or strolls under the soft and luminous sky. From the people of Ireland to peopl e everywhere goes the warm and friendly invitation: Come to Ireland! S tay awhile. 180 By encouraging viewer s to take the time to revive their relationship with a simple past, the film utilizes the nostalgic desire s of the modern American s to persuade them t o come experience the simple life for themselves if only for a while 178 Pan Am New Horizons: Ireland 3:57. 179 Pan Am, New Horizons: Ireland 3:40. 180 Pan Am, New Horizons: Ireland 9:30; 10:46.

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87 Representations such as these created authenticity expectations among American s traveling abroad; an authentic Irish encounter relied on witnessing the simple, pre colonial life styl e of the Irish people and downplayed the modernity of Ireland. Nostalgia as a chief desire of Americans traveling abroad, helped create the image of the simple Irishman. Yet, the image of the simple and happy Irishman was not the "objective truth" or liv ed experience of the Irish; the "authentic" was nothing more that than an image produced by Western views of what constituted Irishness. Conversely nostalgia also shaped the image of other groups, particularly the less civilized" people of Africa and S outh America Portrayals of these non Western cultures often relied not only on showing the simplicity of the culture, but also the culture s "natural" inferiority The Natural/ Primitive Other: While films about Ireland highlighted the simplici ty of a modern nation's pre colonial culture that still existed in the present films exhibiting non Western cultures presented an image of the Other as not only simple, but also primitive and natural. These films suggest "primitive" cultures were attached to a n atural element that was missing in modern American culture. Furthermore, tourism allowed the modern, civilized, and industrialized American "to (re)discover a lost authentic and primitive self" 181 through interactions with the "primitive." M odern subjects co uld be rejuvenated through contact with authentic primitivism; they "go native" 182 to supplement what they believed to be missing in their own modern experience. As Taylor suggest, the sense that something 181 John Taylor, "Authenticity and Sincerity in Tourism," 10. 182 Jane Desmond, Staging Tourism: Bodies on Display From Waikiki to Sea World (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 82.

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88 was lost in modernity is crucial to understanding A mericans' need to connect with the primitive and natural: "the withering of the aura of authenticity at home' prompts the fallen' to seek it elsewhere." 183 In seeking the primitive, American tourists were able to associate with an "authentic" way of life t hat did not contain the artificiality of modern civilization Yet, t ourists were not only able to find the elusive element of genuineness that had been lost their culture, by "going native" they were rejuvenate their own authentic primitive past. The im age of the primitive Other was often romanticized in travel films. They were frequently presented as examples of "soft primitivism" that was not dangerous, violent, and out of control, but rather childlike, free, and natural. 184 The image of the na•ve uninh ibited native provided tourist s with the comfort that the primitive connection to/reliance on nature was still alive in the jungles of Africa and the plains of South America. High Adventure with Lowell Thomas showcases tourists' nostalgic longing for the a uthentic primitive Other Although locating surviving broadcasts from the show is difficult, I was able to find an episode filmed in the Belgian Congo. In this episode, Thomas presented the African tribes as imbued with a connection to the natural world t hat was lacking in modern civilization He declared the people were "So simple and uncomplicated" 185 and maintained that "[c]ivilization can't offer anything quite like this." 186 Unlike the image of the simple Irishman, who represented Americans' not too 183 John Taylor, "Authenticity and Sincerity in Tourism," 13. 184 Desmond, Staging Tourism 11. 185 High Adventure with Lowell Thomas: Belgian Congo (1958; Columbia Broadcast System), part 1, 10:30 web video. http://dbs.galib.uga.edu/cgi bin/parc.cgi?userid=galileo&dbs=parc&ini=parc.ini&action=retrieve&recno=1&format= _citation 186 High Adventure with Lowell Thomas Belgian Congo part 1 5:46

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89 dist ant past of a rural and "traditional lifestyle, the natural and primitive Other represe nted a living example of Americans' "evolutionary" past Tourists nostalgia for the primitive was a reminder of life whe n humans were closer to animals, completely re liant on their instincts and the natural elements An encounter with African tribes provided the modern civilized man or woman a glimpse into the ir own primitive past, a chance to imagine life outside the confines of civilization This nostalgic need to as sociate with a primitive past can also be seen as a result of fear surrounding the Atomic Era. The post war tourist was acutely aware that a weapon now existed that could destroy all civilization and throw Americans back into primitive life. In Thomas's experience in the Belgian Congo this fear can be glimpsed; one section of the episode shows an elderly tribal leader speaking to a group of young men and women, and b y default, the camera. Thomas translates what the elder was saying, exhibiting the la te nt fear of post war America: Do you know what he's really saying? He's saying Why don't you silly Europeans, Americans, and Asiatics stop fighting wars and come live with us in the forest? Here where your ancestors used to dwell.' And in this atomic age who knows. Who knows when we may be joining them. 187 Thomas highlights the distant relationship between now civilized countries and this seemingly primitive tribe, as well as the underlying fear among Americans that a primitive existence could be the futu re for Americans as well as the past. Though this was a source of fear for American's, it also promised a hint of comfort. The tribes people were not burdened by the worries of the Atomic age, because, as Thomas emphasizes 187 High Adventure with Lowell Thomas: Belgian Congo (1958; Columbia Broadcast System), part 2 10:10 web video. http://dbs.galib.uga.edu/cgi bin/parc.cgi?userid=galileo&dbs=parc&ini=parc.ini&action=retrieve&recno=1&format= _citation

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90 "[h]ere in the Ituri forest it' s still the stone age." 188 "Going native" promised a reprieve from the uncertainties that engulfed those in the civilized world. It was ever so tempting to think that, even briefly, Americans could escape the challeng es of modern life and live a live like t heir primitive ancestors Although tourists longed for a relationship with the primitive, travel films maintained notions of American superiority. Undoubtedly race played a crucial role in Westerner designations of the non Westerner as primitive. For cen turies, pseudo scientific endeavors like physiognomy and phrenology sought to uncover "signs of innate truth" of a racial hierarchy that place d white Europeans as scientifically superior to all other races. 189 Physiognomy in particular, "drew links between a nimal and human features," 190 propagating a belief among Westerners that the dark skinned people of the world were racially inferior to more "civilized" white people. These sciences made "natural inferiority recognizable," 191 and allowed images of the wild and native savage as animal like to be scientifically "proven." Even after pseudo scientific practices like physiognomy and phrenology lost their appeal, the racial hierarchies they propagated were interwoven in tourism. A s tourism scholar Karen Dubinsky dec lares, "Racial hierarchies have been inscribed in the political economy and power relations of the tourist industry." 192 The desire to non whites as 188 High Adventure with Lowell Thomas : Belgian Congo part 1 29:32 189 Phil ippa Levine, "States of Undress: Nakedness and the Colonial Imagination" Victorian Studies 50 (2008):206, accessed May 24, 2014, http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/vic/summary/v050/50 .2.levine.html 190 Levine, States of Undress, 206 191 Levine, States of Undress, 206. 192 Karen Dubinsky, "Local Color: The Spectacle of Race at Niagara Falls," in Gender, Sexuality, and Colonial Modernities ed. Antoinette Burton (New York: Routledge, 1999), 67.

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91 primitive and natural was tied to Western desires to maintain those hierarchies. In viewing dark skinned peop le living an almost animal like existence, tourists were able to maintain the racial hierarchies established centuries before By the 1960s these sciences were no longer practiced, yet, their lasting effects can be seen in the travel films of the period; t he "primitive" African and South American people were depicted as more similar to the animals of the jungles than the American men filming them. Portrayals of primitive or natural Others as animal like are prevalent in the travel films of the period. Tho mas often depicts the people Africa as uncomplicated instinctive and sub human, and numerous times relates the people of the jungle to the creatures that surround them. Thomas describes the ritual among young men in the Pigmy tribe to practice swinging on vines. After witnessing this ritual of part play, part practicality, Thomas remarks that the young men are "Training for life where man still hasn't entirely come down from the tree and where every boy must learn to imitate the monkey." 193 Later, in desc ribing the process of gathering honey, Thomas again compares the Pigmy to primates in declaring that the "Pigmy workman [are] as nimble as monkeys." 194 Thomas degraded the tribesman as less than human by attaching them to the animal world around them. T he en counter between Westerners and the tribesme n allowed Thomas, and his viewers back in America, to experience first hand an authentic culture entw ined in the natural world while maintaining distinctions between white and black, civilized and uncivilized, hum an and animal. Despite themes of nostalgia throughout the episode that 193 High Adventure with Lowell Thomas : Belgian Congo part 2 2:54 194 High Adventure with Lowell Thomas : Belgian Congo part 2 4:45

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92 encouraged Americans' to "go native," Thomas still declared that the tribes people were representative of the "[l]owest stage of human culture" 195 Thomas also was able to demonstrate the primitiveness of the Pigmy people through presenting images of the peopl e unclothed. Often the tribes people were either partially or entirely naked. The episode included a scene of tribeswomen bathing, and lingers for several seconds on close ups of the w omen's bare breasts or buttocks. 196 Revealing a naked woman on national television was sensational in its own righ t; an American woman would never be shown in a state of complete undress but producers could show a naked African woman because she was primit ive, again, almost animal like, an did not need to be protected or hidden A s Philippa Levine argues in "States of Undress : Nakedness and the Colonial Imagination ," nakedness signified a lack of civilization to the Western viewer : "To be primitive was to b e in a state of nature, unschooled, unselfconscious, lacking in shame and propriety nothing better signified the primitive than nakedness." 197 This nakedness, according to Levine, was commonly represented as a "lack:" "Indigenous people lacked not only cloth ing but manners and morals along with railways, sanitation, and a taste for capitalism." 198 By showing the tribeswomen in their natural state, Thomas was not only stressing their identification with nature, but also designating them as lower on the cultural (and, notably, racial) hierarchy A naked African woman was seen an object for scientific study, not unlike the animals of the jungle that surrounded her. 195 High Adventure with Lowell Thomas : Belgian Congo part 2 9:08 196 High Adventure with Lowell Thomas : Belgian Cong o part 1 10:50, 31:20. 197 Levine, "States of Undress," 192. 198 Levine, "States of Undress," 194.

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93 In another commercial film produced by Pan Am Wings to South America: Journey to Springtime, the narrator suggests a link between authenticity and nature in describing the Gauchos a group of nomadic ranchers of the Argentine and Uruguayan grasslands He claims these people are, "Figures out of an ancient fable: half horse, half man, tough, independ ent, ironic, at home in the immense and trackless interior. This world of grass and sky." 199 Again, the film renders the people as less than human and embedded in their natural surroundings. The narrator goes on to declare, "These are men, brother. True me n." 200 Just as the people of Africa were deemed more authentic by their correlation to the natural world, so too are the people of South America. American tourists, particularly male tourists, could find authenticity in interactions with the Gauchos both ha lf man, half horse, but "true men." The shiftless, roaming men of the Sout h American plains provided a n example of the natural man a reminder to American male tourists that to be "real" men, they had to come and live outside the confines of modern life t hat continually emasculated them. 201 The primitive and animal like depictions of Others in film reduces groups of people to a single story that ties their authenticity to a sub human existence; the viewer sees the "authentic" culture of the African and Sou th American people as less human than the modern people of America and the European West. Therefore, authentic Africanness or South America nness is defined as primitive. These depictions allowed American 199 Pan Am, Wings to South America 13:18. 200 Pan Am, Wings to South America 15:20. 201 Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents 89 91 According to Freud, civil ization requires man to temper his natural instincts civilization demands sacrifices of sexual satisfaction and aggression The Gauchos are presented as men who live closer to nature, and, therefore, are not as inhibited by the forces of civilization that require civilized men to give up their natural inclinations.

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94 viewers to "go native" while maintaining their sup eriority. The ideal, and authentic, non Westerner can only be uncivilized, and any other version of the non Western would be deemed inauthentic. Nostalgia and Fantasy: A century after Twain set out to recreate the fantasies of his childhood, tourists c ontinued to seek encounters that would allow their illusions of the foreign to become reality. The nostalgic longing for the authentic Other was another fantasy tourists' imagined there was something l ost in modern civilization that they could rediscover through encounters with "less civilized" and "primitive" people T o be authentic, a group only had to maintain tourists' fantasies, and to maintain the fantasies the interaction had to produce nostalgic feelings for tourists As tourism scholars Deepak C hhabra, Robert Healy and Erin Sills, argue in "Staged Authenticity and Heritage Tourism," a tourist site did not have to be authentic to satisfy tourists ; it just has to create feeling s of nostalgia for tourists. Chhabra et al maintain : "Not every compone nt of the experience need be authentic ( or even satisfactory) so long as the combination of elements generates the required nostalgic feeling." 202 If tourists only needed the scene to "generate the required feelings," than a uthenticity did not have to actual ly be authentic it just had to meet their expectations Ultimately, cultural authenticity was a fantasy that tourists hoped to confirm just as it had been for Twain, not s omething that existed out there for tourists to uncover. 202 Chhabra, Healy, and Sills, "Staged Authenticity and Heritage Tourism," 705.

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95 According to this theor y, to be authentic, something did not necessarily have to be "real;" it just has to evoke feelings of nostalgia for the viewer. This can be seen in High Adventure with Lowell Thomas in Thomas's presentation of an ancient and seemingly authentic rite of p assage. Thomas declares to have a rare sight for his viewers: "proof" of African savagery in the confirmation of the legendary practice of cannibalism. Thomas claims to have captured this rite on film: "So that for the first time it is now possible to fil m a weird, savage rite that may be thousands of years old; a ritual of cannibalism." 203 Yet, the scene he presented was far from the spontaneous, brutal act of cannibalism that he maintained he captured. Instead, the ritual is obviously staged for the camer a; even Thomas commented that it was a scene "All acted as if in a horror play." 204 This encounter did, however, maintain a sense of authenticity for American viewers. Americans viewers expected Africans to be savage and brutal cannibals and the conformatio n of the expectation allowed American tourists to see the African culture as in tact Western influence had not removed the element that made them more like animals than fellow humans. This interaction allowed Americans to experience nostalgia for the pre w estern Other, while maintaining their racial and cultural superiority. Furthermore, the staged natu re of the production highlights the way in which the indigenous people acted out the fantasy for tourists Tourists wanted to see Africans in all their sav agery, and the indigenous people were willing to oblige. The nostalgic fantasy for the American tourist was a "pure" culture that had not been tainted by modernity. But to be completely untainted, a culture would have to be entirely separate from the mod ern world a fantasyland. In the 1960s Thailand 203 High Adventure with Lowell Thomas Belgian Congo part 2 15:10 204 High Adventure with Lowell Thomas Belgian Congo part 2 18:09

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96 represented the definitive fantasyland where tourists could live out a storybook life Thailand was in a unique position to provide tourist with a "pure" culture. As a country neve r colonized by a Western power, Thailand could exist to Westerners as place that maintained its authenticity. It was one of the few places in the world where the people were authentic Others truly a fantasyland to the tourist who continually sought cultural purity. In New Hori zons: Thailand also from the 1960s, Stokes labels Thailand a p lace where dreams and fantasy were the reality. Like Ireland, Thailand was not completely un modern, but the country's modernity was drastically downplayed. T he film opens with scenes of Bangk ok (perhaps to remind tourists that they will not have to leave all the comforts of home behind in Thailand ), but quickly takes viewers into the heart of the country to see Thai peasants, farmers, and monks. These groups are portrayed as simple, exotic a nd untouched by the complicated modern world. Much as the Irish were depicted as simple and happy, Stokes describes the Thai people as "[c]heerful, kind, patient, law abiding and freedom loving." 205 But, unlike the Irish who were portrayed as simple but sti ll a part of the Western civilized world Stokes consistently uses language to designate Thai land and the Thai people as outside the drudg ery and monotony of Western industrial life. Their lives resemble a storybook more than anything in Western life. Sto kes declares, "It's here we begin to feel we're in a fairyland among the glittering ornate palaces and spiraling temples. No other country represents such a storybook appearance with dream like castles decorating the land as sacred memorials to 205 Pan Am World Airways, New Horizons: Thailand directed By Harry L. Coleman and Jack Kuhne (1960; Movietonews), web video, 1:44, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Hpkh PG2VE

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97 Buddha." 206 Most of his descriptions focus on this fantastical element of the culture, suggesting that the dreariness of modern reality and civilization was precisely what tourists were trying to escape. This representation allowed tourists to experience the purity of an untainted culture, and revived a hope that, if only for a while, they too could live a storybook life. Thailand was not only represented as a fairytale, it is presented to Americans as a fantasy world waiting for their arrival: "It's a living storybo ok. It all seems a fantasy but it's there and waiting for the modern traveler. A dream come to life." 207 Thailand was presented to the American tourist as the perfect place for to escape the modern world. But, clearly this portrayal is problematic. The T hai people and culture, seen through this light, were reduced to a single story This narrative ignored the undoubtedly complicated daily lives of the people to produce an image of a place where the "good life" was still achievable. Again, authenticity di d not depend on an "objective truth," but on the fantasy of the American tourist that only wanted to see them as "a living story book" where the sights, sounds, and people meet their expectations for the truly foreign. Yet, a truly foreign culture was a f antasy in an increasingly interconnected world. Ultimately whether or not a place was deemed authentic did not depend on how well it revealed the everyday lives of the people, but rather on its ability to evoke feelings of nostalgia for an imagined past. T he tourists' authenticity expectations were fantasies created out of Amer ican desires; t hese expectations dictated how a culture was portrayed, and those expectations had the power to determine the authenticity of people around the world. 206 Pan Am, New Horizons: Thailand 4:34. 207 Pan Am, New Horizons: Thailand 12:41.

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98 Conclusion: Whet her the representation was primitive, natural, simple, or fantastical, images of non Americans that reminded tourists of a simpler time did not reveal "objective truths" about those cultures, but rather the nostalgic longing of Americans. Nostalgia was pow erful tool in forming authenticity expectations among the American public, often persuading tourists that the answer to their problems was in encounters with authentic Others. These portrayals also allowed American tourists to maintain superiority over no n Americans through depictions of the Other as naturally "less civilized" than Americans. These films helped form authenticity expectations that showed non Americans as pure representations of authentic culture before it was destroyed by the artificiality of modernity, while also allowing Americans to maintain racial hierarchies that designated Others as naturally inferior. A uthenticity was inevitably an ideal, a simplistic repurposing of a complex culture to be consumed by the West. As people in America watched these films, they dreamed of one day traveling to these countries to experience the people and places just as they were depicted For many American tourists, a uthe nt icity was linked to the past therefore, the authentic did not exist in the presen t realities of the host populations. As the world became increasingly connected, finding examples of pure, untouched cultures became more difficult for tourists. As cultural authenticity became even more removed from tourists' experiences, nostalgia for a simpler tim e only increased, and tourists continued to form authenticity expectations that relied o n American desires rather than objective truth s ."

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99 CHAPTER V CONCLUSION: AUTHENTICY EXPECTATIONS IN THE 21 ST CENTURY Authenticity expectations are just as prevalent today as they were a century before when Holmes set out to find the "real" Orient. But some things have changed for the modern tourist. Most no longer worry about colonialism destroying authenticity; instead, two new "threats" have emerged glo balization and tourism itself The late 20 th century saw the rise in globalization, or the process of international integration, resulting in cultures around the world sharing more and more similarities. Addit ionally, tourism itself hinders travelers' abi lity to uncover areas that are truly foreign Both globalism and tourism make finding untouched" corners of th e world nearly impossible for the modern tourist. There are few place left on earth that have not be "discovered;" even tiny villages in Africa and Asia have in some way been touched by Western influences. The perceived threat of these two modern forces fuel tourists to set out to find the authentic people and places of the world. While tourists of the early 20 th century felt the desire to disc over the untouched cultures of the world being taken over by Western industrial powers, modern tourist s often feel a sense of urgency to discover remote and distant groups before cultural authen ti city is destroyed by an ever increasingly globalized and int erconnected world Just as photography and film helped enhance t he "armchair" travel experience for 20 th century tourist, t he modern travel blog has again shifted the experience of virtual travel. Furthermore, this new medium has shifted the formation o f authenticity expectations. The digital revolution has brought the individual, experiential travel stories

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100 of average Americans to the Internet for all to access. Travel blogs now flood the internet, and authenticity expectations wrapped up with percepti ons of American superiority, tied to colonial ism and imperialist ideology and forever entwined with nostalgia and fantasy are e mbedded in the modern tourist's consciousness. Modern travel blogs underline some of the continuing problems tied to authentic ity expectations that I have highlighted throughout this study Notably, nostalgia, fantasy and essentialized beliefs about foreign cultures still play a major role in the formation of modern tourists' authenticity expectations. Many modern bloggers ident ify the simple life of the people they come across as authentically foreign. T ravel blogger Christina author of My View From the Middle Seat indicates the leisurely pace of non American cultures w hile describing the inexplicitly slow service at restau rants in Barbados Initially Christina demonstrates a clear frustration with the service, e ven in a little beach shack serving up flying fish & macaroni pie 208 But e ventually Christina realized that, unlike America, Barbados is a n uncomplicated and easyg oing place. She declares, It's the way of life there. It's laid back. It's slow paced. It's low stress. Everything takes longer. 209 W hile the slow pace was frustrating fo r her at times, she acknowledges "the only way to deal with it is to shrug your shoul ders, remember that you are on a beautiful tropical island on vacation & say Hey, it's Barbados.'" 210 Christina's response to the service in Barbados upholds the belief that the authentic Barbados experience is less complicated than life in America as wel l as highlights some of the 208 Christina, "Oh Travel: The Barbados Traveling Experience," My View From the Middle Seat January 20, 2011, http://myviewfromthemiddleseat.com/2011/01/dining in barbados/ 209 Christina, "Oh Travel." 210 Christina, "Oh Travel."

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101 pleasure associated with embracing the simple life E ven if it was initially hard to embrace, to do so allowed Christina to experience authenticity each time she had to wait for her food The role of f antasy in the constructi on of authenticity expectations, a theme that recurred throughout this analysis, is also apparent in modern blogs. W hile in Ghana, another blogger, Kristin Luna, author of Camels and Chocolates : Tales From a Travel Addict declares that she prefers experi ences that involved encounters with the locals," 211 but subsequently found too much reality for her taste: There were random, loose farm animals running everywhere, trash piled higher than our heads, and barely any shelter or stable buildings for that matt er. After wandering around for a little while and not getting very good vibes from the locals, we decided to retreat to a better area. 212 Luna sought the "authentic" encounter by attempting to have interactions with locals. However, direct contact with th e locals meant seeing and experiencing real life in an African town. Luna describes the village as run down, dirty, and generally a "bad" area, at which point she decided that she would prefer a "better" area with "good vibes" from the locals This accou nt highlights a crucial problem with authenticity and tourism; tourists often think they want the "real" experience, but to witness the real often means witnessing the unpleasant aspects of reality for the host population. As I have discussed, tourists ar e really seeking a fantasy world, and too much reality makes the fantasy disappear. Luckily, they can "retreat" to better areas that maintain the fantasy. 211 Kristina Luna, "Anchors Away: Discovering Ghana Part 1," Camels and Chocolate: Tales From A Travel Addict June 9, 2010, http://www.camelsandchocolate.com/2010/06/anchors away discovering ghana part i/ 212 Luna, "Anchors Away."

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102 While these examples reiterate themes of nostalgia and a need to have authentic encounters, other ex amples underscore modern concerns with globalization and tourism. Classe Touriste a blog written by the husband and wife team Debbie Pappyn and David De Vleeschauwer, illuminates modern aspirations among tourists to find p laces still remote and off the be aten path In April 2013 the couple posted on their travels to Burma in an entry titled A Golden Charm Called Burma." They begin by declaring that Burma is a place unaffected both by modernity and by the hoards of tourists that flood so many places arou nd the world: "Who wouldn't want to visit a country where until very recently time literally and figuratively stood still, cut off from the rest of the world?" 213 Later in their trip to Burma, Pappyn and De Vleeschauwer visit a chain of islands called the Me rgui, where the Moken people live. The couple claims that this spot has yet to be discovered by tourist s, and therefore still maintains its authenticity. But, they emphasize that the rest of the world will soon discover the area : "So, if you want to exper ience the Mergui and the Moken in all their authenticity, you'd better hurry." 214 Tourists once perceived cultural authenticity to be destroyed by colonialism and Western influence, but it is now tourism as a force of cultural imperialism, that pushes auth enticity even far ther way from the modern travel er. Even after a century and a half of tourists setting out to find the untouched, the modern tourist still seeks a version of cultural authenticity that has not be destroyed by all the forces that have shape d the modern world. One of the most interesting facets of the modern travel blog is the ability for the reader to respond to the author, illuminating not only how modern travelers engage with 213 Debbie Pappyn and David De Vleeschauwer "A Golden Charm Ca lled Burma," Classe Touriste April 20, 2013, http://www.classetouriste.be/travel myanmar burma/#sthash.CiGscQTy.dpuf 214 Pappyn and De Vleeschauwer, "A Golden Cha rm Called Burma."

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103 n otions of cultural authenticity but also how readers reply. One response to the blog post o n Burma illuminates further how essentialized beliefs in cultural authenticity are still prevalent for modern tourists. The reader comments, "You captivated the very essence of Burma, of what lies in her heart ." 215 This comme nt again underscores tourists' obsession with essentialized beliefs about what constitutes authenticity. Ultimately, this is what tourists are looking for the very essence and what all travel writers are trying to capture for their readers. The essence is the single story; both the travelers and the readers of travelogues search for experiences that fit their authenticity expectations and recr eate the single story, not for instances that reveal the realties of host populations. But the real problem with t hese stories, from the 19 th century to the present day, is how they affect interaction between tourists and host populations. As many hosts realized tourist s were looking for a particular behavior or occurrence they provided it, in order to keep tourist s, and their money, flowing in. The cannibalistic rite the African tribesmen staged for Thomas is a prime example of hosts performing their culture for tourists. Additionally, Holmes describes an encounter that emphasizes the staged nature of many encounter s between hosts and guests. As Holmes and his companions ride a streetcar in Biskra (an oases on the edge of the Sahara) they come across a "gigantic lion, crouching as if to spring." 216 Holmes recounts his fear at the sight of the lion and his subsequent r elief when a fellow passenger, dress ed in hunter's clothing, removed a gun from beneath his seat: The man draws near with superhuman coolness; the huge beast, daunted, bows his head. The hunter stands over him in a pose of victory. The 215 TravelogwJem, June 2013, comment on Pappyn and De Vleeschauwer, "A Golden Charm Called Burma." 216 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Two 147.

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104 photographic artis t a veritable hero then secures proof of the courage of the lion tamer. And then at last the truth breaks in upon us as two poor Arabs appear, calmly tie a rope around the lion's neck, and serenely lead away the desert king. The poor old beast is blind a nd tame and harmless. His keepers make a living by renting him to amateur photographers or to ambitious sportsmen desirous of sending home convincing proofs' of their prowess in hunting the fierce Numidian lion. We could have been made heroes ourselves for the sum of ten francs each, cash down. 217 This encounter highlights perfectly the response of the native to tourists If the host population gave tourists the experience they had traveled to find, they would pay generously. This sort of performance p ut on for tourists' benefit, happens all around the world today; from "authentic" villages in Papua New Guinea (where the villagers cannot wear modern clothing or speak English, despite the fact that most live in nearby modern cities) 218 to hourly Hula perfo rmances at resorts all over Hawaii, host populations continue to perform their culture to attract tourists. P laying out the fantasy for tourists is lucrative, but it presents problems for host populations. Though it is often tempting for host population s to create tourist sites that meet authenticity expectations to attract tourists (and their money), to do so reinforces simplistic stereotypes and allows tourists' authenticity expectations to determine hosts' identit ies Rather than cultural authenticity, groups need the ability to develop an existential authenticity a n authenticity decided and experienced by the host s. Authors Carol J. Steiner and Yvette Reisinger explain the ability to determine existential authenticit y as the fundamental manifestation o f autonomy: It is no one's business to decide what constitutes authenticity for a host community except the local residents. All are free to define themselves, 217 Holmes, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Volume Two 148 151. 218 "Mixing Past and Present in Papua New Guinea," National Public Radio, published September 25, 2012, http://www.npr.org/2012/09/25/161755274/mixing past and present in papua new guin ea

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105 determine their own identity, discover their own meaning and respond to the world in their own way, not as others expect claiming and exercising freedom is the ultimate expression of existential authenticity. 219 Existential authenticity allows host populations to tell tourists what makes them authentic, rather than tourists telling them Only by re turning to host populations the power and autonomy to determine their own stories can we move past the problems associated with authenticity expectations and break down the single story. This study undoubtedly has its limitations. As I have noted, this an alysis has focused primarily on the experience of white, middle class, American men. While I have touched on issues of gender and race I have not investigated at length how the predominantly white, male perspective has influenced the formation of authent icity expectations. An analysis of travelogues written from a female or non white American perspective would likely reveal a different story of cultural encounters. Additionally, the experiences and issues I have investigated throughout this analysis appl y to American tourists, who have long been among the majority of global travelers. But a nother shift of the late 20 th and early 21 st centuries the economic rise of once "third wo rld" countries such as China, India and Brazil has opened the door for milli ons of new tourists to usurp American and other Western" tourists as the majority of global travelers 220 As more and more travel ers from non Western countries flood the top tourist destinations, the motivations, desire s, and theories surrounding cultural a uthenticity are inevitably altered Some of the theories proposed within this study can be applied to non Western tourists, but some cannot. Future study and research needs to be done in order to 219 Carol J. Steiner and Yvette Reisinger, "Understanding Existential Authenticity," Annals of Tourism Research 33 (2006): 311 312, accessed April 4, 2013, doi:10.1016/j.annals.2005.08.002. 220 Smith, "Introduction," 3.

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106 understand how notions of cultural authenticity affect tour ists from non Western countries. Tourism is far from a trivial modern phenomenon. Over the past century tourism has become a massive industry. According to the United Nations' World Tourism Organization, by the year 2020 growth in the tourism industry is expected to reach "1.6 billion tourist arrivals a year with receipts of US$2 trillion" at destinations around the world. 221 Most analysts estimate somewhere between 1 in 9 and 1 in 15 people are employed in the tourist industry worldwide, accounting for mo re than 10 percent of the global gross domestic product. 222 As the industry continues to grow, scholars have recognized tourism as an indispensable component of global economies, government organizations, and communities around the world from bustling Ameri can and European cities, to villages in Africa, to the jungles of South America people from every corner of the globe are affected by tourism. Tourism has become an indispensable component of global relationships; it is big business in the contemporary w orld and it will continue to be a dominant arena in which inter cultural exchanges transpire. By understan ding the perceptions of tourist s we can begin to understand how authenticity expectations have been created and upheld and how these ideals deprive h ost populations of agency and autonomy in their own identity formation. In setting aside authenticity expectations, we can begin to create inter cultural relationships free from essent ialized and idealized fantasies. Once cultural identities are unchained from static and romanticized illusions, deeper understandings of cultural realities can be achieved. Tourism, as a global force, can become the frontline in the 221 Gmelch, "Why Tourism Matters," 4. 222 See Gmelch, 2004; Dubinsky, 1999.

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107 campaign towards improving intercultural understandings and relationships around the world. Maintaining authenticity expectations creates single stories; they assume there is an "objective truth" to be discovered. Ultimately authenticity expectations reveal more about the motivations and desires of the guest than the realities of the hosts. But a uthenticity expectations do not have to define a tourist's experience. By recognizing that expectations form reality, tourists can decide how much power they want to give those expectations. While some expectations are unavoidable authenticity expectation that determine a host's identity can be overcome if we can recogn ize them as something we create rath er than something that exists out there for us to find. The only way for tourists to have an "authentic" encounters with a new culture is to stop creati ng and seeking out authenticity expectations. T ourists canno t give up all expectations, nor should they. But by dispelling the belief that th ere is an authentic element, an "objective truth," to be found, tourists can begin to move away from authenticity expectations. Only by listening, watching, and experiencing people and cultu res as they are as realities not fantasy can we begin to move past the single story created by authenticity expectations and recognize the multiple stories that exist in any cultu re, as well as how those stories are constantly shifting.

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1 08 SOURCES Adichie, Chimamanda Ngozi. "The Danger of a Single Story." Filmed July 2009. TED Video 18.49. Posted October 2009. http://www.ted.com/talks/chimamanda_adichie_the_danger_of_a_single_story Barber, Theodore X "The Roots of Travel Cinema: John L. Stoddard, E. Burton Holmes and the Nineteenth Century Illustrated Travel Lecture." Film History 5 ( 1993): 68 84. Accessed February 1, 2014. doi: Barthes, Roland. Mythologies Translated by Annette Lavers. New York: Hill and Wang, 1972. Barton, Ruth. "The B allykissangelization of Ireland. Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 20 (2000): 413 426. Accessed April 8, 2014, doi: 10.1080/01439680050127851. Berger, John. Ways of Seeing London: Penguin, 1973 Boorstin, Daniel J. The Image: A Guide to Pseudo Events in America. New York; Atheneum, 1972. Bruner, Edward M. "The Maasai and the Lion King: Authenticity, Nationalism, and Globalization in African Tourism." In Tourists and Tourism: A Reader, edited by Sharon Bohn Gmelch 207 236 Long Grove: Waveland Press, 2010. Byerly, Alison. Are We There Yet?: Virtual Travel and Victorian Reali sm Ann Arbor: Universi ty of Michigan Press, 2013. Caldwell, Genoa, ed. The Man Who Photographed the World : Burton Holmes Travelogues 1892 1938 New York: Abrams, 1977. Camels and Chocolate: Tales From A Travel Addict "Anchors Away: Discovering Ghana Part 1 ." http://www.camelsandchocolate.com/2010/06/anchors away discovering ghana part i/ Chhabra, Deepak, Robert Healy and Erin Sills. "Staged Authenticit y and Heritage Tourism." Annals of Tourism Research 30 (2003): 702 719. Accessed April 4, 2013. doi:10.1016/SO160 7383(03)00044 6. Classe Touriste "A Golden Charm Called Burma. http://www.classetouriste.be/travel myanmar burma/#sthash.CiGscQTy.dpuf

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110 Holmes, Burton E. Burton Holmes Trave logues: With Illustrations from Photograp hs By the Author: Volume Four Chicago: The Travelogue Bureau, 1914. Jenks, Chris. "The Centrality of the Eye in Western Culture: An Introduction." In Visual Culture edited by Chris Jenks. 1 25. New York: Routledge, 1995. Jenkins, Keith. Re Thinking History Abingdon: Routledge, 1991. Kirshenblatt Gimblett, Barbara. Destination Culture: Tourism, Museums, and Heritage Berkeley: University of Califo rnia Press, 1998. Lacy, Julie A. and William Douglass. "Beyond Authenticity: The Meanings and Uses of Cultural Tourism." Tourist Studies 2 (2002): 5 22. Accesses April 4, 2013. doi:10.1177/1468797602002001094. Levine, Philippa. "States of Undress: Nak edness and the Colonial Imagination." Victorian Studies 50 (2008):189 21 9. Accessed May 24, 2014. http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/vic/summary/v050/50.2.levine.html MacCannell, Dean. The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class New York: Schocken Books, 1976. Melton, Jeffrey Alan. Mark Twain, Travel Books, and Tourism: The Tide of a Great Popular Movement Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2002. Miche lson, Bruce. "M ark Twain the Tourist: The Form of the Innocents Abroad." American Literature 49 (1977): 385 39 8. Accessed July 21, 2013. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2924989 My View From the Middle Seat "Oh Travel: T he Barbados Dining Experience." http://myviewfromthemiddleseat .com/2011/01/dining in barbados/ Nash, Dennison. "Tourism as a Form of Imperialism." In Hosts and Guests: The An thropology of Tourism Edited by Valene L. Smith, 37 52. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989. National Public Radio. "Mixing Past and Present in Papua New Guinea." Published September 25, 2012. http://www.npr.org/2012/09/25/161755274/mixing past and present in papua new guinea Open Culture. Pan Am's 1960's and 70s Travel Films: Visit 11 Places, in 7 L anguages. P ublished Marc h 2, 2012. http://www.openculture.com/2012/03/pan_ams_1960s_and_70s_travel_films_visi t_11_places_in_7_languages.html

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111 Pan Am World Airways New Horizons: Ireland. Directed by Jack Kuhne. Web Video 11:39. Moviet onews, Inc. 1960 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HCuKHzfk_h4 Pan Am World Airways, New Horizons: Thailand directed By Harry L Coleman and Jack Kuhne. Web Video 13:01 Movietonews Inc. 1960. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Hpkh PG2VE Pan Am World Airways Wings to South America: Journey to Springtime Directed by Harry L. Coleman Web Video 28.21 Coleman Productions. 1960. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y3IJzn Szy4 Richards, Jeffrey. Visions of Yesterday London: R outledge and Kegan Paul, 1973. Ruoff Jeffrey. "Introduction: The Filmic Fourth Dimension : Cinema as Audiovisual Vehicle. I n Virtual Voyages: Cinema and Travel edited by Jeffery Ruoff 1 21. Durham: Duke University Press, 2006. Said, Edward W. Orientalism New York: Vintage Books, 1979. Smith, Valene L. Introduction." In Hosts and Guests: The Anthropology of Tourism edited by Valene L. Smith, 1 17. Philadelphia: Un iversity of Pennsylvania Press, 1989. Sontag, Susan. "On Photography." In Communication in History: Technology, Culture Society e dited by David Crowley and Paul Heyer, 174 178. New York: Longman, 1991. Staples, Amy J. "Lewis Cotlow and the Ethnographic Imaginary." In Virtual Voyages: Cinema and Travel e dited by Jeffe ry Ruoff, 195 216. Durham: D uke University Press, 2006. Steinbrink, Jeffrey. "Why the Innocents Went Abroad: Mark Twain and American Tourism in the Late Nineteenth Century. American Literature Realism 1870 1910 16 (1983): 278 286. Accessed July 21, 2013. http://www.jstor.org/stable/27746104 Steiner, Carol J. and Yvette Reisinger. "Understanding Existential Authenticity." Annals of Tourism Research 33 (2006): 299 318. Accessed April 4, 2013. doi:10.1016/j.annals.2005.08.002. Taylor, John P. "Aut henticity and Sincerity in Tourism." In Annals of Tourism Research 28 (2001): 7 26. PII: S0160 7383(00)00004 9. Twain, Mark. The Innocents Abroad New York: Empire Books, 2012.

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112 Urbanowicz, Charles F. "Tourism in Tonga Revisited." In Hosts and Guests: T he Anthropology of Tourism Edited by Valene L. Smith, 105 117. Ph iladelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989. Urry, John and Jonas Larsen. The Tourist Gaze 3.0 London: SAGE Publications, 2011. Wallace, Irving. "Everybody' s Rover Boy. I n The M an Who Photographed the World : Burton Holmes Travelogues 1892 1938, edited by Genoa Caldwell 9 22. New York: Abrams, 1977. Walton, John K. "Introduction." I n Histories of Tourism : Representation, Identity, and Conflict, edited by John K Walton 1 18. Cle vedon: Chan nel View Publications, 2005.