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Culture and bureaucracy

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Title:
Culture and bureaucracy a critical examination of a Saudi public service
Creator:
Al-Khelwi, Mohamed A. A
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Denver, CO
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University of Colorado Denver
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Language:
English
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xi, 206 pages : illustrations, forms ; 29 cm

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Corporate culture -- Saudi Arabia ( lcsh )
Organizational behavior -- Saudi Arabia ( lcsh )
Corporate culture ( fast )
Organizational behavior ( fast )
Saudi Arabia ( fast )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Includes bibliographical references.
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Title page missing; title from caption.
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Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree, Doctor of Public Administration, Graduate School of Public Affairs.
General Note:
School of Public Affairs
Statement of Responsibility:
Mohamed A.A. Al-Khelwi.

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University of Colorado Denver
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All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
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ocm24162708
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Full Text
This thesis for the Doctor of Public' Administration
degree by
Mohamed A. A. Al-Khelwi
has been approved for the
Graduate School
of Public A-ffairs
by


Al-Khelwi, Mohamed A. A. (DPA Public Administration)
Culture and Bureaucracy: A Critical Examination of a
Saudi Public Service
Thesis directed by Professor E. Sam Overman
The researcher studied Organizational Culture
in the Saudi Ministry of Municipal and Rural Affairs
during December 1987 and January 1988. He administered
an Arabic translation of the Hickman and Silva
checklist with additional items created for this
investigation. Subjects were 60 non-managerial and 20
managerial employees. In addition, interviews were
conducted with 10 nonmanagers and 10 managers, and
extensive observation data was collected.
The researcher found that Organizational
Culture was generally favorable or positive, but that a
degree of ambiguity and stress were also present. Some
differences were noted between newer and longer term
workers, newer and longer term managers, and between
workers and managers. The investigator did not attribute
these differences specifically to organizational culture.
A secondary research emphasis on conflict
resolution procedure in the Saudi bureaucracy was
reported. He also examined some ramifications of the


interaction of Western Management values with Arab and
Islamic values.
The researcher commented upon the applicability
of the ideas of Edgar Schein and of Quinn and McGrath
to the study of the Saudi bureaucracy. He recommended
further investigation of organizational culture in
other Saudi settings, and also suggested that the Ministry
of Municiapal and Rural Affairs move to a more
appropriate building, and introduce employee socialization
procedures.
The form and content of£-'1piis abstract_are approved. I
recommend its publi
Signed
culty member in charge of thesis


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The investigator wishes to acknowledge the
loving support of his wife Awatif and his children
Trad, Bander, Ferras and Manal. Also his parents, Ali
and Norah, and his excellency Salleh Al-Griyan,
provided valued help.
In addition, several faculty members of the
Graduate School of Public Affairs, University of
Colorado at Denver did an excellent job guiding the
researcher. His chairman and advisor, E. Sam Overman,
was a helping hand and then some. Professor Robert
Gage, Lloyd Burton, and Linda DeLeon were also deeply
involved in giving needed guidance. Prof. J. Steven
Ott of the University of Main proved a lasting and
dedicated friend.
The investigator owes a debt of gratitude to
the staff of the Saudi Ministry of Municipal and Rural
Affairs who gave of their time and efforts to make this
study possible. He also owes a great thanks to his
academic superiors at the King Abdulaziz Military
academy for allowing him time to earn this degree. In
addition, he has utmost appreciation to the Saudi
Ministry of Defense for their financial support.


Many innumerable specialized thanks are owed
the Saudi Educational Attache in Washington, D.C. for
assistance during the scholarhip periods, to Mr. Tom
Lally, for his statistical assistance, to Abdullah
Al-Hazemy and Salleh Al-Saloom, for their help in
distributing the checklist, to Abdullah N. Al-Manee,
for his assistance in translation of the instrument,
and to all the researcher's many Saudi friends in
Denver, Colorado for thier friendship and emotional
support.


CONTENTS
Page
List of Tables........................................... x
List of Figures......................................... xi
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION.......................................... 1
Statement of the Problem............................ 3
Description....................................... 3
Overview of the Topic............................... 4
Ways to Study the Problem......................... 4
Possible Types of OC.............................. 5
Limitations of Study............................. 10
Organization of Study............................ 11
CHAPTER II
LITERATURE REVIEW.................................... 15
CHAPTER III
BUREAUCRATIC VALUES.................................. 53
Introduction....................................... 53
Value Descriptions................................. 60
Saudi Cultural Values.............................. 50
Western Management Values.......................... 70
Ministry of Municipal and
Rural Affairs (MMRA)............................. 75


viii
CHAPTER IV
RESEARCH DESIGN...................................... 84
Definition of Terms and Procedure,
Major Research emphasis.......................... 84
Phase 1.......................................... 84
Phase II......................................... 87
Phase III........................................ 89
Secondary Research Emphasis........................ 90
CHAPTER V
CULTURAL SAMPLING OF MMRA............................ 93
Phase I Qualitative Analysis of OC............. 93
Phase II Quantitative Analysis of OC...... 99
Important Response Tendencies................... 115
Phase III Secondary Research
Emphasis Conflict Resolution............... 116
CHAPTER VI
FINDINGS............................................ 120
Hypothesis A.................................. 12 0
Hypothesis B.................................. 12 3
Hypothesis C...................................... 136
Are Values in Conflict?........................... 140
Hypothesis D...................................... 160
Hypothesis E...................................... 161
Conflict Resolution............................... 163
Summary........................................... 165
CHAPTER VII
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
167


ix
BIBLIOGRAPHY..................................... 192
APPENDIX A....................................... 199
APPENDIX B....................................... 206


X
TABLES
Table
1. Transactional Change in
Typology of OC...................................... 7
2. Workers1 Item 20 Response,
by Employment Tenure............................... 87
3. Workers' Item 20 response,
by Managerial Tenure............................... 98
4. Worker to Worker Significant
Checklist Item Response........................... 108
5. Manager to Manager Significant
Checklist Item Response........................... 110
6. Manager to Manager Significant
Manager-Only Checklist Item Response.............. Ill
7. Worker to Manager Significant
Checklist Item Response........................... 113
8. Response Totals Worker and
Managers 4 0 Item Checklist....................... 123
9. Response Totals Managers 13
Item Checklist.................................... 124
10. Response Totals Checklist Item 10................. 125
11. Western Management and Saudi Cultural
Values
138


xi
FIGURES
Figure
1. Map of Saudi Arabia................................ 12
2. Levels of OC proposed by E. Schein................ 35
3. Bureaucratic Organizational Culture and
its Relationship to Saudi Society.............. 54
4. Organizational Culture and
Social Programs.................................... 56
5. Organization Chart of MMRA, dated 1978............ 80
6. Interview Responses in Tabular Format............. 100


CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Many individuals in modern society, if not all,
live in and with organizations, or at least must deal
with them. But very few actually understand how they
work. Too often, they are seen as "political" in nature
or simpley too complex to understand. Many authors have
written about organizations and it seems that all have
different views about how they work and exist together.
One of the newest views of organizations deals
with "organizational culture". This view differs from
such theories as Fayol's General Principles, Weber's
Theories of Bureaucracy, or Katz and Kahn's System
Concept in that it views organizations and bureauc-
racies comprised of not only individuals, with common
goals and expectations, but also such things as values,
beliefs, assumptions, perceptions, behavioral norms, and
patterns of behavior.1
Organizational Culture (OC) "assumes that many
organizational behaviors and decisions are almost
'predetermined' by the patterns of basic assumptions


2
existing in the organization. Those patterns of
assumptions continue to exist and to influence behav-
iors, because they repeatedly lead people to make
decisions that usually 'worked' for the organization".2
These assumptions include such things as beliefs and
values. Beliefs are basic ideas about the world and
how it works.3 Values are much the same but show more
of an idea of how something should be in the future.
"Beliefs and values that have been held for a long time
without being violated or challenged may become taken
so much for granted that people are no longer aware of
them."4
In Saudi Arabia, organizations and
bureaucracies have existed for a long time. In the
earlier stages, the region was broken into tribes, each
with its own political hierarchy and a simple bureauc-
racy formed out of alliances and social bonds. Saudi
Arabia's successful unification and the Kingdom's
remarkable stability in an area of world instability
mark how well the transition from tribal to nation-
state has occurred. And all of this has been
accomplished in organizations and within a bureaucracy
that has developed into a modern one while still


3
adhering to traditions, customs and moral values
developed in the past.
Statement of the Problem
Description
As pointed out by Edgar Schein5 and others,
all governmental, business, and non-profit organiza-
tions have a set of values, expectations and attitudes
shared by workers. One author, Sherry Silver, has
called this "personality,"6 borrowing a term from the
field of psychology. A large body of research has
grown up in the literature of the private sector on
this topic.
This investigation has noted that most of the
studies reported in the literature deal with the
private sector in the United States, Western Europe,
and Japan. Studies done in the public sector are less
numerous and as far as he can determine, only a few
have been done, or at least published, in the Arab
world.
Therefore, a macro analysis of OC in a Saudi
Arabian public agency seems in order. While this topic
is a unique one, it is nevertheless realistic. This is
because while the culture is clearly different, there


4
is no reason that research concepts and techniques used
by organizational culturalists may not be adapted for
use in Saudi society. If OC is to be studied in a
Saudi ministerial setting, some fundamental questions
readily suggest themselves.
What are the values that operate within the OC
of a Saudi bureaucracy? Is there cultural ambiguity
between the time-honored Arab and Moslem values and
so-called modern "Western" management values? What are
the difference between these values and how is value-
conflict resolved? What formal conflict resolution
procedures exists? Are these differences within the OC
between managers and non-managers and between those who
have been there a long time and newer personnel?
This topic is important because, from an
academic standpoint, it has begun to fill a void in the
scholarly literature on comparative OC. From a
practical standpoint, findings generated could become a
management tool for managerial personnel.
Overview of the Topic
Approach
Way to Study the Problem. The research was
broadly based upon the theory conducted along lines


proposed by Edgar Schein. He has identified three
levels of culture which he calls: (1) artifacts and
creations, (2) values, and (3) basic assumptions.7 It
must be noted that this study is not done in the manner
of Edgar Schein, nor is the research on or about Schein
or his views. The researcher has used one important
concept proposed by Schein, the three culture levels,
as a philosophic base. Schein's entire theory, as yet
unproven, is not used as underlying base. The research
follows a two phase format. The first phase is a
descriptive study of OC, based on the definition used
by Schein and, an attempt will also be made to look for
evidence of the four transactional systems and organi-
zational forms, as proposed by Robert Quinn and Michael
McGrath.8
Possible Types of OC. The four proposed OC
types, as postulated by Quinn and McGrath are called
"rational," "ideological," "consensual," and
"hierarchical."9 Briefly, a rational culture stresses
performance or results above other considerations, such
as in free enterprise capitalism; ideological culture
places paramount emphasis on a set of underlying
beliefs of a charismatic leadership, such as the


6
present government in Iran; consensual culture focuses
on group decision-making, such as participatory
management; hierarchical culture places strong emphasis
on traditional ways of doing things, with heavy
emphasis on rules, caution, time-honored procedures,
etc. One goal for this research is testing the
validity of Quinn and McGrath's typology. Does
evidence for existence of one or more of their OC types
exist in the Saudi MMRA? If so, what one(s)? (See
Table 1.) Obviously, subjective judgment must, to some
degree, enter into a testing of Quinn and McGrath's
categories. Just how "hierarchical," for example, is a
certain observed quality of an organization? To
minimize potential error, the researcher did his best
to .observe objectively and judge qualities based on
widely accepted definitions of the words Quinn and
McGrath use to describe their types.
For Phase I, the investigator employed a
qualitative research approach, along lines of the
"interpretive" school as defined by Harmon and Mayer.
The researcher believes that the "ideographic" method,
again as defined by Harmon and Mayer, lends itself well
to the topic. This is because in this method a
researcher "... lets one's subject unfold its nature


TABLE 1
Transactional Change in Typology of OC
Characteristic
Culture Rirpose Criteria Power Base Decisions Compliance Motives
Rational Cbjectives Efficiency Competency Pronouncements Contracts Achievements
Ideological Purposes Growth Values Insights Values Growth
Consensual Group Main- Moral Informal Participation Procedures Affiliation
tenance Status
Hierarchical Regulations Control Knowledge Analysis Control Security
Source: Adapted from Robert Quinn and Michael McGrath in Peter Frost, et al., Organizational Culture, Beverly
Hills, CA: A Sage Publication, 1985, pp. 326-327.


8
and characteristics during the process of investiga-
tion."10 To put it another way, looking back at
Schein's three culture levels, the first, artifacts and
creations, involves a researcher's just going in
looking around, getting a feel for the subject, and so
on. Gradually, an investigator will progress to the
next level, values, as he begins to grasp the initial
level. After these, are identified, Schein's third
level, basic underlying assumptions, should become
apparent to an investigator.
This is because when a solution to a problem
works repeatedly, it comes to be taken for granted.
Schein has noted that these stock ways of doing things
become ingrained in the OC.
Because OC is a fluid phenomenon, a collective
"personality" of sorts, the ideographic method is well
suited. It allows the investigator to flow along with
his subject, assimilating data as it naturally unfolds.
The fact that Schein has labeled his three
levels ordinally is unfortunate for this particular
research. For instance, the investigator has decided
to look for evidence of the levels in order, seeking
level one first, level two second, and so on. This
should not be construed as implying that Schein


9
theorized that level two "grew out of" level one, and
three out of two.In fact, Schein believes quite the
contrary. His levels imply depth of understanding, not
a progression of genesis or origin.
While the general research problem is to know
whether OC concepts and methods apply to Saudi
bureaucracies, and to see how Arab culture affects
bureaucratic life, a particular problem focus is to
study the relationships between management status and
OC, and tenure and OC.
Phase II of the research is quantitative
analysis of data collected from: (1) newer and
long-term employees, and (2) managers and non-
managerial workers. The goal of this research effort
is to learn if perception of OC changes with tenure of
employment and/or from manager to non-manager status.
This was done along lines used in research in the
business world by Richard Pascale.11 The newer-long
term comparison is based upon his view that a social-
ization process occurs as OC is assimilated over time.
The worker-manager comparison is based on the generally
accepted concept of a labor-management dichotomy
arising in all employing organizations.


10
The investigator employed a Chi2 statistical
analysis of worker five degree ordinal responses to a
40 item check list of cultural awareness qualities.
Managers were similarly tested and also responded to an
additional 13 item manager-only checklist of cultural
awareness qualities. Comparisons were made between
new, longer term and long-time workers, between new,
longer term and long-time managers and between workers
and managers. Chi2 findings were computed for each
check list item, each comparison mode. Only items
found significant at the .05 level or greater were
considered significant.
A key question that this suggests is, "Will
there be a difference between the aggregate culture
perception of various groups?", e.g., managers vs.
non-managers, older tenured vs. newer. Perceptions are
studied because reality regarding OC is what employees
perceive reality to be. People respond to a checklist
instrument, hopefully, based on what they perceive is
reality.
Limitations of Study. This study is limited in
ways that will help save time for the researcher and
still yield resources that could be needed for a


11
broader study. The study's sample is limited to
individuals working within a single Saudi public
bureaucratic agency. This, of course, is the MMRA,
again limited to the main Ministry in Riyadh, Saudi
Arabia (see Figure 1). The study is further limited in
that the sample questionnaire involved sixty individ-
uals in that agency and twenty managers. All of them
are men who are Arab and Muslims.
Organization of the Study. Chapter I
introduces the discussion concerning OC. In the
statement of the problem is the discussion of a des-
cription and legitimization of the study. In the
general overview of this topic, one can find an
approach to the study of OC, the limitations to the
study and the organization of the study.
Chapter II is concerned with review of
pertinent literature regarding OC and related research.
Chapter III contains a description of western
management values and Saudi cultural values, and gives
a historical orientation to the MMRA.
Chapter IV's discussion will center on the
research design, including discussion of qualitative
and quantitative data analysis. Specific terms will be


1
Figure 1
Map of Saudi Arabia
TfMlN
ARAB
RIPUBUC
J iHtb%


13
defined, and the study's sample information, hypotheses
and methodology will be brought out. A study of formal
conflict resolution procedures is explained as a
secondary research emphasis.
Chapter V contains a cultural sampling of the
MMRA.
Chapter VI contains the findings and includes
an interpretation and discussion of the findings and
focuses upon conclusions to research questions.
Chapter VII presents conclusions and
recommendations for actions and/or further study.
The study concludes with a bibliography of
related material used in the study and appropriate
appendices.


14
NOTES CHAPTER I
xJay M. Shafritz and J. Steven Ott, ed.,
Classics of Organization Theory, (Chicago: The Dorsey
Press, 1987), p. 373.
2 Ibid., p. 374 .
3Vijay Sathe (1983) "Implications of Corporate
Culture: A Manager's Guide to Action", Organizational
Dynamics: vol. 12: p. 7.
4 Ibid., p. 8.
5Edgar H. Schein, Organizational Culture and
Leadership. (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publisher,
1985), pp. 7-9.
6 Sherry Silver, "Corporations Have
Personalities Too!" Rocky Mountain News, Sunday, August
9, 1987, p. 100.
7Schein, p. 14.
8 Robert Quinn and Michael McGrath in Peter
Frost, et al., Organizational Culture, (Beverly Hills,
A Sage Publication, 1985), pp. 326-327.
9Ibid., pp. 326-327.
10Michael Harmon and Richard Mayer,
Organization Theory for Public Administration, (Boston:
Little, Brown Co., 1986), p. 290.
11Richard Pascale (1985), "The Paradox of
Corporate Culture," California Management Review. Vol.
XXVII, No. 2: pp. 26-40.


CHAPTER II
LITERATURE REVIEW
The concept of OC is receiving considerable
attention in management schools all over America. It
is a relatively new idea, and academic writers have
rushed to include it in their latest books and journal
articles. Just what is OC? What are the implications
of its study?
Edgar Schein in Organizational Culture and
Leadership, defines OC as ". .a pattern of basic
assumptions . invented, discovered, or developed by
a given group as it learns to cope with its problems of
external adaptation and internal integration . that
has worked well enough to be considered valid and
therefore, to be taught to new members as the correct
way to perceive, think and feel in relation to those
problems.1,1
Every organization, whether public or private,
anywhere in the world, has an OC. This cannot be
avoided. Any time a group of persons come together to
complete a task, a series of human interactions take


16
place. These relations, in the aggregate, bring into
being a cultural backdrop or sociological climate.
Several specific factors blend to create an OC.
Important components are psychological make-up of
individual members, cultural anthropological background
of employees, educational/professional levels of
workers, organization roles and hierarchical structure
mission of the organization, and historical precedents,
i.e., ways things were done in the past.
The origins of the OC concept are traceable to
the work of Chester I. Barnard, beginning in the late
1930s.2 Barnard saw morals as nonarguable, innate
convictions that are emotional rather than intel-
lectual. Moreover, he felt that morals go far beyond
telling someone what is right and wrong. In addition,
they dictate a whole set of specialized behaviors.3
Because Barnard's "morals" justify behavior, they fit
with the so-called Level 2 of OC, generally referred to
as "values and beliefs." However, in his work, Barnard
maintained that morals can apply specifically to
behavior in professions and organizations. This then
obviously includes them in what Edgar Schein has called
Level 3, "Basic Underlying Assumptions." Members of
various groups begin to share morals and publicly


17
profess them in this context. As an organization grows-
over time and in number's of members, a whole body of
intangible forces grow with it, to which new members
are expected to adhere.
Barnard's work influenced the organizational
theorists Philip Selznick and Douglas McGregor.4 These
writers were not members of the OC School of Thought,
but their work draws heavily from its content. For
example, Selznick analyzed what he calls "organization
character." He notes that "... infusion of values
creates a distinct identity that [gradually] causes an
organization to become an institution."5 McGregor,
while associated with the human relations viewpoint of
organization, included several basic OC assumptions in
his well-known "Theory X" and "Theory Y." Briefly,
Theory X sees the manager as more directive and a
motivator, and Theory Y see him as marshaling the human
characteristics already present in workers. But both
theories require him to attend to the basic pattern of
assumptions already in place.6
Another theorist that built upon Barnard's
ideas was Elliott Jaques.7 Jaques pioneered the
concept of a cohesive, definable culture within an
organization. His pioneering work during the 1950s had


18
an unmistakable influence on the later work of Edgar
Schein, who refined this concept still further.
The origins of OC thinking are heavily grounded
in social psychology and sociology. It was only a
matter of time until OC was taken a step further by
theorists if a specific set of organizational
artifacts, values and basic assumptions springs up
within a group, and becomes a culture to which members
conform, can this OC be manipulated toward desired
ends? This is the question Edgar Schein asked as a
member of a team that interviewed Korean war American
POWs who had defected to the Chinese.8
The late 1960s and 1970s saw a plethora of
studies done by psychologists, sociologists and
business scholars. A wide range of highly diverse
groups, ranging from mental patients, religious cults
and student groups to government organizations and
business corporations were studied. Researchers looked
not only at the descriptive nature of OC, but the
outcomes of various attempts to manipulate it.
Out of this great variety of research came some
attempts at logical summarization. The work of Bolman
and Deal is a noteworthy effort along these lines.9
They see organizational events as important for their


19
meaning, which in turn is interpreted by humans. Since
many events appear ambiguous, this confuses the
interpretations, and severely limits use of rational
solutions of problems. Faced with ambiguity, humans
create symbols within the organizational context to
reduce it.
Eventually, OC theorists came around to
noticing that anthropologists and archaeologists also
study culture. While their work had largely been
ignored in the earlier work on OC, it became an
important part of OC thinking during the 1980s. The
contributions from anthropology and archaeology have
aided organization theorists in looking at how OC is
both conceptualized, and passed on within a group.10
This view may be summarized by.noting that
culture is holistic, and anchored in a shared body of
meaning or in an ideology. It is created by social
interactions of members, determines behavior patterns
and feelings, and is transmitted via traditions.
The thinking on OC is still in a state of flux
today. For instance, the social construction theorists
see organizations as social constructions of reality.
Their thinking is based on the work of Berger and
Luckmann, who study how people in social settings reach


20
conclusions and pass them on.11 Other theorists see
the key to understanding OC in analyzing the symbols
and artifacts created in all organizations. What is
interesting about the OC school is that it is still
growing and changing, and a setting for much contem-
porary theorizing and intellectual debate.
It is the purpose of this writer to apply
current thinking on OC to an analysis of an institu-
tional culture found in his native Saudi Arabia.
Before addressing this issue, however, it is necessary
to resolve that fundamental question, "can OC be
managed or manipulated?" Then if this question is
answered affirmatively, a second basic question then
arises, "should OC be managed?" An interesting
research study by Caren Siehl12 studied a microcomputer
company located in "Silicon Valley" in northern
California. The study was conducted in two stages.
The first stage, lasting 16 months, consisted of random
interviews and behavioral observation of company
employees. These included both work place and outside
social event observations.
During the course of the study, an event
occurred that provided an ideal opportunity to
empirically study a formal attempt to manage or


21
influence OC. Due to its rapid growth, the company was
split by top management into an Eastern and Western
region. The Western Regional Director was a firm
believer in manipulation of OC. For example, on taking
over, he identified what he felt was an unwise attitude
among many employees. He specifically objected to an
overemphasis on short-term goals and individual super-
stars. To combat this tendency, he introduced three
slogans for employees, these were (1) "Feed it or shoot
it," (meaning nurture long-term relationships and
discourage temporary ones), (2) "Professionals think
success," (advocating increased job professionalism),
(3) We have a responsibility to the rest of the
company." (This was intended to discourage selfishness
and promote group identity).
After eight months, the researcher interviewed
a sample of Western Region employees. They found that
the Regional Manager was highly successful in communi-
cating slogans #1 and #2 to employees, in that almost
all persons interviewed knew the slogans, viewed them
positively, and to some degree, modified their personal
behavior to conform. As an example of this latter
effect, Siehl identified a measurable change in how
employees dressed. She also found however, that


22
employees said that the so-called "desirable" values
were ones in which they had believed all along. She
concluded that the attempt to change OC was actually
more of an attempt to articulate values than to change
them. She concluded that the role of a manager may be
to articulate values more than to actually change them,
as the desired values may already be latently present
in the employees. She also concluded that periods of
transition may be the most appropriate times for
attempting to manage OC, and that management of
stability is as important as management of change.13
This writer is not the first to suggest that
Western management techniques might fruitfully be
applied to a Middle Eastern situation. Asim Al-Araji,
an Iraqi professor, has pointed out in the article
"Relevancy and the Irrelevancy of the More Advanced
Management Educational Programs to Arab Countries'
Needs",14 that organizational cultures in some Arab
and other less developed countries differ from those in
the West, where the concept of OC developed. For
instance, he cites the fact quantitative changes, i.e.,
changes in volume of production, are a more pressing
concern in Arab lands, whereas qualitative changes,
that is change in goals, philosophies, or techniques,


23
are more important in the West. Therefore, Al-Araji
reasons, attempts to blindly copy Western ideas may not
always succeed, because the underlying motivations for
change may differ.15 The implication for efforts to
apply analysis and management of OC to, say, Saudi
organizations must first be considered.
An interesting attempt to formally manipulate
organizational climates in developing Middle Eastern
nation is described by Hooshang Kuklan in the article
"Administrative System in the Islamic Republic of
Iran."16 He notes that the turmoil that accompanied
the Iranian Revolution created a "brain drain," in
which many professional employees left the country.
Therefore, a top priority of the Khomeni regime was to
encourage technical specialization within the work
force. Under the Shah, the Iranian Civil Service had
declined, as private sector wages lured many highly
skilled workers. The present government is faced with
the necessity of building up the size and quality of
the civil service. Interestingly, the Shah's govern-
ment had a liberal view regarding women in the work
force, and 5% of all managerial employees were female..
The present administration, according to Kuklan, bases
its views on an interpretation of Islamic law that


24
frowns on women working outside the home. This creates
a special problem for Iran today, in that when the
country needs all the skilled workers it can get,
one-half the potential work force is denied to it.17
The obvious lesson for someone planning to apply
management of OC to a country's institutions is that
local conditions may dictate what forms management may
take. In other words, the ideologies of a society
influence OC in its public and private work places.
Chackerian and Shadukhi, in an article, "Public
Bureaucracy in Saudi Arabia . ."18 studied five
variables associated with work group behavior among
Saudi government employees in 1980. One of the
variables investigated was organizational climate. All
civilian workers of the Ministry of the Interior and
Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs in the capital
city of Riyadh were included. The research instrument
was a modified version of the Summary of Organizations,
composed of 63 Likert items. All 15 civil service
grades participated.19
It must be pointed out that "organizational
climate" is not quite the same thing as "organizational
culture." The former is the outwardly manifested
sociological atmosphere in a work place, while the


25
latter is a more pervasive, underlying set of group
beliefs. Yet there are similarities, and a definite
overlap for the two concepts. Obviously, many of the
components of organizational climate have their roots
in the OC.
The other four variables studied, managerial
leadership, peer leadership, group process and worker
satisfaction, also have some relevancy to organiza-
tional climate. For instance, degree of satisfaction
influences the underlying feelings workers have about
their jobs, which, in turn, effects the organizational
climate.
The researchers found that the Saudi civil
servants studied exhibit a high degree of satisfaction
with group process and peer leadership. The ratings of
managerial leadership were mixed, implying, perhaps,
that some managers are better than others. The portion
of the satisfaction items that yielded low scores were
those involving pay. Many employees felt their pay was
too low, which the researchers attributed to high
expectations caused by the petrodollar flood shortly
before the study took place.
What about organizational climate? The
investigators found that information flow was a highly


26
positive area. Most employees felt that management
kept them well informed. However, the workers as a
group were critical of the motivational climate
maintained by managers, whom they felt were not
supportive enough.
The fact that the previous study was done at
all reflects the progressive attitude of the Saudi
government. The fact that one of the co-authors was a
Saudi, working for his government, is significant.
This is because the findings, whether complimentary or
critical of the Saudi Civil Service, were submitted for
publication as academic research produced them. This
progressive attitude is also shown by the fact that as
of 1980, about 15,000 Saudi students were studying
abroad. The government has repeatedly stated that
these students will learn techniques and ideas in other
countries, then return home to apply them to improving
various endeavors, one of which is the Civil Service.
An interesting approach to study of OC which
has relevance in this study is the work of Quinn and
McGrath. These scholars are among those who have
carried the concept a step further than some theorists,
in that they suggest that identifiable types of
cultures exist. Moreover, they claim that these forms


27
of culture are closely related to four style of per-
sonal information processing.20
The four types of OC are the Rational,
Ideological, Consensual, and Hierarchical as noted in
Chapter I of the study.
While Quinn and McGrath's four OC types appear
simplistic, and easy to understand for an observer, the
rationale they describe for arriving at these types is
anything but simple. According to the theorists, they
base their views upon what they claim is a need for
theories to explain the need to manage paradox and
change, yet not overlook the desirability of
stability.21 They claim that the key to building an
acceptable theory lies in harnessing Janusian Thinking.
Briefly, Janusian Thinking is based upon the idea that
two completely contradictory ideas can both be
simultaneously valid and in force. Where OC is
concerned, this suggests that stability and change are
both vital variables influencing or perhaps even being
part of it.
The next stage in Quinn and McGrath's thinking
is based upon a theory that people process information
differently, depending upon recognizability of cues and
necessity for action. This leads to existence of four


28
kinds of processing situations: (a) recognizable,
needing immediate action; (b) recognizable, not needing
immediate action; (c) not recognizable, needing
immediate action; (d) not recognizable, not needing
immediate action.22 Taking this 2x2 schema one step
further, the authors suggest that their four types of
OC fit the four possibilities of information proces-
sing. Thus, type (a) above, fits their "Rational"
type, (b) fits the "Hierarchical" type, (c) fits the
"Adaptive" type, and (d) fits the "Consensual type.
The authors go on to suggest a series of traits
that should logically be associated with each of the
four postulated OC types (see Table 1). Thus, by
looking for evidence of these traits, a researcher
should theoretically be able to predict what the OC in
a given organization is more or less like.
Quinn and McGrath's thinking has several
components worth noting, but it is also vulnerable to
intellectual attack on several grounds. First, on the
positive side, their seizing upon the Janusian
principal as deserving of greater study in organiza-
tional behavior certainly has merit. The role of two
valid but opposed forces in shaping both decision-
making and OC is certainly important. Second, in a


29
more negative vein, their dichotomizing of all
information processing on two axes may be a bit
oversimplified. For example, are all incoming cues
either fully obvious or fully ambiguous? Is all need
for action either immediate or long-term? What about
partially obvious cues and intermediate term needed
action?
Also, Quinn and McGrath's view of OC,
regardless of the validity of the existence of the four
archetypes, may be too simplistically or narrowly
construed. For instance, can one be certain that the
OC in a given organization is fundamentally based upon
information processing parameters? What about
historical factors, employee personal values, internal
political struggles, physical environment, and so on?
Might these not modify the OC, even if the forces Quinn
and McGrath identify are found to be operative?
The above discussion somewhat questions Quinn
and McGrath on philosophical grounds. It should prove
interesting to look for evidence, pro and con, in
actual existence, at the MMRA.
According to the writer of this dissertation,
the Saudi public bureaucracy appears on preliminary
examination, to fit most closely with culture type


30
four, hierarchical culture. Therefore, any attempt at
research into the environment must be predicated upon
an understanding of the underlying cultural givens.
This is the important point that Asim Al-Araji has
made. Therefore, the question is, "Does the concept of
cultural management offer promise for improving the
Saudi public bureaucracy?"
The answer is "yes, but." For example, as
Caren Siehl has pointed out in her Silicon Valley
study, it is possible to manage OC, but not so easy to
change it. She also suggests that attempts at
management are most successful in transitional stages
of relatively young organizations. Given the fact that
Saudi Arabian public institutions appear to fit
primarily in Quinn and McGrath's culture type four, the
hierarchical one, attempts to manage, much less change,
OC must be done very carefully.
The issue of managing OC is a fascinating
topic, but lies somewhat beyond the scope of the
present study. In the interests of prudent scholar-
ship, the investigator believes it best to first
describe OC in the MMRA before studying any attempts to
modify it. Of course, the various issues centering
around OC manipulation presented in the literature view


31
could form the beginnings of a background for a future
research effort into this topic.
Vijay Sathe, in the article, "Implications of
Corporate Culture. . "23 attempted to describe OC in a
large American business corporation. He found evidence
for existence of a common set of beliefs and values
among workers. He concluded that managers may, and
should, harness culture's benefits in helping non-
conforming workers adjust. He saw the understanding of
OC as a way to enhance organizational efficiency and
effectiveness.
Alan Wilkins, writing the article, "The Culture
Audit,"24 in Organizational Dynamics, performed his
"Culture Audit" in an American corporation. He
approached his problem from the perspective of uncover-
ing shared assumptions among workers and managers
alike. He concluded that there are many obstacles to
auditing shared assumptions accurately. He describes
some of these problems in detail in the article, and
his research should serve as caution for other
investigators. This study has important implications
for the current research because it seeks to measure
commonality of beliefs among workers and managers. It
is also helpful in pinpointing some difficulties


32
encountered in this type of study, an example being
that similar assumptions are manifested differently by
different people.
While Alan Wilkins used a qualitative study and
speculated that Japanese firms may be more successful
at redirecting culture than many American ones, Daniel
Denison, in "Bringing Corporate Culture to the Bottom
Line,"25 conducted a quantitative type survey research
study of OC in 34 Michigan corporations. Using survey
research techniques, he sought to identify differences
between companies' cultures. Denison found that
participative culture organizations outperform non-
participative ones. He also claims that this
difference increases over time. This article is a
classic example of the application of contingency
theory to OC.
Robert Ernest in "Corporate Culture and
Effective Planning,"26 discussed administering a
sixty-item management practices survey to a sample of
executives from one hundred major corporations. Again,
this study is more quantitative in its approach.
Ernest concludes, as did Wilkins, that it is hard to
define OC, and in some cases, it may not exist, as
commonly defined, in some business organizations.


33
Lee Bolman and Terry Deal point out that the
"the perspective is based on assumptions and human
behavior. . the meaning of an event is determined not
simply by what happened, but by the ways that humans
interpret what happened."27 Bolman and Deal's views
reflect an entirely different paradigm than that used
by Denison or Ernest.
Herbert A. Applebaum points out that it is
related to ". . everything that a group of people
thinks, and says, and does, and makes."28
Newton Margulies and John Wallace use the
definition "... refer to the learned beliefs, values,
and characteristic patterns of behavior that exist
within an organization."29
Jay M. Shafritz and J. Steven Ott point out
that it is ". . the culture that exists in an
organization, something akin to a societal culture. It
is comprised of many intangible things such as values,
beliefs, assumptions, perceptions, behavioral norms,
artifacts, and patterns of behavior."30
Each of these authors feels differently, but
similarly, about this school of organization theory.
While it would be impossible to say that one is more
correct than another, some offer more insight into for


34
what a researcher might look. In this research, for
instance, Edgar Schein's Levels of Culture are impor-
tant to understand. He distinguishes among cultural
"elements" (such as rules, values, or philosophies in
an organization) by treating assumptions as to what
"culture" really means, and by treating values and
behaviors as manifestations of its essence.31 These
are "levels" of culture (see Figure 2).
Level 1: Artifacts. This refers to the most
visible level of culture. These are the symbols, or
the things that are produced, such as art, written and
spoken words and technological outputs that may be
visible but not always obvious.
Level 2: Values. This is a reflection of what
something "ought" to be, distinctive from what it is.
As values become taken for granted, usually over time,
they gradually become beliefs and assumptions and are
often forgotten, but become automatic, subconscious
responses upon arousal. The greater the awareness of a
value the easier the transformation.
Level 3; Basic Underlying Assumptions. When a
solution works often, it becomes taken for granted. It
tends to be treated as reality and one begins to assume
that things work that way. If there is little or no


35
Figure 2.
Invisible, but
not obvious
a
Awareness
n
Taken (or Granted
Invisible
Levels of OC proposed by E. Schein
LEVEL ONE ARTIFACTS & CREATIONS
Technology
Art
Visible Behavior Patterns
LEVEL TWO VALUES
Physically Testable
Socially Testable
LEVEL THREE BASIC ASSUMPTIONS
Environmental Relationships
Nature of Reality
Human Nature & Activity
Human Relations
Source: Adapted from Schien, 1985, p. 14


36
variation in a cultural value within an organization,
this common belief is well on its way to becoming an
assumption, something invisible and intangible, but
taken for granted.
One of the most interesting, and for this
research, useful aspects of Schein's theory is its
effort to reconcile "adaptationist" and "ideationalist"
culture concepts. The former concept applies to
observable cultural traits, like behavior patterns, and
the latter to unobservables, such as beliefs and
values. Schein's level one is largely adaptationally
based, level three is largely ideationally based, and
level two is a mixture.32
Schein's theory is highly useful to scholars
and researchers looking at OC, because of the awareness
level distinctions made. Other culture theorists have
not all attended to this basic issue, or at least not
flagged its importance. A possible weakness in
Schein's theory is the apparent lack of differentiation
between general culture, that which employees "bring
with them from home" and the specific OC unique to the
workplace. In a study such as this one, where one of
the objectives is to study impact of outside upon
indigenous values, this fact has key importance.


37
Significantly, Edgar Schein developed his
theory in the highly cultural pluralistic American
setting. This could account for lack of importance
placed upon residual cultural components brought to an
organization by its members. After all, if everyone is
so different to begin with, the internalized OC should
stand out and be apparent, especially to a trained
academician.
In a Saudi setting, the population is much more
homogeneous. Every single worker brings the same
ethnic heritage and same religious faith to work among
peers all of the same sex. Differences are largely
created by work role and age. Theoretically, then, it
should be much more difficult to differentiate OC from
the general social culture in a Saudi organization than
in an American one, where vast individual differences
are assumed. This is not to say that Schein's ideas .
are invalid for basing a research study on a Saudi
organization. Were this the case, this research would
be On shaky ground indeed!
What is the case is that Schein's theory is
more difficult to apply for purposes of OC description.
It is not more difficult to apply where data collection
is concerned. His three level schema lends itself well


38
to assemblage of cultural data. These factors are
precisely why the research reported here uses Schein's
theory as a base or starting point. It does not use
his work as a total methodological framework upon which
the entire study is to be supported.
Since this study has been done on a
governmental ministry within Saudi Arabia, it is
helpful to look at several other studies done on Saudi
bureaucratic organizations. More than likely, some of
the issues raised and findings reported by other
scholars will be helpful in analysis of emergent fact
from the study at hand.
Ibrahim Al-Awaji, in writing "Bureaucracy and
Society in Saudi Arabia,"33 did a critical study of
Saudi Arabian bureaucracy in relation with its histor-
ical, social, and political institutions. Al-Awaji
formulated a survey with respect to propositions about
interactions between the bureaucracy and its "human
ecology", and about organizational and behavioral
characteristics of the bureaucracy itself. Al-Awaji
found that the dynamics of social forces, based in
norms and beliefs, are found overwhelmingly manifested
in the administrative bureaucracy.34 He found an
overlapping of modern and traditional elements is a


39
major feature of the bureaucracy's organization. Many
factors of a subculture within the bureaucracy, working
through age-old beliefs and traditions, were very
obvious as "the way it always works."
Similarly, Saud Al-Nimir, in "Present and
Future Bureaucrats in Saudi Arabia,"35 sought to
examine the degree of the existence of ideal behavior
and attitude among Saudi bureaucrats towards accom-
plishing socio-economic development. While the author
believed that behavior and attitudes would change with
time, socio-economic growth and increased educational
attainment, the findings showed that many "cultural"
aspects, such as commonly held values and norms, still
existed among those of more tenured bureaucrats and
newly appointed bureaucrats with recently-acquired
educations and training. Such cultural factors as
reluctance to work in rural areas, unacceptability
towards mobility for work, prestige of certain jobs,
and general conservative attitudes towards risk
decision-making, are still prevalent as ever in the
Saudi bureaucracy.36
Further, Abdullah Motad Al-Khaldi, in "Job
Content and Context Factors Related to Satisfaction and
Dissatisfaction,"37 notes that there is a tremendous


40
need and challenge towards bringing more educated and
trained Saudi public employees into the modern bureauc-
racy. But Al-Khaldi also points out that, "although
the government is concerned with the Civil Service, it
still uses traditional methods in administrative
processes. The Civil Service, because of cultural and
traditional facets, does not use or apply new methods,
techniques and services."38
Suliman Shadukhi's purpose in "Application of
Organization Development (OD) in Saudi Arabia's Public
Organizations,"39 was to identify organizational
problems of two Saudi public organizations and to
suggest appropriate techniques for solving them.
Shadukhi found that while OD applied to many areas,
correlation coefficients of decision making of lower
level influence and motivation scales were lower than
expected. It was explained that shared differences
between Saudi and American employees' and organiza-
tions' internal (organizational) culture would explain
this.4 0
1. Saudi organizations are more likely to be more
centralized than American organizations.
2. Saudi management is more likely to be more
authoritarian than the American management
which is more participative.


41
3. Saudi employees are more likely to be motivated
by economic rewards than the Americans who
might be motivated by opportunities for
personal growth and group development.
4. Saudi employees are more likely to consider
work as distasteful than the American who might
find work as natural as play.
5. Saudi employees are more likely to be closely
controlled than the Americans who are given the
opportunity for self-control and direction.
But Abdalelah Saaty, in "The Ecological Context
of Public Administration in Saudi Arabia,"41 puts it
best when he writes, "The strength of Saudi society is
its culture, whether that culture, is deemed archaic by
much of Western society or not. The roots in tradition
and religion provide ballast for the society and a
cushioning effect regarding social change. The Saudi
people can rely on the fact that no matter how many
changes they may encounter, much will remain the same
including basic family and social relationships (that
carry over into basic organizational relations). If
the Saudi government chose to give' up cultural values
in exchange for economic advantages, they might lose
both economic advancement and social control."42


42
Every organization, public or private, has an
OC. The term can be applied to any size social unit
(organizational) that has had the opportunity to learn
of itself and its environment in relation to its basic
assumptions. The Saudi public bureaucracy, as an
organization, seems to fit Quinn and McGrath's hierar-
chical cultural type of OC, as opposed to the rational,
ideological, or consensual types. This idea is tested
in the study.
Many authors wrote about OC directly or wrote
about factors that had relationships to OC or its
manifestations. In several works, authors found that
factors of OC were affecting the ways in which they
arrived at their findings. Another point that emerged
is that values and beliefs within an organization do,
indeed, affect how the organization functions and deals
with its environment.
Finally, Saudi authors tend to stress that OC
within an organization in Saudi Arabia is difficult to
distinguish from the culture of the general Saudi
society. Not only are specific organization OCs am
overall Saudi culture, but they are firmly rooted in
the same traditions, values, and social customs and
norms. While many cultures affect Western organiza-
tions, the ones that are embedded within Saudi


43
organizations are not only time-honored, but probably
everlasting. Some differences, such as those caused by
the impact of function, will still be found, however,
and not all organization OCs will be exactly alike.
Place in the Literature of Comparative Studies
A field of study for formal examination of
public agencies across various lines exists within the
Public Administration and International Studies fields,
known as Comparative Public Administration, it involves
three possible modes of comparing agencies. The first
makes a cross-cultural or transnational comparison,
such as contrasting a Saudi public agency to an
American one, such as looking at each nation's
transportation agency. The second form holds cultural
backdrop constant, and compares different types of
agencies. An example of this type would be a compari-
son of the Saudi Ministry of Health to the Saudi
Ministry of Petroleum and Mineral Resources. The third
type holds culture and topical area constant and
crosses lines of control. A study of this type might
compare an American public hospital to a non-profit
private hospital and a profit making, corporate
hospital.


44
While comparative studies are very old, and
have been done in many areas of scholarship for
centuries, their application to administration is
relatively new.43 When they are done, and cross-
cultural approaches used, generally agencies of
countries having similar heritages are compared, such
as the United States to Canada or Saudi Arabia to
Kuwa i t.
After World War II, comparative studies
received impetus as a result of American and other
nations' financial assistance to recovering and
developing countries.44 For the first time, non-
western countries found that their established ways of
doing things were now under academic scrutiny,
sometimes by foreign scholars.
Doing a comparative study is often an
attractive opportunity for an eager researcher.
Visiting another nation to see how it compares with
one's own is often an appealing proposition. However,
the type of comparative study that involves cross-
cultural analysis carries with it a drawback that
should not be minimized. It is an absolute necessity
to have a grasp of both countries' ecology, and know
well both the bureaucratic and general societal culture


45
of each.45 The folklore of many developing nations is
full of stories about "educated" foreigners who came to
"improve things," but failed because they lacked
adequate cultural understanding.
Interestingly, the present study is not a true
comparative study. For example, the MMRA is not being
compared to a counterpart in another land, to another
Saudi agency, or to an institution from the private
sector. In the strictest of interpretations, for this
study to be comparative, the measured OC of the MMRA
would need to be contrasted to a measured OC of a
similar American public agency, such as the Rural
Electrification Administration, another Saudi govern-
mental agency, or a private Saudi company in the
electric business.
However, in one important way, the current
study has two significant comparative elements in it.
The first in the attempt to apply a theoretical
construct, that of OC, which was developed wholly in
the West and in Japan, and especially in America, to a
middle eastern setting. This is not truly comparative,
but never-the-less' worthy of note.
The second comparative element is the
contrasting of two ideological value sets. This is the


46
search for possible dissonance between Western Manage-
ment values and Arab and Islamic values. Therefore, it
may be said that while this study is basically descrip-
tive in character, it contains elements that border
upon comparativeness to a degree that warrants its
discussion here.
One important justification of comparative
study is that often valuable insights may be gained
from learning how someone else handles a problem
similar to his own. Moreover, it is not always the
Third World nation that profits from studying a more
industrialized neighbor, sometimes the helpful inter-
change goes in the opposite direction.46
One problem of comparative studies across
cultures is often encountered because of the influence
of differing political systems. In fact, many compara-
tive studies have been done of comparative politics
that fall more in the realm of political science or
economics than public administration. This may well
explain why in the past, comparative studies often
involved culturally similar or contiguous nations.
They are easier to compare! For instance, one study
compared British election campaigns to the House of
Commons to those for the United States House of


47
Representatives. Another contrasted the office of
president in Mexico to that of the United States. When
factors like modernization of a bureaucracy, or of
country's road system are studied, choice of a research
model becomes more difficult. This situation has led
to the rise of the so-called functional as opposed to
the traditional structural model. The former
emphasizes comparing whatever achieves a similar effect
in two countries under study, while the latter
emphasizes formalized parallelisms.47
The problem of dealing with comparison of two
societies that are developing at different rates, or
have developed at different times in history has vexed
scholars of comparative administration. This has led
to the rise of belief in a "prismatic" stage of
development, and a "prismatic model" for study of
emergent nations. The theory of prismatic society
holds that as a society moves from an agrarian toward
an industrial state, certain traits manifest
themselves.48 An example of the prismatic theory in
operation is found in its explanation of hiring
practices of government agencies. According to
prismatic thinking, hiring patterns are familial in an
agrarian society and merit-based in an industrialized


48
one. Therefore, in the transitional or "prismatic"
state, nepotism, inefficiency and protection of
interests will become problems.49 While the prismatic
model offers valuable insights for pursuing comparative
studies, it may be criticized as promoting oversimpli-
fication and stereotypical solutions when complex
situations are studied.


49
NOTES CHAPTER II
I Edgar H. Schein, Organizational Culture and
Leadership, (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publication,
1985), p. 9.
2J. Steven Ott, The Organizational Culture
Perspective. (Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks-Cole
publishing Company, 1989), p. 172.
3Ibid., p. 173. 4Ibid., pp. 173-174.
5 Ibid., p. 176. 6 Ibid., pp. 176-177.
7Ibid., pp. 174-175. 8Ibid., p. 177.
9 Ibid., p. 180-181. 10 Ibid., p. 181.
II Ibid., p. 183.
12Caren Siehl in Peter Frost, et al.,
Organizational Culture, (Beverly Hills, CA: A Sage
Publication, 1985), pp. 125-140.
13 Ibid., pp. 139-140 .
14Asim Al-Araji, "The Relevancy and the
Irrelevancy of the More Advanced Management Educational
Programs to Arab Countries' Needs," International
Review of Administrative Sciences, vol. 47, no. 2,
1981.
15 Ibid., pp. 105-114.
16Hooshang Kuklan, "The Administrative System
in the Islamic Republic of Iran," International Review
of Administrative Sciences, vol. 47, no. 3, 1981.
17Ibid., pp. 218-224.
18 Richard Chackerian and Suliman Shadukhi,
"Public Bureaucracy in Saudi Arabia: An Empirical
Assessment of Work Behavior," International Review of
Administrative Science, vol. 49, no. 4, 1983.


50
19 Ibid., pp. 319-323.
20 Robert E. Quinn and Michael McGrath in Peter
Frost et al., Organizational Culture, (Beverly Hills,
CA: A Sage Publication, 1985), pp. 315-334.
21 Ibid., pp. 315-316. 22Ibid., pp. 317-318.
23Vijay Sathe (1983), "Implications of
Corporate Culture: A Manager's Guide to Action,"
Organizational Dynamics, vol. 12, pp. 5-22.
24Alan Wilkins ( 1983 ), "The Culture Audit: A
Tool for Understanding Organization," Organizational
Dynamics, vol. 12, p. 24-28.
25 Daniel Denison (1984), "Bringing Corporate
Culture to the Bottom Line," Organizational Dynamics,
vol. 13, p. 5-22.
26 Robert Ernest .( 1985), "Corporate Culture and
Effective Planning," Personnel Administrator, vol. 30,
p. 49-60.
27 Lee G. Bolman and Terrence E. Deal, Modern
Approaches to Understanding and Managing Organizations.
(London: Jossey-Bass Publications, 1984), p. 149.
28 Herbert A. Applebaum, Royal Blue: The
Culture of Construction Workers. (New York: Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, 1981), p. 123.
29Newton Margulies and John Wallace,
Organizational Change: Techniques and Application.
(Glenview, IL, 1973), p. 44.
30 Jay M. Shafritz and J. Steven Ott, Classic of
Organization Theory. (Chicago: Dorsey Press, 1987),
p. 373.
31Schein, (1985), p. 9.
320tt, (1989), pp. 54-55.
33 Ibrahim Al-Awaji, "Bureaucracy and Society in
Saudi Arabia," (Ph.D. dissertation, University of
Virginia, 1971) .


51
3 4 Ibid., p. 2.
35Saud Al-Nimir, "Present and Future
Bureaucrats in Saudi Arabia: A Survey Research,"
(Ph.D. dissertation, Florida State University, 1981).
3 6 Ibid., pp. ii-iv.
37Abdullah M. Al-Khaldi, "Job Content and
Context Factors Related to Satisfaction and
Dissatisfaction in Three Occupational Levels of the
Public Sector in Saudi Arabia," (Ph.D. dissertation,
Florida State University, 1983).
3 8 Ibid., p. 19.
39Suliman Shadukhi, "Application of
Organization Development (OD) in Saudi Arabia's Public
Organizations," (Ph.D. dissertation, Florida State
University, 1981).
4 0 Ibid., p. 174.
41Abadelah Saaty, "The Ecological Context of
Public Administration in Saudi Arabia," (Ph.D.
dissertation, University of Alabama, 1985).
4 2 Ibid., pp. 176-177.
43Al-Awaji, (1971), p. 4.
4 4 Ibid., p. 6
45Saaty, (1985), p. 5.
46Ferrel Heady, Public Administration: A
Comparative Perspective, 2th ed. (New York: Marcel 4
Dekker, Inc., 1979), p. 5.
4 7 Ibid., p. 7
4flFred W. Riggs, Administration in Developing .
Countries. (Boston: Houghton-Muffin Company, 1964),
pp. 27-29.
49Ibid., pp. 230-231.


CHAPTER III
BUREAUCRATIC VALUES
Introduction
"As in any other society, the social value
system in Saudi Arabia exerts a profound impact upon
the bureaucratic system to the extent that only in
situations where there is harmony between value
expectations and demands, on the one hand, and
requirements of bureaucratic rules and directives, on
the other, can the latter be carried out effectively."
While organizations and bureaucracies are
often changed by some kind of immediate development
(such as oil discovery or introduction of modern
technology), their value systems, or "culture",
persists long beyond the changes of a physical or
formal nature. In Saudi Arabia, the persistence of
traditional relationships between worker and worker,
worker and job, and worker and external environment
still exerts tremendous influence on the bureaucratic
system and its behavior.


53
Al-Awaji points out that in organizations such
as the Saudi public bureaucracy, the basic values and
beliefs are tremendously affected by the overall
culture of the Kingdom. This includes beliefs about
how things should be done, including work. In order
for government plans or programs to be effective, it
must somehow merge and combine those elements in the
society that are harmonious with certain elements
deemed important to the rules and internal environment
of the bureaucracy (see Figure 3).
Of course, not all of society's values and
beliefs are related to or can affect the bureaucracy,
and, on the other hand, not all of the bureaucracy's
rules, traditions, or environments are affected by
social norms and attitudes. For instance, inter-
dependences within the nuclear family are very
important to the Saudi people, but do not affect how
the bureaucracy develops a recruitment package for
computer programmers who must know how to do their
jobs. Similarly, clear lines of authority and division
of labor are important in all bureaucracies, but don't
affect how a family raises its children.
The gray area between the two sides is where
OC comes into play and one sees that bureaucracies


54
Figure 3.
Bureaucratic Organizational Culture and Its
Relationship to Saudi Society
SOCIAL CULTURAL EFFECT ON BUREAUCRACY
CULTURAL
DISSONANCE


55
are affected by society and culture. For instance, a
foreign consultant might suggest that working on Friday
(Moslem Holy Day) might increase efficiency. But the
Saudi society would hot stand for this and nobody would
work (cultural conflict). Because no one would work,
efficiency would fall off dramatically. The OC of
public bureaucracies tends to support not doing much
other than critical jobs like police and hospital on
Fridays. This comes directly from the Kingdom's social
culture.
Going a step further, in Saudi Arabia, some
ministerial programs not only must view organizational
culture against a scheme of implementation (as in
Figure 3), but must combine purely social with
bureaucratic elements as well (see Figure 4). For
instance, when looking at higher education in Saudi
Arabia, the bureaucracy notes that higher education is
important for everyone to insure future progress.
Society has deemed that not everyone, especially women,
need higher education, but educating women is never-
theless still considered important. The trade-off
becomes that men and women can have an education, but
it is not mandated for girls. However, certain
elements are involved that are purely religious and


56
Figure 4.
Organizational Culture and Social Program
A
| Higher Education Program
m


57
social in nature. This is the total separation of
institutions for men and women. This religious
proscription goes beyond OC, but is related to it
because all organizations are separated by sex. And
this is true in all Saudi organizations, from
education, banking, and health, to simple things as
transportation and entertainment.
The culture of Saudi Arabia is firmly
entrenched in Islam, the national religion, and in Arab
civilization and history. To understand the culture of
the society which, in turn, lends legitimization to
most all OC within it, one must understand the nation's
past. Of prime importance is the distinction between
Western bureaucratic thought that believes in such
things as majority rule, a separation of church and
state and rational ideology, and Saudi thinking. For
instance, an interesting thought is that in Saudi
Arabia, the political system and the bureaucracy were
formed to implement the will of God as determined
through the Koran and Shariah Law (God's Law).
The early period of Saudi development was
marked by three basic features: (1) a steady expansion
of improvement in the administrative system, (2)


58
serious financial constraints to internal development,
caused by external factors, such as a relatively
limited demand for oil, the wars, and general political
instability in the Middle East, and (3) a generally
steady economic growth and development.2 The signif-
icant immigration from rural Saudi Arabia to the cities
had not yet begun.
After World War II ended, things changed
dramatically. The demand for oil increased revenues to
the Kingdom. This elevated economic and social
standards of living of Saudi citizens. Fundamental
values and basic principles that helped to guide Saudi
Arabia's balanced development included:
1. Maintaining religious and moral values of
Islam;
2. Assuring the defense and internal security of
the Kingdom;
3. Maintaining a high rate of economic growth by
development of economic resources, maximizing
earnings from oil over the long term, and
conserving depletable resources;
Reducing economic dependence on the export of .
crude oil;
4.


59
5. Developing human resources by education,
training, and raising standards of health;
6. Increasing the well-being of all groups within
the society and fostering social stability
under circumstances of rapid social change;
7. Developing the physical infrastructure to
support achievement of the above goals.3
The government of Saudi Arabia introduced
national development planning which led to four
successive National Development Plans. The First Plan
(1970-1975) stressed steady expansion of the economy
and improvement of government services and management
of the economy through new administrative programs.
The Second Development Plan (1975-1980) was derived
from conditions of financial independence provided by
an increase in oil revenues. By the end of the Second
Plan in 1980 there were twenty ministries, with
sixty-six administrative agencies compared to fourteen
ministries in 1975. The Third Development Plan aimed
to diversify the economic base of the Kingdom to reduce
dependence on oil, further the development of human
resources by emphasizing education and training, and
improve economic effectiveness and managerial skills.
The Fourth Plan, begun in 1985, stresses more


60
development in the area of human resources and diverse
economic growth. But in all of the Plans, and programs
for future development, the prime concern was with
development and modernization in accordance with
adherence to Saudi customs, values and time-honored
traditions. The national strategy for development
begins with two objectives:
1. To safeguard Islamic values . duly observ-
ing, disseminating and confirming God's Divine
Law;
2. To defend the Faith and the nation; and to
uphold the security and social stability of
the Realm.4
Value Descriptions
Saudi Cultural Values. An understanding of
Saudi cultural values begin with comprehension of the
basic homogeneity of Saudi society. Unlike American,
Western European and even some other Arab countries,
there is almost no ethnic or religious diversity within
the entire nation. Almost everyone is of Arab cultural
heritage and professes belief in the holy Islamic
religion. This is a new concept to many persons from
other parts of the world who study Saudi society for


61
either business or academic purposes. Westerners try
to simplify this situation by comparing Saudi Arabia to
other places better known to outsiders. For example,
they often suggest that Saudi Arabia is "like" Sweden,
where "everyone" is a Swede and a Lutheran, or "like"
Ireland, where "everyone" is Irish and Roman Catholic.
What these naive oversimplifiers overlook is Sweden has
a significant cultural minority of Lapp peoples, and
Ireland has a significant religious minority of
Protestant believers. ^
Starting off with the basic concept of dual
ethnic and religious homogeneity, what are the major
characteristics, value-wise, of Saudi society?
First of all, Islamic teaching as a determinant
of social values shapes attitudes and behaviors of
individual Saudis.5 This is true even in topical areas
that are not directly related to or based upon
religion. The reason for this strong general influence
of Islam in day-to-day Saudi life is because the
Arabian Peninsula is the birthplace of this religion
and has remained almost exclusively Moslem since its
founding. Therefore, Islam is the basis for political,
legitimacy, the judicial system and general social


62
moral code. It is the formal state religion, and its
principles are the official supreme authority.
Some observers have stated that the Holy Koran,
the book of guiding principles of Islam, is also the
"constitution of Saudi Arabia. While this statement
borrows a western political term to make its point, it
serves to point out how strong an impression the
Islamic influence on Saudi society makes on an
observer. It has also been noted that Islamic rules of
personal conduct are highly specific in nature.
Therefore, the Moslem religion has become for Saudis
more than just a system of belief, but a total life
code. Thus, Islamic law and ideals strongly influence
the lives of all Saudi citizens, even persons who might
not be strongly religious in their own private lives.6
There are other influences upon Saudis besides
religious values, and one area of such influence is
tribal values. From ancient times, the Arabian
Peninsula was the domain of groups of Nomads who moved
from place to place rearing camels, sheep, goats and
other livestock. Over the ages, these different groups
developed social values, folk lore and ways of doing
things unique to each specific tribe. Later, when
Islam came upon the scene, tribal traditions were


63
modified to conform to the new religious beliefs. A
few of the tribal traditions clashed with Islam to a
degree; these have hung on a little bit although they
are played down.7
In modern Saudi society, tribal identity is
still important sociologically, but less important
economically and politically than it once was. This is
true for three reasons.8
1. The percentage of total population engaged in
both pastoralism and crop-based agriculture has
steadily declined all over the world, and Saudi
Arabia is no exception.
2. The establishment of a strong national
government has led to more and more Nomads
being encouraged to settle down. Also, the
existence of an established central government
has eliminated a need for tribal political
authority.
3. Modern economic development of Saudi Arabia has
led to more geographical mobility of the popu-
lation. People of different tribes are mixed
together in the work place and where they live,
whereas formerly, different tribes had
established territories.


64
Tribal attachment is still a matter of pride to
some Saudis. In addition, some of the old Bedouin
values still survive as important personal beliefs.
For instance, the concept of righteous labor as a
dignified human endeavor is an ancient idea. When
Islam arrived, this work ethnic also was an Islamic
teaching, so it became strengthened. However, another
long-standing Bedouin value is that manual labor is
"not as nice" and for lower class or less apt people.
Even though both Islamic teaching and modern industrial
practice hold otherwise, many modern Arab young men
still disdain "getting their hands dirty" for this
reason.9
Tribal attachment might be said to be an
element of heterogeneity in an otherwise homogeneous
society, but this is a dangerous overgeneralization.
For example, all tribes share four basic views. These
are: 1) the Moslem faith is the correct religion; 2)
the Arabic language is what everybody talks, reads and
writes; 3) basic cultural traits are shared by
everyone, because all are Arabs; 4) the family is the
basic unit of society, and village and tribal life
should reflect this.10


65
Therefore, it may be said that while tribal
identity is still important to many Saudis, persons
belonging to one tribe are not that different from
those of another tribe. The sociological phenomenon of
people hanging onto an older value that has lost its
original importance is well known in all societies.
For instance, the Chinese retain love of the ancestral
village even though their family may have left it many
generations ago. The British retain titles and customs
that have had no real political importance for over 400
years. Some Americans pride themselves in "old
country" lore or events surrounding such practically
insignificant facts as the name of a sailing ship on
which ancestors came to the New World. Mexicans have
kept alive customs directly rooted in the Aztec and
Spanish Colonial experiences.
Another interesting quality of Arab society
that has great impact in the bureaucracy, the govern-
ment, and in business is the relative castelessness of
society.11 While some status based on birth exists,
there is less of this than in most societies. Also,
privileged status involves a very small percentage of
the total population. It is a fundamental Islamic
teaching that all men are equal, therefore, this view
has been a given of Arabic society since the mid


66
seventh century. The practical consequence of this has
been that unlike Japanese, European, and North American
societies, the peoples of the Arabian Peninsula never
experienced a series of upheavals and revolution caused
by social inequalities. Oriental and Western societies
slowly and often violently eliminated the concept of
social class based on birth. Arab society never had
this concept in the first place. While royal families
existed, there never was a large, multi-tiered
aristocratic structure like that once found in India.
All this does not mean that a social structure
does not exist in Saudi Arabia, only that no one is
considered "better than" anyone else. For instance, a
five tiered social structure exists. The family
(A'ilah) is the basic unit, the next broadest unit, the
house (bayt), includes closer blood relatives living in
the immediate vicinity. The third tier, Kin (ahl),
includes persons less closely related or further away
geographically, but still part of a person's relation-
ship. The fourth level, subtribe, (hamula) of the same
family is composed but less close of blood relatives.
Many marriages take place within this unit, although
this is changing somewhat as social mobility increases.
The fifth level is the tribe (Qabillah), which may
include many people.12


67
It must be noted here that some Saudis do not
belong to a tribe. These are persons who have either
immigrated from elsewhere or whose families have done
so during recent history. It is possible to "become" a
Saudi by immigration, provided that naturalization laws
are observed and the applicant is or becomes a Moslem.
A long-standing Arab cultural value is
collectivism.13 Because of the strong emphasis on
family ties and kinship bonds, Arabs view society as a
collection of groups rather than a collection of
individuals. For centuries, Arabs have been helping
out family, relatives and tribal brethren in need.
This traditional Arab value is rooted in the ancient
past, but received strong support and added permanence
through the Koran and Sunnah (sayings, actions and
practices of the Prophet Mohammed peace be upon
him)4
The concept of time in Arabic society is not
radically different from that in other societies, but
there is a theme of subordinating time commitments to
status quo preservation and community expectation.
Therefore, time is important for fulfillment of
community endeavors and less important for personal
achievement.1 5


68
Saudis have a definite concept of the role of
the public servant. Not unlike other societies, Saudis
view the bureaucracy as a source of help, a formalized
structure for receiving benefits of various kinds.
However, the difference between this outlook and some
other societies concept of the public servant is that
the benefits are more group or collectively oriented to
a Saudi, and less individually based.16
Several long-standing Islamic values tie-in
nicely with modern bureaucratic practice. Justice and
equality are two prominent examples.17 What many
western societies had to fight hard to achieve during
recent times have been staunchly established Moslem
values for centuries. For instance, the well-known
American concept of equal employment opportunity, a
recent historical development in the West, has long
been accepted as a given in Arab culture. These values
are strongly proscribed by Islamic teaching.
A related value, also rooted in Islam, is that
of dignity of the individual and respect for all
persons, regardless of race, social station, etc.18
Again, what has been a recent struggle for some other
societies has been established practice in the Arabian
Peninsula since the seventh century.


69
Conflict avoidance, a term often encountered in
administrative science, is a traditional Arab value for
interpersonal relationship. Open confrontation is a
taboo in polite Arab society.19 Mediation of disputes
has long been assigned to special persons in the Arab
World, and these people have a high status. However,
these persons are not arbitrators or judges, only
mediators.2 0
Several important Saudi values, while certainly
not unique to Arab society, are well known as present
in the cultural heritage of Saudi Arabia to a high
degree. These are respect for older persons, compas-
sion toward the disadvantaged, and belief in
governmental responsibility for the welfare of
individual citizens. Particular manifestation of these
values is seen in placing of considerable value on
opinions and decisions rendered by older leaders, and
the providing by the government of free health care and
education. There is no charge or taxation for
municipal services in Saudi Arabia, although fees for
special services exist. Health care in public
hospitals and clinics is free to all citizens.


70
Western Management Values. A certain amount of
stereotyping of so-called "Western ways of doing
things" exists among the masses of people in many
places around the world. The spread of Western
influence into many places, including the Third World,
has created considerable exposure for the style of
bureaucratic management in vogue in Western Europe and
North America. Sorting through the maze of folklore,
opinions and unscientific impressions one hears, just
what, empirically stated, are "Western Management
Values?"
First of all, it is necessary to identify any
underlying philosophical-ideological views that have
shaped Western managerial thinking. In America
especially, one hears of the "Protestant Work Ethic,"
and this implies a religious basis for conduct of non-
religious endeavor. Looking back at the religious
upheaval that swept Western Europe during the Sixteenth
Century, it is possible to find the roots of this idea.
The Calvinistic or Puritan branch of the Christian
reformers taught that since man cannot know his
spiritual fate, he must work hard to transform the
world into a better place.21 Coping with wickedness,
or withdrawing from it into a monastery, the two


71
approaches to worldly endeavor advocated by the
competing Roman Catholic viewpoint, were not acceptable
to the Calvinists. Along with this concept, the
Protestants advocated a more individual and rational
approach to running one's life. The Lutherans argued
that every man is his own priest, and all Protestants
emphasized a more rational approach than the earlier
Christian authorities had taught. The strong themes of
individualism and reliance of rationality-based
decision-making found in modern western management are
traceable to these origins.
Not all all underlying principles of Western
Management Values come from a religious background.
One important set of beliefs springs from biological
science, most notably the theories of Charles Darwin.
A famous nineteenth century British biologist, Darwin
is the father of the theory of evolution. Simply
stated, his ideas hold that a process called "natural
selection" leads to "differentiation of species." This
merely means that creatures best adapted to survival
and thus more apt to reproduce, pass on genetically the
traits that help guarantee survival of future genera-
tions. In time, a species (such as a certain kind of
birds) emerges in which all members look alike and have


72
the same desirable trait (like a longer beak for better
finding grubs in tree bark).
Obviously, Darwin's theory has nothing to do
with management science. But it wasn't long before
other thinkers adapted his views to the social sciences
and ultimately to human organizations. Their reasoning
is that a collective grouping (such as a government
agency or business corporation), over time, tries
various ways of running its affairs. Theoretically,
this trial and error process leads the agency closer to
a "best" (or at least "better") way of doing things.22
This point of view is commonly called "social
Darwinism."
Some recent theorists have taken classical
social Darwinism one step further, and suggested that
it is environmental, largely external forces acting
upon an agency or corporation that control its
evolution.23 They reason that it changes to adapt to
these forces that impinge upon it, rather than as a
result of internal actions taken by its management.
A third background source for Western
Management Values is found in western political
philosophy. The late eighteen century witnessed two
Populist revolutionary upheavals, the American


73
Revolution of 1776 and the French Revolution of 1789.
The political writers who justified these movements
based their thinking upon the basic equality of all
men, and the idea that governmental power comes from
the consent of the governed. These original views
logically led to specific application to organizational
behavior and decision-making. For example, if all men
are equal, then hiring practices must reflect this, and
all employees, up to a point, must share in the
decision-making process.24 In addition, the concept of
democracy, extended to apply to bureaucratic
governance, is interpreted to dictate that public
organizations are ultimately subject to control of
elected public officials. A further extension of this
concept suggests that the public at large should have a
say in shaping policies and actions of governmental
agencies.2 5
Given the tripartite background (theology,
biology, political science) of Western Management
Values, what are they like in practical, contemporary
terms?
Efficiency and effectiveness are strong Western
Management Values. The former implies that an agency
should go about its work in the quickest, easiest and


74
most economical way. The latter require that a best
way be found for doing the work, and that some
scientifically based means should be employed to
measure outcome.26 Closely tied to these concepts is
the value of rationality, which states that the
yardstick of reason should play a role in determining
behavior and judging performance of the agency.27
A second cluster of values centers around the
general area of equality of persons. Secular humanism,
for instance, is the concept that everyone is not only
equal, but basically good. Therefore, an agency may
not discriminate among workers or clients on a basis of
religion, nor is it necessary for anyone to profess
religious beliefs to be worthy of employment or to
receive service. A related value is neutrality,
meaning that preferential treatment of any kind is
forbidden. This value goes beyond requiring any
religious test, and extends to birth, social status and
similar considerations. In Western thinking, this
value precludes discrimination based on sex, and
forbids nepotism. An allied value is representative-
ness, which holds that everybody must be represented in
the work force. In contemporary Western practice, this
is often interpreted to mean that various ethnic and


75
racial groups should be represented in the work force
in roughly similar proportions to their proportion in
society as a whole.
A series of values focuses on the relationship
of bureaucracy to the political process. The politics/
management dichotomy, for example, is the principle
that the bureaucracy cannot become involved in the
political process, and that management decisions must
not be based on political considerations, but on the
"best" way to do things. Accountability is a value
that implies that all agencies must ultimately answer,
in a way prescribed by law, to government authority.
The value of professionalism holds that
managerial or technical nature workers must meet a test
of qualification. While this test might consist of
education, training, and/or experience, it must be
universally applied to all. It also, is interpreted to
apply to all ranks of employment.
Ministry of Municipal and Rural Affairs (MMRA)
Municipalities, as divisions of governmental
administration have existed in Saudi Arabia for a long
time. Even before the Kingdom's unification, cities


76
such as Makkah, Al-Medina, and Jiddah grew into
important administrative centers.28
In 1927, the Municipal Administration Ordinance
was issued, but only applied to the Holy City of
Makkah. It was amended later to become applicable to
all municipalities in 1936. This ordinance set up the
first design for establishing municipal development
strategy and policy. It was agreed at that time that a
plan was necessary to help Saudi municipalities to
become modernized.29
In 1960, the Ministry of Interior was moved to
Riyadh, and all municipalities were placed under the
general authority of the Department of Municipal Admin-
istration within the Interior Ministry.30
In 1962, the King and Council of Ministers
created the independent central system specifically for
the affairs of municipal cities. Being a sort of
subministry, it was called the Deputy Ministry of the
Interior for Municipal Affairs, or Department of
Municipal Affairs, formerly the Directorate of
Municipalities within the Ministry of Interior.31
The department became responsible for the
supervision of all municipal affairs, water
departments, sewage disposal, and drainage of
rainwater in the Kingdom and was charged with
the planning, supervision, and inspection of
all related work.32


77
Municipalities, then, were very important to
Saudi Arabia in the early stages. Cities became the
focal point for everyday activities. People came in to
find better jobs, conditions, and services.
Services to municipalities improved with, time
and, in an attempt to provide for expansion and
development of towns and villages in the future, the.
King issued "Royal Decree No. A/236 of 8.10.1395
(October 13, 1976 A.D.) forming the new Cabinet and
establishing the Ministry of Municipal and Rural
Affairs."3 3
One of the first things the MMRA did was
contract with McKinsey International, a New York
consulting firm to pursue modernization. The
consultants were asked to
. . assist in defining the distribution of
responsibilities between our Ministry (MMRA)
at the center and the municipalities and other
authorities affiliated with us, and in
developing new organizations and processes to
carry out these responsibilities. 4
The upshot of this consultancy was a reorganization
plan calling for more decentralization, which led to
greater responsibilities for cities and regional
offices.


78
The new organization was given to ministry
officials who approved the plan for a partly
decentralized ministry organization and structure (see
Figure 5). The chart is easy to comprehend and shows
that a large portion of the organization is still more
applicable to urban areas than rural areas.
The Saudi Arabian government has agreed that
development of the rural Kingdom is a high priority
item for the future of the society. The policies and
objectives have changed from one of early neglect to
one of growing importance. Rural policies have altered
the look of an organization that has grown into a new
ministry (MMRA). Lately, the Council of Ministers has
approved new bylaws that amend the responsibilities of
the ministry. More emphasis is being put upon the
needs and desires of the people, based upon custom and
tradition, than upon purely rational planning for
future development. The MMRA is the point where
programs are developed for the future. Their organiza-
tion will be an interesting one to study.
Summary
A knowledge of values prevalent in society, of
impacting outside values, and of bureaucratic organiza-
tion and its history facilities understanding any given


79
OC found in a segment of that society. The present is
a product of the past, and, in addition, what exists in
an organization is the sum amalgam of many different
influences and forces. While the OC found in the MMRA
today no doubt has some uniquenesses stemming from
things specific to that ministry, it more than likely
has some similarities to OCs of other Saudi ministries
as well. A thorough understanding of background facts
and forces facilitates the scholarly analysis of the
topic under study.


(Various Municipalities Class B, C, and D)
Adapted from Aidros Al-Sabban,' "The Municipal System in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia: A Case Study of Makkah.
(Ph.D. dissertation, Claremont Graduate School, 19B2), p. 24.
Figure 5. The 1978 Organization Chart of the Ministry
of Municipal and Rural Affairs


81
NOTES CHAPTER III
1 Ibrahim Al-Awaji, "Bureaucracy and Society in
Saudi Arabia" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of
Virginia, 1971), p. 53.
2 Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Planning,
Third Plan, p. 7.
3 Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Ministry of
Planning, Second Plan, p. 4.
4 Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Planning,
Fourth Plan, p. 363.
Mohammed S. Al-Ghamdi, "The Impact of
Ecological Factors Upon the Attitudes of Saudi Students
Toward Work VAlues: A Search for Development
Approach", (Ph.D. dissertation, The Florida State
17-18.
University, 1982), p. 14.
6 Ibid., p. 14. 7 Ibid., p.
aIbid., p. 16. 9 Ibid., pp.
10 Al-Awaj i, (1971) , p. 56.
11 Ibid., p. 62-63. 12 Ibid., p.
13 Ibid., p. ^4 OD 14 Ibid., p.
1 5
Ibid,
p. 77.
1 6
Ibid., pp. 80-81.
17Ahmed A. Al-Jilani, "Environmental Impact on
Organizational Design in Saudi Arabia" (Ph.D.
dissertation, The Florida State University, 1985), pp.
44-45.
l a
1 9
Ibid., pp. 46-47.
Ibid., p. 55.


82
2 0 Ibid., pp. 54-55.
21 Peter Blau and Marshall Meyer, Bureaucracy in
Modern Society, 2nd ed. (New York City: Random House,
1971), p. 29.
22Nicholas Abercrombie, Steven Hill and Bryan
Turner, Dictionary of Sociology (Britain: Richard Clay
[The Chancer Press Ltd.] 1984), pp, 84-85.
23W. Graham Astley and Andrew H. Van de Ven,
"Central Perspectives and Debates in Organization
Theory," Administrative Science Quarterly, vol. 28
(1983), p. 250.
24Emmette S. Redford, Ideal and Practice in
Public Administration (University of Alabama:
University of Alabama Press, 1975), p. 78.
25Robert B. Denhardt, Theories of Public
Organization (Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole Publishing
Company, 1984), p. 17.
2 6 Redford, (1975) pp. 1-17.
27Harold Gortner, et al., Organization Theory
(Chicago: The Dorsey Press, 1987), pp. 66-69.
28Aidros Abdullah Srour Al-Sabban, "Municipal
System in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia: A Case Study of
Makkah," (Ph.D. dissertation, Claremont Graduate
School, 1982), p. 4.
2 9 Ibid., p. 7. 3 0 Ibid., p. 11.
31 Ibid., p. 12.
32 Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Ministry of
Interior, Municipal Services, vol. 1 (Riyadh: Middle
East Press, 1974), p. 5.
33 Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Ministry of
Municipal and Rural Affairs, Municipal Services
(Riyadh: Safir Offset Press, 1976), p. 12.
34McKinsey International, Inc., Mastering Urban
Growth: A Blueprint for Management (New York:
McKinsey International, 1978), p. 7.


CHAPTER IV
RESEARCH DESIGN
Definition of Terms and Procedures,
Major Research Emphasis
Phase I Qualitative Analysis of PC
(a) Basic Approach
This research approach considers data that
appear in words rather than in numbers. These data are
usually collected through observation, interviews,
extracts from documents, tape recordings, etc.1 The
approach consists of activities such as "data reduc-
tion," "data display," and "conclusion drawing/
verification." The qualitative method and data are
likely to be ". . most useful in the assessment of
environmental attributes, and are less likely to be
appropriate where participants' interpretations of
environments are to be measured."2
Data Reduction refers to the "... process of
selecting, focusing, simplifying, abstracting, and
transforming the raw data that appear in written-up


84
field notes."3 This process includes doing summaries,
coding, making clusters, and continually writing
memoirs and notes. It is a continual part of qualita-
tive analysis.
Data Display is another process that takes the
data and organizes it into a "display" (organized
assembly) that permits a researcher to look at it and
draw conclusions or take some kind of immediate action.
Looking at displays helps to understand something at a
glance and visualize an action. For qualitative data,
the narrative or written display is the most frequently
used. It includes such things as charts, graphs, and
matrices.4
Conclusion Drawing and Verification is the
third element in the process where the researcher sits
down and decides what all of the research data means.
He notes regularities, patterns, explanations, and
casual relationships.5 Some things may be obvious from
the beginning of the process while others may change
Slightly, or dramatically, as new data is processed.
"Final" conclusions are often not noted until the
process is over and all pertinent data analyzed. In
most cases, drawing up conclusions is not the final
stage. After that, verification, testing the validity


85
of the conclusions, is also necessary. Sometimes,
verification leads to new data reduction when the
conclusions are not "confirmable." But hopefully,
verification will support the conclusions and research
will be significant.
(b) Ideographic Method
A form of qualitative research design which
stresses the importance of letting one's subject unfold
its nature and characteristics during the process of
investigation.
(c) Levels of Culture (Artifacts and
Creations, Values, Basic Assumptions)
The definition for this hierarchical,
interactive process will be that used by Edgar Schein.
(d) Four Transactional Systems and
Organization Forms (Rational, Ideological, Consensual
and Hierarchical Culture)
The definition of this fourfold categorization
will be that used by Robert Quinn and Michael McGrath.
(e) Conflict Resolution is a process which
while viewing conflict as inevitable, seeks to keep its
elimination constructive rather than destructive6
(f) Description of population and sample


86
The population studied qualitatively was the
approximately 600 (as of December, 1987-January, 1988)
workers and managers of the MMRA. Most were Saudi
citizens, Arabs and Moslems. The population included
some non-Saudi "Guest Employees." All MMRA employees
were adult males. Non-human artifacts and creations
were also examined, these included the office building,
its furnishings and technological hardware, as well as
immediate external environs.
(g) Instrumentation
There were three qualitative instruments used.
One was systematized observation within the MMRA
facility and on its adjacent grounds. Another was an
analysis of written responses to item #20, a
qualitatively oriented item contained in an otherwise
quantitative check list administered to an employee
sample. Item 20 was designed to elicit spontaneous,
probing questions made during subconscious cues, hence
its qualitativeness. A third instrument was structured
interviews with a randomly chosen sample of five "new"
workers, five "old" workers, five "new" managers, and
five "old" managers. The middle tenure (one to five
year) subgroup was not interviewed. Interviews
themselves are not a qualitative technique, because
they are not direct, primary data observation.


87
In addition to the above, the researcher
conducted observations based on the levels of culture
proposed by' Edgar Schein. These complement
questionnaire and interview data. Schein's level one,
"artifacts and creations," consisting of technology,
art, and visible audible behavior patterns, were
measured by observation for the former and by question-
naire and interview data for the latter. Schein's
level three, "basic assumptions," dealing with
relationships to environment and the nature of reality
time and space, human nature, human activity and human
relationships, were measured largely by questionnaire
and interview. The investigator is aware of the fact
that this methodology has some limitations for fully
learning level three data. While this approach will
allow sampling of basic assumptions, it will not lead
to a complete assessment of them. Given the goals of
this study, such an assessment is deemed adequate.
Following the data collection, data were
analyzed using the interactive model proposed by Miles
and Huberman.7
Phase II Quantitative Survey of PC
(a) Description of Population and Sample
The population is all employees and management
personnel working in the Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, Ministry


88
of Municipal and Rural Affairs as of the period
December 15, 1987 to January 16, 1988. The sample is
60 workers and 20 managers chosen from the population
by stratified randomization methods. ("Management"
includes supervisory persons at all levels, such as
minister, deputy ministers, general directors,
department heads and unit heads.)
(b) Instrumentation
The instrumentation is a questionnaire, an
ordinal response scale version of the Culture Awareness
Checklist,8 translated into Arabic, and adapted to a
Saudi cultural context by modification of some words
and deletion and addition of a few items. The
researcher attempted to avoid influencing checklist
validity by confining modifications to cultural
accommodations only. The English version is found in
Appendix A. The structured interview is found in
Appendix B.
(c) Methodology
The investigator administered an adaptation of
the Culture Awareness Checklist to a stratified (by
years of job tenure) random sample of employees of the
Saudi MMRA. This was done between December 17, 1987
and January 16, 1988. Sixty employees and twenty


89
managers were sampled. They were divided into three
job tenure subgroups: "new" less than one year, more
than one but less than five, and "old" more than five
years. All subjects were male Arab Moslems.
Phase III Propositional Hypotheses
(a) There will be an identifiable OC in
the MMRA.
(b) This OC will be describable in
meaningful terms.
Subhypotheses (B)(1) Does Quinn and
McGrath's typology exist?
(2) What are the subcultures, if any?
(c) There will be significant differences
between prevailing Arab and Islamic values and modern
Western management practices in the Saudi bureaucracy.
(For example, if 80% of workers interviewed complain
about being asked to work Friday afternoons, the Moslem
Holy Day, this would probably be evidence for suppor-
ting this hypothesis.)
(d) There will be a significant difference
between newer and long-term employees in their
awareness of OC.
(e) There will be a significant difference
between managerial and non-managerial employees in
their awareness of OC.


90
Secondary Research Emphasis
As an ancillary research topic, a descriptive
study of formal conflict resolution behaviors in the
MMRA was undertaken. Four different aspects of
conflict resolution, two internal and two external,
were examined. These studied policies and implemen-
tation of conflict resolution as follows:
1. Intra-agency
(a) Resolution of conflict between
parallel employees,
(b) resolution of conflict between workers
and management.
2. Inter-agency
(a) Resolution of conflict between the
agency and the public,
(b) resolution of conflict between the
agency and parallel agencies.
A portion of the ancillary research effort
involved establishing how closely OC in the MMRA
mirrors Saudi culture in general. For example, Saudi
society is collectivistic. It has been alleged that a
problem exists because it features close-knit familial
and tribal bonds, in contrast to American society,


Full Text

PAGE 1

/ i I J/ This thesis for the Doctor of Public' Administration I degree by Mohamed A. Al-Khelwi has been approved for the Gradua-te School of Public by teve tt, Outside Examiner (University of Maine) Date ___ 5=--.Lj..__O __

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Al-Kh.elwi, Mohamed A. A. (DPA -Public Administration) Culture and Bureaucracy: A Critical Examination of a Saudi Public Service Thesis directed by Professor E. Sam Overman The researcher studied Organizational Culture in the Saudi Ministry of Municipal and Rural Affairs during December 1987 and January 1988. He administered an Arabic translation of the Hickman and Silva checklist with additional items created for this investigation. Subjects were 60 non-managerial and 20 managerial employees. In addition, interviews were conducted with 10 nonmanagers and 10 managers, and extensive observation data was collected. The researcher found that Organizational Culture was generally favorable or positive, but that a degree of ambiguity and stress were also present. Some differences were noted between newer and longer term workers, newer and longer term managers, and between workers and managers. The investigator did not attribute these differences specifically to organizational culture. A secondary research emphasis on conflict resolution procedure in the Saudi bureaucracy was reported. He also examined some ramifications of the

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interaction of Western Management values with Arab and Islamic values. The researcher commented upon the applicability of the ideas of Edgar Schein and of Quinn and McGrath to the study of the Saudi bureaucracy. He recommended further investigation of organizational culture in other Saudi settings, and also suggested that the Ministry of Municiapal and Rural Affairs move to a more appropriate building,. and introduce employee socialization procedures. The form and content abstract are approved. recommend its publicabfor(. I Signed in charge of thesis

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The investigator wishes to acknowledge the loving support of his wife Awatif and his children Trad, Bander, Ferras and Manal. Also his parents, Ali and Norah, and his excellency Salleh Al-Griyan, provided valued help. In addition, several faculty members of the Graduate School of Public Affairs, University of Colorado at Denver did an excellent job guiding the researcher. His chairman and advisor, E. Sam Overman, was a helping hand and then some. Professor Robert Gage, Lloyd Burton, and Linda DeLeon were also deeply involved in giving needed guidance. Prof. J. Steven Ott of the University of Main proved a lasting and dedicated friend. The investigator owes a debt of gratitude to the staff of the Saudi Ministry of Municipal and Rural Affairs who gave of their time and efforts to make this study possible. He also owes a great thanks to his academic superiors at the King Abdulaziz Military academy for allowing him time to earn this degree. In addition, he has utmost appreciation to the Saudi Ministry of Defense for their financial support.

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Many innumerable specialized thanks are owed the Saudi Educational Attache in Washington, D.C. for assistance during the scholarhip periods, to Mr. Tom Lally, for his statistical assistance, to Abdullah Al-Hazemy and Salleh Al-Saloom, for their help in distributing the checklist, to Abdullah N. Al-Manee, for his assistance in translation of the instrument, and to all the researchers many Saudi friends in Denver, Colorado for thier friendship and emotional support.

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CONTENTS Page List of Tables. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . x List of Figures................................... xi CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . 1 Statement of the Problem..................... 3 Description. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Overview of the Topic........................ 4 Ways to Study the Problem.................. 4 Possible Types of oc....................... 5 Limitations of Study....................... 10 Organization of Study...................... 11 CHAPTER II LITERATURE REVIEW. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 CHAPTER III BUREAUCRATIC VALUES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 Value Descriptions........................... 60 Saudi Cultural Values........................ 50 Western Management Values.................... 70 Ministry of Municipal and Rural Affairs (MMRA) . . . . . . . . 7 5

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viii CHAPTER IV RESEARCH DESIGN. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 4 Definition of Terms and Procedure, Major Research emphasis.................... 84 Phase I. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 Phase II................................... 87 Phase III. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 Secondary Research Emphasis.................. 90 CHAPTER V CULTURAL SAMPLING OF MMRA ..................... Phase I-Qualitative Analysis of oc ...... Phase II-Quantitative Analysis of oc .. Important Response Tendencies ............. Phase III -Secondary Research Emphasis-Conflict Resolution ......... CHAPTER VI 93 93 99 115 116 FINDINGS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 0 Hypothesis A................................. 120 Hypothesis B................................. 123 Hypothesis C................................. 136 Are Values in Conflict?...................... 140 Hypothesis D. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160 Hypothesis E. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161 Conflict Resolution.......................... 163 Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 5 CHAPTER VII CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS................. 167 .-_: ..

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ix BIBLIOGRAPHY 192 APPENDIX A 199 APPENDIX B 206

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X TABLES Table 1. Transactional Change in Typology of OC. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 2. Workers' Item 20 Response, by Employment Tenure.......................... 87 3. Workers' Item 20 response, by Managerial Tenure.......................... 98 4. Worker to Worker Significant Checklist Item Response....................... 108 5. Manager to Manager Significant Checklist Item Response....................... 110 6. Manager to Manager Significant Manager-Only Checklist Item Response.......... 111 7. Worker to Manager Significant Checklist Item Response....................... 113 a. Response Totals Worker and Managers 40 Item Checklist.................... 123 9. Response Totals Managers 13 Item Checklist................................ 124 10. Response Totals Checklist Item 10............. 125 11. Western Management and Saudi Cultural Values. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138

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xi FIGURES Figure 1. Map of Saudi Arabia........................... 12 2. Levels of oc proposed by E. Schein........... 35 3. Bureaucratic Organizational Culture and its Relationship to Saudi Society............. 54 4. Organizational Culture and Social Programs. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 5. Organization Chart of MMRA, dated 1978........ 80 6. Interview Responses in Tabular Format......... 100

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CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Many individuals in modern society, if not all, live in and with organizations, or at least must deal with them. But very few actually understand how they work. Too often, they are seen as "political" in nature or simpley too complex to understand. Many authors have written about organizations and it seems that all have different views about how they work and exist together. One of the newest views of organizations deals with "organizational culture". This view differs from such theories as Fayol's General Principles, Weber's Theories of Bureaucracy, or Katz and Kahn's System Concept in that it views organizations and bureaucracies comprised of not only individuals, with common goals and expectations, but also such things as values, beliefs, assumptions, perceptions, behavioral norms, and patterns of behavior.1 Organizational Culture (OC) "assumes that many organizational behaviors and decisions are almost 'predetermined' by the patterns of basic assumptions

PAGE 12

2 existing in the organization. Those patterns of assumptions continue to exist and to influence behaviors, because they repeatedly lead people to make decisions that usually 'worked' for the organization".2 These assumptions include such things as beliefs and values. Beliefs are basic ideas about the world and how it works.3 are much the same but show more of an idea of how something should be in the future. "Beliefs and values that have been held for a long time without being violated or challenged may become taken so much for granted that people are no longer aware of them."4 In Saudi Arabia, organizations and bureaucracies have existed for a long time. In the earlier stages, the region was broken into tribes, each with its own political hierarchy and a simple racy formed out of alliances and social bonds. Saudi Arabia's successful unification and the Kingdom's remarkable stability in an area of world instability 6 mark how well the transition from tribal to nation-state has occurred. And all of this has been accomplished in organizations and within a bureaucracy that has developed into a modern one while still

PAGE 13

adhering to traditions, customs and moral values developed in the past. Statement of the Problem Description 3 As pointed out by Edgar Schein5 and others, all governmental, business, and non-profit tions have a set of values, expectations and attitudes shared by workers. One author, Sherry Silver, has called this borrowing a term from the field of psychology. A large body of research has grown up in the literature of the private sector on this topic. This investigation has noted that most of the studies reported in the literature deal with the private sector in the United States, Western Europe, and Japan. Studies done in the public sector are less numerous and as far as he can determine, only a few have been done, or at least published, in the Arab world. Therefore, a macro analysis of OC in a Saudi Arabian publfc agency seems in order. While this is a unique one, it is nevertheless realistic. This is because while the culture is clearly different, there

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4 is no reason that research concepts and techniques used by organizational culturalists may not be adapted for use in Saudi society. If OC is to be studied in a Saudi ministerial setting, some fundamental questions readily suggest themselves. What are the values that operate within the OC of a Saudi bureaucracy? Is there cultural ambiguity between the time-honored Arab and Moslem values and so-called modern "Western" management values? What are the difference between these values and how is valueconflict resolved? What formal conflict resolution procedures exists? Are these differences within the OC between managers and non-managers and between those who have been there a long time and newer personnel? This topic is important because, from an academic standpoint, it has begun to fill a void in the scholarly literature on comparative OC. From. a practical standpoint, findings generated could become a management tool for managerial personnel. Overview of the Topic Approach Way to Study the Problem. The research was broadly based upon the theory conducted along lines

PAGE 15

5 proposed by Edgar Schein. He has identified three levels of culture which he calls: (1) artifacts and creations, (2) values, and (3) basic assumptions.7 It must be noted that this study is not done in the manner of Edgar Schein, nor is the research on or about Schein or his views. The researcher has used one important concept proposed by Schein, the three culture levels, as a philosophic base. Schein's entire theory, as yet unproven, is not used as underlying base. The research follows a two phase format. The first phase is a descriptive study of OC, based on the definition used by Schein and, an attempt will also be made to look for evidence of the four transactional systems and organi-zational forms, as proposed by Robert Quinn and Michael McGrath.8 Possible Types of OC. The four proposed OC types, as postulated by Quinn and McGrath are called "rational," "ideological," "consensual," and "hierarchical."9 Briefly, a rational culture stresses performance or results above other considerations, such as in free enterprise capitalism; ideological culture places paramount emphasis on a set of underlying beliefs of a charismatic leadership, such as the

PAGE 16

6 present government in Iran; consensual culture focuses on group decision-making, such as participatory management; hierarchical culture places strong emphasis on traditional ways of doing things, with heavy emphasis on rules, caution, time-honored procedures, etc. One goal for this research is testing the vaiidity of Quinn and McGrath's typology. Does evidence for existence of one or more of their OC types exist in the Saudi MMRA? If so, what one(s)? (See Table 1.) Obviously, subjective judgment must, to some degree, enter into a testing of Quinn and McGrath's categories. Just how "hierarchical," for example, is a certain observed quality of an organization? To minimize potential error, the researcher did his best to .observe objectively and ju.dge qualities based on widely accepted definitions of the words Quinn and McGrath use to describe their types. For Phase I, the investigator employed a qualitative research approach, along lines of the "interpretive" school as defined by Harmon and Mayer. The researcher believes that the "ideographic" method, again as defined by Harmon and Mayer, lends itself well to the topic. This is because in this method a researcher ... lets one's subject unfold its nature

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TABlE 1 Transactional in Typology of OC Characteristic Culture Rlrpose Criteria Power Base Decisions Canpliance Mlti ves 1. Rational Cbjectives Efficiency Canpetency Pronruocements Contracts Achi.eYements 2. Ideological Purposes Values Insights Values Growth 3. Conse119.1al Group Main-M>ral lnfonnal Par tid pat! on Procedures Mfiliation tenance Status 4. llierarchical Regulations Control lbowledge Analysis Control Security Source: Adapted fran Robert Q.Ji.M an:i U:Grath in Peter. Frost, et al., Organizational Culture, Beverly Hills, rA: A Sage Publicatim, 1985, PP 326-327. .........

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8 and characteristics during the process of investigation."10 To put it another way, looking back at Schein's three culture levels, the first, artifacts and creations, involves a researcher's just going in looking around, getting a feel for the subject, and so on. Gradually, an investigator will progress to the next level, values, as he begins to grasp the initial level. After these. are identified, Schein's third level, basic underlying assumptions, should become apparent to an investigator. This is because when a solution to a problem works repeatedly, it comes to be taken for granted. Schein has noted that these stock ways of doing things become ingrained in the oc. Because OC is a fluid phenomenon, a collective "personality" of sorts, the ideographic method is well suited. It allows the investigator to flow along with his subject, assimilating data as it naturally unfolds. The fact that Schein has labeled his three levels ordinally is unfortunate for this particular research. For instance, the investigator has decided to look for evidence of the levels in order, seeking level one first, level two second, and so on. This should not be construed as implying that Schein

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9 theorized that level two "grew out of" level one, and three out of two.--In fact, Schein believes quite the contrary. His levels imply depth of understanding, not a progression of genesis or origin. While the general research problem is to know whether OC concepts and methods apply to Saudi bureaucracies, and to see how Arab culture affects bureaucratic life, a particular problem focus is to study the relationships between management status and OC, and tenure and OC. Phase II of the research is quantitative analysis of data collected from: (1) newer and long-term employees, and (2) managers and nonmanagerial workers. The goal of this research effort is to learn if perception of OC changes with tenure of employment and/or from manager to non-manager status. This was done along lines used in research in the business world by Richard Pascale.11 The newer-long term comparison is based upon his view that a socialization process occurs as OC is assimilated over time. The worker-manager comparison is based on the generally accepted concept of a labor-management dichotomy arising in all employing organizations.

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10 The investigator employed a Chi2 statistical analysis of worker five degree ordinal responses to a 40 item check list of cultural awareness qualities. Managers were similarly tested and also responded to an additional 13 item manager-only checklist of cultural awareness qualities. Comparisons were made between new, longer term and long-time workers, between new, longer term and long-time managers and between workers and managers. Chi2 findings were computed for each check list item, each comparison mode. Only items found significant at the .05 level or greater were considered significant. A key question that this suggests is, "Will there be a difference between the aggregate culture perception of various groups?", e.g., managers vs. non-managers, older tenured vs. newer. Perceptions are studied because reality regarding oc is what employees perceive reality to be. People respond to a checklist instrument, hopefully, based on what they perceive is reality. Limitations of Study. This study is limited in ways that will help save time for the researcher and still yield resources that could be needed for a

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11 broader study. The study's sample is limited to individuals working within a single Saudi public bureaucratic agency. This, of course, is the MMRA, again limited to the main Ministry in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia (see Figure 1). The study is further limited in that the sample questionnaire involved sixty individuals in that agency and twenty managers. All of them are men who are Arab and Muslims. Organization of the Study. Chapter I introduces the discussion concerning OC. In the statement of the problem is the discussion of a description and legitimization of the study. In the general overview of this topic, one can find an approach to the study of oc, the limitations to the study and the organization of the study. II is concerned with review of pertinent literature regarding OC and related research. Chapter III contains a description of western management values and Saudi cultural values, and gives a historical orientation to the MMRA. Chapter IV's discussion will center on the research design, including discussion of qualitative and quantitative data analysis. Specific terms will be

PAGE 22

. \ I I Figure 1 Map of Saudi Arabia .. '""'" i I \ . 1611111 "'''"' RIJnclll 0 Tf.!II(N All All IUPIJIUC I .\11 \Ill.\:\ ]

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13 defined, and the study's sample information, hypotheses and methodology will be brought out. A study of formal conflict resolution procedures is explained as a secondary research emphasis. Chapter V contains a cultural sampling of the MMRA. Chapter VI contains the findings and includes an interpretation and discussion of the findings and focuses upon conclusions to research questions. Chapter VII presents conclusions and recommendations for actions andjor further study. The study concludes with a bibliography of related material used in the study and appropriate appendices.

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14 NOTES -CHAPTER I 1Jay M. Shafritz and J. Steven Ott, ed., Classics of Organization Theory, (Chicago: The Dorsey Press, 1987), p. 373. 2Ibid., p. 374. 3Vijay Sathe (1983) "Implications of Corporate Culture: A Manager's Guide to Action", Organizational Dynamics: vol. 12: 7. 4Ibid., p. 8. 5Edgar H. Schein, Organizational Culture and Leadership. (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publisher, 1985), 7-9. 6Sherry Silver, "Corporations Have Personalities Toot" Rocky Mountain News, Sunday, August 9, 1987, p. 100. 7Schein, p. 14. 8Robert Quinn and Michael McGrath in Peter Frost, et al., Organizational Culture, (Beverly Hills, A Sage 1985), pp. 326-327. 9Ibid., pp. 326-327. 10Michael Harmon and Richard Mayer, Organization Theory for Public (Boston: Little, Brown Co., 1986), p. 290. 11Richard Pascale (1985), "The Paradox of Corporate Culture," California Management Review. Vol. XXVII, No. 2: pp. 26-40.

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CHAPTER II LITERATURE REVIEW The concept of OC is receiving considerable attention in management schools all over America. It is a relatively new idea, and academic writers have rushed to include it in their latest books and journal articles. Just what is OC? What are the implications of its study? Edgar Schein in Organizational Culture and Leadership, defines OC as ... a pattern of basic assumptions ... invented, discovered, or developed by a given group as it learns to cope with its problems of external adaptation and internal integration . that has worked well enough to be considered valid and therefore, to be taught to new members as the correct way to perceive, think and feel in relation to those problems."1 Every organization, whether public or private, anywhere in the world, has an OC. This cannot be avoided. Any time a group of persons come together to complete a task, a series of human interactions take

PAGE 26

16 place. These relations, in the aggregate, bring into being a cultural backdrop or sociological climate. Several specific factors blend to create an OC. Important components are psychological make-up of individual members, cultural anthropological background of employees, educational/professional levels of workers, organization roles and hierarchical structure mission of the organization, and historical precedents, i.e., ways things were done in the past. The origins of the oc concept are traceable to the work of Chester I. Barnard, beginning in the late 1930s.2 Barnard saw morals as nonarguable, innate convictions that are emotional rather than intellectual. Moreover, he felt that morals go far beyond telling someone what is right and wrong. In addition, they dictate a whole set of specialized behaviors.3 Because Barnard's "morals" justify behavior, they fit with the so-called Level 2 of OC, generally referred to as "values and beliefs." However, in his work, Barnard maintained that morals can apply specifically to behavior in professions and organizations. This then obviously includes them in what Edgar Schein has calleq Level 3, "Basic Underlying Assumptions." Members of various groups begin to share morals and publicly

PAGE 27

17 profess them in this context. As an organization grows over time and in numbers of members, a whole body of intangible forces grow with it, to which new members are expected to adhere. Barnard's work influenced the organizational theorists Philip Selznick and Douglas McGregor.4 These writers were not members of the OC School of Thought, but their work draws heavily from its content. For example, Selznick analyzed what he "organization character." He notes that infusion of values creates a distinct identity that [gradually] causes an organization to become an institution."5 McGregor, while associated with the human relations viewpoint of organization, included several basic OC assumptions in his well-known "Theory X" and "Theory Y." Briefly, Theory X sees the manager as more directive and a motivator, and Theory Y see him as marshaling the human characteristics already present in workers. But both theories require him to attend to the basic pattern of assumptions already in place.6 Another theorist that built upon Barnard's ideas was Elliott Jaques.7 Jaques pioneered the concept of a cohesive, definable culture within an organization. His pioneering work during the 1950s had

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an unmistakable influence on the work of Edgar Schein, who refined this concept still further. 18 The origins of OC thinking are heavily grounded in social psychology and sociology. It was only a matter of time until OC was taken a step further by theorists -if a specific set of organizational artifacts, values and basic assumptions springs up within a group, and becomes a culture to which members conform, can this OC be manipulated toward desired ends? This is the question Edgar Schein asked as a member of a team that interviewed Korean war American POWs who had defected to the Chinese.8 The late 1960s and 1970s saw a plethora of studies done by psychologists, sociologists and business scholars. A wide range of highly diverse groups, ranging from mental patients, religious cults and student to government organizations and business corporations were studied. Researchers looked not only at the descriptive nature of OC, but the outcomes of various attempts to manipulate it. Out of this great variety of research came some attempts at logical summarization. The work of Belman and Deal is a noteworthy effort along these lines.9 They see organizational events as important for their

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19 meaning, which in turn is interpreted by humans. Since many events appear ambiguous, this confuses the interpretations, and severely limits use of rational solutions of problems. Faced with ambiguity, humans create symbols within the organizational context to reduce it. Eventually, OC theorists came around to noticing that anthropologists and archaeologists also study culture. While their work had largely been ignored in the earlier work on OC, it became an important part of OC thinking during the 1980s. The contributions from anthropology and archaeology have aided organization theorists in looking at how oc is b th t 1 d d d th. 1 0 o concep ua 1ze an passe on w1 1n a group. This view may be summarized by.noting that culture is holistic, and anchored in a shared body of meaning or in an ideology. It is created by social interactions of members, determines behavior patterns and feelings, and is transmitted via traditions. The thinking on oc is still in a state of flux today. For instance, the social construction theorists see organizations as social constructions of reality. Their thinking is based on the work of Berger and Luckmann, who study how people in social settings reach

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conclusions and pass them on.11 Other theorists see the key to understanding OC in analyzing the symbols and artifacts created in all organizations. What is interesting about the oc school is that it is still growing and changing, and a setting for much contemporary theorizing and intellectual debate. It is the purpose of this writer to apply current thinking on OC to an analysis of an institutional culture found in his native Saudi Arabia. 20 Before addressing this issue, however, it is necessary to resolve that fundamental question, "can OC be managed or manipulated?" Then if this question is answered affirmatively, a second basic question then arises, "should OC be managed?" An interesting research study by Caren Siehl12 studied a microcomputer company located in "Silicon Valley" in northern California. The study was conducted in two stages. The first stage, lasting 16 months, of random interviews and behavioral observation of company employees. These included both work place and outside social event observations. During the course of the study, an event occurred that provided an ideal opportunity to empirically study a formal attempt to manage or

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21 influence OC. Due to its rapid growth, the company was split by top management into an Eastern and Western region. The Western Regional Director was a firm believer in manipulation of OC. For example, on taking over, he identified what he felt was an unwise attitude among many employees. He specifically objected to an overemphasis on short-term goals and individual superstars. To combat this tendency, he introduced three slogans for employees, these were (1) "Feed it or shoot it," (meaning nurture long-term relationships and discourage temporary ones), (2) "Professionals think success," increased job professionalism), (3) We have a responsibility to the rest .of the company." (This was intended to discourage selfishness and promote group identity). After eight months, the researcher interviewed a sample of Western Region employees. They found that the Regional Manager was highly successful in communicating slogans #1 and #2 to employees, in that almost all persons interviewed knew the slogans, viewed them positively, and to some degree, modified their personal behavior to conform. As an example of this latter effect, Siehl identified a measurable change in how employees dressed. She also found however, that

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22 employees said that the so-called "desirable" values were ones in which they had believed all along. She concluded that the attempt to change OC was actually more of an attempt to articulate values than to change them. She concluded that the role of a manager may be to articulate values more than to actually change them, as the desired values may already be latently present in the employees. She also concluded that periods of transition may be the most appropriate times for attempting to manage OC, and that management of stability is as important as management of change.13 This writer is not the first to suggest that Western management techniques might fruitfully be to a Middle Eastern situation. Asim Al-Araji, an Iraqi professor, has pointed out in the article "Relevancy and the Irrelevancy of the More Advanced Management Educational Programs to Arab Countries' Needs",14 that organizational cultures in some Arab and other less developed countries differ from those in the West, where the concept of OC developed. For instance, he cites the fact quantitative changes, i.e., changes in volume of production, are a more pressing concern in Arab lands, whereas qualitative changes, that is change in goals, philosophies, or techniques,

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23 are more important in the West. Therefore, Al-Araji reasons, attempts to blindly copy Western ideas may not always succeed, because the underlying motivations for change may differ.15 The implication for efforts to apply analysis and management of OC to, say, Saudi organizations must first be considered. An interesting attempt to formally manipulate organizational climates in developing Middle Eastern nation is described by Hooshang Kuklan in the article "Administrative System in the Islamic Republic of Iran."16 He notes that the turmoil that accompanied the Iranian Revolution created a "brain drain," in which many professional employees left the country. Therefore, a top priority of the Khomeni regime was to encourage technical specialization within the work force. Under the Shah, the Iranian Civil Service had declined, as private sector wages lured many highly skilled workers. The present government is faced with the necessity of building up the size and quality of the civil service. Interestingly, the Shah's goverri ment had a liberal view regarding women in the work force, and 5% of all managerial emp1oyees were female. The present administration, according to Kuklan, bases its views on an interpretation of Islamic law that

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24 frowns onwomen working outside the home. This creates a special problem for Iran today, in that when the country needs all the skilled workers it can get; one-half the potential work force is denied to it.17 The obvious lesson for someone planning to apply management of OC to a country's institutions is that local conditions may dictate what forms management may take. In other words, the ideologies of a society influence OC in its public and private work places. Chackerian and in an article, "Public Bureaucracy in Saudi Arabia .. "18 studied five variables associated with work group behavior among Saudi government employees in 1980. One of the variables investigated was organizational climate. All civilian workers of the Ministry of the Interior and Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs in the capital city of Riyadh were indluded. The research instrument was a modified version of the Summary of Organizations, composed of 63 Likert items. All 15 civil service d t . t d 19 gra es par 1c1pa e It must be pointed out that "organizational climate" is not quite the same thing as "organizational culture." The former is the outwardly manifested sociological atmosphere in a work place, while the

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latter is a more pervasive, underlying set of group beliefs. Yet there are similarities, and a definite overlap for the two concepts. Obviously, many of the components organizational climate have their roots in the OC. 25 The other four variables studied, managerial leadership, peer leadership, group process and worker satisfaction, also have some relevancy to organizational climate. For instance, degree of satisfaction influences the underlying feelings workers have about their jobs, which, in turn, effects the organizational climate. The researchers found that the Saudi civil servants studied exhibit a high degree of satisfaction with group process and peer leadership. The ratings of managerial leadership were mixed, implying, perhaps, that some managers are better than others. The portion of the satisfaction i terns that yielded low scores were those involving pay. Many employees felt their pay was too low, which the researchers attributed to high expectations caused by the petrodollar flood shortly before the study took place. What about organizational climate? The investigators found that information flow was a highly

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positive area. Most employees felt that management kept them well informed. However, the workers as a group were critical of the motivational climate maintained by managers, whom they felt were not supportive enough. 26 The fact that the previous study was done at all reflects the progressive attitude of the Saudi government. The fact that one of the co-authors was a Saudi, working for his government, is significant. This is the findings, whether complimentary or critical of the Saudi Civil Service, were submitted for publication as academic research produced them. This progressive attitude is also shown by the fact that as of 1980, about 15,000 Saudi students were studying abroad. The government has repeatedly stated that these students will learn techniques and ideas in other countries, then return home to apply them to improving various endeavors, one of which is the Civil Service. An interesting approach to study of OC which has relevance in this study is the work of Quinn and McGrath. These scholars are among those who have carried the concept a step further than some theorists? in that they suggest that identifiable types of cultures exist. Moreover, they claim that these forms

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27 of culture are closely related to four style of per-1 f t' 20 sana 1n erma 1on process1ng. The four types of OC are the Rational, Ideological, Consensual, and Hierarchical as noted in I of the study. While Quinn and McGrath's four oc types appear simplistic, and easy to understand for an observer, the rationale they describe for arriving at these types is anything but simple. According to the theorists, they base their views upon what they claim is a need for theories to explain the need to manage paradox and change, yet not overlook the desirability of stability.21 They claim that the key to building an acceptable theory lies in harnessing Janusian Thinking. Briefly, Janusian Thinking is based upon the idea that two completely contradictory ideas can both be simultaneously valid and in force. Where OC is concerned, this suggests that stability and change are both vital variables influencing or perhaps even being part of it. The next stage in Quinn and McGrath's thinking is based upon a theory that people process information differently, depending upon recognizability of cues and necessity for action. This leads to existence of four

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28 kinds of processing situations: (a) recognizable, needing immediate action; (b) recognizable, not needing immediate action; (c) not recognizable, needing immediate action; (d) not recognizable, not needing immediate action.22 Taking this 2 x 2 schema one step further, the authors suggest that their four types of oc fit the four possibilities of information processing. Thus, type (a) above, fits their "Rational" type, (b) fits the "Hierarchical" type, (c) fits the "Adaptive" type, and (d) fits the "Consensual type. The authors go on to suggest a series of traits that should logically be associated with each of the four postulated OC types (see Table 1). Thus, by looking for evidence of .these traits, a researcher should theoretically be able to predict what the OC in a given organization is more or less like. Quinn and McGrath's thinking has several components worth noting, but it is also vulnerable to intellectual attack on several grounds. First, on the positive side. their seizing upon the principal as deserving of greater study in organizational behavior certainly has merit. The role of two valid but opposed forces in shaping both decisionmaking and OC is certainly important. Second, in a

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more negative vein, their dichotomizing of all information processing on two axes may be a bit oversimplified. For example, are all incoming cues either fully obvious or fully ambiguous? Is all need for action either immediate or long-term? What about partially obvious cues and intermediate term needed action? 29 Also, Quinn and McGrath's view of OC, regardless of the validity of the .existence of the four archetypes, may be too simplistically or narrowly construed. For instance, can one be certain that the OC in a given organization is fundamentally based upon information processing parameters? What about historical factors, employee personal values, internal political struggles, physical environment, and so on? Might these not modify the OC, even if the forces Quinn and McGrath identify are found to be operative? The above discussion some.what questions Quinn and McGrath on philosophical grounds. It should prove interesting to look for evidence, pro and con, in actual existence, at the MMRA. According to the writer of this dissertation, the Saudi public bureaucracy appears on preliminary examination, to fit most closely with culture type

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30 hierarchical culture. Therefore, any attempt at research into the environment must be predicated upon an understanding of the underlying cultural givens. This is the important point that Asim Al-Araji has made. Therefore, the question is, "Does the concept of cultural management offer promise for improving the Saudi public bureaucracy?" The answer is "yes, but." For example, as Caren Siehl has pointed out in her Silicon Valley study, it is possible to manage OC, but not so easy to change it. She also suggests that attempts at management are most successful in transitional stages of relatively young organizations. Given the fact that Saudi Arabian public institutions appear to fit primarily in Quinn and McGrath's culture type four, the hierarchical one, attempts to manage, much less change, OC must be done very carefully. The issue of managing oc is a fascinating topic, but lies somewhat beyond the scope of the present study. In the interests of prudent scholarship, the investigator it best to first describe OC in the MMRA before studying any attempts to modify it. Of course, the various issues centering around OC manipulation presented in the literature view

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31 could form the beginnings of a background for a future research effort into this topic. Vijay Sathe, in the article, "Implications of Corporate Culture ... "23 attempted to describe OC in a large American business corporation. He found evidence for existence of a common set of beliefs and values among workers. He concluded that managers may, and should, harness culture's benefits in helping nonconforming workers adjust. He saw the understanding of oc as a way to enhance organizational efficiency and effectiveness. Alan Wilkins, writing the article, "The Culture Audit,"24 in Organizational Dynamics, performed his "Culture Audit" in an American corporation. He approached his problem from the perspective of uncovering shared assumptions among workers and managers alike. He concluded that there are many obstacles to auditing shared assumptions accurately. He describes some of these problems in detail in the article, and his research should serve as caution for other investigators. This study has important implications for the current research because it seeks to measure commonality of beliefs among workers and managers. It is also helpful in pinpointing some difficulties

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32 encountered in this type of study, an example being that similar assumptions are manifested differently by different people. While Alan Wilkins used a qualitative study and speculated that Japanese firms may be more successful at redirecting culture than many American ones, Daniel Denison, in "Bringing Corporate Culture to the Bottom Line,"25 conducted a type survey research study of OC in 34 Michigan corporations. Using survey research techniques, he sought to identify differences between companies' cultures. Denison found that participative culture organizations outperform nonparticipative ones. He also claims that this difference increases over time. This article is a classic example of the application of contingency theory to OC. Robert Ernest in "Corporate Culture and Effective Planning,"26 discussed administering a sixty-item management practices survey to a sample of executives from one hundred major corporations. Again, this study is more quantitative in its approach. Ernest concludes, as did Wilkins, that it is hard to define OC, and in some cases, it may not exist, as commonly defined, in some business organizations.

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33 Lee Belman and Terry Deal point out that the "the perspective is based on assumptions and human behavior ... the meaning of an event is determined not simply by what happened, but by the ways that humans interpret what happened."27 Belman and Deal's views reflect an entirely different paradigm than that used by Denison or Ernest. Herbert A. Applebaum points out that it is related to ... everything that a group of people thinks, and says, and does, and makes."28 Newton Margulies and John Wallace use the definition .. refer to the learned beliefs, values, and characteristic patterns of behavior that exist within an organization."29 Jay M. Shafritz and J. Steven Ott point out that it is ... the culture that exists in an organization, something akin to a societal culture. It is comprised of many intangible things such as values, beliefs, assumptions, perceptions, behavioral norms, artifacts, and patterns of behavior."30 Each of these authors feels differently, but similarly, about this school of organization theory. While it would be impossible to say that one is more correct than another, some offer more insight into for

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what a researcher might look. In this research, for instance, Edgar Schein's Levels of Culture are important to understand. He distinguishes among cultural "elements" (such as rules, values, or philosophies in an organization) by treating assumptions as to what "culture" really means, and by treating values and behaviors as manifestations of its essence.31 are "levels" of culture (see Figure 2). 34 Level 1: Artifacts. This refers to the most visible level of culture. These are the symbols, or the things that are produced, such as art, written and spoken words and technological outputs that may be visible but not always obvious. Level 2: Values. This is a reflection of what something "ought" to be, distinctive from what it is. As values become taken for granted, usually over time, they gradually become beliefs and assumptions and are often forgotten, but become automatic, subconscious responses upon arousal. The greater the awareness of a value the easier the transformation. Level 3: Basic underlying Assumptions. When a solution works often, it becomes taken for granted. It tends to be treated as reality and one begins to assume that things work that way. If there is little or no

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35 Figure 2. Levels of oc proposed by E. Schein Invisible, but not obvious r Awareness i Taken for Granted Invisible LEVRONE ARTIFACTS & CREATIONS Technology Art Visible Behavior Patterns .!..EVEL TI'VO VALUES Physicnlly Socially Testable II LEVEL Tl-!REE BASIC ASSUMPTIONS Environmental Relationships Nature of Reality Human Nature & Activity Human Relations Source: Adapted from Schien, 1985, p. 14

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variation in a cultural value within an organization, this common belief is well on its way to becoming an assumption, something invisible and intangible, but taken for granted. 36 One of the most interesting, and for this research, useful aspects of Schein's theory is its effort to reconcile "adaptationist" and "ideationalist" culture concepts. The former concept applies to observable cultural traits, like behavior patterns, and the latter to unobservables, such as beliefs and values. Schein's level one is largely adaptationally based, level three is largely ideationally based, and level two is a mixture.32 Schein's theory is highly useful to scholars and researchers looking at OC, because of the awareness level distinctions made. Other culture theorists have not all attended to this basic issue, or at least not flagged its importance. A possible weakness in Schein's theory is the apparent lack of differentiation between general culture, that which employees "bring with them from home" and the specific OC unique to the workplace. In a study such as this one, where one of the objectives is to study impact of outside upon indigenous values, this fact has key importance.

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37 Significantly, Edgar Schein developed his theory in the highly cultural pluralistic American setting. This could account for lack of importance placed upon residual cultural components brought to an organization by its members. After all, if everyone is so different to begin with, the internalized OC should stand out and be apparent, especially to a trained academician. In a Saudi setting, the population is much more homogeneous. Every single worker brings the same ethnic heritage and same religious faith to work among peers all of the same sex. Differences are largely created by work role and age. Theoretically, then, it should be much more difficult to differentiate OC from the general social culture in a Saudi organization than in an American one, where vast individual differences are assumed. This is not to say that Schein's ideas. are invalid for basing a research study on a Saudi organization. Were this the case, this research would be on shaky ground indeed! What is the case is that Schein's theory is more difficult to apply for purposes of oc It is not more difficult to apply where data collection is concerned. His three level schema lends itself well

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38 to assemblage of cultural data. These factors are precisely why the research reported here uses Schein's theory as a base or starting point. It does not use his work as a total methodological framework upon which the entire study is to be supported. Since this study has been done on a governmental ministry within Saudi Arabia, it is helpful to look at several other studies done on Saudi bureaucratic organizations. More than likely, some of the issues raised and findings reported by other scholars will be helpful in analysis of emergent fact from the study at hand. Ibrahim Al-Awaji, in writing "Bureaucracy and Society in Saudi Arabia,"33 did a critical study of Saudi Arabian bureaucracy in relation with its historical, social, and political Al-Awaji formulated a survey with respect to propositions about interactions between the bureaucracy and its "human ecology", and about organizational and behavioral characteristics of the bureaucracy itself. Al-Awaji found that the dynamics of social forces, based in norms and beliefs, are found overwhelmingly manifested_ in the administrative bureaucracy.34 He found an overlapping of modern and traditional elements is a

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39 major feature of the bureaucracy's organization. Many factors of a subculture within the bureaucracy, working through age-old beliefs and traditions, were very obvious as "the way it always works." Similarly, Saud Al-Nimir, in "Present and Future Bureaucrats in Saudi Arabia,"35 sought to examine the degree of the existence of ideal behavior and attitude among Saudi bureaucrats towards accomplishing socio-economic development. While the author believed that behavior and attitudes would change with time, socio-economic growth and increased educational attainment, the findings showed that many "cultural" aspects, such as commonly held values and norms, still existed among those of more tenured bureaucrats and newly appointed bureaucrats with recently-acquired educations and training. Such cultural factors as reluctance to work in rural areas, unacceptability towards mobility for work, prestige of certain jobs, and general conservative attitudes towards risk decision-making, are still prevalent as ever in the Saudi bureaucracy.36 Further, Abdullah Motad Al-Khaldi, in "Job Content and Context Factors Related to Satisfaction and Dissatisfaction,"37 notes that there is a tremendous

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40 need and challenge towards bringing more educated and trained Saudi public employees into the modern bureauc-racy. But Al-Khaldi also points out that, "although the government is concerned with the Civil Service, it still uses traditional methods in administrative processes. The Civil Service, because of cultural and traditional facets, does not use or apply new methods, techniques and services."38 Suliman Shadukhi's purpose in "Application of Organization Development (OD) in Saudi Arabia's Public Organizations,"39 was to identify organizational problems of two Saudi public organizations and to suggest appropriate techniques for solving them Shadukhi found that while OD applied to many areas, correlation coefficients of decision making of lower level influence and motivation scales were lower than expected. It explained that shared differences Saudi and American employees' and organiza-tions' internal (organizational) culture would explain this.40 1. Saudi organizations are more likely to be more centralized than American organizations. 2. saudi management is more likely to be more authoritarian than the American management which is more participative.

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41 3. Saudi employees are more likely to be motivated by economic rewards than the Americans who might be motivated by opportunities for personal growth and group development. 4. Saudi employees are more likely to consider work as than the American who might find work as natural as play. 5. Saudi employees are more likely to be closely controlled than the Americans who are given the opportunity for self-control and direction. But Abdalelah Saaty, in "The Ecological Context of Public Administration in Saudi Arabia,"41 puts it best when he writes, "The strength of Saudi society is its culture, whether that culture. is deemed archaic by much of Western society or not. The roots in tradition and religion provide ballast for the society and a cushioning effect regarding social change. The Saudi people can rely on the fact that no matter how many changes they may encounter, much will remain the same including basic family and social relationships (that carry over into basic organizational relations). If the Saudi government chose to give up cultural values in exchange for economic advantages, they might lose both economic advancement and social control."42

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42 Every organization, public or private, has an oc. The term can be applied to any size social unit {organizational) that has had the opportunity to learn of itself and its environment in relation to its basic assumptions. The Saudi public bureaucracy, as an organization, seems to fit Quinn and McGrath's hierarchical cultural type of oc, as opposed to the rational, ideological, or consensual types. This idea is tested in the study. Many authors wrote about oc directly or wrote about factors that had relationships to OC or its manifestations. In several works, authors found that factors of oc were affecting the ways in which they arrived at their findings. Another point that emerged is that values and beliefs within an organization do, indeed, affect how the organization functions and deals with its environment. Finally, Saudi authors tend to stress that oc within an organization in Saudi Arabia is difficult to distinguish from the culture of the general Saudi society. Not only are specific organization ocs overall Saudi culture, but they are firmly rooted in the same traditions, values, and social customs and norms. While many cultures affect Western organizations, the ones that are embedded within Saudi

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43 organizations are not only time-honored, but probably everlasting. Some differences, such as those caused by the impact of function, will still be found, however, and not all organization ocs will be exactly alike. Place in the Literature of Comparative Studies A field of study for formal examination of public agencies across various lines exists within the Public Administration and International Studies fields, known as Comparative Public Administration, it involves three possible modes of comparing agencies. The first makes a cross-cultural or transnatibnal comparison, such as contrasting a Saudi public agency to an American one, such as looking at each transportation agency. The second form holds cultural backdrop constant, and compares different types of agencies. An example of this type would be a comparison of the Saudi Ministry of Health to the Saudi Ministry of Petroleum and Mineral Resources. The third type holds culture and topical area constant and crosses lines of control. A study of this type might compare an American public hospital to a non-profit private hospital and a profit making, corporate hospital.

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While comparative studies are very old, and have been done in many areas of scholarship for centuries, their application to administration is relatively new.43 When they are done, and cross-cultural approaches used, generally agencies of countries having similar heritages are compared, such as the United States to Canada or Saudi Arabia to Kuwait. After World War II, comparative studies received impetus as a result of American and other nations' financial assistance to recovering and d 1 t 44 eve coun For the first time, non-44 western countries found that their established ways of doing things were now under academic scrutiny, sometimes by foreign scholars. Doing a comparative study is often an attractive opportunity for an eager researcher. Visiting another nation to see how it compares with one's own is often an appealing proposition. However, the type of comparative study that involves cross-cultural analysis carries with it a drawback that should not be minimized. It is an absolute necessity to have a grasp of both countries' ecology, and know well both the bureaucratic and general societal culture

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45 of each.45 The folklore of many developing nations is full of stories about "edricated'' foreigners who came to "improve things," but failed because they lacked adequate cultural understanding. Interestingly, the present study is not a true comparative study. For example, the MMRA is not being compared to a counterpart in another land, to another Saudi agency, or to an institution from the private sector. In the strictest of interpretations, for this study to be comparative, the measured oc of the MMRA would need to be contrasted to a measured oc of a similar American public agency, such as the Rural Electrification Administration, another Saudi governmental agency, or a private Saudi company in the electric business. However, in one important way, the current study has two significant comparative elements in it. The first in the attempt to apply a theoretical construct, that of OC, which was developed wholly in the West and in Japan, and especially in America, to a middle eastern setting. This is not truly comparative, but worthy of note. The second comparative element is the contrasting of two ideological value sets. This is the

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46 search for possible dissonance between Western Management values and Arab and Islamic values. Therefore, it may be said that while this study is basically descrip tive in character, it contains elements that border upon comparativeness to a degree that warrants its discussion here. One important justification of study is that often valuable insights may be gained from learning how someone else handles a problem similar to his own. Moreover, it is not always the Third World nation that profits from studying a more industrialized neighbor, sometimes the helpful interchange goes in the opposite direction.46 One problem of comparative studies across cultures is often encountered because of the influence of differing political systems. In fact, many comparative studies have been done of comparative politics that fall more in the realm of political science or economics than public administration. This may well explain why in the past, comparative studies often involved culturally similar or contiguous nations.-They are easier to compare! For instance, one study compared British election campaigns to the House of Commons to those for the United States House of

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47 Representatives. Another contrasted the office of president in Mexico to that of the United States. When factors like modernization of a bureaucracy, or of country's road system are studied, choice of a research model becomes more difficult. This situation has led to the rise of the so-called functional as opposed to the traditional structural model. The former emphasizes comparing whatever achieves a similar effect in two countries under study, while the latter emphasizes formalized parallelisms.47 The problem of dealing with comparison of two societies that are developing at different rates, or have developed at different times in history has vexed scholars of comparative administration. This has led to the rise of belief in a "prismatic" stage of development, and a "prismatic model" for study of emergent nations. The theory of prismatic society holds that as a moves from an agrarian toward an industrial state, certain traits manifest themselves.48 An example of the prismatic theory in operation is found in its explanation of hiring practices of government agencies. According to prismatic thinking, hiring patterns are familial in an agrarian society and merit-based in an industrialized

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48 one. Therefore, in the transitional or "prismatic" state, nepotism, inefficiency and protection of interests will become problems.49 While the prismatic model offers valuable insights for pursuing comparative studies, it may be criticized as promoting oversimplification and stereotypical solutions when complex situations are studied.

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NOTES CHAPTER II 1Edgar H. Schein, Organizational Culture and Leadership, (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publication, 1985), p. 9. 2J. Steven Ott, The Organizational Culture Perspective. ( Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks-Cole publishing Company, 1989), p. 172. 3Ibid., p. 173. 5Ibid., p. 176. 4Ibid., pp. 173-174. 6Ibid., pp. 176-177. 7Ibid., pp. 174-175. 9 Ibid p 0-181 11Ibid., p. 183. 8Ibid., p. 177. 10Ibid., p. 181. 12Caren Siehl in Peter Frost, et al., Organizational Culture, (Beverly Hills, CA: A Sage Publication, 1985), pp. 125-140. 13Ibid., pp. 139-140. 49 14Asim Al-Araji, "The Relevancy and the Irrelevancy of the More Advanced Management Educational Programs to Arab Countries' Needs," International Review of Administrative Sciences, val. 47, no. 2, 1981. 15Ibid., pp. 105-114. 16Hooshang Kuklan, "The Administrative System in the Islamic Republic of Iran," International Review of Administrative Sciences, val. 47, no. 3, 1981. 17Ibid., pp. 218-224. 18Richard Chackerian and Suliman Shadukhi, "Public Bureaucracy in Saudi Arabia: An Empirical Assessment of Work Behavior, .. International Review of Administrative Science, val. 49, no. 4, 1983.

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50 19Ibid., pp. 319-323. 20Robert E. Quinn and Michael McGrath in Peter Frost et al., Organizational Culture, (Beverly Hills, CA: A Sage Publication, 1985), pp. 315-334. 21Ibid., pp. 315-316. 2 2 Ibid., pp. 317-318. 23Vijay Sathe (1983), "Implications of Corporate Culture: A Manager's Guide to Action," Organizational Dynamics, vol. 12, pp. 5-22. 24Alan Wilkins (1983), "The Culture Audit: A Tool for Understanding Organization," Organizational Dynamics, vol. 12, p. 24-28. 25Danie1 Denison (1984), "Bringing Corporate Culture to the Bottom Line," Organizational Dynamics, vol. 13, p. 5-22. 26Robert Ernest (1985), "Corporate Culture and Effective Planning," Personnel Administrator, vol. 30, p. 49-60. 27Lee G. Belman and Terrence E. Deal, Modern Approaches to understanding and Managing Organizations. (London: Jessey-Bass Publications, 1984), p. 149 . 28Herbert A. Applebaum, Royal Blue: The Culture of Construction Workers. (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1981), p. 123. 29Newton Margulies and John Wallace, Organizational Change: Techniques and Application. (Glenview, IL, 1973), p. 44. 30Jay M. Shafritz and J. Steven Ott, Classic of Organization Theory. (Chicago: Dorsey Press, 1987), p. 373. 31Schein, (1985), p. 9. 3 2 Ott, (1989), pp. 54-55. 33Ibrahim Al-Awaji, "Bureaucracy and Society in Saudi Arabia," (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Virginia, 1971).

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34Ibid., p. 2. 35Saud Al-Nimir, "Present and Future Bureaucrats in Saudi Arabia: A Survey Research," (Ph.D. dissertation, Florida State University, 1981). 36 b'd I 1 ., pp. ii-iv. 37Abdullah M. Al-Khaldi, "Job Content and Context Factors Related to Satisfaction and Dissatisfaction in Three Occupational Levels of the Public Sector in Saudi Arabia," (Ph.D. dissertation, Florida State University, 1983). 38Ibid., p. 19. 51 39Suliman Shadukhi, "Application of Organization Development (OD) in Saudi Arabia's Public Organizations," (Ph.D. dissertation, Florida State University, 1981). 40Ibid., p. 174. Saaty, "The Ecological Context of Public Administration in Saudi Arabia," (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Alabama, 1985). 42Ibid., pp. 176-177. 43Al-Awaji, (1971), p. 4. 44Ibid., p. 6 45Saaty, (1985), p. 5. 46Ferrel Heady, Public Administration: A Comparative Perspective, 2th ed. (New York: Marcel Dekker, Inc., 1979), p. 5. 47Ibid., p. 7 48Fred w. Riggs, Administration in Developing Countries. (Boston: Houghton-Muffin Company, 1964), pp. 27-29. 49Ibid., pp. 230-231.

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CHAPTER III BUREAUCRATIC VALUES Introduction "As in any other society, the social value system in Saudi Arabia exerts a profound impact upon the bureaucratic system to the extent that only in situations where there is harmony between value expectations and demands, on the one hand, and requirements of bureaucratic rules and directives, on the other, can the latter be carried out effectively."1 While organizations and bureaucracies are often changed by some kind of immediate development (such as oil discovery or introduction of modern technol9gy), their value systems, or "culture", persists long beyond the changes of a physical or formal nature. In Saudi Arabia, the persistence of traditional relationships between worker and worker, worker and job, and worker and external environment still exerts tremendous on the bureaucratic system and its behavior.

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53 Al-Awaj i points out that in organiza.tions such as the Saudi public bureaucracy, the basic values and beliefs are tremendously affected by the overall culture of the Kingdom. This includes beliefs about how things should be done, including work. In order for government plans or programs to be effective, it must somehow merge and combine those elements in the society that are harmonious with certain elements deemed important to the rules and internal environment of the bureaucracy (see Figure 3). Of course, not all of society's values and beliefs are related to or can affect the bureaucracy, and, on the other hand, not all of the bureaucracy's rules, traditions, or environments are affected by social norms and attitudes. For instance, interdependences within the nuclear family are very important to the Saudi people, but do not affect how the bureaucracy develops a recruitment package for computer programmers who must know how to do their jobs. Similarly, clear lines of authority and division of labor are important in all bureaucracies, but don't affect how a family raises its children. The gray area between the two sides is where OC comes into play and one sees that bureaucracies

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Figure 3. NON BUREAUCRATIC NOT IMPORTANT TOOC 54 Bureaucratic Orgnnizational Culture and Its Relationship to Sa.udi Society NORMS VALUES BELIEFS SOCIETY RULES Pnoceounr:s EINIRONMEIJ T CULTURAL DISSONANCE BUnEAUCRACY NOT IMPOH I I oc NON-SOCIAL

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55 are affected by society and culture. For instance, a foreign consultant might suggest that working on Friday (Moslem Holy Day) might increase efficiency. But the Saudi society would not stand for this and nobody would work (cultural conflict). Because no one would work, efficiency would fall off dramatically. The OC of public bureaucracies tends to support not doing much other than critical jobs like police and hospital on Fridays. This comes directly from the Kingdom's social culture. Going a step further, in Saudi Arabia, some ministerial programs not only must view organizational culture against a scheme of implementation (as in Figure 3), but must combine purely social with bureaucratic elements as well (see Figure 4). For when looking at higher education in Saudi Arabia, the bureaucracy notes that higher education is important for everyone to insure future progress. Society has deemed that not everyone, especially women, need higher education, but educating women is nevertheless still considered important. The trade-off becomes that men and women can have an education, but it is not mandated for girls. However, certain elements are involved that are purely religious and

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56 Figure 4. Organizational Culture and Social Program EDUCATION IMPORTANT FOR PEOPLE EDUCATION FOR ALL, FOR DEVELOPMENT NON BUREAUCRATIC I I I I I SEPARATION of: INSTITUION!:yBY SEX 1---......... --1 ( \ \ \ \ \ SOCIETY \ \ ( I Higher Educallon Program \l NON-SOCIAL BUREAUCRACY

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social in nature. This is the total separation of institutions for men and women. This religious proscription goes beyond OC, but is related to it because all organizations are separated by sex. And this is true in all Saudi organizations, from education, banking, and health, to simple things as transportation and entertainment. 57 The culture of Saudi Arabia is firmly entrenched in Islam, the national religion, and in Arab civilization and history. To understand the culture of the society which, in turn, lends legitimization to most all OC within it, one must understand the nation's past. Of prime importance is the distinction between Western bureaucratic thought that believes in such things as majority rule, a separation of church and state and rational ideology, and Saudi thinking. For instance, an interesting thought is that in Saudi Arabia, the political system and the bureaucracy were formed to implement the will of God as determined through the Koran and Shariah Law (God's Law). The early period of Saudi development was marked by three basic features: (1) a steady expansion of improvement in the administrative system, (2)

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58 serious financial constraints to internal development, caused by external factors, such as a relatively limited demand for oil, the wars, and general political instability in the Middle East, and (3) a generally steady economic growth and development.2 The significant immigration from rural Saudi Arabia to the cities had not yet begun. After World War II ended, things changed dramatically. The demand for oil increased revenues to the Kingdom. This elevated economic and social standards of living of Saudi citizens. Fundamental values and basic principles that helped to guide Saudi Arabia's balanced development included: 1. Maintaining religious and moral values of Islam; 2. Assuring the defense and internal security of the Kingdom; 3. Maintaining a high rate of economic growth by development of economic resources, maximizing earnings from oil over the long term, and conserving depletable resources; 4. Reducing economic dependence on the export of crude oil;

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5. Developing human resources by education, training, and raising standards of health; 59 6. Increasing the well-being of all groups within the society and fostering social stability under circumstances of rapid social change; 7. Developing the physical infrastructure to support achievement of the above goals.3 The government of Saudi Arabia introduced national development planning which led to four successive National Development Plans. The First Plan (1970-1975) stressed steady expansion of the economy and improvement of government services and management of the economy through new administrative programs. The Second Development Plan (1975-1980) was derived from conditions of financial independence provided by an increase in oil revenues. By the end of the Second Plan in 1980 there were twenty ministries, with sixty-six administrative agencies compared to fourteen ministries in 1975. The Third Development Plan aimed to diversify the economic base of the Kingdom to reduce dependence on oil, further the development of human resources by emphasizing education and training, and improve economic effectiveness and managerial skills. The Fourth Plan, begun in 1985, stresses more

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60 development in the area of human resources and diverse economic growth. But in all of the Plans, and programs for future development, the prime concern was with development and modernization in accordance with adherence to Saudi customs, values and time-honored traditions. The national strategy for development begins with two objectives: 1. To safeguard Islamic values ... duly observing, disseminating and confirming God's Divine Law; 2. To defend the Faith and the nation; and to uphold the security and social stability of the Realm.4 Value Descriptions Saudi Cultural Values. An understanding of Saudi cultural values begin with comprehension of the basic homogeneity of Saudi society. Unlike American, Western European and even some other Arab countries, there is almost no ethnic or religious diversity within the entire nation. Almost everyone is of Arab cultural heritage and professes belief in the holy Islamic religion. This is a new concept to many persons from other parts of the world who study Saudi society for

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61 either business or academic purposes. Westerners try to simplify this situation by comparing Saudi Arabia to other places better known to outsiders. For example, they often suggest that Saudi Arabia is "like" Sweden, where "everyone" is a Swede and a Lutheran, or "like" Ireland, where "everyone" is Irish and Roman Catholic. What these naive oversimplifiers overlook is Sweden has a significant cultural minority of Lapp peoples, and Ireland has a significant religious minority of Protestant believers. Starting off with the basic concept of dual ethnic and religious homogeneity, what are the characteristics, value-wise, of Saudi society? First of all, Islamic teaching as a determinant of social values shapes attitudes and behaviors. of individual Saudis.5 This is true even in topical areas that are not directly related to or based upon religion. The reason for this strong general influence of Islam in day-to-day Saudi life is because the Arabian Peninsula is the birthplace of this religion and has remained almost exclusively Moslem since its founding. Therefore, Islam is the basis for political legitimacy, the judicial system and general social

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moral code. It is the formal state religion, and its principles are the official supreme authority. 62 Some observers have stated that the Holy Koran, the book of guiding principles of Islam, is also the "constitution" of Saudi Arabia. While this statement borrows a western political term to make its point, it serves to point out how strong an impression the Islamic influence on Saudi society makes on an observer. It has also been noted that Islamic rules of personal conduct are highly specific in nature. Therefore, the Moslem religion has become for Saudis more than just a system of belief, but a total life code. Thus, Islamic law and ideals strongly influence the lives of all Saudi citizens, even persons who might not be strongly religious in their own private lives.6 There are other influences upon Saudis besides religious values, and one area of such influence is tribal values. From ancient times, the Arabian Peninsula was the domain of groups of Nomads who moved from place to place rearing camels, sheep, goats and other livestock. Over the ages, these different groups developed social values, folk lore and ways of doing things unique to each specific tribe. Later, when Islam came upon the scene, tribal traditions were

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modified to conform to the new religious beliefs. A few of the tribal traditions clashed with Islam to a degree; these have hung on a little bit although they are played down.7 63 In modern Saudi. society, tribal identity is still important sociologically, but less important economically and politically than it once was. This is true for three reasons.8 1. The percentage of total population engaged in both pastoralism and crop-based agriculture has steadily declined all over the world, and Saudi Arabia is no exception. 2. The establishment of a strong national government has led to more and more Nomads being encouraged to settle down. Also, the existence of an established central government has eliminated a need for tribal political authority. 3. Modern economic development of Saudi Arabia has led to more geographical mobility of the population. People of different tribes are mixed together in the work place and where they live., whereas formerly, different tribes had established territories.

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64 Tribal attachment is still a matter of pride to some Saudis. In addition, some of the old Bedouin values still survive as important personal beliefs. For instance, the concept of righteous labor as a dignified human endeavor is an ancient idea. When Islam arrived, this work ethnic also was an Islamic teaching, so it became strengthened. However, another long-standing Bedouin value is that manual labor is "not as nice" and for lower class or less apt people. Even though both Islamic teaching and modern industrial practice hold otherwise, many modern Arab young men still disdain "getting their hands dirty" for this reason.9 Tribal attachment might be said to be an element of heterogeneity in an otherwise homogeneous society, but this is a dangerous overgeneralization. For example, all tribes share four basic views. These are: 1) the Moslem faith is the correct religion; 2) the Arabic language is what everybody talks, reads and writes; 3) basic cultural traits are shared by everyone, because all are Arabs; 4) the family is the basic unit of society, and village and tribal life should reflect this.10

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65 Therefore, it may be said that while tribal identity is still important to many Saudis, persons belonging to one tribe are not that different from those of another tribe. The sociological phenomenon of people hanging onto an older value that has lostits original importance is well known in all societies. For instance, the Chinese retain love of the ancestral village even though their family may have left it many generations ago. The British retain titles and customs that have had no real political importance for over 400 years. Some Americans pride themselves in "old country" lore or events surrounding such practically insignificant facts as the name of a sailing ship on which ancestors came .to the New World. Mexicans have kept alive customs directly rooted in the Aztec and Spanish Colonial experiences. Another interesting quality of Arab society that has great impact in the bureaucracy, the govern-ment, and in business is the relative castelessness of t 11 SOCle y. While some status based on birth exists, there is less of this than in most societies. Also, privileged status involves a very small percentage of the total population. It is a fundamental Islamic teaching that all men are equal, therefore, this view has been a given of Arabic society since the mid

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66 seventh century. The practical consequence of this has been that unlike Japanese, European, and North American societies, the peoples of the Arabian Peninsula never experienced a series of upheavals and revolution caused by social inequalities. Oriental and Western societies slowly and often violently eliminated the concept of social class based on birth. Arab society never had this concept in the first place. While royal families existed, there never was a large, multi-tiered aristocratic structure like that once found in India. All this does not mean that a social structure does not exist in Saudi Arabia, only that no one is considered "better than" anyone else. For instance, a five tiered social structure exists. The family (A'ilah) is the basic unit, the next broadest unit, the house (bayt), includes closer blood relatives living in the immediate vicinity. The third tier, Kin (ahl), includes persons less closely related or further away geographically, but still part of a person's relationship. The fourth level, subtribe, (hamula) of the same family is composed but less close of blood relatives. Many marriages take place within this unit, although this is changing somewhat as social mobility increases. The fifth level is the tribe (Qabillah), which may include many people.12

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67 It must be noted here that some Saudis do not belong to a tribe. These are persons who have either immigrated from elsewhere or whose families have done so during recent history. It is possible to "become" a Saudi by immigration, provided that naturalization laws are observed and the applicant is or becomes a Moslem. A long-standing Arab cultural value is collectivism.13 Because of the strong emphasis on family ties and kinship bonds, Arabs view society as a collection of groups rather than a collection of individuals. For centuries, Arabs have been helping out family, relatives and tribal brethren in need. This traditional Arab value is rooted in the ancient past, but received strong support and added permanence through the Koran and Sunnah (sayings, actions and practices of the Prophet Mohammed -peace be upon him).14 The concept of time in Arabic society is not radically different from that in other societies, but there is a theme of subordinating time commitments to status quo preservation and community expectation. Therefore, time is important for fulfillment of community endeavors and less important for personal achievement. 15

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68 Saudis have a definite concept of the role of the public servant. Not unlike other societies, Saudis view the bureaucracy as a source of help, a formalized structure for receiving benefits of various kinds. However, the difference between this outlook and some other societies concept of the public servant is that the benefits are more group or collectively oriented to a Saudi, and less individually based,16 Several long-standing Islamic values tie-in nicely with modern bureaucratic practice. Justice and equality are two prominent examples.17 What many western societies had to fight hard to achieve during recent times have been staunchly established Moslem values for centuries. For instance, the well-known American concept of equal employment opportunity, a recent historical development in the West, has long been accepted as a given in Arab culture. These values are strongly proscribed by Islamic teaching. A related value, also rooted in Islam, is that of dignity of the individual and respect for all persons, regardless of race, social station, etc.18 Again, what has been a recent struggle for some other societies has been established practice in the Arabian Peninsula since the seventh century.

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69 Conflict avoidance, a term often encountered in administrative science, is a traditional Arab value for interpersonal relationship.. Open confrontation is a taboo in polite Arab society.19 Mediation of disputes has long been assigned to special persons in the Arab World, and these people have a high status. However, these persons are not arbitrators or judges, only mediators.20 Several important Saudi values, while certainly not unique to Arab society, are well known as present in the cultural heritage of Saudi Arabia to a high degree. These are respect for older persons, compassion toward the disadvantaged, and belief in governmental responsibility for the welfare of individual citizens. Particular manifestation of these values is seen in placing of considerable value on opinions and decisions rendered by older leaders, and the providing by the government of free health care and education. There is no charge or taxation for municipal services in Saudi Arabia, although fees for special services exist. Health care in public hospitals and clinics is free to all citizens.

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70 Western Management Values. A certain amount of stereotyping of so-called "Western ways of doing things" exists among the masses of people in many places around the world. The spread of Western influence into many places, including the Third World, has created considerable exposure for the style of bureaucratic management in vogue in Western Europe and North America. Sorting through the maze of folklore, opinions and unscientific impressions one hears, just what, empirically stated, are "Western Management Values?" First of all, it is necessary to identify any underlying philosophical-ideological views that have shaped Western managerial thinking. In America especially, one hears of the "Protestant Work Ethic," and this implies a religious basis for conduct of nonreligious endeavor. Looking back at the religious upheaval that swept Western Europe during the Sixteenth Century, it is possible to find the roots of this idea. The Calvinistic or Puritan branch of the Christian reformers taught that since man cannot know his spiritual fate, he must work hard to transform the world into a better place.21 Coping with wickedness, or withdrawing from it into a monastery, the two

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71 approaches to worldly endeavor advocated by the competing Roman Catholic viewpoint, were not acceptable to the Calvinists. Along with this concept, the Protestants advocated a more individual and rational approach to running one's life. The Lutherans argued that every man is his own priest, and all Protestants emphasized a more rational approach than the earlier Christian authorities had taught. The strong themes of individualism and reliance of rationality-based decision-making found in modern western management are traceable to these origins. Not all all underlying principles of Western Management Values come from a religious background. One important set of beliefs springs from biological science, most notably the theories of Charles Darwin. A famous nineteenth century British biologist, is the father of the theory of evolution. Simply stated, his ideas hold that a process called "natural selection" leads to "differentiation of species." This merely means that creatures best adapted to survival and thus more apt to reproduce, pass on genetically the traits that help guarantee survival of future generations. In time, a species (such as a certain kind of birds) emerges in which all members look alike and have

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72 the same desirable trait (like a longer beak for better finding grubs in tree bark). Obviously, Darwin's theory has nothing to do with management science. But it wasn't long before other thinkers adapted his views to the social sciences and ultimately to human organizations. Their reasoning is that a collective grouping (such as a government agency or business over time, tries various ways of running its affairs. Theoretically, this trial and error process leads the agency closer to a "best" (or at least "better") way of doing things.22 This point of view is commonly called "social Darwinism." Some recent theorists have taken classical social Darwinism one step further, and suggested that it is environmental, largely external forces acting upon an agency or corporation that control its evolution.23 They reason that it changes to adapt to these forces that impinge upon it, than as a result of internal actions taken by its management. A third background source for Western Management Values is found in western political philosophy. The late eighteen century witnessed two Populist revolutionary upheavals, the American

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73 Revolution of 1776 and the French Revolution of 1789. The political writers who justified these movements based their thinking upon the basic equality of all men, and the idea that governmental power comes from the consent of the governed. These original views logically led to specific application to organizational behavior and decision-making. For example, if all men are equal, then hiring practices must reflect this, and all employees, up to a point, must share in the d . k. 2 4 ec1s1on-ma 1ng process. In addition, the concept of democracy, extended to apply to bureaucratic governance, is interpreted to dictate that public organizations are ultimately subject to control of elected public officials. A further extension of this concept suggests that the public at large should have a say in shaping policies and actions of governmental 2 5 agenc1es. Given the tripartite background (theology, biology, political science) of Western Management Values, what are they like in practical, contemporary terms? Efficiency and effectiveness are strong Western Management .Values. The former implies that an agency should go about its work in the quickest, easiest and

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most economical way. The latter require that a best way be found for doing the work, and that some scientifically based means should be employed to measure outcome.26 Closely tied to these concepts is the value of rationality, which states that the yardstick of reason should play a role in determining behavior and judging performance of the agency.27 74 A second cluster of values centers around the general area of equality of persons. Secular humanism, for instance, is the concept that everyone is not only equal, but basically good. Therefore, an agency may not discriminate among workers or clients on a basis of religion, nor is it necessary for anyone to profess religious beliefs to be worthy of employment or to receive service. A related value is neutrality, that preferential treatment of any kind is forbidden. This value goes beyond requiring any religious test, and extends to birth, social status and similar considerations. In Western thinking, this value precludes discrimination based on sex, and forbids nepotism. An allied value is representativeness, which holds that everybody must be represented in the work force. In contemporary Western practice, this is often interpreted to mean that various ethnic and

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racial groups should be represented in the work force in roughly similar proportions to their proportion in society as a whole. 75 A series of values focuses on the relationship of bureaucracy to the political process. The politics/ management dichotomy, for example, is the principle that the bureaucracy cannot become involved in the political process, and that management decisions must not be based on political considerations, but on the "best" way to do things. Accountability is a value that implies that all agencies must ultimately answer, in a way prescribed by law, to government authority. The value of professionalism holds that managerial or technical nature workers must meet a test of qualification. While this test might consist of education, training, and/or experience, it must be universally applied to all. It also is interpreted to apply to all ranks of employment. Ministry of Municipal and Rural Affairs (MMRA) Municipalities, as divisions of governmental administration have existed in Saudi Arabia for a long time. Even before the Kingdom's unification, cities

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such as Makkah, Al-Medina, and Jiddah grew into important administrative centers .2 8 76 In 1927, the Municipal Administration Ordinance was issued, but only applied to the Holy City of Makkah. It was amended later to become applicable to all municipalities in 1936. This ordinance set up the first design for establishing municipal development strategy and policy. It was agreed at that time that a plan was necessary to help Saudi municipalities to become modernized.29 In 1960, the Ministry of Interior was moved to Riyadh, and all municipalities were placed under the general authority of the Department of Municipal Administration within the Interior Ministry.30 In 1962, the King and Council of Ministers created the independent central system specifically for the affairs of municipal cities. Being a sort of subministry, it was called the Deputy Ministry of the Interior for Municipal Affairs, or Department of Municipal Affairs, formerly the Directorate of Municipalities within the Ministry of Interior.31 The department became responsible for the supervision of all municipal affairs, water departments, sewage disposal, and drainage of rainwater in the Kingdom and was charged with the planning, supervision, and inspection of all related work.32

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77 Municipalities, then, were very important to Saudi Arabia in the early stages. Cities became the focal point for everyday activities. People carne in to find better conditions, and services. Services to municipalities improved with. time and, in an attempt to provide for expansion and development of towns and villages in the future, the. King issued "Royal Decree No. A/236 of 8.10.1395 (October 13, 1976 A.D.) forming the new Cabinet and establishing the Ministry of Municipal and Rural Affairs."33 One of the first things the MMRA did was contract with McKinsey International, a New York consulting firm to pursue modernization. The consultants were asked to .. assist in defining the distribution of responsibilities between our Ministry (MMRA) at the center and the municipalities and other authorities affiliated with us, and in developing new organizations and to carry out these responsibilities. 4 The upshot of this consultancy was a reorganization plan calling for more decentralization, which led to greater responsibilities for cities and regional offices.

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78 The new organization was given to ministry officials who approved the plan for a partly decentralized ministry organization and structure (see Figure 5). The chart is easy to comprehend and shows that a large portion of the organization is still more applicable to urban areas than rural areas. The Saudi Arabian government has agreed that development of the rural. Kingdom is a high priority item for the future of the society. The policies and objectives have changed from one of early neglect to one of growing importance. Rural policies have altered the look of an organization that has grown into a new ministry (MMRA). Lately, the Council of Ministers has approved new bylaws that amend the responsibilities of the ministry. More emphasis is being put upon the needs and desires of the people, based upon custom and tradition, than upon purely rational planning for future development. The MMRA is the point where programs are developed for the future. Their organization will be an interesting one to study. Summary A knowledge of values prevalent in society, of impacting outside values, and of bureaucratic organization and its history facilities understanding any given

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79 OC found in a segment of that society. The present is a product of the past, and, in addition, what exists in an organization is the sum amalgam of many different influences and forces. While the OC found in the MMRA today no doubt has some uniquenesses stemming from things specific to that ministry, it more than likely has some similarities to OCs of other Saudi ministries as well. A thorough understanding of background facts and forces facilitates the scholarly analysis of the topic under study.

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MINISTER Riyadh-Municipality I VICE MINISTER Makkah Municipality I Medinah Municipality I Jeddah Municipality I Dammam Municipality I I I I Deputy Minister Deputy Minister Deputy Minister Deputy Minister Technical City Planning Municipal Rural Affair& Affairs Affairs I ' ' Regional Office Regional Office Regional Office Regionil.l Office Regional office Regional Office Eastern Region Northern REgion oasum Region Central Region Region Southern Region ---------(Various Municipalities Class B, c, and D) Adapted from Aidros "The Municipal system in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia: A Case study of Makkah." (Ph.D. dissertation, Claremont Graduate School, 1982), p. 24. I'll .... I.Q c ,., (1) U1 0 8 H!:;:J" ttl ;:31.0 ............ OCX> .... '00 1).1 ,., 1-'I.Q 1).1 1).1 ;:l ;:l .... P,.N 1).1 c .... ,., 0 1).1 ;:l I-' n ):o:;:r H!OI Hlrt Olrt" .... ,., 0 UlH! rt' :;:r (1) .... ;:l .... Ul rT ,., '"< 00 0

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81 NOTES CHAPTER III 1Ibrahim Al-Awaji, "Bureaucracy and Society in Saudi Arabia" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Virginia, 1971), p. 53. 2Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Planning, Third Plan, p. 7. 3 Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Planning, Second Plan, p. 4. 4Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Planning, Fourth Plan, p. 363. 5Mohammed S. Al-Ghamdi, "The Impact of Ecological Factors Upon the Attitudes of Saudi students Toward Work VAlues: A Search for Development Approach", (Ph.D. dissertation, The Florida State University, 1982), p. 14. 6 Ibid., P 14. 7Ibid., p. 15. 8Ibid., p. 16. 9 Ibid., pp. 17-18. 10 Al A .. -waJl, (1971), p. 56. 11Ibid., p. 62-63. 12Ibid., p. 78. 13Ibid., p. 78. 14Ibid., p. 73. 15Ibid., p. 77. 16Ibid., pp. 80-81. 17Ahmed A. Al-Jilani, "Environmental Impact on Organizational Design in Saudi Arabia" (Ph.D. dissertation, The Florida State University, 1985), pp. "44-45. 18Ibid., pp. 46-47. 19Ibid., p. 55.

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82 20Ibid., pp. 54-55. 21Peter Blau and Marshall Meyer, Bureaucracy in Modern Society, 2nd ed. (New York City: Random House, 1971), p. 29. 22Nicholas Abercrombie, Steven Hill and Bryan Turner, Dictionary of Sociology (Britain: Richard Clay [The Chancer Press Ltd.] 1984), pp. 84-85. 23W. Graham Astley and Andrew H. van de Ven, "Central Perspectives and Debates in Organization Theory," Administrative Science Quarterly, val. 28 (1983), p. 250. 24Emmette S. Redford, Ideal and Practice in Public Administration (University of Alabama: University of Alabama Press, 1975), p. 78. 25Robert B. Denhardt, Theories of Public Organization (Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole Publishing Company, 1984), p. 17. 26Redford, (1975) pp. 1-17. 27Harold Gartner, et al., Organization Theory (Chicago: The Dorsey Press, 1987), pp. 66-69. 28Aidros Abdullah Srour Al-Sabban, "Municipal System in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia: A Case Study of Makkah," (Ph.D. dissertation, Claremont Graduate Scho9l, 1982), p. 4. 2 9 Ibid., p. 7. 3 0 Ibid., p. 11. 3 1 Ibid. p. 12. 32Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Interior, Municipal Services, val. 1 (Riyadh: Middle East Press, 1974), p. 5. 33Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Municipal and Rural Affairs, Municipal Services (Riyadh: Safir Offset Press, 1976), p. 12. 34McKinsey International, Inc., Mastering Urban Growth: A Blueprint for Management (New York: McKinsey International, 1978), p. 7.

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CHAPTER IV RESEARCH DESIGN Definition of Terms and Procedures, Major Research Emphasis Phase I -Qualitative Analysis of OC (a) Basic Approach This research approach considers data that appear in words rather than in numbers. These data are usually collected through observation, interviews, extracts from documents, tape recordings, etc.1 The approach consists of activities such as "data reduc-tion," "data display," and "conclusion drawing/ verification." The method and data are likely to be ". most useful in the assessment of environmental attributes, and are less likely to be appropriate where participants' interpretations of environments are to be measured."2 Data Reduction refers to the .. process of selecting, focusing, simplifying, abstracting, and transforming the raw data that appear in written-up

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84 field notes."3 This process includes doing summaries, coding, making clusters, and continually writing memoirs and notes. It is a continual.part of qualitative analysis. Data Display is another process that takes the data and organizes it into a "display" (organized assembly) that permits a researcher to look at it and draw conclusions or take some kind of immediate action. Looking at displays helps to understand something at a glance and visualize an action. For qualitative data, the narrative or written display is the most frequently used. It includes such things as charts, graphs, and matrices.4 Conclusion Drawing and Verification is the third element in the process where the researcher sits down and decides what all of the research data means. He notes regularities, patterns, explanations, and casual relationships.5 Some things may be obvious from the beginning of the process while others may change slightly, or dramatically, as new data is processed. "Final" conclusions are not noted until the process is over and all pertinent data analyzed. In most cases, drawing up conclusions is not the final stage. After that, verification, testing the validity

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85 of the conclusions, is also necessary. Sometimes, verification leads to new data reduction when the conclusions are not "confirmable." But hopefully, verification will support the conclusions and research will be significant. (b) Ideographic Method A form of qualitative research design which stresses the importance of letting one's subject unfold its nature and characteristics during the process of investigation. (c) Levels of Culture (Artifacts and Creations, Values, Basic Assumptions) The definition for this hierarchical, interactive process will be that used by Edgar Schein. (d) Four Transactional Systems and Organization Forms (Rational, Ideological, Consensual and Hierarchical Culture) The definition of this fourfold categorization will be that used by Robert Quinn and Michael McGrath. (e) Conflict Resolution is a process which while viewing conflict as inevitable, seeks to keep its elimination constructive rather than destructive6 (f) Description of population and sample

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86 The population studied qualitatively was the approximately 600 (as of December, 1987-January, 1988) workers and managers of the MMRA. Most were Saudi citizens, Arabs and Moslems. The population included some non-Saudi "Guest Employees." All MMRA employees were adult males. Non-human artifacts and creations were also examined, these included the office building, its furnishings and technological hardware, as well as immediate external environs. (g) Instrumentation There were three qualitative used. One was systematized observation within the MMRA facility and on its adjacent grounds. Another was an analysis of written responses to item #20, a qualitatively oriented item contained in an otherwise quantitative check list administered to an employee sample. Item 20 was designed to elicit spontaneous, probing questions made during subconscious cues, hence its qualitativeness. A third instrument was structured interviews with a randomly chosen sample of five "new" workers, five "old" workers, five "new" managers, and five "old" managers. The middle tenure (one to five year) subgroup was not interviewed. Interviews themselves are not a qualitative technique, because they are not direct, primary data observation.

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87 In addition to the above, the researcher conducted observations based on the levels of culture proposed by Edgar Schein. These complement questionnaire and interview data. Schein's level one, "artifacts and creations," consisting of technology, art, and visible audible behavior patterns, were measured by observation for the former and by questionnaire and interview data for the Schein's level three, "basic assumptions," dealing with relationships to environment and the nature of reality time and space, human nature, human activity and human relationships, were measured largely by questionnaire and interview. The investigator is aware of the fact that this methodology has some limitations for fully learning level three data. While this approach will allow sampling of basic assumptions, it will not lead to a complete assessment of them. Given the goals of this study, such an assessment is deemed adequate. Following the data collection, data were analyzed using the interactive model proposed by Miles and Huberman.' Phase II -Quantitative Survey of OC (a) Description of Population and Sample The population is all employees and management personnel working in the Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, Ministry

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of Municipal and Rural Affairs as of the period December 15, 1987 to January 16, 1988. The sample is 60 workers and 20 managers chosen from the population by stratified randomization methods. ("Management" includes supervisory persons at all levels, such as minister, deputy ministers, general directors, department heads and unit heads.) (b) Instrumentation 88 The instrumentation is a questionnaire, an ordinal response scale version of the Culture Awareness Checklist,8 translated into Arabic, and adapted to a Saudi cultural context by modification of some words and deletion and addition of a few items. The researcher attempted to avoid influencing checklist validity by confining modifications to cultural accommodations only. The English version is found in Appendix A. The structured interview is found in Appendix B. (c) Methodology The investigator administered an adaptation of the Culture Awareness Checklist to a stratified (by years of job tenure) random sample of employees of the Saudi MMRA. This was done between December 17, 1987 and January 16, 1988. Sixty employees and twenty

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managers were sampled. They were divided into three job tenure subgroups: "new" less than one year, more than one but less than five, and "old" more than five years. All subjects were male Arab Moslems. Phase III -Propositional Hypotheses (a) There will be an identifiable OC in the MMRA. (b) This oc will be describable in meaningful terms. Subhypotheses (B)(l) Does Quinn and McGrath's typology exist? 89 (2) What are the subcultures, if any? (c) There will be significant differences between prevailing Arab and Islamic values and modern Western management practices in the Saudi bureaucracy. (For example, if 80% of workers interviewed complain about being asked to work Friday afternoons, the Moslem Holy Day, this would probably be evidence for supporting this hypothesis.) (d) There will be a significant difference between newer and long-term employees in their awareness of oc. (e) There will be a significant difference between managerial and non-managerial employees in their awareness of OC.

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Secondary Research Emphasis As an ancillary research topic, a descriptive study of formal conflict resolution behaviors in the MMRA was undertaken. Four different aspects of conflict resolution, two internal and two external, were examined. These studied policies and implementation of conflict resolution as follows: 1. Intra-agency (a) Resolution of conflict between parallel employees, 90 (b) resolution of conflict between workers and management. 2. Inter-agency (a) Resolution of conflict between the agency and the public, (b) resolution of conflict between the agency and parallel agencies. A portion of the ancillary research effort involved establishing how closely OC in the MMRA mirrors Saudi culture in general. For example, Saudi society is collectivistic. It has been alleged that a problem exists because it features close-knit familial and tribal bonds, in contrast to American society,

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91 which is more heterogeneous. As a result, the Saudi bureaucracy has been subjected to occasional influence of nepotism and tribalism on hiring and promotions. Because the bureaucracy in Saudi Arabia employs a Western-type civil service model, an area of potential conflict presents itself. It may well be that at times, OC in the MMRA does not present a mirror image of overall Saudi culture. How and extensive is such a departure?

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NOTES CHAPTER IV 1Matthew B. Miles and A. Michael Huberman, .Qualitative Data Analysis (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, 1984), p. 21. 2H. Kirk Downey and R. Duane Ireland in John Van Maanen, editor, Qualitative Methodology (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, 1983), p. 188. 3Miles and Huberman, (1984) p. 21. 4Ibid., p. 21. 5 Ibid. p. 22. 6Jay M. Shafritz, Dictionary of Public Administration (N.Y.: Facts of File Publications, 1985)' p. 116. 7Miles and Huberman, (1984), p. 9. 8Craig R. Hickman and Michael A. Silva, Creating Excellence (New York: New American Library, 1984), pp. 65-69. 92

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, CHAPTER V CULTURAL SAMPLING OF MMRA Phase I -Qualitative Analysis of oc 1. Observations of Artifacts and Creations Visual and auditory observations were conducted to obtain data at Schein's first cultural level, artifacts and creations. The investigator spent approximately two hours per day for six days during the period December 15, 1987 through January 16, 1988 conducting these observations. To assess artifacts and creations, the researcher observed actual work in progress in offices and monitored hallway flow. He monitored employee arrivals and departures in the parking lot. He participated in informal interactions with numerous employees during break periods. He also did a systematic inventory of posted wall materials, including decor, such as art work, and job-related items, like maps, charts and diagrams. The investigator noted what appeared to be considerable warm and kind interchanges between

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employees and employees and clients. He saw a high incidence of Arab handshakes, known as "salaam" or "tahiah". These are an Islamic goodwill greeting. 94 The researcher noticed a predominance of small two or three employee room workstations, as opposed to a large, open multi-employee work place. Telephones or couriers were used for interoffice communication. When the entire ministry broke for prayers, known as "salat zuhor", an overwhelming majority of employees, without distinction of rank, intermingled in a mosque located within the ministry. This is the only large group phenomenon observed. The MMRA building, a large modern structure, was unusually clean, inside and out, even by Saudi standards. Externally, the facility fit a generally accepted definition of beauty both architecturally and by reason of elaborate landscaping. Internally, most offices had individual air conditioning units. Elaborate art works and paintings were almost everywhere. Maps of the country and many of its cities, as well as photographs, also abounded. Pictures of the present and former were tastefully displayed. Office equipment was plentiful and modern, this included telephones, Arabic and English electric type-

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95 wtiters, copying machines and the latest in office furniture. Higher managerial persons had computers in their offices. Each department and its units had matching stainless steel name plates conveniently posted; a visitor would have no trouble finding his way. An attractive, quarterly slick magazine, called Al-Baladeiyat (The Municipalities) is available at the public relations office. This magazine is a major public relations arm of the MMRA, abounding in 4-color separation photography and highly readable feature articles. Two interesting observations, perhaps minor, were also noted. Some MMRA offices displayed artificial potted trees as decorations. Some employees told the investigator that they had graduated from a university abioad, many of these American. The investigator noticed that official rank was very obvious from an artifactual standpoint. Higher ranking executives could be identified by an outsider from office size, furnishings and equipment. The MMRA office complex contained a modern, well equipped library. It was open to all employees,

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and to outsiders. Books and other materials of a professional, job-related nature were available. 96 2. Item #20 Responses -Purpose and Culture Item #20 deliberately differs from the other 40. It is an open-ended, short response. "fill in the blank" type of item. It asks respondent to .. state the MMRA's purpose ... This item's purpose is to seek affective key statements regarding subject perceptions of OC within the MMRA. Item 20 was "buried" in the middle of the otherwise "circle the best answer" type of instrument. This was done to elicit more candid responses than would have been made had the question been placed at the beginning or end, or made into a separate instrument. The investigator, in analyzing findings, logically has chosen to look at Item 20 responses first, using the qualitative, ideographic approach. Worker responses fell into four general categories. Almost half of the 60 workers, 29 or 48.3%, gave a response indicating that general public service was the MMRA's purpose. Seven workers (11.7%) indicated that a specific function (sanitation, beautification, etc.) was the purpose. Eight (13.3%) suggested that implementation of national government policy or

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97 objectives was the purpose, and 16 workers (or 26.7%) left item 20 blank. Among the 20 managers, three general response categories emerged. Four managers, 20%, listed some aspect of internal supervision of agency performance as the MMRA's purpose. Eleven managers, 55%, indicated general public service as the purpose, and five, or 25%, listed some aspect of carrying out national government plans and objectives as the purpose. No managers left Item 20 unanswered. Table 2 shows a breakdown of Item 20 response categories for workers by years of tenure and Table 3 does similarly for managers. TABLE 2 Workers' Item 20 Responses, by Employment Tenure Substantive Response Category <1 yr >1,<5 yrs <5 yrs TOTAL General Public Service 6 10 13 29 Specific Job Function 0 4 3 07 Implement Government Authority 0 4 4 08 Left Item 20 Blank 3 7 6 16 TOTAL 09 25 26 60

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98 TABLE 3 Managers' Item 20 Responses, by Managerial Tenure Substantive Response Category <1 yr >l,
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99 plus side, interviewing as opposed to either checklist or observational data collection, allows for investigator probing into initial responses. This can yield great dividends later, when all data are analyzed and compared. On the minus side, a researcher must never lose sight of the fact than any sample of a population, even one chosen by proper statistical means, isn't necessarily representative of the overall population. Also interviewee statements cannot always be accepted at face value, any more than can questionnaire responses, even after professional probing and clarification measures have been used. Figure 6 follows. It contains item by item display of summarized interview responses of the 20 subjects. These subjects are identified as "new" workers a, b, c, d, and e; "old" workers a, b, c, d, and e; "new" managers a, b, c, d, and e, and "old" managers a, b, c, d, and e. Phase II -Quantitative Analysis of oc As previously mentioned, the investigator administered an adaptation of the Culture Awareness Checklist to 60 workers and 20 managers of the MMRA.

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Figure 6 lnteiVieN in Tah.llar Fomat I ten# N:w 'l.bd cantry arrl a) lfglrle ard m:dema) Serve Sau1 i a) St.peiVise m.rrlciptli-as tte M6\' s naintain peqlle' s ize cities & citizen ties arrl rural con-missi.m? {rCP!rty plexes, save citiZEm b) Iarelq:>, m::demize b) Adl ieve goJel'rliBlt b) Serve cit iZEm b) St.peiVise arrl direct cities arl plan cbjectives an tte mnici. ties 1\ral. Svs. Cbn-cipll sector plexes (RiC) c) Serve cantry. c) St.pervise & cxntrol c) Adlieve best c) St.peiVise. mnici{Bl-citizens & gpests mnicipll i ties an svc. formni-ities ESC's to g01ennmt cbjective cpuities. lrll ieve g::w' t plan plblic private sector; achieve pt' missim; please citizms / d) Beautify. ptve, d) f11pl81B1t gcw' t d:r d) Serve citizens d) c leon srrlllBintain jective to mdemize ities ad RlC' s an::i streets ubm plannir:g telp then; serve citizens; Fol.l.a.Y-q> e) larrlscspe cities e) Mrtemize. dev'elcp e) M::d.emize m.ne) Serve mntcy 1: an1 l'lU'81 areas lrlml ad rural area. try t.hrcugh rm:lemizir:g ui::an 5q)el'Vise mni ci(Bl-mniciptli ities arl rural a-eas i ties arl m::: s arl IBC's ...... 0 0

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Figure 6 (Qnt. I) I ntel'View ResfX:Il58S in Tahllar Fomat ltan # N::w \\bikers Old Yblkers NwM:mgers 00-(rurally speak-a) Excellent a) G:lcd a) Cbcd irg, tnol cami t ted to tteir v.olk are b) Very goal b) Very gocd b) Fair M.R\. cmprred to c:trer c) To hiWlest degree c) Excellent c) Very goal v.olkers? d) Ibesn' t lnw d) Very goal d) Fair e) Exrellent e) Very gocd, I'm e) Fair prarl of bm! rn-!Xes lslEmic a) Yes a) Sure a) Yes belief tre WJ.Y )0.1 harrlle b) Yes b) Sure b) Yes, to tre yrur vmk at M\00 higtest! c) Cf oo.Irse c) Yes c) Wi tlnlt cb.bt d) Yes, avoid cteati.rg, d) Wittrut dabt d) Yes, to a great etc.
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6 (Clllt.') lntervie.v Resp:nses in TabJ.lar FomBt I ten# N:Jv W:Jikers Old W:n:kers Old 1\t:lnagers 04-G:na-ally a) Better tlEl a) Exoellmt a) Chai a) Very goal irg. h:w ta:imi-mlly !D'IpatEnt b) Very goal b) Excellent b) Cbai b) Cbai are 1\t.R!\. Wld!ers ooq::aredto c) Lmsn' t krD'I c) Exre llent c) Goal c) Exrellent otrer v.olkers? d) ll:esn' t lnw d) Fair d) Fair d) Cbal e) v.e are too best! e) Very goal e) Cbat e) Excellent 05-GfnE!'ally spaaka) D:2sn' t 'kroN a) Thru fomBl trairr a) Thru ll'OOtire a) nru actml irg, are v.od!ers irg actw.l jcb d. daily w:u:k (rOOtire arrl tErlnically (ractire jcb trainirg tent v.h:n startirg at 1\I.R\., or c:b 1h:!y b) "all tre tirre" (m b) 'Ihru tre j 00 b) Thru trainirg b) 'llm1 jcb a:n;ul-laun nmt of treir tte jcb) rutside til! taticn skills m tre job? ministry c) M:stly fron jcb c) M:stly thru (rOc) Thru actm.l jcb c) Thru f essianl v.orlt {rSCtice l:y fq)ervisor d) M:s tl y fran folrl"81 d) Thru trainirg in d) Thru fonml in-d) Thru folll1ll instructrai.nirg tre ministry structicn ticn in tte ministry e) Thru trainirg e) 'lbru fomil train-e) 'lbru "o:ns.ll ta-e) nru telp arrl irg arotrer ministry tim" e.planatim cf. otrer C"ployees ..... 0 N

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6 (Chnt.') IntelVieN Hespa1ses in Tatular FoJrmt I tsn # N:w W:>IHers Old \'bdlers N:w Mn:lgers OldM!nfers 02-lbv vell do )0..1 a) Didn' t 81191er tie a) Didn't q..esa) Very goal a) al b) Exrellent c) Very goo1 c) c)
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6 (Cbnt.') I ntei.Vie.v Rcsp:nses in Tahllar Fo11B.t I tan# N:w W:>rl tremJse of tratSauli ainin-organizaticn tut ro it's rot di. f feremes in agercies a:py & 001p.1terizatim, a goo:l i:lea. 'lte OEtaJB an:l Westem nnmgmmt di.visioo ri. lal:x>r; trnories clash tm::litias ideas. Ib v.e? this is rn clash with rur ideas If ro, stnlld v.e? with I alan, as it 0 my cr v.hy not? wis:lan Is this a goal idea? b) tb, rut trere b) Yes, if ro clash b) Yes (tmn m b) Yes (\\e cb) arrl is m similarity erists with wr Ieli-amrent) (v.e Snlld) m betv.eEn \\estem neas gicn, b.lt ve nust elaoorat icn an::l wr fl!rutinize (tre ideas) jliig-irg for rur a:x:iety 0

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c) Jib c) Yes. efP!Cially in c) Yes. 1his is c) tb. hlt Ye can tre organizaticn area pu-t of an f fort dnaie s:ne UBt ard ef ficiemy. md if to dellelcp an are goCil trere is m clmh or tdninistrative ccnfl ict (with tre UBt culture). rut rot mix fits mr ml igicn IM'l arrl wnen in Wll"k place d) Yes. h=carre BJre d) Yes. sore of ttesa d) Jib ( tl'el m d) tb. hlt Ye select ideas a-e very ideas rnlp achieve aJJIJBlt) fran Westem tln.ght useful, ecrept in \'Oik. trey fit tte Uxlse thir:gs tiB t religicn mture ci. ministry's dn' t clash arrl lkirg in like alx:ut '1181ce&alt ani fanily f{a!ial anpltibili ty to ny at M.OO Ow.y. 8'1 arployee; at&iu;pere but Yhlt' s a::ivBrnlrent atrut 1\MlAJ p:ltential ....... 0 U1

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b) Cbrtmi ties to colleogtE mlatims, fsnily fitsny a:1varrsmlt ero:uragmmt of t.yp! ties ialty StperiOIS c) c) fran c) Sqpnt and c) Otll:!r erployees tmining arl 8l:la.lrlge tre charm d. l'lllllllg91Ent YOrners m=nt 'Dey IUt right in jcb ard provide trainir srd a::lvarDmnt d) l'b 8llS'lel" d) l t' s a ser:vice min-d) N:>. All ninisd) Trainirg and istry ard a najori ty tries a-e e:pal, scrolarshipi to of arployees ttat rut rere oollstu:ly abrald feelirg ard are behirrl mgtes ooq>erate gov' t efforts to m:demize e) Suitability of ny e) 'DE mttn'e of t1E e) Frowr!Wft81t e) 1 to !elVe S{ECial ty to my joo, vo.t:k. iq:>ro.rmmt of fron a tiE cnntry. Cbq:erlave of ny a::untry ay ability, serurity, tela tim with ITfl atim 01 tlE pu-t ard oocperatim arl ttut fanil y mlleagoos of ny wperiom, B1D'g mployee feel irg (mag vomers) and of sdnlar!hi{E ..... 0 0\

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107 Items 1 through 19 were created by the researcher for the specific goals of his study. Items 20 through 41 are Arabic translations, with suitable editorial modifications, of the original English language instrument of Hickman and Silva. Items 1-19 and 21-41 were answered by subjects using a 5 point ordinal response scale. As an aid in identifying differences between newer and long-term employees, and between managers and non-managers, a Chi2 statistical analysis was done on checklist items 1 through 19 and 21 through 41. This quantitative approach was taken to identify possible key components of OC. It is a tool for providing additional statistical support for data bits analyzed along qualitative lines. 1. Workers to workers Comparison Workers' checklist responses were analyzed in a series of 5 x 3 Chi2 matrices. Whenever responses in "never" and "seldom" categories to a given item were insufficient for Chi2 application, these two categories were combined. A similar procedure was applied to "usually" and "always" responses when appropriate. The matrices, one for each item, contained the "never," "little", "sometimes," "usually" and "always" response

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108 total on the horizontal axis, and worker job tenure categories on the vertical axis. These were "less than one year," "greater than one, less than five years" and "moie than five years" categories. Only items found significant at the .OS level are considered significant. For the workers, only three items, #1 #3 and #21, met the test of significance. Table 4 lists items and reports the statistical analysis of worker responses to them. In each case, as the length of employment tenure increases, the degree of affirmative responses becomes greater. TABLE 4 Worker to Worker Significant Checklist Item Responses Item #1, "MMRA is collaborative." SomeRow Never Little times Usually Always Total <1 year 0 4 0 1 4 9 15% >1,<5 years 1 1 7 12 4 25 41.7% >5 years 0 1 9 7 9 26 43.3% TOTAL 1 6 16 20 17 60 % 1.7 10.0 26.7 33.3 28.3 100.0 degrees of freedom = 8 significance 0.0036

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109 Item #3, "MMRA is procedural." (Procedural, in its Arabic translation, means routine, rule-oriented.) SomeRow Never Little times Usually Always Total <1 year 1 0 1 4 3 9 15.0% >1,<5 years 0 6 5 4 10 25 41.7% >5 years 0 2 9 1 14 26 43.3% TOTAL 1 8 15 9 27 60 % 1.7 13.3 25 15 45 100.0 degrees of freedom = 8 significance = 0.0113 Item #21, "Do all employees know that purpose?" (of the MMRA) SomeRow Never Little times Usually Always Total <1 year 2 0 5 0 2 9 15.8% >1,<5 years 0 1 11 9 4 25 41.7% >5 years 0 1 13 6 6 26 43.4% TOTAL 2 7 27 13 11 60 % 3.3 i1.7 45 21.7 18.3 100.0 degrees of freedom = 8 significance = 0.0463 2. Managers to Managers Comparison Managers' checklist responses were subjected to a Chi2 analysis in exactly the same manner as those of the workers. Only one item, #39, met the test of

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110 significance (see Table 5). The response pattern suggests that as managers' job tenure increases, they apparently become less convinced that MMRA can attract and hold the right kind of workers. TABLE 5 Manager to Manager Significant Checklist Item Responses Item #39, "Is the MMRA able to attract and keep the right kind of people?" Some-Row Never Little times Usually Always Total <1 year 1 0 0 3 1 5 25% >1,<5 years 1 4 0 0 2 7 35% >5 years 0 4 3 0 1 8 40% TOTAL 2 8 3 3 4 20 % 10 40 15 15 20 100 degrees of freedom = 8 significance = 0.0203 3. Manager-only Checklist In addition to the 40 item checklist adapted from Hickman and Silva, managers also completed the 13 item "managers only" checklist, also adapted and modified from Hickman and Silva. These responses were also subjected to the 3 x 5 Chi2 analysis and appraised at the .OS significance level. Four items, #1, 4, 5 and 6 met the test of significance. Because of small

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111 responses in some cells, Table 6 reports these findings in 4 x 3 matrices, with "never" and "little" categories combined. All the significant items show the same interesting statistical trend. New (less than one year) and long-term (over five years) managers both show significantly more positive response patterns than do the intermediate term (one to five years) managers. In others, managers appear to begin their careers optimistically regarding certain desirable supervisory functions, then become less positive, only to return to a more positive outlook later on. TABLE 6 Manager to Manager Significant Manager-Only Checklist Item Responses Item il, "Can you tell which employees do not have a good tommitment?" SomeNever & Little times Usually Always <1 year 0 2 0 3 >1,<5 years 0 3 4 0 >5 years 1 1 0 6 TOTAL 1 6 4 9 % 5 30 20 45 degrees of freedom = 6 significance Row Total 5 7 8 25% 35% 40% 20 100 = 0.0181

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112 Item #4, "Do you do things to help new employees build their commitment?" Some-Never & Little times Usually Always Row Total <1 year 0 0 0 5 5 25% >1,<5 years 1 2 4 0 7 35% >5 years 0 0 2 6 8 40% TOTAL 1 2 6 11 20 % 5 10 30 55 100 degrees of freedom = 6 significance 0.0193 Item #5, "When you plan work, do you consider how doing it will effect MMRA's common purpose?" Some-Row Never & Little times Usually Always Total <1 year 0 1 0 4 5 25% >1,<5 years 2 4 1 0 7 35% >5 years 0 1 3 4 8 40% TOTAL 2 6 4 8 20 % 10 30 20 40 100 degrees of freedom = 6 significance 0.0325 Item #6, "Do you help workers improve their various competencies?" Some-Row Never & Little times Usually Always Total <1 year 0 0 1 4 5 25% >1,<5 years 2 1 3 1 7 35% >5 years 0 4 0 4 8 40% TOTAL 2 5 4 9 20 % 10 25 20 45 100 degrees of freedom = 6 significance 0.0346

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113 4. Workers Compared to Managers Workers' checklist responses were compared to those of managers using a 4 x 2 Chi 2 rna tr ix. "Never" and "little" categories were combined, others on the horizontal axis were "sometimes", "usually" and "always." Workers and managers were the two vertical axis categories. As with the other statistical comparisons, a .OS significance level was used. Five items, #17, 25, 26, 28 & 34 met the test of signifi-cance and these findings are reported in Table 7. All five items exhibited the same general finding, namely managers responses were more strongly positive than were those of workers. TABLE 7 Worker to Manager Significant Checklist Item Responses Item #17, "MMRA is trusting to employees." SomeRow Never & Little times Usually Always Total Workers 9 21 15 15 60 75% Managers 9 4 3 4 20 25% TOTAL 18 25 18 19 80 % 22.5 31.3 22.5 23.8 100. degrees of freedom 3 significance level = 0.048

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114 Item #25, "Do all employees know the MMRA's best competencies?" SomeRow Never & Little times Usually Always Total Workers 15 35 2 8 60 75% Managers 5 6 8 1 20 25% TOTAL 20 41 10 9 80 % 25 51.3 12.5 11.3 100 degrees of freedom = 3 significance level = 0.0002 Item #26, "Do workers try to maintain their competencies at any cost?" SomeRow Never & Little times Usually Always Total Workers 19 25 7 9 60 75% Managers 2 6 10 2 20 25% TOTAL 21 31 7 11 80 % 26.3 38.8 21.3 13.8 100 degrees of freedom = 3 significance level = 0.0031 Item #28, "Are new employees trained well enough to do a good job right from the start?" SomeRow Never & Little times Usually Always Total Workers 32 15 6 7 60 75.% Managers 8 2 7 3 20 25% TOTAL 40 17 13 10 80 % so 21.3 16.3 12.5 100 degrees of freedom = 3 significance level = 0.0455

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Item #34, "Will the present competency level stay at present level?" SomeRow Never & Little times Usually Always Total 115 Workers 16 19 10 14 *59 74.7% Managers 1 10 7 2 20 25.3% TOTAL 17 29 17 16 79 % 21.5 36.7 21.5 20.3 100 degrees of freedom = 3 significance level = 0.0395 *one left blank Important Response Tendencies The Chi2 analysis of checklist and manager-only checklist responses is beneficial for comparing groups, whether they be based on job tenure or manager/ non-manager status. While group-based differences are indeed important, they do not show global aspects of OC in the MMRA work force .. For example, if certain item responses overwhelmingly fall into one response category, this would be evidence for a widely held belief. An analysis of worker plus manager checklist item responses was undertaken. Data were analyzed for this phenomena. A preponderance of responses were in. the "never," "sometimes," or "always" categories.

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116 An arbitrary standard of 75% or more of the 80 worker and manager responses falling in either "never/ little" or "usually/always" categories was considered finding. Two items, #15, "MMRA is a challenging place to work" and #18 "MMRA is run according to Islamic principles" met the test of preponderance, one negatively, one positively. In the former, 38 workers and managers said "never" and 32 said "little" (87.5%). In the latter 56 workers and managers said "always" and 12 said "usually" (85%). Phase III Research Emphasis -Formal Conflict Resolution A secondary research emphasis centered around exploring formal conflict resolution policies and procedures in the MMRA. Not a major part of the. investigation, this question was therefore not posed as an hypothesis. The data on conflict resolution was collected by personal contact with an MMRA managerial person. Because it involved documented policies, single source reliance was permissible. He indicated the following data elements, relative to conflicts between parallel employees.

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117 1. Formal conflict resolution procedures are more or less standard for all Saudi agencies. Those used in tbe MMRA are thus typical of Saudi public organizations. 2. A two-stage process is followed. If two employees or two groups of employees are found in conflict, they are first encouraged to sit down and privately resolve the conteated issue without managerial or other outside involvement. If after the first stage is completed, the dispute remains unresolved, either party may involve the immediate managerial superior. If this does not result in resolution, the dispute may be taken higher, provided that strict adherence to chain of command within the agency is observed. When the matter of workers vs. manager conflict comes up, it is standard practice to allow the worker a chance to state his case in private to his boss. If the misunderstanding remains, they both present the issue to the next highest managerial person. If either party feels that this step has not yielded acceptable closure, two possible avenues of further arbitration exist, both official Saudi government agencies. These are the Civil Service Bureau and the Grievance Bureau.

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118 Whichever body is chosen, civil service regulations are used as a basis for their finding and their decision is binding. When disagreements of an external nature come up, citizens follow a three-step process. First, the complainants may have a discussion with the head of the appropriate MMRA department. If necessary, they may carry their grievance to the minister himself. The next level is the Grievance Bureau, whose decision is binding, provided it is ratified by the King or his deputy. The Grievance Bureau acts as a judicial agency, deciding disputes between citizens and government, basing its ruling on Islamic Shariah (law). Sometimes, disputes originate with the MMRA against a citizen or group of citizens. If the government agency is the complainant, the MMRA may go directly to law enforcement or to the appropriate Emir (provincial governor). The Grievance Bureau is not involved. The officialrationale for this procedure is the fact that a public agency must act in the public interest as legitimate protector thereof. When two agencies come into conflict, the nature of the problem and agency identity determine the procedure. For example, if MMRA and the Ministry of

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119 Labor were to come into conflict over civil service rules, they would present the matter to the Civil Service Bureau. If closure is not achieved there, the Council of Ministers (cabinet) takes jurisdiction. On the other hand, if MMRA were to come into conflict with the Civil Service Bureau itself, then the matter would go to the Civil Service Council, of which the King himself is chairman. On the other hand, if the dispute is financial in nature, the issue goes to the Finance Ministry or to the Controlling & Investigation Bureau, whose major function is to interpret monetary policy and investigate alleged abuses.

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CHAPTER VI FINDINGS The following interpretation and discussion is organized around the hypotheses presented in Chapter IV. Each hypothesis is restated, in order, and any findings taken from Chapter v that bear upon its support or rejection are presented. The investigator indicates what, based upon the evidence, the outcome for each hypothesis is. Included in these discussions are explanations and elaborations upon the conclusions drawn. Hypothesis A There will be an identifiable OC in the MMRA. Support for Hypothesis A exists to some degree in all the data sources. For example, Item #20 responses indicate three prevailing themes among workers and managers, general public service, performance of a specific function and implementation of government authority. A fourth theme, ambiguity, is demonstrated by the high percentage of blank responses,

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121 and is probably again demonstrated by the fair number of evasive and "don't know" answers given during the face to face interviews. The 40 item checklist findings reveal surprisingly few significant differences among workers, among managers, or between workers and managers. Only 3, 1 and 5 items, respectively, out of 40 possible differences in each comparison mode showed differences. This suggests a general overall consensus. Only two items displayed a 75% or better bulge toward an end of the ordinal scale employed. As might be anticipated, a strong positive skew of item #18, "MMRA is run according to Islamic principles," suggests influence of the religious homogeneity prevalent in Saudi society. A conclusion that Islamic values are a strong component of MMRA OC is justified, although a study of any other public or private organization would almost certainly yield similar results. The lack of differences lends credence to the possibility that overall social homogeneity may be contributing to homogeneity within oc. In fact, other researchers have noted a similar characteristic, Al-Jilani, in his study of 125 Saudi public employees and 347 clients of numerous public

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122 agencies noted," ... religion is presumed t6 play a significant role in all aspects of life for society as a whole and for individuals."1 The negative skewness occurs in Item 15, "MMRA is a challenging to work." This checklist finding flies in the face of numerous positive interview statements that MMRA is a "great place to work" because of supportive management, good advancement potential and generous sabbatical leave policies for foreign study. The observational data confirmed the interview statements, in that a general atmosphere of camaraderie, cooperation and pleasant working conditions was apparent. A possible explanation of this seeming inconsistency may lie in the fact that some employees, while finding their work mundane or boring, still enjoy working at MMRA because they perceive it as a pleasant work environment and a wise choice for personal career potential. Interestingly, Item 15 was not significant for intra or inter group differences, indicating that the response pattern was widespread throughout the work force. The conclusion is drawn that an identifiable oc exists at MMRA; therefore hypothesis A has been supported.

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123 Hypothesis B This OC will be describable in meaningful terms. The OC at the MMRA appears to be a generally positive, largely homogeneous with a less pronounced but still important counter theme of ambiguity and lack of challenge also present. An analysis of global 40 item and 13 item manager-only checklists demonstrates this positive. For instance, 39 of the 40 items of the former are structured so that "always" is the most desirable response and "never" the least desirable, from a social acceptability point of view. Table 8 lists overall response totals of the 40 item checklist, less those for item 10, in which. "never" is the most socially desirable response. Table 9 lists response totals for the 13 item, manager-only instrument. TABLE 8 Response Totals, Workers & Managers 40 Item Checklist (Item 10 not included.) Never Little Sometimes Usually Always Total n %. n "' n % n "' n "' n "' Workers 251 10.74 510 21.82 709 30.34 453 19.38 419 17.89 2337 100 Managers 83 10.25 157 19.38 261 32.22 175 21.6 134 16.54 810 100 TOTAL 334 10.61 667 21.19 970 30.82 628 19.96 552 17.54 3147 100

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124 The response percentages are moderately skewed in the positive, or "correct" direction, with those of managers slightly more positive than those of workers. This could be interpreted as evidenced for a general, somewhat above average perception of the MMRA as a place to work. TABU: 9 Response Totals Manaqers' 13 Item Checklist (all items) Never Little Sometimes Usually Always Total n % n n n n % n 13 5.0 06 2.31 67 25.77 69 26.54 lOS 40.38 260 100 The manager-only checklist places obviously desirable managerial attitudes on the "always" or positive end of the ordinal response scale. Therefore, it is naive to conclude that these findings necessarily demonstrate that "good", "happy" or "successful" managers work at MMRA. Just because the skewness is heavily positive, no certainty regarding why these responses were given may be assumed. In fact, an argument for qualitative as opposed to quantitative research design is that motive behind responses given on a standardized research instrument may vary from respondent to respondent.

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125 What the response pattern on the manager-only checklist does indicate, however, is a strong group consensus expressing positive, or "right" answers, whatever the motive of subjects might be. So far, however, the researcher has been largely concerned with general qualities of OC at MMRA. How specific may he dare go and still not exceed the bounds of good academic prudence and skepticism? Strong hints at lack of challenge and consid-erable expressions of ambiguity may be evidence for a subculture. These came largely from checklist item #20d and face to face interview data. Two additional sources of possible clarification may emerge in looking at Item 10, "MMRA" is a pressureful place to work," and at the checklist items found statistically significant in the quantitative prescreening of items for qualita-tive analysis. Table 10 lists 10 responses. TABLE 10 Response Totals Checklist Item 110 Never Little Sometimes Usually Always Total n n n n n n Workers 2 3.33 9 15.0 21 35.0 12 20.0 16 26.67 60 100 Managers l 5.0 7 35.0 5 25.0 3 15.0 4 20.0 20 100 Total 3 3.75 16 20.0 26 32.5 15 18.75 20 25.0 80 100

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126 Almost half (46.67%) of workers and over 1/3 (35%) of managers said that the MMRA was either always or usually a stressful place to work. This apparently negative or less than desirable viewpoint contrasts sharply with the general mild positivism of the rest of the checklist responses. Whether it is related to the thread of ambiguity already mentioned is an interesting area for speculation. The three categories of significant checklist item differences, worker/worker, manager/manager and worker/manager, indicate areas of difference. These are based on job tenure, managerial tenure and worker/manager differences. In themselves, these statistically significant differences are not necessarily proof for existence of a subculture within the MMRA's oc. However, they could be pointing to such a subculture, if years on the job or as a manager, or differing worker/manager perspective are important enough to support a set of subcultural or countercultural values. Table 4, Chapter v shows the three worker to worker significant items. Apparently, the longer a worker stays at MMRA, the more likely he is to conclude that the ministry is collaborative, procedural and its

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127 purpose known to all employees. This finding may be showing that longer term workers develop more favorable opinions of their employer. It could be showing, however, that poor or unsuitable workers either quit, transfer, or are terminated before very long. When "newer" and "older" managers are compared (see Table 5, Chapter V), we find that the longer a man is a the more skeptical he becomes regarding his agency's hiring and retention prowess. This could be lending credence to the supposition that some unsuited workers are influencing the worker to worker significances. The 13 item manager-only checklist responses appear to suggest that the middle tenure group of managers differs from the newer and longest term group. All four items reported in Table 6, Chapter V show more positive responses from the newest and oldest group than from the middle one. These items are related to manager abilities in observing and directing workers. Several possibilities for explaining this difference suggest themselves. One possibility is that new managers are optimistic regarding supervisory prowess,. then become less sure as they encounter some setbacks, then become more confident again as experience builds

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their confidence. There is not enough evidence to prove that this interpretation is the correct one, however, and it is only presented here as a likely avenue for future study. 128 The worker to manager checklist comparisons produced five significant item differences (See Table 7, Chapter V). A logical place to look for subcultures is in the natural orientational variance between non-managers and managers. Item 17 yield a surprising finding; a significantly higher percentage of workers judged MMRA trusting of employees than that of managers. Also, in Item 25, more workers believe that their peers know MMRA's best competencies, while managers are a little less sure. Yet when Item 26 is reported, it shows that managers are more likely to expect workers to retain their competencies than are the workers themselves. Item 28 may shed some light on this area, because it shows workers less pleased with new employee training than are managers. Are managers being more realistic or, perhaps their expectation level has dropped with experience. Item 34 carries competency level into a future dimension. Workers appear quite split on this issue, as both "never" and "always" categories are high.

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Managers, on the other hand, lean more toward the positive end of the scale. This might show greater manager confidence in their ability to bring about worker improvement, but this is only a supposition. 129 The worker-manager response differences appear to be reflecting normal labor/management orientational differences rather than providing evidence for a subculture with the MMRA OC. An example of a normal difference is found in worker promotion decisions. Management approaches these in terms of what's best for the organization as a whole, while labor looks at them in light of which worker is most deserving. However, several other data tendencies could be pointing toward a subculture. The item 20 data shows differing perceptions of MMRA's mission among both workers and managers. Some of the 40 item checklist individual item responses show flat curves with little skewness and even a mild bimodality. This is evidence of "two kinds" of respondees within a group. Item 34, for example, had 16 workers and one manager in the "never plus little" category and 14 workers and two managers in the "always" category. This is evidence that a subculture in all likelihood exists, but not enough data exists to

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130 provide objective description of this subculture. For this, it is necessary to examine closely the item 20, interview and observational data, as well as those checklist item response patterns that approach bimodality. First of all, item 20 revealed basic differences in opinions of what MMRA's mission was. Some persons saw it in light of overall governmental mission, some in terms of modernizing and beautifying the country, and still others were unable or unwilling to state the mission at all. When the interview data is added to this picture, a similar trichotomous picture emerges. The observational data did not show a cleavage or open split between groups of workers or managers, or between workers and managers. It did reveal considerable trappings of rank among managers (bigger offices, better furniture, desktop computers, personal secretaries, etc.). However, these were consistent-with those found in public and private organizations all over the world. The OC has been described as one of generally favorable image, a good place to work, both because of policies and rules, because of pleasant and modern physical environment. An overwhelming majority of employees indicate they

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131 like their work, and find great career challenge. Yet many of these same respondents could not articulate MMRA's mission and/or found it not a challenging place to work. Some too, found it stressful. Description of oc may be facilitated by narrowing down still further to describe an existing subculture. One possibility is seen in the fact that the observational data pinpointed some parochialism of thinking and employee groupings that were related to building architecture. Because the MMRA's building was acquired by the Saudi government and the ministry moved into it, it is safe to state.that this imposing edifice wasn't designed and built with the MMRA in mind. Therefore, the MMRA was "stuck with" the small office design and lack of large open working spaces. The investigator feels that the work environment has intensified the natural tendency of workers performing similar tasks at an organization think similarly and interact mainly with one another. The next step in pinning down a subculture is looking at checklist items for evidence of divergence among respondents. Items 34, on competency level, 39,. about employee recruitment/retention, 40, on recognizing commitment and 41, about renewing one's own

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132 commitment, exhibit the most spread out response patterns. In fact, 40 actually shows a mild bimodality and 39 and 41 hints at it. It is interesting that all the widely divergent items pertain to personnel issues, and two of the four, 34 and 39, were significant in the Chi2 analysis. The researcher believes that a describable subculture exists at MMRA. It is not a divisive, or openly hostile one as regards the oc. It is subtle and contains ambiguity regarding personal job roles' relationship to overall MMRA mission and goals. It is characterized by generally negative outlook in the employee commitment area, and pessimistic, perhaps, regarding personnel matters and policies. It is possible that the counter views are those of a minority of employees less than optimistic about their chances for advancement and study abroad, which were found to be strong factors in the generally positive overall OC. It is possible that singularity in job role thinking and departmental provincialism play a part in maintaining the subculture. It is also possible that this subculture is nurtured by building architecture and other artifactual creations, although these are.

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133 unlikely as root causes. Because OC at MMRA has been described, main hypothesis B has been supported. Subhypothesis (B)(l). Does Quinn and McGrath's typology exist? In his research design the investigator pursued his quest along lines proposed by Edgar Schein. First of all, artifacts and creations were observed and noted. Second, values were surveyed, utilizing a standardized checklist instrument and analysis of open-ended Item #20. Third, basic assumptions were sought, via interview techniques and some aspects of the observational methods. The resulting discoveries have led to a description of OC at the MMRA. Schein has made the point that (OC is) ... to be taught to new members as the correct way to think and feel . The investigator concludes that an all pervasive, fully perceived OC has not been realized at MMRA, as evidenced by the fact that many employees express differing or ambiguous views regarding MMRA's mission. It is also obvious that top management does not believe in a formal process of teaching MMRA's mission to new employees, expecting them to acquire this from others. Ironically, top management appears

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134 to concur strongly in Schein's mode of thinking on this topic. Whether they know of him or his writings or not matters little. What does matter is the views are similar. It is the apparent failure of a minority of employees to pick up upon the prevailing OC that has led to a counterculture. In Chapter II, the writer stated that Saudi public agencies generally fit Quinn and McGrath's Type 4 or hierarchical model. He has not been swayed completely from this belief. However, conduct of the research investigation has led him to modify it to conclude that the OC at MMRA, while basically hierarchical, contains elements of Type 2, the ideological culture. Therefore, the OC at MMRA may be characterized as a hybrid of Quinn and McGrath's Types 2 and 4. Why? The scholars list six areas of OC characteristics, purpose, criteria, power base, decisions, compliance and motives.3 They next give a method of achieving or demonstrating these for each of the four culture models they propose: rational, ideological, consensual and hierarchical. Based upon the research evidence, the MMRA OC fits the ideological

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model in three areas and the hierarchical model in three. 135 Table 1, page 7, shows Quinn & McGrath's typology. The investigator places the MMRA in the ideological camp in the areas ?f purpose, power base and compliance, and in the hierarchical camp in the areas of criteria, decision and motives. Existence of a hybrid form of oc raises questions about application of Quinn & McGrath's model to Saudi bureaucracy, as having a mixed or eclectic system destroys the authors' assumption of discrete categories. Others have raised similar concerns about application of Western models to the Arab world. Al-Araji, for instance, has noted that oc in Arab institutions differs somewhat from those in the West, where the concept of OC originated.4 This researcher therefore concludes that Quinn and McGrath's typology, while helpful in his study of the MMRA, may not be blindly or in toto applied to it. The oc of the MMRA, because it seems to combine elements of two different types, does not fit the ideal. Therefore, Subhypothesis B(l) has been rejected.

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if any? 136 Subhypothesis (B)(2). What are the subcultures, One subculture, characterized by ambiguity and a more negative outlook in the personnel practices area, has identified and described in detail earlier in this chapter. Subhypothesis is thus supported. Hypothesis c There will be significant differences between prevailing Arab and Islamic values and modern Western management practices in the Saudi bureaucracy. The interview data revealed considerable concerns among those MMRA workers and managers interviewed regarding introduction of Western practices into Saudi bureaucracy. These remarks were not so strong as to suggest a belief in a fundamental clash or irreconcilable cleavage between Islam and Western methodology. They appear, rather, to be based upon a widespread apprehension regarding the influx of outside ideas into a culture of which Islam is an important component. Only one interviewee suggested concern with a possible clash of Western thinking with a specific Moslem religious doctrine, namely the prohibition

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137 against mixed sex work environments. Since no authority in the Saudi government or at MMRA has proposed such a step, the interviewee's fears are no doubt based on deep-seated feelings about the onslaught of outside thinking, rather than factual knowledge of any planned actions. When asked about whether copying Western ideas is done, two workers declined to answer and two others said this isn't done. Three managers said it is not done. The remaining respondents (15) said it is done, but of these, one said it should not be done, and three expressed concern that care must be taken to avoid any religious and/or cultural dissonance. The remaining 10 more or less endorsed borrowing of Western ideas. One person even volunteered the view that he sees no clash with Islam and another cited the Moslem precept of the seeking of wisdom as justifying introduction of Western thought. Table 11 lists some important Saudi cultural and Western management values. The observational data brought out another area of minor not a serious one, but potentially serious in the sense it might cause worry among employees.

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138 TABLE 11 Western Management and Saudi Cultural Values Western Management Values (selected) Efficiency/Rationality Neutrality of Bureaucracy Participatory Management Public Interest "Protestant" work ethic Secularism (as defined by u.s., French, Mexican, etc. constitutions) Social Darwinism Professionalism Lobbying Equal Opportunity Saudi Cultural Values (selected) Islamic Rationality wasta (informal third party intervention) Separation of Sexes in the workplace "Open doors to all" policy Ijtihad (interpretation) Islam as established religion Tribal identity Equality-Equity as defined by Islam Five tiered social structure with close family ties Collectivism (society as collection of groups "Omah") Conflict Avoidance Because some Western management practices are being adopted at MMRA, in fact, all over Saudi Arabia, some workers might conclude that certain sacred traditions

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might be tampered with, just because they knew that some Western ideas were being adopted. 139 The abundance of telephones, computers and other high tech equipment at MMRA no doubt conveys a message that Western technology has arrived. No one could make a case that these things clash with Islam or Arab cultuie. However, this phenomenon may raise the issue in some employees' minds that if European, Japanese and American hardware arrives today, might not Western thinking arrive tomorrow. This underlying concern may be a factor in some of the ambiguousnesses noted in Item 20 and interview responses. Because of the concerns obvious among many MMRA personnel, it may be said that a clash does exist in the minds of some people between prevailing Arab and Islamic values and Western management practices. However, no evidence was found of severe conflict between mainstream Arab and Islamic thinking and generally accepted Western management thinking at the cognitive level. Rather, it is the area of concern for change and where it will stop that is bothering But because these concerns are there, then a clash is there, even if cognitive level consideration tries to

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140 or even can explain it away. Therefore, a clash exists because people believe it does or expect it to do so shortly. For this reason, Hypothesis C is supported. Because the issue of potential values conflicts arises whenever ways of "doing things" prevalent in one country are introduced into another country, additional analysis of this issue is in order here. The researcher. explores descriptively both Western Management values and Arab and Islamic values, then speculates upon the likelihood and implications of dissonance. Are Values in Conflict? As the investigator conducted his observations, he paid special attention to possible interaction of traditional Arab and Islamic values with Western Management values. He noticed that the Saudi bureaucracy, from a management point of view appeared to contain elements of both value structures. For example, some apparent Western style practices were in operation. One was a civil service system with formal job descriptions, classifications and merit pay. Another was use of hierarchical arrangement, featuring organizational maps. Saudi practice was obviously

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141 paying great respect to the concepts of division of labor, professionalism and centralized decision-making. Evidence of use of advanced technology was everywhere. In addition, the researcher observed evidence of practices not associated with Western procedures. There was no formal public involvement mechanism, such as hearings; to obtain citizen input for decision and implementation are based on bureaucrats judgments much more than in the West. In keeping with Islamic teaching, women worked in their own section, separate from male workers. An open door policy was in effect, any citizen had the right to institute informal contact with high level bureaucrats. This practice, a Saudi tradition, is known as "al-Majlis al-Moftuha" (open doors for all) and even extends to governors and the king himself. As as interpretive aid in analyzing values interaction in the Saudi bureaucracy, the investigator consulted the findings of other researchers studying topics tangential to his own. A study of job satisfaction in the Saudi bureaucracy done in 1983 produced some rather negative. findings. However, these are somewhat suspect, because they were based on 163 responses out of 400 employees

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142 surveyed. The researcher himself raised a caution that the findings might, as a result, reflect a negative bias.5 While these findings are useful in pinpointing potential employee problem area is the Saudi bureaucracy, they should, because of the low response rate, be viewed with caution when drawing an overall Twelve negative factor categories were cited by that researcher, as follows:6 1. Favoritism, or "wasta" as it is called in Arabic. 2. Lack of behavioral motivation. 3. Inflexible daily routine. 4. Lack of job descriptions and classifications. 5. Failure to match job requirements with employee qualifications. 6. Long and complicated administrative procedures. 7. Centralization of work. 8. Confusion and overlap between public agencies. 9. Lack of delegation of authority. 10. Failure to give employees real responsibility. 11. Failure to distinguish between productive and non-productive employees. 12. Delay in arriving at work in the mornings. Examining this list critically against the present investigator's own observations, a considerable

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143 disparity exists between these and numbers 4 and 5 of the earlier scholar. Perhaps the passage of five years between the earlier and current study has something to do with this difference. A 1981 study compared Saudi and American bureaucratic organization. The scholar who did that research reported, after surveying a sample of Saudi government workers, that five areas of difference are identifiable.' These were: 1. Saudi organizations are more centralized than Americans ones. 2. Saudi management is more authoritarian and American management more participative. 3. Saudi employees are more likely to consider as distasteful. 4. Saudi employees are more motivated by economic rewards and Americans more by opportunities for development. 5. Saudi employees are more closely controlled than American ones. The observations of the present investigator concur up to a point in some areas, but may possibly clash in others with these findings. For example during his interviews with MMRA personnel, he heard

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144 numerous references to the possibility of sabbatical leave to study abroad to escalate job skills and thus be promoted. This appears to conflict with number four. Also, while the present researcher did not study American workers and thus cannot criticize finding number three definitively, the present study did not find high dissatisfaction levels among the Saudi workers that he studied. Another study of Saudi bureaucracy the existence of the Wasta, or intervention function. A 1985 examination of the Saudi bureaucracy found that most clients of public organizations preferred third . 8 party intervention. The investigator reporting this finding explained it in terms of persons perhaps feeling a need for influential allies in order to win disputes. Also, he notes that inflexible rules in some cases force frustrated clients to conclude that they could not possiply win a dispute without help from an intermediary.9 Whenever sets of values come into conflict, the phenomenon of sociological ambivalence is in operation. Simply stated, this principle means that a group of persons is being pulled simultaneously in different directions by conflicting ideals, both of which have

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145 some validity to the group. While some forms of sociological ambivalence involve a push-pull type of situation, such as love-hate, others forms are more complex. An example is choice point between two alternatives, both of which have potentially desirable outcomes.10 The opportunity for sociological ambivalence to occur when western Management values are introduced into a ministry staffed by workers and managers professing traditional Arab and Islamic values is obvious. However, to merely note this fact and explain various problems and ambiguities as a result of sociological ambivalence is an oversimplification of the issue. For instance, not all Western Management values are in conflict with Arab and Islamic ones. Those that apparently are, do so to varying degrees or only under certain circumstances. For example, the western values of equal opportunity and achieving optimum efficiency can clash with the Moslem prohibition of men and women working together. Saudi practice has been to remain faithful to Islamic teaching and still allow women to work by creating separate work environments for women only. Even still, however, a degree of value conflict

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146 remains, as some western management consultants would argue that this solution only lessens, not eliminates, the problem in their opinion. The western value of measuring or consulting public opinion to improve agency performance theoretically clashes with the Islamic concept of consulting the Holy Koran and Shariah to learn what is best for people. This alleged clash is a matter of degree, as nothing in these sacred documents forbids asking a citizen, for instance, about the quality of the street paving in front of his house. The issue here is more philosophical, i.e., what is the ultimate source of knowledge of public good? An example of this principle become operative is theoretically shown by the following example. Some American states have turned to a governmental lottery to finance various public works. If such a measure was proposed for Saudi Arabia by a western economist, even if a majority of citizens approved, it could not be implemented. The Holy Koran and Shariah forbid gambling completely. Before examining the specific values likely to engender ambivalence, however, two additional points relative to the phenomenon itself warrant

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147 consideration. The first is the unique position of an agency leader or executive in regard to potential ambivalence. One scholar has pointed out that past success as an agency worker may cause someone to be rewarded with a leadership position. However, in his new role, the leader, using the same old training that got him where he is, may find the old responses inappropriate. This may be true because a leader is often not expected to behave like a worker, or because new technologies have come on the scene than those the leader used when he was part of rank and file.11 It is conceivable that a Saudi organization executive might find himself in the position of installing various concepts and procedures for his underlings to follow--yet when he himself performed his duties as worker and rose to prominence, the way in which he conducted himself might have been quite different from that he is now expected to implement. For example, in the old days, when road grade percents were needed, the most mathematically inclined worker was told to get out his trusty slide rule and compute them. Now, this is handled.by coding surveyor data into the main frame central office computer.

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148 One problem experienced in some areas of Saudi bureaucracy is said to be imposition of so-called Western Management values by foreign consultants contracted to "modernize some agency or program. Not being familiar with Arab customs or Islamic teachings, the consultants may advocate changes that prove offensive to Saudi mores. Another problem occasionally heard is that of the young, newly degreed Saudi executive eager to implement some practice learned abroad that he feels will improve agency performance. In his haste to do well, he may overlook the fact that the proposed change may impinge upon worker or client values in some way, particularly on those of older clients or workers. A final cogent point about sociological ambivalence involves structural analysis in sociology. It has been noted that conflict may be systematically produced by social structures.12 It is easy to see how this process could operate in a Saudi bureaucracy. Feeling a need to modernize so it can do an even better job of helping the citizenry, an agency might bring in management ideas that have worked well for a similar entity elsewhere, such as in the United States. All well and good. But a problem could arise if the

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149 American practice actually conflicted with or in the minds of workers appeared to conflict with an established Saudi way of doing things. An example of this is found in the interview data reported by the investigator. Certain American type practices, such as use of computers, were in use at MMRA. This American idea is easily adapted to Saudi Arabia. Another American concept isn't compatible. It is widely known that American practice is to have women working on equal footing with men in all government agencies. This does, for American bureaucracy, increase efficiency, as it doubles the number of available workers. There are no plans to integrate the Saudi bureaucracy by sex, yet one interviewee was convinced this was going to happen. Perhaps events in some other Arab and Moslem nations fueled his fears. For that person, a very real value conflict existed, even though at the cognitive level it didn't really exist. Unquestionably, Saudi Arabia, a highly advanced country from an economic and cultural standpoint, cannot avoid coming into contact with outside value systems, especially as industrialization moves rapidly forward. Abdalelah Saaty, quoting R. Patai, lists five major concerns that Arabs have about

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150 Westernization of their Countries.13 These are (1) fear of loss of traditional Arab family, (2) change in value of personal relationships, (3) corruption of sexual mores of the young, especially females, (4) loss of Arab folk culture and traditional goods, (5) adoption of the Western outlook toward religion. This last point does not mean that Arabs fear that Western religions would gain a foot hold in their lands. What they do fear is that the outlook toward Islam would change from the present one of all society.centered upon the Moslem faith to one of a more separated church and state, as in the United States. As Saaty puts it, it (secularism) removes part of human life from divine guidance."14 It has been pointed out that having values in conflict in some measure may be unavoidable in a modern agency, especially in a rapidly modernizing country like Saudi Arabia. This leads to the question of what to do when conflicts arise. A source of possible guidance is this area comes from the study of ethics in public administration. One study pointed out that public managers function in gray area, in which the values of freedom on one hand overlap with the need for order on the other. 15

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151 As a way out of this dilemma, the scholar in question suggested that a public manager must base his decisions on one of three chosen philosophic bases for conflict resolution. These are: (!)reliance on classical Judea-Christian tradition, (2) a legalistic recourse to an established code of laws or ethics, (3) an environmental point of view that bases decisions on power and values taken from on-going practical activities.16 In the situation of Saudi Arabia, when value conflicts arise, the obvious solution is to use #2, with the chosen legal system being Islamic Law and beliefs. Another ethical issue that bears upon value conflicts within an agency is the perspective on public interest in vogue with a particular society or organization. identified.17 Generally, four perspectives may be These are (1) the "Duty of Neutral Service" doctrine, which holds the bureaucrat responsible only to higher governmental authority, (2) promotion of agency self interest as the ultimate best way to serve the public, because if each agency works to do its job better, the public interest ultimately benefits, (3) promotion of social equity sees the agency taking a more active role in protecting the

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public interest, (4) the agency ascertains, then follows, public preference, being careful to seek proper balance between public and private interests. 152 The preceding discussion involves a paradigm created to fit an American situation. It has some relevance, but not completely so, to the Saudi situation. For instance, in dealing with the value conflict issue it may be argued that a social serving agency like the MMRA should push ahead in providing, say, paved roads to remote rural areas. This priority tends to suggest an emphasis on view point #3. However, in pursuing this objective, it might come to pass that too rapid usage of concrete might jeopardize another ministry's plans for a large harbor breakwater on the Arabian Gulf. Therefore, recourse to the older doctrine #1, in which higher authority made the ultimate decision, might be wise .. Perhaps a hybrid philosophy of public interest perspective is called for here, especially since the paradigm presented was developed for a country governed under a federal, rather than unitary system, and a Western one, at that. How does this issue, and others like it, to the of values conflicts? Precisely this: Not all conflict issues stem from dissonance between

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153 outside management ideas and established religious or moral beliefs. Granted, that is one important, highly publicized arena for potential conflict, but not the only one. Another, often overlooked conflict source is found in historical, geographic and political differences. For instance, a cursory examination, two parallel situations may appear identical, as in the example of paved roads. Let us hypothesize that in southern Arizona, in a desert environment near the border of Mexico and the United States, a small American village is connected to the outside by a dirt road. Similarly, in Asir Province, in south western Saudi Arabia, near the border with South Yemen, a small desert community also has but a dirt road. At first glance, the two situations are almost identical, small, village in out-of-theway, arid region needs a paved road. No theological or sociological objections exists, so why not merely forge ahead and build one? But wait, were the Saudis to copy the Americans, the people in rural Asir will have to wait longer. Why? Because in the United States, road building a state responsibility in a federal system and in Saudi Arabia, a national responsibility in a unitary system.

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154 If the state of Arizona hasn't budgeted a paved road for the village in question --well, wait until next year! In Saudi Arabia, on the other hand, a high level, ministerial decision to give the folks in rural Asir their road could be made in a very short time. The moral to this little fictitious episode is don't necessarily copy other people's ways, because things may not be as parallel as they first seem. So far, the issue of conflict between Western Management values and Arab and Islamic values has beeri discussed, but not definitively settled. What, specifically, are some particular conflict areas and some possible resolutions of these? 1. Western management values of efficiency/ rationality and neutrality have taken a hold in the Saudi bureaucracy. In some cases the Arab social phenomenon of favoritism, or "Wasta" can conflict these. The issue of Wasta is a complicated one; some persons would insist that it is a cultural value, whereas it probably is not. In addition, when properly used, Wasta can be a proper and beneficial mechanism. After all, there is nothing wrong about helping a fellow human being. Occasionally, Wasta can get out of

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155 hand and thus conflict with civil service principles, as well as the concept of a neutral bureaucracy. One inherent danger of the Wasta system is that a bureaucrat could use to build a power base. The investigator did not find any evidence for this in the MMRA, but society should be forewarned that such a potential situation could occur somewhere in the bureaucracy. It must be remembered that Wasta, when it is used, is applied on a case by case basis. Here, the possibility of beneficial application of the concept exists. Informal input can alert a manager to a situation that needs attention. The researcher recommends institution of a public complaint hot line as a means of elevating the wasta phenomenon to more modern and socially beneficial levels. Another step would be to cut red tape, simplify complicated and lengthy administrative procedures, thus reducing the need for third party intervention. Still another step would be to externalize and expand the role of public relations departments, especially of the street level bureaucracy. In addition, measures should be taken to alert both public and bureaucratic staffs of the dangers inherent in misuse of the Wasta phenomenon.

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156 Interestingly, in the United States, where supposedly Western Management values are in operation, phenomena like intensive lobbying, bribery and influence-peddling are rampant, if American newspapers may be believed. Promotion of narrow self interest of interest groups is a danger for any bureaucracy or government. Therefore, a constructive approach to the Wasta phenomenon is neither to seek to eliinate it nor to leave it alone, but to make sure that it operates within socially desirable and ethical limits. 2. The related Western Management values of worker participation in management, public input for decision-making and open administration actually do not conflict with values. In fact the Islamic value of mutual runs along similar lines. An apparent conflict exists because these Western values have been modified somewhat to better fit the Saudi cultural context. Actually, they are in operation in Saudi Arabia, but sometimes in forms that an outside observer might not recognize. An is the "open doors to all" policy discussed earlier. 3. Western Management's concept of public interest differs somewhat from the Islamic one. The latter is based upon strict Islamic interpretation of

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the Koran and Sunnah, while the former has greater reliance on opinion polls, surveys, and the like. 157 There is no fully satisfactory way to resolve conflicts in this realm. However, in many cases, an issue of public interest does not pose a conflict with sacred teaching, i.e., should a highway bridge be built in town A or town B. It should be the duty of a manager to rely on his conscience to determine if sacred teaching applies, or not. If it does, Islamic Law should be followed. This is in keeping with the Islamic concept of "Ijtihad", which means exerting one's self to find a correct, independent to a legal question.18 A bureaucrat should also consult the "Ulumah" (Body of Islamic Experts) on matters of public interest. 4. Secularism as a Western value conflicts totally with the Islamic value of no separation of religion from the For one thing, the concept of religion as an all-encompassing way of life that permeates every facet of society has been the accepted view in the Arabian Peninsula since the middle of the Seventh Century. Also, since everyone in Saudi Arabia except a few foreign visitors is a Moslem, using an Islamic standard as a guideline for government does

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158 not violate anyone's beliefs, as it would if done in the United states. Thus the Islamic rationality is. the basis for Saudi bureaucratic behavior and policy. An important concern in any study of OC is how various values differences and characteristics are maintained or resolved within the OC. In addition, what explicit values conflicts does this involve? For example, whatever accommodation that the OC has developed for reconciling the western value of neutrality with the phenomenon of Wasta may be quite different than that reconciling public interest with open doors to all. The OC at the MMRA has been obviously influenced by.various Western Management Values. The values of efficiency, rationality and professionalism have found their way into the oc. It may be argued that these values have caught on so well because there is little potential conflict with traditional Saudi ways or with Islam. For instance, requiring a college degree to hold certain professional positions not only doesn't clash with the old order, but fits in quite nicely with Islamic views regarding wisdom and use of knowledge. At the other extreme are the western values that do not influence oc directly, because their

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159 adoption would be out of the question. Examples here are secularism and equal opportunity for women. Because conflict with Islamic teaching exists, these values do not enter the OC, but they influence it from afar, because of the psychological threat certain workers perceive. A third group of Western Management Values appears to have a very interesting influence on OC at the MMRA. These are the values that correspond to a Saudi Cultural Value, in that the Western and Saudi value are somewhat, but not completely alike. Examples are Equal Opportunity paired with Islamic Equality/ Equity, and public interest paired with Open Doors to All. In each of these cases, the Western Management value appears to be tolerated within the OC, accepted up to a point by workers and managers, because while definitely different from the Saudi Cultural value, an element of. similarity exists. To a Westerner, equal opportunity means hiring and promoting workers without concern for race, religion, sex, age or handicap. To a Saudi, the Islamic Equality/Equity concept means all persons are equal and must be treated fairly according to Islamic Shariah. These two values are not the same, but they

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160 are close enough that no work place OC conflict results. After all, many of the divisive issues raised in the West by equal opportunity are moot points in a Saudi setting. Public interest in the West implies a more formalized process than that found in Saudi Arabia, in that public input mechanisms exists. There is no direct counterpart of American formal public hearings in Saudi Arabia. Yet Open Doors to All goes far beyond the degree of usual public involvement found in the West, as private citizens may meet directly with high government officials, even with the King himself. These two values thus are different, but are both alike in that they each are vehicles for citizen-bureaucrat dialogue. Where the OC is concerned, an apparent acceptance of the Western value appears to exist because it is enough like a familiar Saudi value to merit a degree of acceptance. Hypothesis D There will be a significant difference between newer and long-term employees in their awareness of OC. Item 20, checklist and interview data all bear upon this issue. On Item 20, ambiguous responses and differences in perceived mission appeared at all job

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tenure levels. The checklist did produce three statistically significant items when "new" were 161 compared to "old" workers. This was, however, three out of a total of 40 possible cases. In the interviews, more "new" than "old" workers gave or "don't know" answers, but this doesn't prove an oc difference. After all, newer employees everywhere are less secure and less knowledgeable of their work environment than are older ones. The investigator feels that given the findings on hand, it is imprudent to conclude that a basic OC difference exists. There is some evidence that newer employees may be less OC aware, but not enough to declare the hypothesis supported. The researcher believes that Hypothesis D is neither supported nor rejected by the findings of this study and further reseirch is needed to resolve the issue. Hypothesis E There will be a significant difference between managerial and non-managerial employees in their awareness of OC. Every work place has its labor/management differences based upon basic employee orientation.

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162 Evidence of these is not evidence of OC perception. differences. Item 20 did not seem to discriminate between the two groups. The 40 item checklist did yield five statistically significant differences between workers and managers. Managers found.MMRA less trusting than did workers and more confident that competency levels would hold. constant. Workers are more negative than managers that workers know MMRA's competencies, try to maintain them, and are well trained. The interviews showed greater avoidance and ambiguity among workers than managers, but this must be interpreted against the generally held truism that managers must know a iittle more than workers in the first place. A telling piece of evidence here is the fact that on both the manager-only checklist and during some interviews, managers expressed the view that workers learn their jobs through experience and from peers. There is no formal training program or orientation program at MMRA. Western technology may have made inroads, to be sure, but the idea of probationary periods and acquiring job tenure, common in the West, have not. This might explain ambiguities about MMRA's mission that have been found, and explain checklist

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163 differences in the competencies/training area. Managers expect workers to "pick up" their job knowledge in an informal way. This is a major finding of the research, but it cuts across hypothesis lines. While major OC awareness differences may exist at MMRA, the difference found between workers and managers cannot be said to be proof of such cleavage. Therefore, Hypothesis E is neither rejected not supported, and additional information is needed before either conclusion may be drawn with assurance. Conflict Resolution The secondary research emphasis, conflict resolution, yielded valuable findings that support those of the major investigation into OC, where worker vs. worker conflicts are involved. The first stage of conflict resolution is to attempt to arrive at a self-resolution of disputes, without managerial intervention. This obviously fits with findings relative to acquisition of competencies, learning MMRA's mission, and so forth. Apparently, a major component of oc in the MMRA is to place responsibilities on workers' shoulders for self-solution of dilemmas of several kinds. This is in contrast to

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164 managerial styles often found in Western Europe, North America and Japan, where formal orientation and training programs are more in vogue, and where personnel policies are more numerous and explicit. The fact that this approach to conflict resolution was said to be widespread throughout the Saudi bureaucracy hints at the possibility that prevailing cultural and religious norms strongly influence OC. When worker-manager conflicts, as well as citizen-agency and agency-agency misunderstandings arise, different factors, some beyond the scope of this dissertation, are present. The one area of this secondary investigation that does touch upon the topic of OC is found in the uniquely Saudi adaptation of modern administrative concepts to application of Islamic Shariah; There seems to be no basic problem with using institutions like a Civil Service Bureau or Grievance Bureau to continue a basic universal commitment to Islamic Shariah, just as in earlier times, the national bureaucracy is subservient to Islamic principles, and the monarch remains accessible to citizens as a court of last resort. While limited data is presented here to support this view (indeed conflict resolution is only ancillary to the major

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165 research thrust). It appears that overall societal culture, of which oc is but one component, reflects a consistency of accepted and revered values. Summary The OC at MMRA has been found to be moderately positive. A non-divisive, subtle subculture exists, of which ambiguity is the strongest component. It may be related to a training philosophy that places responsibility for competency acquisition largely on worker shoulders. Some culture shock and negativism regarding introduction of outside ideas exists, but this feeling is not severe. A few differences between "old" and "new" employees and workers and managers occur, but these are not major and may not be attributed to oc difference as such. Quinn and McGrath's typology is not applicable to MMRA as those scholars it, but their concepts are useful from a descriptive standpoint. Hypotheses A, B, 8(2), and Care supported. Hypothesis B(l) is rejected. Hypotheses D and E cannot be supported or rejected from the data gathered and analyzed during the current investigation.

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166 NOTES -CHAPTER VI 1Ahmed A. Al-Jilani, Environmental Impact on Organizational Design in Saudi Arabia (Ph.D. dissertation, Florida State University, 1985), p. 42. 2Edgar H. Schein, Organizational Culture and Leadership, (San Francisco: Jessey-Bass Publishers, 1985) 1 P 14. 3Robert Quinn and Michael McGrath in Peter Frost, et al., Organizational Culture, (Beverly Hills, A Sage Publication, 1985), pp. 326-327. 4Asim Al-Araji, "The Relevancy and the Itrelevancy of the More Advanced Management Educational Programs to Arab Countries Needs," International Review of Administrative Sciences, val. 47, no. 2, (1981), pp. 105-114. 5Abdullah M. Al-Khaldi, Job Content and Context Factors Related to Satisfaction and Dissatisfaction in Three Occupational Levels of the Public Sector in Saudi Arabia (Ph.D. dissertation, Florida State University, 1983) p. 185. 6Ibid., p. 186. 7Suliman M. Shadukhi, Application of Organization Development (OD) in Saudi Arabia's Public Organizations: A Feasibility Study (Ph.D. dissertation, Florida State University, 1981) p. 174. 8Al-Jilani, (1985), p. 166. 9Ibid., p. 166. 10Robert K. Merton, Sociological Ambivalence (New York City: The Free Press, 1976) p. 3.

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167 11Ibid., p. 75. 12Ibid., p. 127. 13Abdalelah s. Saaty, The Ecological Context of Public Administration in Saudi Arabia (Ph.D. dissertation, Alabama University, 1985) pp. 68-69. 14Ibid., p. 69. 15John A. Worthley (1981), "Ethics & Public Management: Education & Training" Public Personnel Management Journal, val. 10, no. 1, pp. 44-45. 16Ibid, p. 45. 17Nicholas P. Lovrich, Jr. (1981), "Professional Ethics & The Public Interest: Sources of Judgment," Public Personnel Management Journal, val. 10, no. 1, pp. 88-89. 18M. Raihan Sharif, Islamic Social Framework, (Lahore, Pakistan: Ashraf Press, 1979) p. 141.

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CHAPTER VII CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS The researcher has visited MMRA, observed it, surveyed and interviewed a sample of its staff, then analyzed and interpreted his findings. He based his work on a search for oc, a commonly discussed phenomenon in Western society and in the business world, but less well applied to a public agency in an Arab country. Indeed, after an exhaustive study, he claims to have identified and described OC in the MMRA. The employees at MMRA are positive about their agency and their own jobs, even though many of them said their work was boring or too stressful. At this point, a cynic might make a weak attempt at humor and ask who wouldn't enjoy working in a former palace. But such levity misses the point. MMRA workers appear to grasp the public service aspect of their work quite well, although not a few of them expressed concern about just what the mission of their agency was. At the very onset of the investigation, the researcher suggested that Edgar Schein's three cultural

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169 level stages would serve as a background for study of OC at MMRA. Now, after a thorough academic look at the topic, he feels this choice was vindicated. Starting with Schein's first level, artifacts and creations, the investigator, following the lead of J. Steven Ott, subdivided it into parts, artifacts and behavior patterns.1 The physical work environment of MMRA and the way in which it is both furnished internally and landscaped externally sets the stage for the OC to develop. Granted, most Saudi government agencies are housed in more lavish and attractive settings than their counterparts in other countries. But the MMRA's surroundings stand out among other Saudi agencies, and this fact may play a role in helping nurture the OC component of a "nice place to work". The compartmentalization of the office layout into many small enclosed offices may well also play an OC role--the ambiguity and stress components may be fostered by physical isolation in the work place. After all, the more removed a worker is from other workers and managers, the greater may be his feelings of being on his own and relatively unsupported. This would be especially true considering the somewhat

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170 laissez faire, on the job training approach used at MMRA, discussed in the previous chapter. The Americans have an old saying that seems to apply here, "out of sight, out of mind." It could be that physical isolation of newer workers is causing ambiguity and stress. As they attempt to acquire the needed competencies for job success, the layout of their work environment may insulate them from older workers and managers who might provide needed guidance. As Ott has proposed, behavior patterns have a definite relationship to the physical, environmental patterns that underlie oc. Values, Schein's second level, are identifiable at MMRA. The obvious observation, that every single employee is an Arab male Moslem, is not in itself significant, because this is true all over the nation. What does make this important is when. new, or "foreign" values, such as Western managerial approaches, mix with the established, traditional values, employees experience various degrees of culture shock. Collectively, these feelings of shock and apprehension influence oc. It isn't a concern of this research whether introduction of outside ideas is "good or "bad" for MMRA, nor a paramount one whether such views "clash" or "fit

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171 in" with established values. What is of concern is the effect on OC from the sum total of collective employee feelings and beliefs. And just what is that effect? Basically, it is the manner in which numerous new, outside ideas intermesh with the all-pervasive Arab culture and Islamic religious heritage. This interaction takes place against the specific environmental and historical backdrop unique to the MMRA. Other values are also part of oc. For example, the researcher found a variance in perception of MMRA mission among staff. Some persons saw mission in terms of beautification and modernization of the country, others as carrying out the edict of the government in supervising cities and rural areas properly, so they may become more modern, improving quality of people's lives. These views meld to help create overall OC. Basic assumptions, Schein's third level, comprise the OC. What are they? What Schein calls "basic underlying assumptions" grow out of past problem solutions that were successful. What was once a hypothesis, perhaps a "shot in the dark," as Americans say, worked. Maybe a long forgotten manager once figured out a logical solution, or maybe he tried a wild, desperate hunch and

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172 got lucky. It doesn't matter which, the point is that the solution worked, and became ingrained as a "way we do things" at a given organization. Schein notes that employees may know of other equally valid ways of solving the particular problem, but use the favored way, a process called "dominant value orientations" by anthropologists.2 In actual practice at the MMRA, a basic assumption found in the OC is the training philosophy. New workers are trained in accordance with the informal method, as opposed to a formal training program, an approach frequently found in the West, and even in some Saudi organizations. A formal training program, in which new workers attend classes, are required to study certain basic and participate in specified orientation activities, is one "way to do it." Another way is to let beginners "feel their way," acquiring needed knowledges and skills in process sometimes called "on the job training." Managers and fellow workers provide needed guidance, but no formal structured process or sequence for that is specified. It must be noted here that many new MMRA employees are. already competent professional or technical workers, engineers, accountants, managers, etc., when they

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173 arrive. Thus, the informal training approach may be better suited to these kinds of people than it would to some others. Another element of MMRA OC that meets the test of Schein's third level is the approach to worker motivation. The promise of sabbatical leaves for both foreign and domestic study, is a technique widely used in the West by universities and school districts, but rarely by government agencies and business corporations. This technique is in frequent use at MMRA. Certainly, the more traditional positive motivators, job advancement and pay raises, are also wideli used. But the fact that the chance for sabbatical leave for study is widely acclaimed and sought after by many employees places it in the basic underlying assumption category. A few words are in order here about the theories and views of Edgar Schein for their own sake. Elsewhere is this dissertation, it is noted that the researcher views Schein's basic theory as a valuable and insightful approach to understanding OC, but not necessarily the final word on this topic. After all, the theory is not yet proven. Moreover, the place of Schein's work in this study is to provide an underlying

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174 base, a starting point, for investigating OC at the MMRA. It never was proposed to this entire work around Schein's views, nor was it suggested that this study was or could become a validity test of his theories. Of course, Schein is a leading thinker within the field, and his views are very valuable in a study of OC, eveQ if some of them are open to question. Just what are specific criticisms of his work? One line of critique centers upon level 3, "underlying basic Schein himself has noted these are often "invisible," among other qualities. He also notes that they are learned not but through their "manifestation." While the basic concept appears sound, Schein doesn't address the sources of contents of basic assumptions.3 While Schein suggests that other ways of doing things then those proscribed by the basic assumptions exist, he is rather fuzzy on how this change may be brought about. He advocates use of principles of leadership, a somewhat platitudinous solution that while it probably has merit, does not relate to the basic theory. In other words, if an assumption needs changing, how should a manager go about implementing a

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175 change process that is based on the theory of oc that is in use? After all, basic assumptions lead to status quo situations. As the same behavioral response is repeated over and over, a progress is impeded. What would Schein do about this? His theory isn't clear on this point. Another criticism of Schein's theory is the more general one that it places too much emphasis on the cultural side of an organization. Schein appears to see the explanation of everything in an organization as a product of oc. Granted, culture is certainly important, but can rationality and technical dimensions be fully overlooked? Does culture explain everything and thus can it be used to cure all organizational ills? Schein appears pretty optimistic on those points. In addition, Schein's definition of "culture" seems to fit more closely with the narrower term others have used, "ideology." Is his oc really a shared ideology? A final criticism of Schein's work centers around his failure to note that manipulation of OC can lead to evil ends. Given the various drawbacks and limitations inherent in Schein's theory, the researcher considers

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176 it valuable as a starting point for study of a Saudi bureaucracy. Granted, it was developed in a vastly different setting, but the basic approach to viewing OC makes it useful and at least partially applicable. Besides the theory of Edgar Schein, this research also considered, but with lesser emphasis, the four category OC typology proposed by Quinn and McGrath. As reported earlier in this study, the investigator, when applying the key descriptive words,4 Quinn and McGrath propose for OC determination to OC at the MMRA, found lack of agreement. The OC appeared to be a hybrid of two types. Since the four kinds of OC they propose are mutually exclusive, each based on a different pair of causal variables, the investigator rejects this theory as useful in study of the Saudi bureaucracy. The fact that MMRA's oc appears to more or less fit with the concept of OC posed by Edgar Schein doesn't mean to say that the match is perfect. For example, one of the criteria Schein proposes is that the OC of an organization must be taught or presented in some way to new members. There is no evidence of any formal or structured effort to do this at MMRA. Therefore, OC acquisition occurs through informal

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177 observation, with accuracy of perception increasing in positive relationship to years of job tenure. Why, then, was Schein's concept not rejected? Because, from all appearances, there is an apparent modus operandi at MMRA that new people are responsible for acquisition of necessary skills and understandings. One of these understandings certainly appears to be eventual acquisition of "right" or accepted ways of doing things--certainly a dimension of OC by anyone's definition. It must be noted here that a characteristic of overall Arab culture is an emphasis upon self-help and being able to solve one's problems. This fits with an OC that contains an expectation that workers will acquire both cultural values and job improvement skills on their own initiatives. Also, the lack of formally stated criteria fits withthe overall backdrop of the highly homogeneous Saudi culture. An example is the area of so-called "dress codes". In the highly pluralistic societies of the Western hemisphere, many government agencies and private companies make an official point of telling new employees what kinds of clothing may and may not be worn on the job. For a Saudi organization to do this would be insulting to an adult worker. In Arab

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178 society, everybody knows how to dress for work, for the Mosque, for leisure activity, and so on. Therefore, dress codes are redundant, and are only found in extremely specialized situations. Edgar Schein's thinking is oriented to an American setting. When it is applied elsewhere, a certain degree of adaptation and leeway is required. This doesn't mean that his basic theoretical approach to OC must be scrapped. Indeed, Schein's views proved helpful in looking for oc at MMRA. But to apply them rigidly in toto would have been ludicrous, and would have meant ignoring important cultural artifacts that are present in the Saudi context. When the impact of outside management values on the Saudi bureaucracy is considered, it must be noted that along with imported technology, ideas not accepted in Saudi Arabia are going to come with it. While some Western Management values, as pointed out earlier in this study do not conflict, a few do. The investigator does not see these as a problem for the Saudi bureaucracy, because there is no serious attempt to install any of the conflicting values, nor need there be. The Western Management values most helpful to the Saudi Bureaucracy are those that don't conflict, examples

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179 being installation of a merit Civil Service System and use of computers to enhance efficiency. The major problem with outside values that potentially conflict with Saudi ways certainly isn't the danger that workers or the government would try to implement them. The problem is just the opposite; a few workers are unduly worried that outside conflicting values might gradually work their way into Saudi life. To some people, this threatens their sense of security, for this to happen, in the researcher's opinion, is impossible. Perhaps a little reassurance by management would allay these workers' fears. The Saudi bureaucracy isconsidered by many outside observers to be much more progressive and efficient that those of almost all other Third World nations. Interestingly, some of these less distinguished bureaucracies are in countries that did attempt to introduce values that clashed with their traditional ways and beliefs. Examples are found in the Peoples Democratic Republic of Yemen and Ethiopia, where the governments imposed socialistic economies. Instead of improving efficiency these nations brought chaos on themselves in some cases.

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180 In Retrospect A time-honored requirement for any doctoral dissertation is that it make a new contributiQn to the specific body of scholarly literature to which it belongs. This particular study belongs in the OC realm, but what precisely can a reader learn from it that was not already known about OC? The major contribution of this research from a scholarly standpoint is to demonstrate the procedures and problems connected with application of theories and concepts from one setting to another setting, one new to these concepts. The reader will recall that earlier in this dissertation, some remarks were devoted to the philosophy of comparative research and description of types of it. This was done despite the fact that this particular study is not basically comparative in character. Even though the study itself was not comparative, it contains a powerful message for research that seeks some form of. cross-cultural comparison or adaptation. For example, the concept of OC itself evolved in the industrialized nations of Western Europe, North America and Japan. It also developed largely in private sector settings, although

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181 previous attempts to apply it to the public sector have been made. This investigator took the bold step of crossing not one but two boundary lines with his study of OC. He not only studied OC in the public sector, but he did so in a Third World, non-Western nation where this concept so far had been little known or considered--the lesson for other researchers is clear. Namely it is intellectually stimulating, perhaps even "fun" to expand a concept onto virgin ground. However, when this is done, some of the traditional research tools can either prove inadequate, or at least no longer fully applicable to their mission. For instance, the three-level theory of Edgar Schein and the four-part typology of Quinn and McGrath both were developed in private settings in the industrialized West. While it is certainly both proper and possible to try to apply these theories elsewhere, an. investigator had best be prepared for findings that differ from the norm in various unforeseen ways. Another contribution to the scope of oc knowledge centers around the fact that some institutional are inherently more culturally homogeneous than others. It is noted elsewhere in this dissertation that the Saudi Arabian workforce in any

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182 given environment is almost exclusively Arab and Moslem, and always same sex. In contrast, the workforce in any public or private setting in almost all of North America is culturally and religiously pluralistic and mixed sex. The intellectual concept of OC developed in these heterogeneous settings, as did the theories of Schein, Quinn and McGrath, and others who studied it. This does not mean that OC fails to exist in Saudi or other more homogeneous work force settings, nor does it mean that the theories now become useless. What it does mean, however, is that the task of describing OC now becomes much more difficult or at least quite different. Why is this true? It is true because the cultural values that workers bring with them each morning are much more alike in. Saudi than western society. Because a greater degree of similarity exists, these traits almost automatically force themselves into the OC of an organization. Therefore, OC is much more apt to mirror society in general than it would in a pluralistic work force setting. This increases the subtlety and obscurity surrounding the unique qualities of oc that do exist in a particular setting, making it harder to observe and quantify them.

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183 For example, various artifactual displays in American companies and government agencies tell a lot about OC. The pictures on the wall have hidden meaning. Saudi organizations put up pictures, too. However, the types of pictures displayed more likely than not are those that Arabs traditionally favor. Thus, it becomes more difficult for a researcher to qualitatively learn about oc by looking at them. Recommendations From a pragmatic standpoint, the investigator recommends that new employees receive just a little more psychological support as they adjust to their new work environment. This will reduce ambiguity and stress, and speed acquisition of needed competencies. The investigator doesn't recommend introduction of an American style training program at MMRA. The reason for this is introduction of too many outside ideas will raise stress levels by increasing values clashes and problems. This would cause more ambiguity and stress, the very thing this recommendation seeks to avoid. After all, installing an American style training program means one more outside value imposed on a somewhat dubious work force. How them, is management

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184 going to cut new employee ambiguities, if a formally structured program isn't used to do so? By increasing frequency of positive reward through informal short interactions, both psychologically through praise and recognition, and cognitively by occasional work-related advice and direction, when need for such is obvious. Employee responsibility for job improvement is a traditional Arab value and this recommendation is designed to foment it. Promotion of a traditional value also offers the side benefit of lessening values conflicts among all workers caused by influx of Western ideas into other aspects of running the ministry. This recommendation is not meant to suggest that management, as it operates now, never engages in praise or factual level job training of workers. Rather, it is suggested that such informal worker contacts consistent with the Arab style be slightly increased. From an academic standpoint, the most obvious direction for further research is to look at Hypotheses D and E, the two that remained unsupported and unrejected, in greater detail. Some obvious new vs. old worker and worker vs. manager differences were found, but not enough to assess their part, if any, in oc. One possible future project might involve a case

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185 study analysis of transferred, resigned and fired employees, comparing this group to a paired associate control group of non-departing staff members. While the worker/worker and worker/manager comparisons did not yield enough data for conclusive hypothesis testing, they did prove helpful, up to a point, in describing the MMRA's OC. The fact that no drastic differences between "new" and "old" workers were found suggests that the OC is more or less pervasive throughout the work force. While subcultures exist, to be sure, it is doubtful that they are based upon young-old and new-long term dichotomies. The differences that are apparent appears to stem from the time lapse in assimilating job knowledge and OC that new workers experience. As noted elsewhere in this study, MMRA management makes no attempt to formally teach OC to new members. In addition, work place fragmentation contributes to employee isolation up to a point. These two factors no doubt delay full acquisition of OC by new workers. When workers are compared to managers in any research study, in any nation, in public or private sector, the traditional labor vs. management dichotomy must be attended. An investigator looking at OC must

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186 be very cautious not to mix differences caused by labor-management relations with OC qualities not attributable to that relationship. In addition, the specifics of how each group deals with the labormanagement dichotomy is a legitimate part of OC. various organizations have evolved a whole lore of how such issues are handled, and these have become, what Edgar Schain would call basic within their ocs. At the MMRA, it appears that managers have less ambiguities regarding oc than workers do as a group. This conclusion fits with the fact that most managerial people were formerly employees at the same ministry. While nature of the promotional process was not a focus of this study, and thus no formal data exists to prove the contention, common sense dictates that thorough understanding of OC is a favorable trait for promotion to managerial status. Thus, it may be said that while OC differences are minimal between workers and managers, the latter have a slightly more thorough grasp of oc. Another possible research investigation could involve a detailed analysis of specific interactions of narrowly defined Western management practices with

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187 equally narrowly defined components of Saudi culture, both ethnic and religious. Just what is the detailed .picture of the interplay of these two sources of values and ideas? The present study represents a start toward such a detailed analysis, and reports just enough intriguing aspects of values interaction to whet academic enthusiasm .. For instance, some Western management values are fully compatible with Saudi cultural ones, therefore, they catch on rapidly. Judging by the widespread use of modern office equipment at MMRA, the Saudis are fully utilizing this technology. Perhaps modern offic.e tools are facilitators of the Islamic emphasis upon wisdom and knowledge. Some other Western management values have not fit in with Saudi culture. A prime example is the so-called "equal opportunity for women" as defined in the West. In the countries of North America, women are foundworking alongside men. This is not permissible in Saudi Arabia; where Islam mandates separation by sex. The Saudi approach to equal opportunity has been to provide special work situations for women, wholly staffed by them. This is obviously quite diferent from the view held in the West. Therefore, several

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188 Western management values which clash with Saudi cultural ones, have not been adopted at all. This is nevertheless tmportant to note, because of the apprehension knowledge of this situation generates among some Saudis. This apprehension is fueled by the fact that a few other Arab nations, such as Egypt, permit some mixed sex work environments. A third situation found in values interaction, possibly the most interesting of all, occurs when a Western management and a Saudi cultural value are similar, yet not exactly alike; compatible, but not always completely so. The Western concept of formal public input to governmental agencies, known as "hearings," is completely unknown in the Saudi context. Yet an age-old practice, "open doors to all" is firmly extrenched in Saudi tradition. The two processes are not alike, yet they are both similar in that they are each a mechanism for citizens to communicate directly with bureaucrats. In the case of these two values, the existence of open doors to all probably lessens the need to adopt use of hearings. Not all similar value pairs produce the same type of effect, for example, the secondary research

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189 emphasis, conflict resolution produced some findings in this area. Specifically, some of the Saudi procedures are remarkably like those in vogue in the West. However, in this case, it appears some of these cultural values, such as the need for two workers to first discuss a dispute, then go through channels if they cannot resolve it, is not a Western import. Rather, this appears to be a case of independent parallel evolution, where these practice developed in both the West and Saudi society simultaneously. Future research devoted to values interaction holds promise of being interesting and fruitful from both an academic and pragmatic standpoint. A final recommendation grows out of observational data and addresses the issue of worker isolation brought about by a compartmentalized job environment. As beautiful and opulent as the MMRA's building is, it really isn't an office building. The numerous small rooms have, in the investigator's opinion, created too much worker isolation from peers. It might be speculated that this phenomenon is contributing to the ambiguity. component found in the OC. Therefore, it is recommended that the Saudi government consider moving

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190 MMRA into a modern, office type building specifically designed with the MMRA and its mission in mind. Along these same lines, it is further recommended that top management institute some type of socialization process for the MMRA employees. This will serve to eliminate ambiguities and build a better sense of camaraderie. This will, in turn, promote internalization of values and common beliefs. Basic patterns of shared values should thus be strengthened, and cultural communication enhanced. It is also recommended that efforts be taken to involve workers, management and the Saudi intelligensia in a creative process for constructive improvement of ways of doing things in public administration. A dialogue of this type would lead to innovations that spring from local cultural values of Saudi society.

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NOTES -CHAPTER VII 1Steven Ott, The Organizational Culture Perspective, (Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole Publishing Company, 1989), pp. 60-62. 2Edgar H. Schein, Organizational Culture and Leadership, (San Francisco: Jessey-Bass, Inc. Publishers, 1985), p. 18. 3John A. Martin, "Examining Management Ideology: Towards a Framework and Methodology" (unpublished manuscript), University of Colorado at Denver, Graduate School of Public Affairs; April 21, 1986, p. 2. 191 4Robert E. Quinn and Michael R. McGrath, in Frost, et al., Organizational Culture, (Beverly Hills, CA: A Sage Publication, 1985), pp. 326-327.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Abercromble, Nicholas; Hill, Stephen; and Turner, Bryan S. Dictionary of Sociology. Britain: Richard Clay_ (The Chaucen Press) Ltd., 1984. Al-Araji, Asim. "Homogeneous Technological Progress for a Heterogeneous Community," International Review of Administrative Science. Vol. 49, No. 3, 1983. Al-Araji, Asim. "The Relevancy and the Irrelevancy of the More Advanced Management Educational Program to Arab Countries Needs," International Review of Administrative Sciences. Vol. 47, No. 2, 1981. Al-Farsy, Fouad. Saudi Arabia: A Case Study in Development. London: Stacy International, 1980. Allen, Susan. "Chief Executive Holds Key to Changing Corporate Culture," Rocky Mountain News. February 17, 1987. Applebaum, Herbert. Royal Blue: The Culture of Construction Workers. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1981. Astley, w. Graham, and Van de van, Andrew H. "Central Perspectives and Debates in Organization Theory," Administrative Science Quarterly. Vol. 28, 1983. Blau, Peter, and Meyer, Marshall w. Bureaucracy in Modern Society. NY: Random House, 1971. Belman, Lee, and Deal, Terrence. Modern Approaches to Understanding and Managing Organizations. San Francisco: Jessey-Bass Publishers, 1984. Chackerian, Richard, and Shadukhi, Suliman. "Public Bureaucracy in Saudi Arabia: An Empirical Assessment of Work Group Behavior," International Review of Administrative Sciences. Vol. 49, No. 3, 1983.

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193 Collison, William. Conflict Reduction. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Co., 1988. Deal, Terrence, and Kennedy, Allen. Corporate Cultures. Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, Inc., 1982. DeFrank, Richard, et al. "The Impact of Culture on the Management Practices of American and Japanese CEO's," Organizational Dynamics. Spring 1985. Denhardt, Robert B. Theories of Public Organization. Monetary, CA: Brooks/Cole Publishing Co., 1984. Denison, Daniel. "Briny Corporate Culture to the Bottom Line," Organizational Dynamics, vel. 13, 1984. Douglas, Mary. How Institutions Think. Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1986. El Mallakh, Ragael, and El Mallakh, Dorothea, ed. Saudi Arabia. Lexington, Massachusetts: D.C. Heath and Company, 1982. Ember, Carol, and Ember, Melvin. Cultural Anthropology. 4th ed. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1985. Ernest, Robert E. "Corporate Culture and Effective Planning," Personnel Administrator. Vol. 30, 1985. Frost, Peter J., et al. Organizational Culture. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, 1985. Gertner, Harold, et al. Organization Theory. Chicago: The Dorsey Press, 1987. Harmon, Michael, and Mayer, Richard. Organization Theory for Public Administration. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1986. Heady, Ferrel. Public Administration: A Comparative Perspective. NY: Marcel Dekker, Inc., 1979.

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194 Hickman, Craig, and Michael A. Silva. Creating Excellence. New York: New American Library, 1984. Holmes, Lowell, and Parris, Wayne. Anthropology. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1981. Kilmann, Ralph, et al. Gaining Control of the Corporate Culture. San Francisco: Jessey-Bass Publishers, 1986. Kirk, Jerome, and Miller, Marc L. Reliability and Validity in Qualitative Research. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, Inc., 1986. Kuklan, Hooshang. "The Administrative System in the Islamic Republic of Iran," International Review of Administrative Sciences. Vol. 47, No. 3, 1981. Lovrich, Nicholas. Interest: Personnel 1981. "Professional Ethics & the Public Sources of Judgment," Public Management Journal. Vol. 10, No. 1, Maanen, John Van, ed. Qualitative Methodology. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, Inc., 1984. Margulies, Newton, and Wallace, John. Change. Glenview, Illinois: and Co., 1973. Organizational Scott, Foresman Martin, Joanne, and Siehl, Carin. "Organizational Culture and Counterculture: An Uneasy Symbiosis," Organizational Dynamics. Autum, 1983. Merton, Robert. Sociological Ambivalence. NY: The Free Press, 1976. Miles, Matthew, and Huberman, Michael. Qualitative Data Analysis. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, 1984. Ott, Steven. The Organizational Culture Perspective. Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole Pub. Co., 1989.

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195 Osama, Abdulrahman. "Clean Nepotism," Al-Yamamh Weekly Magazine. No. 930, December 20, 1986. (In Arabic) Pascale, Richard. "The Paradox of Corporate Culture," California Management Review. Vol. XXVII, No. 2, 1985. Redford, Emmette s. Ideal & Practice in Public Administration. University: The University of Alabama Press, 1975. Riggs, Fred. Administration In Developing Countries. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1964. Sathe, Vijay. "Implication of Corporate Culture: A Manager's Guide to Action," Organizational Dynamics, Vol. 12, 1983. Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Planning. Second Development Plan 1975 1980. Jiddah: Dan Okaz for Printing and Publishing, 1975. Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Planning. Plan 1980 -1985. Riyadh: Planning Press, 1980. Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Planning. Plan, 1985 1990. Riyadh: Planning Press, 1985. Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Interior. Services, Vol. 1. Riyadh: 1974. Third Development Ministry of Fourth Development Ministry of Municipal Middle East Press, Schein, Edgar. Organizational Culture and Leadership. San Francisco: Jessey-Bass Publishers, 1985. Sharif, M. Raihan. Pakistan: Islamic Social Framework, Lahore, Ashraf Press, 1979. Shafritz, Jay and Steven Ott, ed. Classics of Organization Theory. Chicago: The Dorsey Press, 1987. Shafritz, Jay and Hyde Albert, ed. Administration. Chicago: 1987. Classics of Public The Dorsey Press,

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196 Shafritz, Jay. The Facts on File of Dictionary of Public Administration. New York City: Facts on File Publications, 1985. Silver, Sherry. "Corporations Have Personalities Too!" Rocky Mountain News, August 9, 1987. Summary of Saudi Arabian Third Five Year. Saudi Arabian, Development Plan 1980 -1985. 2nd ed. Jiddah: Tihama Publications, 1982. White, Jay. "On the Growth of Knowledge in Public Administration," Public Administration Review, Vol. 46. January, February, 1986. Wilkins, Alan. "The Culture Audit: A Tool for Understanding Organization," Organizational Dynamics. Vol. 12, 1983. Worthley, John A. "Ethics and Public Management: Education and Training." Public Personnel Management Journal, Vol. 10, No. 1, 1981.

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197 UNPUBLISHED SOURCES Al-Awaji, Ibrahim M. "Bureaucracy and Society in Saudi Arabia." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Virginia, 1971. Al-Ghamdi, Mohamed S. "The Impact of Ecological Factors Upon the Attitudes of Saudi Students Toward Work Values: a Search for Development." Ph.D. dissertation. The Florida State University, 1982. Al-Hussniyah, Abdulrahman. "Perceptions of Saudi Students of Public Administration Curricula in the United States and Their Perceptions of Selected Administrative Practices in Saudi Arabia," D.P.A. dissertation, University of La Verne, 1985. Al-Khaldi, Abdullah. "Job Content and Context Factors Related to Satisfaction and Dissatisfaction in Three Occupational Levels of the Public Sector in Saudi Arabia," Ph.D. dissertation, The Florida State University, 1983. Al-Jilani, Ahmed. "Environmental Impact on Organizational Design in Saudi Arabia," Ph.D. dissertation, The Florida State University, 1985. Al-Mizjaji, Ahmed. "The Public Attitudes Toward the in Saudi Arabia," Ph.D. dissertation, The Florida State University, 1982. Al Nimir, Saud. "Present and Future Bureaucrats in Saudi Arabia: A Survey Research," Ph.D. dissertation, The Florida State University, 1981. Al-Sabban, Aidros. "The Municipal System in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia: A Case Study of Makkah," Ph.D. dissertation, Claremont Graduate School, 1982.

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Earl, Johnson. "Explorations in Organizational Culture," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Virginia, 1984. Martin, John A. "Examining Management Ideology: 198 Towards a Framework and Methodology," manuscript, University of Colorado at Denver, Graduate School of Public Affairs, April 21, 1986. Saaty, Abdalelah. "The Ecological Context of Public Administration in Saudi Arabia," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Aiabama, 1985. Shadukhi, Soliman. "Application of Organization Development (OD) in Saudi Arabia's Public Organizations," Ph.D. dissertation, The Florida State University, 1981. Shepro, Carl. "Culture, Ideology and Organization," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington, 1985.

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APPENDIX A Forty-One Item Checklist with Explanatory Letter (Translation from the Arabic) (Items 1 through 19 developed by researcher; items 20-41 adapted from Hickman and Silva.) Thirteen Item Manager Only Checklist adapted from Hickman and Silva 199

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200 EugllshTrunslo.tion of EKplo.no.tory Letter In the name of God, Most Gracius, Most Merciful My respected brother/ Peace be upon you, and the mercy and blessing of Allah. Needless to say, the Ministry of Municipal lk Rural Affairs (Ml'tl\A) plays 11 major role in the development of our beloved country. In fact, this dlstincllvc role led me to consider it careCully for my study toward n doctoral degree. My respected brother/ Please don't put your name on this survey. The purpose of this questionnaire is to help the Ml\li.A do a better job of serving the Saudi people. As you circle the best for each question, don't think a lot about it; just the first answer that comes to mind. Thank you -in advance for your cooperation. God Bless You. Your brother, Mohamed Al-Khelwi

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201 APPENDIX A Forty-One Item Checklist Yes No 1. I am a member of Management 2. I have worked for the Ministry a. Less than one year b. More than one, but less than five years c. More than five years SOMEusuALWAYS NEVER LI'ITLE TIMES ALLY TRUE MMRA is: 1. Collaborative X X X X X 2. Hierarchical and structured X X X X X 3. Procedural X X X X X 4. Relationships-oriented X X X X X 5. Results-oriented X X X X X 6. Creative X X X X X 7. Encouraging to staff X X X X X e. Sociable to clients X X X X X 9. Sociable to staff X X X X X 10. A pressureful place to work X X X X X 11. Careful to follow rules X X X X X

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202 SOMEusu-ALWAYS NEVER LI'ITLE TIMES ALLY TRUE 12. Willing to allow workers to do a job their own way X X X X X 13. Fair in personnel decisions X X X X X 14. A safe place to work X X X X X 15. A challenging place to work X X X X X 16. Cautious in its dealings X X X X X 17. Trusting to employ-ees X X X X X 16. Run according to Islamic principles X X X X X 19. Run according to modern mana9ement techniques X X X X X 20. Can you state the MMRA's purpose in one clear sentence? 21. Do all employees know that purpose? X X X X X 22. Do you think most MMRA workers display commitment to that purpose? X X X X X 23. Do individual employees see per-sonal benefits for that commitment? X X X X X

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203 SOMEusuALWAYS NEVER LITI'LE TIMES ALLY TRUE 24. Does the Ml'tRA teach workers one or more good skills? X X X X X 25. Do all employees know the MMRA's best competencies? X X X X X 26. Do workers try to maintain their competencies at any cost? X X X X X 27. Does MMRA management pay attention to the various compe-tency areas? X X X X X 28. Are new employees trained well enough to do a good job right from the start? X X X X X 29. Are the MMRA's important competen-cies always the same? X X X X X 30. Do you think these competencies produce superior performance? X X X X X 31. Do outsiders think the MMRA's performance is superior? X X X X X 32. Is the MMRA's commitment to its purpose discussed throughout the organization? X X X X X 33. Is its performance discussed throughout the organization? X X X X X 34. Will the present competency level stay at present level? X X X X X

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204 SOMEusuALWAYS NEVER LITI'LE TIMES ALLY TRUE 35. Do employees help their peers learn the MMRA's commitment? X X X X X 36. Do employees help their peers learn job competencies? X X X X X 37. Does the MMRA sufficiently moti-vate new employees? X X X X X 38. Are long-term em-ployees who lose their commitment helped to get it back? X X X X X 39. Is the Mr1RA able to attract and keep the right kind of people? X X X X X 40. Do employees easily recognize the difference between committed and uncom-mitted peers? X X X X X 41. Do you renew your own commitment daily? X X X X X Non-management workers are finished with the questionnaire. Please turn it in as directed to insure confidentiality. Management personnel should first complete the following questions, then turn in their questionnaires in the same way.

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205 This part is for Managers Only. SOMEusuALWAYS NEVER LITTLE TIMES ALLY TRUE 1. Can you tell which employees do not have a good commitment? X X X X X 2. Are you able to measure individual employee conuni.tment7 X X X X X 3. Do you notice warning signs when an employee's commitment starts to decline? X X X X x 4. Do you do things to help new employees build their commitment? X X X X X 5. When you plan work, do you consider how doing it will effect MMRA's common purpose? X X X X X 6. Do you help workers improve their various competencies? X X X X X 7. Do your employees recog-nize it when the MMRA does a superior job? X X X X X e. Do you acknowledge super-ior employee competence? X X X X X 9. Do you pay attention thor-oughly to the commitment issue in hiring new -employees for work? X X X X X 11. Do you take swift action to deal with a new employ-ee's lack of commitment? X X X x X 12. Do you take swift action to deal with a long-term employees's decline of commitment? X X X X X 13. Do you consider the impact of new Mr-tRA procedures or rules on the workers under you? X X X X X

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APPENDIX B STRUC'IURED INTERVIEW Check category: New Worker ( Old Manager ( ) Old Worker 1. What do you see as the mission? ) New Manager ( 2. How well do you think MMRA carries out its mission? 3. How well do new MMRA workers understand the Mission? 4. Generally speaking, how technically competent are MMRA workers, compared to other workers? 5. Generally speaking, are workers technically starting at MMRA, or do they learn most of their skills on the job? 6. Generally speaking, how committed to their work are MMRA workers compared to other workers? 7. Does Islamic belief the way you handle your work at MMRA? 8. Do you think the MMRA does its work in a modern efficient way, compared to other Saudi agencies compared to business corporations? 9. Some people say that Saudi agencies copy Western management ideas. Do we ? If no, "should we11 ______________ ? why or why not ? Is this a good idea -------------------------------? 10. What do you like about working at MMRA? Okay, but what's special about MMRA? 206