WOMENS ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT IN MONGOLIA
M.A. in Law, Irkutsk State University, Russia, 1993
A thesis submitted to the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
This thesis for the Master of Arts
has been approved
Erdenebulgan Avirmed (M.A., Political Science)
Women5 s Economic Empowerment in Mongolia
Thesis directed by Assistant Professor Anna Sampaio
This thesis will address the issues affecting women from the perspective of
tneir economic empowerment and prospects for achieving gender equality in the
context of the economic changes taking piace in Mongolian society. The economic,
social, and political consequences of the transiuon have generated enormous social
costs for virtually everyone in Mongolia. However, the nature and extent of these
changes are experienced differently by women and men. While both men and women
have experienced growing poverty, unemployment and weakening social support and
social services, women appear to have been affected more severely due to their
reproductive and family responsibilities.
This thesis looks at impacts of the transformation over the last decade on
womens economic status highlighting the commensurate changes in gender relations
and womens participation and influence in these transition processes. The thesis will
demonstrate how womens non-govemmentai organizations (NGOs) are addressing
the economic reforms to strengthen womens economic and political pattern.
In this thesis I will also examine the cooperation between the Government of
Mongolia and NGOs focused on womens empowerment, poverty alleviation, and the
development of rural women5 s organizations. Currently in Mongolia exist about 40
women^s NGOs. I will focus on three major womens NGOs: the Mongolian
Women5 s Federation (MWF), the Gender Center for Sustainable Development
(GCSD) and the Mongolian Women5s Fund (MWFD). My research will contribute to
the Mongolian Womens NGOs effort of developing their strategies to empower
women in Mongolia.
This thesis will address the following questions: L How has economic reform
over the past decade affected women? 2. What strategies have the Mongolian
government and Mongolian womens NGOs developed to address womens issues? 3.
What have been the accomplishments and limitations of the women's NGOs*
strategies? 4. What recommendations can be made to further empower women?
This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidate^ thesis. I
recommend its publication.
My thanks to my advisorAnna Sampaio and members of the committeeJana
Everett and Steve Thomas, for their patience with me during this past year. I
also wish to thank the staff of the Department of the Political Science for their
support and understanding.
2. THE IMPACT OF ECONOMIC CHANGES
IN SHAPING A NEW FACE OF WOMEN
3. NEW PHASE OF GENDER DEVELOPMENT IN MONGOLIA...33
4. ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSIONS......................49
GLOSSARY AND LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS..................66
Historical background of the country.
Mongolia is located in the heart of Central Asia and covers an area of 1.6
million square kilometers (605.000 square miles). The country is bordered by the
Russian Federation and China. Its climate is extreme continental, with four seasons.
Total population is 2.5 million. Population density is sparse15 inhabitants per 1,000
hectares-with 54.7% of the population living in urban areas and 45.3% in rural areas.
As a result of the liberation movement of the Mongolian people in 1911 and
the victory of the socialist revolution in 1921Mongolia won independence from
China, and a new period of revival and development started. During the years of the
socialist revolutiongreat changes occurred in economic and social structures. By
193 lt 48% of the population was literate. Improved health care during the socialist
period resulted in a large increase in life-expectancy rates between the 1920s and
1990s; life-expectancy rose by six years between 1960 and 1990 (Mongolian
Statistical Yearbook, 1997).
During the above years the young population had a chance to move to urban
areas, particularly to the former Soviet Union and to other former socialist countries
to study. European urban culture, education, and tradition played a major role in
Mongolian life and helping Mongolians to make greater changes in their social
development. During these years of independence, the country experienced an agro-
industrial development in the spheres of production of agricultural raw materials,
livestock, fanning, processing, industries, mineral resources, energy industries,
transportcommunication ind ccmstruction. These changes transformed Mongolia
from a nomadic pastoral economy and feudal theocracy to an urbanized industrial and
centrally planned one-party state. Livestock production was collectivized into state
farms and mechanized. Civil and political rights a& well as economic and social rights
were guaranteed by. the constitution, and there was extensive state provision for
health and education, as well as social and employment protection (UNDP, 1997).
The pre-reform economy.
At the time of the revolution of 1921Mongolias economy was in a State of
chronic "economic backwardness*5 (Sanders, 1987). The economic policy of the
Mongolian Peopled Republic, between 1924 and 1990 was to nationalize and
diversify the economy through centralized state planning. In 1924, the decision was
taken to follow the non^capitalist road of development. The 1920s and 1930s saw the
radual development of light and food industries based on the processing of livestock,
produce, and the concentration of coal extraction and electricity generation in the
capital, Ulaanbaatar. Until the beginning of 1990, the economy of Mongolia was
highly dependent on imports and financial assistance from the former Soviet Union
The 1940-1960 periods witnessed the establishment of rural economic
collectives, the collectivization of animal husbandry and the diversification of the
economy into ore mining. metalworking, timber processing and consumer goods
production. Full-scale industrialization accelerated in the 1960s. Mongolia joined the
.Council for Mutual Economic Assistance. (CMEA) in 1962. During these years about
90% of Mongolians foreign trade was with CMEA countriesthe largest share with
the Soviet Union (Women in Mongolia, UNIFEM, 2001).
The situation of women during socialism.
Extensive nomadic livestock breeding dominated the country for several
hundred of years. A traditional lifestyle determined by the needs of the household
production excluded women from public life. Although woniens role and status in
household was low and their political ,and spiritual rights were denied. The Peopled
domestic matters and livestock breeding was important, womenJs status outside of the
Revolution of 1921 brought major changes for Mongolian women. They became
literate and were provided with opportunities to participate in the political, social and
economic life of the country. The first Constitution of Mongolia adopted in 1924
stated that <6all citizens of Mongolia are entitled to equal rights irrelevant of their
ethnic origin, religious belief or sex?, (Constitution of Mongolia, 1924). Arranged
marriage for women was prohibited by the law in 1925. At the same time, women
received the right to vote and to be elected to public office. 1111925, women were first
appointed to positions in local government and in 1929, one was appointed as a
member of the Peoples Supreme Court. In 193130% of local government officials,
including two aimag (see glossary) governors, were women (UNDP, 1997b).
In the years of the socialist revolution women received primary, secondary
and tertiary education, much the same as men: Furthermore, they worked in all
sectors of the public sphere, similar to men. Yet this did not extend to decision-
making where men still dominated top managementas prescribed by social norms
and customs Due to gender quotas set by the ruling communist partytoken women
23% (GEDAW, 1999). Only one or two women worked as a Deputy Ministers and no
woman was a Minister (WIRC, 1998).
Under the centrally planned economy, the state guaranteed employment and
implemented a formal equitable labbrpolicy. Howeverso-called womens
occupations were formed; such as health care, education, child/daycare and other
sectors, which were dominated by a female workforce. By 1967, 67% of women were
occupied in these areas (MSY, 1997).
During this period, the policy of the ruling party and government with regard
to women was mainly directed towards social assistance to women, particularly their
health and living conditions. In the 1960s-1970s many progressive measures were
taken such as: the creation of jobs for women, the adoption of a list of posts for
women, the organization of advanced professional training, and application of
pension and benefit schemes favorable to women, including provisions of generous
support for child care, maternity leave and free universal maternity care. On the one
hand these measures obviously helped women in building up their own social roles
and identities. On the other hand, they were a manifestation of an attitude that women
are not active participants of social development, but passive recipients of social
wealth (CEDAW, 1998).
The impact of economical changes in shaping anew face of women of Mongolia
1)Women in the study of economic restructuring during the transition
The transition to democracy and an open-market economy began in Mongolia
in 1990. A multi-pirty system was established and political: pluralism allowed. The
new democratic Constitution of 1992 guaranteed freedoms and human rights for all
citizens, such as: the right to freedom of association and political participation
including the submission of petitions and complaints to state bodies, the right to
freedom of religion, conscience, opinion, speech and press, the right to life, health
and safe environment, freedom of movement, and the right to fair acquisition,
possessionand inheritance of property (Constitution1992). New types of property
have led to the emergence of formal and informal sectors based on private property
alongside of the state property Self-employed groups have formed, engaged in
diverse activities in the market. In rural areasprivatization of livestock has led to the
formation of self-employed groups of herders.
.The Womens Information and Research Center (WIRC) conducted a survey
of 3100 participants in 1996-1997 in five regions of the country including
Ulaanbaatar, According to data obtained by this survey, women constituted 55.8% of
the state sector employees46.2% of the private sector employees58.9% of the
mixed property sector employees, 41.0% of the companies with foreign investment
employees and 35.5% of die non-governmental sector employees. Official 1997
statistics show that herders formed 48^6% of the economically active population.
AVhere 62.2% of female herders have themselves chosen this path of employment,
male herders did this in 64.7% of the cases. According to these statistics 15.6% of
women were forced to this because they lost their jobs, (men 11.9%), 9.4% of women
by parental decision and 7.5% through marriage to herdsman, 2.5% because of
privatization of livestock (men 4%) and 2.5% of women named other reasons for
becoming herders. (WIRC,1998)*
With th6 democratic transfomation of the society the people of Mongolia
have obtained broad opportunities for development However, emerging evidence
suggests that the austerity programs and structural reforms launched under the
transition to a market economy have led to a gradual deterioration of social services
and the retrenchment of unemployment. The position of women has significantly
deteriorated as they have borne costs of the transition. They suffer from a higher rate
of unemployment, inadequate health care services, low access to loans, and poverty.
Poverty is most apparent in the lives of female-headed householdsthe number of
which has doubled from 1990-1997 and is now reaching 54,530. One fourth of these
axe poor women with 6 or more children. Prostitution and trafficking in women are
new social phenomenon in Mongolian society (CEDAW, 1998).
2) Problems facing women
Structural reforms have induced major changes in the nature of employment,
intensifying disparities in the participation of both men and women in the economy.
The costs of structural adjustment and retrenchment have been disproportionately
borne by women, who. at the same time have not benefited from the potential
opportunities offered-by market-led development at a level commensurate with their
capabilities and compared to men.,
Women in Mongolia have been seriously affected by high unemployment,
resulting from unification and privatization. Women were the first to be laid off upon
closure or restructuring of the processing light industries, textiles, clothing, services
and tradethose traditional industries where they were predominant. Better-educated
women often filled administrative positions, many of which were related to the
central economy and were likely to be decimated. Women were also involved in
cultural institutions and publishing houses, many of which have now closed down.
The preference for hiring men is combined with the expectation that women will take
care of the family matters. Rights to maternity leave militate against a womans re-
employment, for it means that the employers prefer men in newly privatized
enterprises or in state enterprises that are struggling to become profitable. Life for the
majority of women has worsened. Women under 35 make up 52% of unemployed
people in 1998 (Mongolian Statistical Yearbook 1998). Another example is that after
disintegration of the government owned agricultural farms and privatization of their
livestock (1 machinerymore than 20,000trainedwomenlosttheirjobs(WIRC
There are additional problems for women associated with age and physical
appearance. Numerous advertisements for job vacancies require
(being tall and pretty) and have been dispersed through media, particularly those
related to jobs, in service industries. It is difficult for a woman over 35 to get a job in
either the public or priviate sectors. For men such a limit is imposed after the age of
45. Such people are considered as more qualified workers, but on the other hand, by
being able to demand their rights they are potentially dangerous for employers
Recent privatization of livestock hias allowed herders to meet their needs for
food and other goods; however, the workload of women-herders has been
significantly increased. Female herders now spend more time on processing products
of animal husbandry, child-rearing activiues and household work. Rural women are
restricted in their enjoyment of their legitimate rights in terms of working hours,
wages and paid annual leave. For example, according to the Labor Code of Mongolia,
the working hours per day cannot exceed 8 hours. Moreover, their contribution in the
economic development has not been recognized and rewarded properly. They have
been denied maternity leave and childcare benefits (WIRC, 1998).
Self-employment makes a significant contribution to the household and
national economy. However, in the new .Mongolian informal sector, labor protection
is poor and people are not satisfactorily covered by social and medical insurance. The
majority of self-employed women can5t get paid maternity leaves and other benefits
related to reproductive function (WIRC,.1998).
Another instance of gender discrimination is the concentration of women in
low paid jobs.. Women occupy lower positions in the job hierarchy and men occupy
more prestigious jobs at offer higher pqy. As women occupy lower positions in the
job hierarchy, their salaries are correspondingly lower. Disparity in incomes also
exists in the informal sector. According to the survey conducted by the National
CEDAW Watch Network Center in 1999 on 300 people engaged in the informal
sectorwomens incomes were lower than mens (National CEDAW,1999).
Discrimination against women is revealed in job segregation. Men dominate
in agriculture, industry, construction, transport, and communications sectors where
they constitute 54-63%. Women prevail in trade, services, education and health
sectors where they make up 52-67% (NSY, 1997).
An important problem related to womens employment is the lack of
opportunities for promotion and building a professional career. According to the data
obtained trom the Political Education Academy, women constituted less than 20% out
of more than ten thousand graduates of its retraining courses in the last 5 years.
Retraining of women in various professional fields as well as providing training in
.new occupations has been left outside of policy. So the number of women who have
access to such training is very low; during the transition period mainly men have
attended in-country and out-country training and retraining schemes (CEDAW,
The closures of schools, kindergartens, and childcare facilities have meant that
the task of childcare is now primarily bome by v/omen, thereby affecting and
restricting women5s access to formal paid employment (CEDAW, 1998).
3) What is needed to resolve these problems?
Upholding economic rights, shaping the economic policies, and building an
institution towards sustainable and equitable development are the crucial challenges
for womens economic empowerment in Mongolia. Many strategies are needed to
address the economic constraints of womensuch as: organizinglegal interventions,
policy reforms, delivery of credit, training, technology, and other services. It is clear
that strategic interventions are necessary to ensure both fairness for women and
proper utilization of female human resources. Interventions are needed in two areas in
particular: the labor market and the political system. In the labor market, efforts are
needed to protect low-income working mothers, single mothers, and single women
without family support. For the unemployed and the most vulnerable groups social
policies are needed to help women more easily combine motherhood and jobs.
The role of womens organizations (cooperatives) in the promotion of
collective ownership in the means of production and in marketing is important. The
limited data available on women5 s organizations (cooperatives) indicate that one
problem which has affected their functions is the power relations within the
organization and the need to democratize these organizations so that women members
feel that they own cooperative assets. Governments, banks and other agencies are
more willing to support large-scale public and private enterprises than small
cooperatives, and this lias increased womens isolation and vulnerability. Organizing
new small-scale womens organizations is a concern of women5s NGOs. These
organizations maybe unregistered and can involve professionals in a specific area.
For example, the areas like training on access to a small loanon privatization011
computer, on English and etc.
Rural women have problems in such area as credit and marketing, because
they do not understand market trends and the competitiveness of the market. The
womens NGOs and projects neglect.training in marketing and financial management.
The womens NGOs could help in training women in these areas.
Supportive struptures for marketing, import polides to protect small-scale
handicrafts and innovative strategies for credit for raw materials and for improved
techniques of production are essentialas is an effective system for the dissemination
of relevant and timely information to these organizations.
New phase of gender development in Mongolia.
Prior to 190, the Mongolian Womens Federation Was executing both a
government and 11011-governmental function in its capacity as the national machinery
for womens concerns. Since 1990 women have begun to unite under wpmens non-
governmental organizations (NGOs), initially to address the drastic reduction of
social protection provided under the new marketled economy. They began
organizing in order to fight for their politicai, economic and social rights. Now
Mongolians 44 womens N.GOs differ in their objectives, constituencies, and nature of
their activities (Mol, 2002). They also have a few things in common- organizing
women and recruiting their potential for, the national development, working together
in particular issues and influencing government performance in relevant areas. They
provide services and training, respond to basic security problems, and promote gender
equity in law, the workplace, and social relations (MoJ, 2002). Some examples of
NGOs are the Gender Center for Sustainable Development (its main objectives are: to
create a database and a network for the collection information on gender issues, to
conduct researches on the status of women), Mongolian Womens Fund (Its main
objectives are to help to the promotion of Mongolian womens movementto
contribute to the promotion of gender equality and womens human rights)and the
Liberal.Women?s Brain Pool (its main objectives are to promote the womens
empowerment with the improvement of their education and professional training, to
to link and to assist the activities of women5 s NGOs and groups).
Womens NGOs combine individuals with coalition efforts and can link urban
and rural NGOs to cooperate on national initiatives. These NGOs have established the
benchmarks for the role of citizen-initiated groups in the country^ new democracy
and expanded the spectrum of approaches available for citizens to influence public
Throughout the country^ transition, the activities of Mongolian NGOs have
evolved and women leaders continue to develop new strategies for achieving an
increased impact. NGOs continually increase their influence on policymaking through
public, seminars, meetings with national and local decision makers, information
campaigns, and comments on proposed legislation; However, the state has not
undertaken any effective measures to support the activities of women^s NGOs or to
cooperate with the latter.
2) The structure and organization of the national machinery.
Prior to 1990, there was only one quasi-govemmental mass organization
concerned with womens issues. However, following the democratic revolution, the
national mechanism for addressing womens issues has changed fundamentally. The
current mechanism is structured as follows: (MoHSW, 1999).
The Legislative Body is responsible for reflecting womens issues in the new
laws; developing, discussing, and ratifying such laws; analyzing the existing
legislation and monitoxing their implementation. The main laws governing social,
economic and legal relations have been adopted. All this has brought about a new
understanding of the notion of equal rights for .men and women. Women are
becoming more active in protecting their rights and well-being (CEDAW, 1998).
The Executive Body is responsible, for formulating and implementing state
policies on women. More narrowlyit is the Minister of Health and Social Welfare
Member of the Government, that is in charge of Womens Issues. Though in 1996, a
policy-developing unit on Youth, Family, arid Women was established within the
ministry, it was abolished in 1999 and the responsibilities were transferred onto one
person in the Human Development unit of the Strategic Management and Planning
Department of the ministry (CEDAW, 1998).
At the local administration level, the Social Policy Departments of the City,
Aimag and District Governor^ Offices each have an officer in charge of youth,
family, and womens issues. At the primary administrative levels in sums and
khoroos (see glossary)there are staff members as well responsible for childrens
youth, family; and womens issues.
The National Council on Womens Issues was established by a government
resolution in 1996, according to a government resolution, under the aegis of the
Minister for Heath and Social Welfare to monitor, analyze, support and promote the
implementation of the Mongolian state policies on womenthe international
conventions that Mongolia is signatory to and le National Program of Action for the
Advancement .of Women. The Council membership consists of several Members of
the Parliament, Ministry officials, and representatives of several Women^s NGOs.
However, as the Council does, not have a budget and hasn?t been able to sort itself out
organizationally. It has not been able to do any substantial work beyond holding
several meetings and developing a few project proposals.
Women and the national womenJs machinery have not been able to mobilize
effectively so far to promote and uphold rights and to influence the processes and
outcomes of the transition. The Government needs to promote cooperation with
NGOs and develop a strategic plan regarding women issues. The activities of the
government and the NGOs are needed to find the best way to approach the problems.
Analysis and Conclusions.
In my final thesis chapter I will do an analysis and conclusions of my
research. Especially, I will focus on how women in the developing world have been
most negatively affected by structural adjustment. By evaluating tie experiences of
womens organizations in South Asia, I will analyze how women have been
empowered though their responses to these economic challenges and, have gained
more than just increased income from participating in women5 s organizations.
I will focus on the recommendations that will come from my research and
analyses. It will generate new ideas and recommendations for the future action of
women to promote women5 s economic empowerment in rural Mongolia.
In addition to providing an analytic background describing the situation facing
women in this difficult period, it is designed to assist the government, NGOs and
international donor organizations in designing policy, project and program
components sensitive to the needs of women during transition.
THE IMPACT OF ECONOMIC CHANGES IN SHAPING A NEW FACE OF
WOMEN OF MONGOLIA
In the previous chapter, I examined the situation of Mongolian women before
and after the 1990 economic changes, how their situation has changed and how the
new economic policy and structural adjustment have influenced womens lives and
conditions. I also briefly introduced how women9 s issues have developed since the
establishment of Mongolia as an independent country until now. In this chapter, I am
going to shift to the main part of my research which is to demonstrate how the
economic changes taking place in Mongolia have generated a new phenomenon for
Mongolian women. Here I will focus on economic structural changes since 1990 and
will concentrate on problems and disadvantages facing Mongolian women during this
Mongolia has emerged from the new economic policy reforms as a fledgling
democracy simultaneously burdened with a new phenomena of povertyinsecurity
and unemployment. Structural reforms have induced major changes in the patterns of
employment, intensifying disparities in the participation of both men and women in
the economy. The costs of structural adjustment and retrenchment have been
disproportionately borne by women, who at the same time have not benefited from
the potential opportunities offered by market-led development. They lost more jobs
than men when state factories closed due to lack of raw materials, and their social
recognition in society tends to be dwindling. Women under 35 made up 52% of
unemployed people in 1998 (WIRC, 1998). The last few years have been
characterized by loss of jobs, loss of well-being and loss of much of the social support
system for women..
For men and women alike, the rapid transition from guaranteed employment
in a command eiconomy to ah uncertain infant market economy with formal and
informal labor in state and private sectors has presented major changes; The picture is
a complex one since the status of employedunemployedself-employedand
informal sector workers overlap. For exampler there is difficulty in defining
^unemployed/5 On the other hand, it is not easy to establish a clear link between the
scale of job loss among women and their cunent unemployment levels, in the absence
of systematic, sex-disaggregated data collection and dissemination. The official
unemployment rates for women and men refer only to those who register as
unemployed, but some unemployed do not register because the benefits of registering
are slight (Robinson and Solongo, 2000) The unemployment rate is the proportion of
the number of unemployed persons registered in the Employment Regulation Office
to the economically active population (WIRC, 1998). At the end of April 2003, the
number of registered unemployed was 37, 300 (The Mongol Messenger, 2003).
Womens unemployment rates were higher than men and have.remained
within a range of 6% to 10% higher. Because of a lack of benefits, the unemployed
have to find means of survival, and usually it has been through self-employment in
the informal sector and / or reliance on family and social networks and transfers.
According to a 1998 survey by the Womens Information Research Centerlack of
individual income does not mean that there is no household income. Only 0.4% of
households declared that they had no source of income at all and engaged in income-
generating activities (WIRC, 1998). This means that many of those registered as
unemployed also work in the informal sector. In the transition period the lines
between employedunemployedregistered workers and umegistered blujrred. The
sets of unemployed workers and self-employed workers overlap to some extent, quite
likely because informal sector work may not be considered proper employment, but
instead a temporary income-generating or income-supplementing coping strategy in
the short term. Also, many who do register continue to carry oiit small private
enterprises in order to generate income. One survey of WIRCwhich was conducted
in 2000, reported that 63% bf those officially unemployed were engaged in informal
The informal sector economy has grown as opportunities in the state sector
have diminished and as the need to supplement wages has become essential for
family survival. Informal sector activities are small-scale, usually family-based, and
are under-counted in the official statistics. This sector covers a range of income-
generating activities and includes small traders (such as kiosk sellers and market
traders), taxi drivers, handicraft producers and service providers. A study in
Ulaanbaatar concluded that the informal sector employed 30-35% of the city's
workforce (Anderson, 1997). Women are heavily engaged in the informal sector
though there is a little data available on the extent. Because of insufficient income
working with full-time jobs, women also work in the informal sector. According to a
survey, 42.8% of women were self-employed in aimags, 36.8% in sums, and 34.8%
in Ulaanbaatar (WIRC, 1998).
There are some differences in the nature of male and female work in the
informal sector. In Ulaanbaatar, women worked mostly as kiosk sellers (63.4%), and
as street vendors (51.3%), presumably because mostly men control the use of cars,
which were not available for private ownership until after 1990 (car ownership carries
a high status). Taxi drivers could earn more than kiosk sellers or market traders and
also had a higher proportion of second jobs (Anderson, 1997). Another finding relates
to levels of earnings: fewer women than men in the informal sector earned more than
80,000 tugriks (see glossary) ($1=900 tugriks) a month. For example, one Woman in
twelve earned more than 80,000 tugriks while one man in five earned the same
amount (WIRC, 1998).
A worldwide trend is for female labor force participation rates to move closer
to those of males, although there are still significant differences between male and
female work by sector, occupation and type. Female labor force participation is
sometimes difficult to distinguish between womens housework and unpaid work
(World Bank, 1998). Women in Mongolia predominate in some occupations
(services, finance and trade) and men in others (industry, construction,
telecommunications and transport) (NSY, 1998). Women have also moved into new
areas of employment such as finance and real estate. While women predominate in
numbers in some sectors, they are likely to be in the minority in senior positions or
management. Where employment is within the state sector (such as education,
healthcare and social services) retrenchment of staff, as sector budgets have been cut,
has affected womenmore than men because the state sector need more women than
men (WIRC, 1998).
Some useful clues to the differences between male and female employment
are revealed in a survey of over 3,800 men and women in Ulaanbaatar and four
aimags (WIRC, 1998). It showed that more people worked in the state sector than the
formal private sector (51.7%); women were 55.8% of those employed in the state
sector and 46.2% of those in the private sector. A substantial proportion of those
surveyed had changed their jobs since 1990: 63.3% of males and 52.0% of females
had been in their present jobs for less than four years. Women had stayed longer in
their jobs than men but had fewer permanent contracts (81% of females, 87% of
males). Temporary contracts were most common in the private sector: 8.5% of the
men and 9.8% of the women had them (75 of those for women were with private
companies). On the one hand, they may create job opportunities and help provide
work, which fits in with the family demands and responsibilities experienced by
women. On the other, such work may fail to carry social insurance and benefits to be
found in longer-term work and is more insecure. The conditions of employment may
be less favorable too: poor pay, unpaid overtime, lack of compliance with.health and
security regulations or irregular payments. A future disadvantage for women, reported
in this survey, was that they were sometimes required to relinquish rights to maternity
entitlements in order to get the job. Of those working in the private sector, 40% of the
women said they were interested in changing their jobs if they could (WIRC, 1998).
Thus, this survey demonstrates that the women^s employment issues during the
transition period were a serious. They work in any position under any circumstances
in order to have a job.
If employment opportunities in the state sector are limited, what opportunities
do women have to set up their own enterprises? One survey of 482 SMEs (Small and
Medium Sized Enterprises employing between 1 and 21 people) reported that one
third of entrepreneurs were female. The proportion of women was higher in very
small companies of 1-5 people, (38% of all the SMEs) but decreased with the .
increasing size of the company. It appears that, as the company grew female
participation as enterprise owners or managers did not grow at the same rate
(Robinson and Solongo, 2000). In trade and industry, more men than women were
entrepreneurs. In trade, 20% of entrepreneurs were female, in industry, 25% (NSY,
Another survey in Ulaanbaatar and aimags found that 26.2 % of private
enterprise owners were women. However, womens activity as entrepreneurs is
reportedly linked to their .access to loans and credit and the availability of micro-
credit lending. Their access to these has been less than menJs (WIRG, 1998). Reasons
appear to be the disparity in formal asset ownership by males and females, lack of
sufficient women-friendly loan opportunities and insufficient knowledge about
them. Access to loans is improving slowly, but it is not enough by itself. Information,
education, advice and local support on how to use and repay is the most needed,
especially for poorer women. This is one aspect of a broader need by the whole
population for education about the market economy (WIRC, 1998).
Privatization in Mongolia has been rapid and has created gender differences in
two main respects: in employment opportunities and in the acquisition of assets.
Privatization and job-losses in the service sectors have tended to affect women more
than men because of the composition of the labor force. Prospects for women5 s
employment depend on how competitive they are in the labor market relative to men
and under what terms they can enter such markets or retain their jobs as these sectors
become privatized. The mining and mineral sector, which has been the most dynamic
sector since the transition, is the least women-intensive, partly as a result of state
restriction on women5 s employment in some occupations in this sector. Especially in
aimags and sums, opportunities for female employment have declared as a result of
cuts in rural services. More employment in the private sector is available in urban
than rural areas (WIRC, 1998). The private sector seems to offer some promise for
female employment. However, the main flow of investment at present is going toward
infrastructure and heavy industry sectors such as construction, mining and mineral
resource exploration-sectors traditionally offering less opportunity for female
employment. The private sector can also, in some cases, offer higher salaries, higher
than those paid to teachers and other government employees. However it also means
unequal pay. One study of 144.micro-enterprises.and small business in
manufacturing, services, trade, agriculture and transportation sectors found that in all
cases but one, the average female wage was lower than that for males (ADB, 1996).
In acquiring assets from the privatization of state-ownership, women appear to
have benefited less than men. Assets, when distributed as part of the privatization
process, weire registered in the names of heads of households, predominantly men
(90%). As a result, women need the consent of heads of households (usually
husbands) to offer assets as a guarantee for loan or credit. Where the (male) head of
household is also seeking loans for private enterprisewomens claims tend to take a
lower priority. The issue of rights over assets is also a problem for divorcing couples.
According to the data from the W1RC, divorce has increased since 1990. In the
circumstances, the lack of micro-credit aimed specifically at women has hampered
their entry into full-time business. Opportunities are now increasing because of
government and non-government initiatives.
A similar problem exists for urban and rural women. In one survey, women
were 45.2% of those whose principal occupation was herding (WIRC, 1998). The
distribution of livestock and equipment from collectives was based on the number of
family members and status in the entitlement of the distributor of assets resulting
from privatization. As a result, female-headed families with young children are likely
to have smalloften unviableherds and to fall into the lowest band of rural poor
(Skapa and Benwell,1996).. With trade liberalization and an influx of imports, the
private formal trade sector has expanded. But this expansion of employment is
accompanied by a higher rate of growth for menwho overtake women in this sector
What happens to the womenJs share will also depend on growing areas of
employment such as information and communication technologies. frhe increased use
of computers and information technology will have a significant impact on
employment in Mongolia. These technologiestechnical education and knowledge of
foreign languagesare fast becoming integral to operations and management in both
the state and private sector in major populated areas. According to unofficial sources,
at present there are a very limited number of women engaged in mid-to upper level
ICT related jobs in engineering. A small percentage of computer programmers are
women. Traditionally, secretarial positions have been occupied mainly by women
who are still dominant among data entry workers in various sectors. How this will
evolve will depend on whether women can generate financial returns from their
investment in ICT education at the-tertiary level, which is at least equal to men's. It
will depend on whether highly educated and skilled women can obtain jobs and set up
ICT-related business (WIRC, 1998).
The transition has affected the working lives of rural and urban women in
different ways. Households are internally differentiated with rights and
responsibilities divided by gender. Among those engaged in nomadic herding, there
are clear distinctions between men and womens work domains. Privatization in the
livestock sector has had some unintended consequences for women. It has affected
women in two opposing direictions. On the one hand, it is blurring some distinctions
between men^s and women^s work as, with the increase in herd size and combination
of animals, women take on oew tasks dealing with animals. On the other, traditional
work divisions are often strongly adhered to though the volume of work has
Prior to privatization, women worked primarily in single-species collective
units as dairymaids or as herders. Changes in herd composition, from single species
to mixed species of animals in order to maximize self-sufficiency and minimize risk,
have increased the demand for labor to manage them. In other wordsprivatized herds
require additional family labor. Women and children (especially boys) have taken on
some of this additional work, previously the domain of men. The increase in milk
production from expanded herds has produced more work in processing milk
products, traditionally womens work in the ger (see glossary). The nomadic
economy is based more on barter and less on cash than the urban economy. There is a
clear limit to the number of animds a woman can milk and how much milk she can
process. Because these daily routine jobs are the exclusive responsibility of women
their labor is in fact the first limitation to herd expansion (Bruun and Odgard, 1996).
Additional milk production and processing does not necessarily generate increased
cash income, because of poor access to markets and the fact that milk products are
low value goods.
In addition to the increased demand for labor from herding, increased labor is
needed to compensate for the reduction in local services and products, formerly
provided by the state and available for purchase or as payment in kind. This has
required more self-reliance by families. For women, it has involved making more
household food items such as breads and a return to traditional crafts making clothes,
boots and felt for tents. Work for. herder women have increased since economic
changes. The scope and volume of herder womens work has increased, lengthening
the (already long) working day more than for men. They still have to take charge of
the cooking, cleaning, and seeing to the children, the elderly and the infirm
(Battungalag^ 1993). Their labor appears to be over-utilized though no systematic
time-use studies are available. However, there is a variety of indirect evidence. For
examplelack of time for learning was reported as a problem for herding women in
participating in a non-formal education project in the Gobi aimags. Listening to the
early morning radio program (part of the project) was not possible because they had
to milk animds; some women said the men and children in the family listened for
them and took notes for them, rather than doing the milking for them (Robinson and
Female-headed households in rural areas account for approximately 12% of
the herding households. This number does not include old women who still hold
animals, but live with their adult sons. As age usually determines the head of the
household, most statistics count these families as a single female-headed and the total
may reach figures as, high as 24%. The diversified herds demand much labor with
herding, attending weak or sick animalsr milking, collecting water and dung or wood
for fuel, making and repairing clothes and equipment, making felt for the ger, trading
goods and traveling to bag, sum or aimag centers. In addition to the daily tasks,
female headed families to tend have small herds or herds with only a few animals
because they lack the manpower to tend to large diversified herds adequately. While
all herders face the risk of severe winters that may wipe out many animals, female-
headed households may have to sell off their indispensable stock in order to buy
flour, rice, batteries and other goods they cannot themselves make. When they deplete
their animal resources, they may eventually have to move back to their mothers1 gers
or to the sum centerfeeling a true loss of independence. If they remain in their own
gerstheir possibilities are limited: they may be forced to work for richer herders in
exchange for food. Such women may slowly sink into deep poverty unless they have
special skills or resources that may help them generate an income, for instance by
processing animal raw materials. Since the common Mongolian attitude is that rural
poverty is self-inflicted and primarily caused by lazinessindividuals with limited
capabilities may feel such judgment an extra burden.
Herders responses to the impact of the transition have been to increase the
herd size to cope for the need to find extra income and to diversify the herd in relation
to market opportunities. In the first instance, herder families aim to be self-sufficient
but they need to sell part of their produce on the market to raise cash income to
provid for various, family needs..
Cash income often comes from the scale.of livestock and animal by products,
and overall 93.5% of herders traded in goods such as wool, down, animal skins,
cattle, meat, milk, and dairy products. These goods are sold for cash or bartered with
intermediaries for fkrnrcandlesmatches, ricesugartobacco, and salt. The main
problems for herders in marketing their produce and raising their revenue are
questions of transport, distance from the market, lack of market information and
dependence on small networks of middlemen, and consequently the ability to bargain
Another disadvantage for herding communities has been the breakdown of the
service industries and most especially the dairy industry in many rural areas. The
opportunity to sell daily produce thus also depends on the geographic location of the
herding community. The differences in access to markets have amplified the
disparities between the main rural provinces. Milk and aairy products, being
perishable, are far more difficult to transport to areas where purchasing power exist.
Only a small percentage of herders, were engaged in trading these goods in the
.southern mid eastern regions (UNIFEM, Projects in Mongolia).
In conclusion^ poverty is a new phenomenon in post-1990 Mongolia. The loss
of employment, high inflation and. erosion of real earnings created new problems for
households and caused many to fall below the poverty line. At the same time, the
social safety-nets of socialist times fell away because of the lack of state funding.
Taken together these circumstances resulted in the rise of poverty, a reduction in
education and health care provisions, a rise in malnutrition and social problems such
as homeless children^ (street children), alcoholism, family violence and prostitution.
Groups vulnerable to poverty in Mongolia have been identified as orphans, female-
headed households, the elderly without family^ the physically handicapped,
households with more than four childrenthe unemployed, and herders with small
numbers of animals in remote areas (UNDP, 1997b).
The number of female-headed households in Mongolia was 51,732 in 1997
(14.7% of total),a large increase compared to 19,289 (4.5% of the total) in 1990. A
quarter of them have six or more children and half belong to the poorest group in the
population. The proportion of female heads of families with children under the age of
16 is increasing among the poor. (WIRC,1998),
As I mentioned above, while both women and men have lost employment and
rights in the shrinking state sector, women have been affected more and in different
ways than men. In my view, they are disadvantaged in the formal sector because of
their care-giving obligations; having lost state entitlements that enabled them to take
up paid employment. In the labor market, they are subject to discrimination as actual
and potential child-bearers and higher educational qualifications do not make them
more competitive than men. The gender norms that designate men as heads of
household and the power relations and nlechanisms surrounding the allocation of
resources have deprived them of assets disposed of by the state. This has had a
cumulative impact on their ability to start, sustain and expand businesses in the
formal, medium and large-scale sector.
In summary, the economic changes and structural adjustments are affecting
women's lives and situations more than men. Women have suffered more than men
from privatization measures. In urban areas in particular, they have responded to the
onslaught of their livelihood and living standards by setting up informal sector
businesses in the service sector, taking advantage of the opportunities opened up by
the collapse of state services. In the rural sector, herd expansion through asset
disposal has been seen as a social safety net during the transition. The increase in
herder activity due to increasing herd size is accounted for and reflected in output,
income and employment figures, which treat herder households as part of the rural
In the next chapter I will focus on how these economic measures are
influencing the development of womens issues and particularlyon womens NGOs
development. In the developin countriesan enlargement of womens NGOs is a
core element in a society. We need to strengthen advocacy by women's NGOs at
local, national, regional and international levels to persuade the government to fulfill
their commitments. Growth of NGOs came about because of dissatisfaction with the
official channels of addressing people's needs. Also I will analyze how the state and
. - . .
government agencies are developing their policy and strategy on womens issues and
how they are cooperating and coordinating with womens local and international
NEW PHASE OF GENDER DEVELOPMENT
As I discussed in the previous chapter the situation of Mongolian women
during the transition period is very complicated. During the economic changes in
J ... *
Mongolia, several problems have emerged in v/omen5s lives, such as: unemployment,
poverty, and insecurity. Women have been sacrificed more than men. Women needed
more help to secure jobs, to know how to protect their rights, to have a place to go
and talk about their lives. In this chapter I will examine how the womens local NGOs
.' ... ....
emerged and how they undertake activities for the improvement of womens lives and
conditions during the transition period. In addition I am going to discuss how the
government addresses the womens issues in its policy and agenda^ how it cooperates
and coordinates with women5 s local and international NGOs,
Political liberalization has encouraged the formation of non-governmental
organizations (NGOs), social movements, grassroots groups, and media
organizations. Civil society associations provide important leadership opportunities
and are becoming bodies of consequence in society. They are therefore major places
in which women can gain experience, build skills and exercise influence. Since 1990
the women in Mongolia began to unite under women^s NGOs, initially to address the
drastic reduction of social protection provided under the new market-leU economy.
.According to the data from the Ministry of Justice and Home Affairs of Mongolia,
there are 44 womens NGOs in Mongolia. They are differing by their objectives,
constituenciesand the nature 6f their activities. They have a few things in common-
organizing women, developing their potential, working together in particular issues
and influencing government performance in relevant areas. They provide services and
training, respond to basic security problems, and promote gender equity in law, the
workplace, and social relations. In order to show how womenJs NGOs have affected
womens empowerment during the transition period, how these organizations have
cooperated with a government, and with international donor organizations I selected
three for in depth study : the Mongolian Womens Fund, Mongolian Women' s
Federation, Gender Center for Sustainable Development.
The Mongolian Women5 s Fund (MWFD) was established in July 2000 based
on a number of women5 s active initiatives. MWFD is an independent, non-profit
making, non-political and social service providing NGO. It has seven board members,
a full time executive staff and more than 40 volunteers. Its mission is to increase
womens participation in social development activities and contribute to womens
livelihood progress, development and prosperity. With its main goal to financially
support womens NGOsthe MWFD has several programs and projects on womens
issues. For example, it has a Womens Human Rights Program. This program
promotes womens rights as stated in the International conventions, agreements and
Mongolian laws and regulations. Under this program, the MWFD with the Women5 s
Leaders Fund initiated a project on Sexual harassment in work place. It consisted
of organized three months activity against sexual harassment in the work place under
the name of i4Women andJreedom^. Within the range of the project, press releases
were made and there was a published appeal in the newspaper Today. The project
team published a manual under the name of t4Gender and Equality59 for higher
educational institutions, womens organizations and the public. This project
discovered that sexual harassment in the work place has spread among the public in
Mongolia (MWFD, 1999).
Another program is a Rural Women5s Development Program. According to
the data from the MWFD, 45.1% of the total Mongolian female population lives in
semi settled rural and nomadic rural areas, helping each other based on the traditional
nomadic culture (MWFD, 1999). But unpaid labor of the rural women is very high
and it negatively impacts on the time that can be spent for relaxing, learning and
protecting their own health. Social, cultural and other services in rural areas have
diminished. Therefore, rural people prefer to move to more centralized settled urban
areas from remote nomadic areas because of a lack of favorable environment in rural
areas. All these obstacles brought the womens issues to a highly focused level
particularly involving rural women in health services, improving their education and
knowledge, providing with relevant information, increasing their income from the
market, helping them to process livestock products and find markets, and providing
with convenient environment of cooperation and participation in social life. Under
this programthe MWFD with its local branch in Darkhan Uul aimag initiated
heading herder women of Shariin Gol sum in Darkhan Uul technology, which might
become their main income resource further for improving the livelihood. Waste
yellowish milk that comes from the sour milk is the main raw material of the training.
Using sour milkwomen learned to produce various food supplies. Upon the
completion of the project training, an exposmon and sale were successfully organized
and advertised for the public though mass media. One of the project-training
participants, Ms. L. Purevdash extended her business and opened a small dairy
product processing shop. She hired two women for the processing shop, and adding to
employed peopled number by two.
The last program of the MWFD that I want to demonstrate here is a Human
Resource Development Program. In this program the MWFD pursued the following
activities: such as involving,board membersexecutive staffdonors and volunteers in
domestic and international training on human rights, gender, and administrative
management of women^s NGOs and fundraising methods, and training on structure
and management of womens NGOs; financial, accounting management for womens
NGOs and women5s groups. In 2002 the MWFD conducted about 10 trainings on
different topics without charge. The topics were womens human rights, gender and
equality, fundraising methods, project development, human and society development
issues and philanthropy (web page).
The above programs and projects madie significant contributions to womens
livelihood, progress, development and prosperity. In addition to the financial grant,
the MWFD promoted the material support for the people. One example was that
vegetable seeds were distributed to the 130 families (more than 600 people) of 8, 9,
10th horoos (see glossary) of Songino Khairkhan district and assistance was given to
handicraft women in order to help them to find markets and advertise their creative
works for the public. Womens intellect, strength and valuable talents and capabilities
were used by the MWFD to contribute to Mongolian social development.
The second NGO that I will examine is the Mongolian Women5 s Federation
(MWF). Prior to 1990, the MWF had both a government and non-govemmental
function in its capacity as national machinery for womens concerns. Its roots lie in a
women5s organization, established in 1924, and it is a non-govemmental
organization, which was reorganized in 1990 in order to protect women5 s rights and
improve their social status. Currently the MWF has 52 member organizations and 21
of them located in rural areas Its main goals depend on the historical period of the
country. For example, during 1924-1940 it concentrated on the elimination of
women's illiteracy by involving them to the public meetings. During 1990-2000 it
concentrated on poverty alleviation and income-generating activities among women
since 2000, it has paid more attention to. the development of Mongolian civil society
by organizing trainings and information dissemination among women.
The main objective of the MWF is to protect women5 s basic rights and
interests regardless of their ideology, social status, religion, nationality, wealth or
position in the society and tp coordinate efforts by the member organiztions in order
to form a unified womens agenda and public opinion on state and government policy
concerning gender issues and relevant projects. Its principles include democratic
justice, equality, transparency and law. Unlike the MWFD, the MWF collaborates
and cooperates with politieal, party, trade union, governmental and non-govemmental
organizations and citizens in the interest of womens human rights. The main
activities include promoting womans equality in political and social life, conducting
research on implementation work for women, supporting government policy
implementation on development of womens initiative to build a human and
democratic society and-improving womens labor and living conditions. The MWF
The last NGOI will examine is the Gender Center for Sustainable
Development (GCSD) a non-govemmental and non-profit womens organization
established in 1995. Its main oDjectives are: to create a database and a network for the
collection of information concerning gender issues and to serve as a resource center;
to conduct research on the status of women and social problems affecting them; to
link and assist the activities of women's NGOs and groups; to set up an information
network and to cooperate through it with interested organizations at the local, national
and international leveland to promote the womens empowerment with the
improvement of their education and professional training at all levels.
The Center supports and promotes the process of mainstreaming gender issues
into government policy, planning and programming in Mongolia. It also collaborates
with other womens service and advotacy groups towards achieving womens
political and economic empowerment/The GGSDJs main areas of work are:1)
Gender research, 2) Information, Documentation and Media,, 3) Networking and 4)
Training. The Center runs a library, containing a solid collection of domestic and
foreign books, periodicals and other educational and research materi^s relevant to
gender issues. It has also started a computerized database containing various women-
related topics. Both services are open to the public.
The Centef completed the nation-wide survey entitled Mongolian Womens
Economic Status in Transition involving 5 regions with over 3800 residents from
urban and rural areas, which was greatly appreciated both by NGOs and the
Government. The Center is maintaining close cooperation with women5 s NGOs,
community groups, government agencies, universities and academic institutions in
implementing its planned activities. With other NGOs the Center implemented the
project, which was called the Information, Documentation, and Media Center project.
This project aspires to facilitate the effective dissemination of information about
women and their participation in social development and in political economic
processes and about their invaluable role in.education, health and environmental
Now I am going to discuss the National Gender Mechanisms in Mongolia, and
how the state, government and its agencies are cooperating and coordinating together
with womens local and international NGOs. The Commission on Protection of
Womens Rights under the State Baga Hiiral.(see glossary) was established inl920. In
1924 it was transferred to the Party Central Committee and named the "Women^s
Departmentwhich was the first step of the. policy development and activities
directed toward womens welfare. Since 1926 a smaller units of the Women5s
Department were established in Ulaanbaatar and in the aimags. In 1970 an
independent Mongolian Womens Committee was founded and financed from the
State Budget. In 1990 this Committee was re-formed into independent NGO and
financing from the State Budget was stopped. So prior to 1990, there was only one
such organization, combining features of state and mass organizations. Since 1990,
the national mechanism for women^s issues has undergone major changes.
Within the supreme body of the State Great Hural, the Standing Committee
for Social Policy is responsible for womens issues. The chairperson of the Standing
Committee focuses specific attention on womens issues and has organized a review
group. In addition, women Members of the Parliament have also established a
Parliamentary Group. Within the Cabinet, women^s issues fall under the purview of
the Minister for Health and Social Welfare. In the Department of Strategic
Management and Planning of the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare there is an
officer in charge of the matter. At the local level, staff in charge of women, youth and
family issues are employed in the Social Policy Department in the secretariats of 21
The Department for Youthr Family and Women, handling policy
implementation issues, was established at the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare
in 1997.The Department is to rendeir assistance and methodological consultations in
each aimag in the implementation of the sub-programs of the above program. The
Department for ChildtenYouth and Women, with a Ml-time staff in charge of
policy implementation, was accordingly establishea in the secretariat of the mayor of
the capital city. Full-time officers handling issues involving children, youth and
women are working at the primary administrative units i.e. sums and districts. By
the Governments decision the National Council for Womens Affairs, headed by a
Cabinet member, the Minister for Health and Social Welfare, was established at the
end of 1996, and its operational by-laws were accordingly adopted the Council. It
consists of 39 members such as MPs, officials of ministries, representatives of
womens non-govemmental organizations, voluntary movements, mass organizations,
owners of private companies, and business and cooperative entities. The Council is
the highest national authority on womens affairs, assuming the role of a national
institution with monitoring functions.over the implementation of the National
Program for the Advancement of Women.
As progress towards democracy is made, Mongolian women are becoming
increasingly active in political and social activities and they join voluntary
movements and unions. The women5 s NGOs work on the implementation of various
projects aimed at empowering women in terms of their political educationv legal
knowledge and life skills. They carry out various seminars, discussions on household
income-generation, and creation of new jobs. By supporting such as activities, they
contribute greatly to the implementation of governmental policy and decisions.
Moreover, they lobby the Government on topical issues relating to women, family
and society as a whole. Information and research are crucial for strengthening the
existing national mechanism. The National Statistical Office regularly releases figures
on about 40 indicators relating to women, such as health, reproductive status,
mortality rate, labor resources, education, coverage by social insurance and safety
nets, family and children.
The first legal document of women rights was the first Constitution of
Mongolia approved in 1924, which states that everybody will enjoy equal rights
despite of their origin, nationalityreligion and sex. This Constitution gave the
opportunity for women to enjoy their rights to participate in elections, be elected and
civil rights of women were underlined in the juristic document. The first group
training on illiteracy was organized in 1923, which was expanded to the primary
school on general subjects in 1926. The first meeting of Mongolian Women took
place in 1931 when only about 2000 women were literate. A government resolution
on elimination of the traditioa to marry girls by force was one of the important
decisions on gender issues.
A new Constitution in 1992 established the basis for a pluralistic society
respectful of human rights and freedoms. The Constitution not only endorsed the
rights instruments inherited from the Soviet period, and consolidated human rights
contained in the international bill of rights, but also includes the right to solidarity and
the right to a safe and healthy environment; Administrative controls over the physical
movement of persons and goods within and across borders were considerably relaxed.
These political reforms were shaped in the context of vigorous participation in
debates and consultations by an emergent civil societyand reflect the agenda setting
of active and vibrant NGOs, with active links with regional and global networks and
the growth of an independent and dynamic media. Womens NGOs have particularly
valued the opportunity to create a new system of governance which promoted
individual choice, initiatives, freedom of expression and movement within Mongolia
With the activization of NGOs as civil society representativesdemands on
Government policy and regulation of gender issues were growing and intensifying.
Women influenced the government to undertake further development of national
women5 s machinery. These organizations consolidated their efforts for the promotion
of women candidates in the Parliament and local, authorities until 1992 and 1996
elections. Nine organizations formed a Network on Monitoring of the Implementation
of Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women Convention.
Proceeding from strategic objectives formulated in the programs adopted at
the 4th World Conference on Women and from the country^ current state of
economic and social development, the Government convened in March 1996 a
National Forum on Women in Social Development, with a view to upgrading the
level of competence, living conditions, education, qualification and culture of
Mongolian women and to expanding their involvement in development and progress.
This forum created the National program of Action for the Advancement of Women
in March 1996. In the wake of the national forum, in June 1996 the Government
discussed and endorsed the National Program for Action for the Advancement of
Women. It is a product of the advocacy and mobilization of womens NGOs and
gender advocates in the state sector particularly in the wake of the global conferences.
Much progress has been made by women to produce the National Program of Action
for the Advancement of Women in March 1996. The Government endorsement states
that it is imperative to asses the status of women in the juncture of the transition
processdefine its policy and guidelines for action on the basis of national consensus
and ensure the full implementation of the program in line with the commitment to the
advancement of women undertaken at the 4th World Conference. The National
Program identified the following critical areas of concern and strategic objectives and
actions for 1996-2020 were provided for each of the critical areas of concern:
Women and Economic Development
Women and Poverty
The status of Rural Women
Women and Education
Women and Reproductive Health
Women and the Family
Women in Power and Decision Making
National Machinery for Advancement of Women
Women and the Mass Media
Women and Environment
The program also states that resources would have to be mobilized at national
and local levels of Government though the expansion of international cooperation,
both multilateral and bilateral, and with the participation of private sector. The
program states many important objectives towards improvement of the Mongolian
womens social status pledging, equal participation of women in access to
information and the new achievements of science and technology, production of new
ecologically pure goods and foodstuff which can compete on local and international
market in line with the priority strategies of the country and training national
professionals with competitive skills and knowledge in biotechnology is underlined.
The program is being implemented through program objectives in laws, regulations,
policies, decisions, and projects, planning and by executing specific activities.
Considering that the issue of fixing and modifying the minimum wage is an important
tool of State bodies for improving the living conditions of people and ior setting
social welfare standards, the Law on the Minimum Wage Level was adopted by the
State Great Hural. The objectives in regard to poverty alleviation identified in the
.National Program have been applied in the National Program on Poverty Alleviation
and the National Program on Reduction of Unemployment.
In implementing its policy on reducing unemployment, the Government
supports the employment of women by giving priority to granting them bank loans
and assisting them in self-employment. During the last few years the Government has
adopted several major resolutions for ameliorating employment and relieving
The Government takes measures to involve women widely in project activities
and training, focusing on the creation of workplaces and income generation schemes,
which are being administered in cooperation with international donor organizations
such as UNDP, UNESCO, UNIFEM, and ADB (see abbreviations). For example, the
government implements a National Poverty Alleviation Program involves the Women
Development Fund, Rural Poverty Alleviation and Micro, credit that are funded by
UNDP ($1,7 million) and the International Agricultural Fund ($5 million). UNESCO
in 1994-1996 funded the programInformal education of Gobi herder women.
Training on womens employment issues Â£ind vocational training was organized for
government and NGO participants by International Labor Organization and Social
and Economic Commission for Asia Pacific.
The National Program on Poverty Alleviation contains a chapter on reducing
female poverty. To achieve its objectives, a Fund for Womens Advancement has
been set up, within which a UNDP ($700,000) funded project on support for women
was launched. Moreover, it has been decided to spend $28,400 donated by the New
Zealand project Social care for grants to extremely poor single mothers with many
childre?!. The World Bank has granted loan of $6 million for the National Alleviation
Program for micro finance. The Capacity Building for Gender-Sensitive Budgeting
project is financed by Japanese Government and by Womens Development Fund
(WDF). The project is implemented in conjunction with the SE)A/ UNDP ^Poverty
Research and Employment Facilitation for Policy Development. With a technical
assistance grant from UNIFEM, the WDF has implemented projects to provide loan
funds to women. Training was hold for women in credit and business skills. A small
loan program was established with funding of $30,000 or T 10 million in local
currency. An example of a project success story is the case of one woman who had
taken a loan of T 60.000 to set up a meat processing business. Following her
successful repayment of that loan, she was then able to obtain a loan of T L000.000
to establish a sausage factory. With the success of this venture, she became one of the
largest businesswomen in the country.
The government of Mongolia and UNIFEM signed the Memorandum of
Understanding in 1999 to support the implementation of the National Program of
Action for the Advancement of Women. The following projects: ^Strengthening
Capacity to Implement the National Program of Action for the Advancement of
Women in Mongolia^ and 4
GenderResponsive and Poverty-Focused Perspective are being carried out in close
cooperation with the National Council on Gender Equality.
In conclusion, the Government needs to seek for cooperation with NGOs to
successfully implement its program. Womens NGOs need to work in cooperation
with organizations with similar functions in the international arena and receive
capacity building and resource assistance from womens NGOs. They need to
develop their cooperation with other local womens NGOs, and they need to support
each other* s good initiatives.
ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSIONS
In the previous chapters I analyzed the situation of women before and after the
economic reform. Before the transition period the majority of women were employed
in the state sectors. They dominated employment in the service sphere, particularly in
the education, health, and social care sectors, and they also constituted the majority of
workers in the trade, culture and arts, communications, and finance sectors. Women
also uiKter-represented in management positipns. In my research the womens
representation at higher level of economic decision-making remains extremely low
before and after the economic reform.
Women were to be liberated by such institutions as universal suffrage, equal
access to higher education, legalized abortion, easy no-fault divorce, earlier
retirement than men, equal pay for equal work, and child care for mothers, whether
married or unmarried. As a result of government incentives and a sellers market for
labor, female labor-force participation rates were considerably higher than those that
have prevailed during the reform.
The discrimination gap-the average wage of women as a percentage of the
average wage for men-still amounted to about 70-75% primarily because of the
continued sexual segregation of certain occupations: men in coal mining (the tnghest
paid profession) and heavy industry on the one hand, women in light industry and
food processing, educationculture and public health, where average wages were
In Mongolia the main cause of unemployment is job loss, the share of men
and women in the unemployed is not substantially unequal. Women are likely to
remain unemployed for longer periods than men. If this pattern continues, the share of
women among the unemployed can be expected to increase substantially in the future,
.as new unemployed are added to the pool of unemployed women and most remain
Beginning one5s own business in the private sector is.an alternative to seeking
employment. The ease and ability of women to enter into self-employment is an
important issue in restructuring for it may shape the gender profile of a new class of
business entrepreneurs in the region. As a reform process continuesthe role of the
private sector will clearly increase and womens participation therein could grow in
Having examined what the socialist system attempted to accomplish for
women, it is now somewhat easier to see what has been happening and what can be
expected to happen in the newly market-oriented economy. With the relative drying
up of employment opportunities for women, there are some who would try to make a
virtue out of a necessity. Some women are supposedly anxious to return to their more
traditional roles as homemakers and mothers.
Women are supposedly more adverse to taking risks, which outs them at a
disadvantage in the rapidly growing private sector. Because of this gender difference,
they are also less prone to committing crimes, at a time when criminal activity has
been growing rapidly in the post-communist transition years. Some have argued that
the current transition difficulties are only ephemeral and that and that in the long run
women will be better off in a market system. The problem with this optimism is that
it overlooks, the positive role that unemployment is supposed to play under a market
The moves towards the decollectivization of agriculture will simply worsen
the position of farmwomen and the collectivization of agriculture played an important
role in liberating farmwomen from their autocratic husbands on the former family
Almost fifteen years have passed since Mongolia changed its economic
policy. The new policy has changed the nature of male and female participation in the
Mongolian economy. Both groups have experienced greater job insecurityreduction
of state employment, and the need for new skills and ways of generating income.
Similar rates of unemployment exist for males and females, though slightly higher for
females (0.4% compared to the average of 0.6%) (NSY, 1998).
Although the new Constitution 1992 of Mongolia assets equal rights of men
and women in all spheres of public life, in reality conditions have not been created to
implement them and proper measures have not been taken.
This research, shows the complex ways in which women^s economic position
has been transformed by the transition and indeed how gender relations at all levels
have influenced by the transition' The gendered nature of the economy has been made
visible, along with the social content of economic policy regimes.
Transition in Mongolia has eroded women5 s previous status, economic
security, levels of reproductive health, and participation in public life. Women have
less influence in policy-making bodies and forums than they had before the transition.
One impact qf the transition has been to increase women^s workloads, particularly for
nomadic and rural women. Women have benefited less than men in the acquisition of
assets from privatization and this has affected their power to raise credit and loans for
micro-economic enterprises and self-employment, resulting in fewer opportunities.
Female-headed households are proportionately more likely than male-headed
household to be in the poorest group in the population and are increasing (from 4.5%
of the total in 1990 to 14.7% of the total in 1997) (NSY, 1998).
The boundaries between male and female roles in family and work are
shifting. In pre-transition Mongolia, the state supported women in child-bearing and
child-care through generous benefits and day-care services. This helped to shape male
roles and perceptions of them. Withdrawal of state support and changes in family
earning patterns have destabilized familiar male and female roles in this respect. For
women, their role as care givers has expanded while their need to earn wages for
the household economy has also increased. The result is that for many women 6
double burdens create role conflicts which then translate into lower career mobility as
women attempt to balance the different demands placed on them^CUNDP, 1997b, p
26). Rebalancing male-female roles is currently in process; however, barriers to
change are institutionalized in farnilies and organizations, though not the law (the
legal framework for equality largely exists).
This unequal distribution of household obligations between the sexes
inevitably has spillover effects on the laboi market. It is argued that Women are less
able to take employment far from their homes, to do overtime, or to undertake further
training, because of housework and childcare. They are perceived as unstable
employees, who are compelled to take more time off work in order to take care of
children and, increasingly elderly parents. Because of the policies of maternity leave,
young women are perceived as imminent mothers who are bound to be absent from
the work-place for many years while .government regulations require the employer to
hold the original job open (Robinson and Solongo).
Women heads of households have experienced relatively higher levels of
poverty than male heads of households and the number as well as the proportion of
female-headed households has increased rapidly since the transition. But there is no
data on the relative poverty of women within male-headed households, as the
assumption is that household income and assets are equally shared. The analysis of
the gender division of labor, assets, resources in households and the fragmented data
that exist on occupational hierarchies in the formal sector does indicate disparities
between women and men (WIRC, 2002)
The participation of women in the labor market has been almost equal to that
of men in Mongolia, but the form has been very different. Segregation across
occupations by sex has left women in the poorer paid and less prestigious sectors, and
they are also under-represented in the managerial and higher-level positions. This
partly explains the lower earnings of women relative to men. The share of women in
employment where it has existed has traditionally been higher than that for men.
Overall, the current position of women in employment in Mongolia may be described
as a secondary work force, occupying less desirable positions of administrative
support and more prone to unemployment during downturns in the demand for labor
(Robinson and Solongo).
In a rapidly changing economy, increased unemployment, lower incomes,
higher prices, and increased labor mobility by one or both spouses, neither an assured
income nor the traditional family model of the two-parent household may continue to
apply. A decline in the participation of women in the labor market may be seen as an
opportunity for women to be full-time mothers, but few women will now be able to
afford to do this. However, unless or until they change, previous attitudes on
womens employment can have a tangible effect on the demand for female labor.
As I mentioned above the striking feature of economic restructuring in the
transition is the de-industrialization of the country and the rising share of primary
sector, extractive industries and agriculture, and more recently, of trade, transport and
services, with import liberalization. The second stxiiang structural feature is the
deregulation of the economy and the. concomitant growth of the private informal
sector. Djmamism in the informal sector,, which women have entered in large
numbers, has not offset the shrinking of the formal state sector, from which women
have been retrenched in greater numbers (UNIFEM, 2001).
While both women and men have lost employment and rights in the shrinking
state sector, women have been affected to a greater extent and differently than men.
They are disadvantaged in the formal sector because of their caring obligations,
having lost state entitlements, which enabled them to take up paid employment. In the
employment market, they .are subject to discrimination as actual and potential child
bearers and higher educational qualifications alone do not make them more
competitive than men in employers assessments. The gender norms that designate
men as heads of household and the power relationships surrounding the allocation of
resources have deprived them of assets disposed of by the state. This has had a
cumulative impact on their ability to start, sustain and expand businesses in the
formal medium and large scale sectors (MWF, 2003).
Unlike men, women have not benefited from privatization measures. In urban
areas in particular, they responded to the onslaught on their livelihood and living
standards by setting-up informal sector businesses in the service sector, taking
advantage of the opportunities opened up by import liberalization and the gap left by
the collapse of state services. The informal nature of these activities has left them
exposed to the risks of the market, to greater income and health insecurity, against
which they do not have, the means to protect themselves in the longer term.
The level of entrepreneurial experience for men and for women is ambiguous.
Traditionally, men have dominated in the higher-management levels of the economy,
which may enhance their ability to enter new private-sector business, although
management skills are not identical to those required to begin a new business.
in rural sector, the herd expansion through asset disposal has been seen as a
social safety net during the transition. The increase in herder activity due to
increasing herd size is reflected in output, income and employment figureswhich
treat herder households as part of the rural private sector. But women are less
recognized in their own right as herders and tend to be considered as unpaid family
labor because of the conflation of households as both production units and social
units, with a designated male head. Overall, the transition has been less from state to
market institutions and more from state to private householdsbased on unpaid family
labor, essentially women and boys.
.Part of the reason why there is no proactive policy targeting women5 s
economic activity, is the prevailing view of women as a socially vulnerable group,
victims of the economic change. There is no explicit recognition of women as
economic agents. However, women have responded to market opportunities and a
severe deterioration in livelihood by increasing production of tradable goods and
engaging in cross-border trade. Apart from increased market risk and insecurity, this
activity has left them exposed to emerging environmental insecurity.
An indication of the deterioration of the ecoriomic base and social and
economic infrastructure in rural areas is the extent of urban migration, induced by the
sharpening economic disparities between urb and rural regions. It is clear that
public expenditure cuts have had drastic and different impacts on women and men
and different groups of women and men. But the magnitude of this impact is not
known and there is no mechanism to trace the effects of macroeconomic policy
changes. There is no corresponding mechanism to trace the sources and the impacts
of the of the state5s taxation and revenue generation policy on women and menJs
economic options and well being.
Government5 s role
One of the objectives of the reform programs in Mongolia is to reduce the role
of government in the economy. Government involvement affecting the role of women
in employment has been a source of inefficiency through gender-based regulations on
employment, restrictions on the terms of employment, and gender differences in the
effects of government social programs in thelabor market. The reduction of
government involvement in these areas would enhance efficiency and the
employment opportunities for women.
However, there are cases in market eeonomies when government action is to
optimal policy, and it is particularly important that the reform programs recognize
these areas when the role of government is being reduced. A major area where it is
efficient for the government to play an active role is in the case of incomplete
markets, sufficient provision, of chud-care facilities in Mongolia and the lack of a
well-developed service sector reduces the abiKty of women to participate in the labor
forces. Government provision of such services, at least until they develop more fully
in the private sector, would provide greater choice for women and enhance the
availability of female labor resources. A second area is the lack of information about
the value of women as employees. Government policy can promote an improved
understanding and greater use of the potential female labor force by providing
information oathe skills that women have as employees, and by encouraging women
to take advantage of their talents through such measures as retraining and
How to uphold economic rights and how to shape the economic policies and
institutions towards sustainable, and equitable development is the crucial challenge for
women5 s economic empowerment in Mongolia. I note with deep concern the
deteriorating situation of women in Mongolia in a period of economic transformation.
It is particularly concerning that the Government has failed to prevent the erosion of
women^s opportunities for economic advancement. The Government needs to protect
and promote womens human rights and to utilize the development and technical
resources available as well as the human resources of the country, including civil
society and womens groups, so as to reverse this trend. The poverty is widespread
among women as a consequence of privatization and other factors linked to the
transition to a market economy. '
There is also poor data on the situation of women during the transition period.
The Government needs to collect data and information on women living in poverty,
disaggregated by age and according to urban and rural areas; to develop targeted
policies and support services; to make efforts to prevent more women from falling
below the poverty line; and in particular to address the situation of women-headed
During my research I found out that a legal reform on womens issues is
needed. The state is obliged to create opportunities to enable women to fully enjoy
their legitimate and moral rights. Laws that declare equality are considered as only
symbolic and the treat men and women with the sameness approach. The protectionist
approach is widespreaa in Mongolian legislation, which takes the childbearing
capability of women as a basis to restrict womens rights in employment such as the
establishment of early retirement age for women or prohibiting women from certain
jobs. Such legislation includes the Pensions Law. (earlier retirement age for women)
Labor Code (job spheres prohibiting women to work), and Social Security Law.
These are legalized violations-of economic and social rights.
In additionlaws are not effectively enforced so as to protect womens
human5 s rights. For example, laws ensure women equal access to the labor market
and equal opportunities to work and prevent direct and indirect discrimination in
employment; So the Government needs tQ implement employment policies aimed at
reducing the unemployment of women, and to amend social insurance laws to ensure
payment of unemployment insurance, The Government needs to review and reform
all gender discriminatory lawsin consultation with professional and womens
groups. It alsb needs to develop legal literacy programs for the community and
gender-sensitization programs forjudges and law enforcement officials.
This analysis has highlighted a number of areas where pro-active measures
may be desirable to support the position of women in the labor market during the
period of transition. Some are specifically aimed at mitigating the adverse
consequences of the reforms for women, while others seek to ensure that the female
labor force is employed to its full potential in the longer term. One measure is to
remove current regulations on employment for women, including restrictions on high-
shift, overtime work, or work with health risks. Protective legislation should be
extended to all workers, and not be limited to women.
Another pro-active measure concerns government programs in the labor
market. The employment services providing job information, job search facilities, and
career counseling should be developed to meet the particular needs of women,
especially older women with poorer skill and education levels and women re-entering
the labor force following maternity or child-care leave.
In summary the government should be encouraged to seek to ensure that, not
only do women have equal access to these programs, but also their particular heeds as
a group are recognized and policies are designed to meet these needs. As a result, the
ability of unemployed women to attain new^ work or to become self-employed could
be greatly increased
A range of institutions and agencies deal with gender issues in an ad hoc
manner and do not coordinate their work. Although the Government has recognized
the weakness of the national machinery, it has not provided information on new
initiatives to address this problem. Mongolia places the responsibility of family and
child-care exclusively on women and encourages women5 s marginalization in the
economy and exacerbates poverty. The Government needs to develop laws, policies
and educational programs that support and promote the idea of shared parental
responsibility and prevent discrimination against women because of family
The Government needs to make progress for the implementation of the
National program, to make an outstanding plan and to seek for cooperation with
NGOs to successfully implement its program. It needs to strengthen advocacy by
womens NGOs at local, national, regional and international levels to persuade
governments to fulfill their commitments. Equally we need to build NGO capacity
not only to monitor and advocate for govemments, fulfillment of their commitments,
but to enable women to bring their skills, priorities and leading to policy-making and
Bank, finance, and tax policies need to be changed in order to support small,
and medium business and to support women who are making achievements in
business* Encour^iging the participation of businesswomen in natipnal and
international business and trade eventspromoting the exchange of experience and
expertise among businesswomen, and establishing information centers in rural and
urban areas to provide businesswomen with up-to date market and business
information are important areas for the government to pursue.
Training is a core instrument for the womens achievement. Flexible training
programs should be designated to meet the special training needs of women and the
time constraints they face. Training strategies should apply to employer-provided
training as well as to government-sponsored training, and women should be
encouraged to participate in in-plant programs, vocational, apprenticeship, and
technical and managerial training schemes. Child-care at reasonable cost and other
supportive services, including transportation are necessary for women to take
advantage of training opportunities.
Persons responsible for human resource agencies need to be enrolled in
international and domestic training, seminars on human rights and gender issues.
Training should be organized at various levels on gender equality in rural areas and
involving NGOs; scholars and researchers specializing in this area. Formal and
informal training courses should be developed to educate people on violence prevent
violence and teach self-defense methods. There should be training for defense
attorneys, judges, and prosecutors specialized in gender issues. Training programs
should be organized in cooperation with organizations with similar functions in the
international arena and receive.capacity building and resource assistance from
Womens NGOs must be able to successfully coordinate their activities on the
enhancement of womens rights and gender equality- Womens NGOs can contribute
to the creation of social attitudes to evaluate, to be proud of, and to support each
other* s good initiatives, and accomplishments. They need to put forward every effort
to create personnel, and organizations specialized, in womens rights and gender
equality, and to improve their English and other foreign language skills in order to
perfonn their activities at an international level.
Mechanisms should be developed to trace the differential outcomes and
impacts of macroeconomic policy changes on women and men, specifically regarding
the sources and the impacts of the stated taxation and revenue generation policy. A
key focus would be to address the poverty of rural women5 s from a rights-based
perspective. This needs to make visible the considerable paid and unpaid economic
activity of women as economic agents.
The cost and opportunities of the transition process in Mongolia are being
unevenly shared so far. It can be argued that some of the economic costs of transition
are being paid through women's unpaid and increased work in the reproductive
economy. However, the negative impact is not all in the direction of female
disadvantage. Female participation in education, including higher education, is higher
than that of males. Males are participating less in education at a time when globally
education and training are seen as key ingredients for educational development and
Whatever the direction of gender differences, a more equitable balance is
needed to make maximum use of human resources for economic and social
development. From the perspective of the economic model given earlier, the strategy
for economic development in Mongolia has focused primarily on the productive
economy in development objectives. Social development objectives and attention to
the reproductive economy have followed on behind, often the result of non-
governmental or donor-driven initiatives rather the government initiatives. The
Government will have to take a more productive role in the future if women to
become full partner in the development of Mongolia, with equal opportunities and
GLOSSARY AND LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
United Nations Development Program
United Nations Educationscientific and
United Nations Development Fund for Women.
Mongolian Womens Federation
Gender Center for Sustainable Development
Mongolian Womens Fund
Mongolian Statistical Yearbook
Womens Development Fund
Council for Mutual Economic Assistance
Womens Information and Research Center
National Center against Women
Ministry of Justice of Mongolia
Small and Medium Sized Enterprises
Asian Development Bank
Information and Communication Technologies
US standard monetary unit
Aimag Province, (an administrative unit. Mongolia divided into 21 aimags)
Bag Rural sub district (in aimag)
Dyyreg Urban district (in city)
Ger Dwelling for nomadic people.
Khoroo Urban sub district (in city)
State Great Khural Parliament.
State Baga Khural Legislative Body (1990-1992)
Sum Rural district (in aimag)
Tugrik Standard monetary unit of Mongolia (1$=1100T January, 2004)
Asia Foundation. A Ten Year History. Ulaanbaatar: A Printing Center, 2000.
Asia Pacific Development Center-Gender and Development Program,
Implementation on PosUBeijing Implementation in Mongolia. Ulaanbaatar:
Printing Center LEOS, 1998.
Asian Development Bank. Mongolia A Centrally Planned Economy in Transition.
Oxford: University Prew, 1992.
Asian Development Bank. Women in Development: Mongolia. Manila: ADB Printing
Avery, M. Women of Mongolia. Seattle: Avery Press, 1996.
Bruun, O. and Odgaard, O. Mongolia in Transition: Old Patterns, New Challenges.
Richmond: Curzon Press, 1996.
Carr, M Chen, M and Jhabvala, R. Speaking Out: Womens Economic
Empowerment South Asia. London: IT Publications on behalf of Aga Khan
Foundation Canada and United Nations Development Fund for Women, 1996.
Civil Code of Mongolia2002
b605Ie634e96c89204de7 (accessed March 23, 2003)
Constitution of Mongolia, 1924. Turiin Medeelel Publication No. 87^95.
Ulaanbaatar: Government Printing Office, 1998.
Constitution of Mongolia1992.
b6051e634e96c89204de 7 (accessed March 23, 2003}-
Badarch,D., Zilinskas, RA.f and Peter, J. Mongolia
Today: Science, Culture, Environment and Development London; New York:
Routledge Curzon, 2003,
Einhan, B. Cinderella Goes to Market: Citizenship, Gender and
Women's Movements in East Central Europe. London; New-York: Verso
Family Law of Mongolia,1999,
b6051e634e96c89204de7 (accessed March 23, 2003).
Foundation for Empowerment of Rural Women. Women and Development 1999-
2000. Ulaanbaatar: Munhiin yseg, 2001.
Gender Infotmation Brochure. Mongolia Country Strategic Plan 1999-2003.
Ulaanbaatar: WIRC, 2003.
Government of Mongolia. National Program on Gender Equality. Ulaanbaatar:
Government of Mongolia, 2002
Government of Mongolia. The National Program of Action for the Advancement of
Women. Ulaanbaatar: Government of Mongolia,1998.
Government of Mongolia and UNDP. Human Development Report: Mongolia 2000,
Ulaanbaatar: Government of Mongolia, 2000.
Griffin, K.B. Poverty and the Transition to a Market Economy in Mongolia. New
York: St. Martins Press, 1995,
International Monetary Fund, The Mongolian Peopled Republic: Toward a Market
Economy. Paper. Washington, D.C.,1991.
Labor Code of Mongolia, 1999.
b6051e634e96c89204de7 (accessed March 23, 2003).
Law of Mongolia on the Minimum Wage Level, 1998.
b6051e634e96c89204de7 (accessed March 23, 2003).
Liberal Women's Brain Pool Status of Women's Participation in Mongolia.
http://sdnhq.undp.org/ww/women-power/msg00267.html (accessed April 12,
Maghadam, V. Democratic Reform and the Position of Women in Transitional
Economies. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993.
Mongolian Women's Federation. Introduction. Ulaanbaatar: MWF, 2003.
Mongolian Women9s Fund, http://www.owc/org.mn/mwf (accessed April 12, 2003).
Mongolian Women's Information and Research Center, http://www.mirc.mn
(accessed April 20, 2003).
National CEDAW Watch Network Reports^ 1998-2000.
http://www.owc.org.mn/cedaw.html (accessed March 12, 2003).
National Center Against Violence. Survey on Domestic Violence. Ulaanbaatar:
National Statistical Office of Mongolia. Statistical Yearbook 1997. http://www.nso.mn
(accessed February 15, 2003).
National Statistical Office of Mongolia. Statistical Yearbook 1998. http://www.nso.mn
(accessed February 15, 2003).
Parpart, J.L., Connelly, M.P., and Barritean, V.E. Theoretical Perspectives on
Gender and Development Ottawa: International Development Research
Robinson, B. and Solongo, A. The Gender Dimension of Economic Transition, The
Mongolian Economy: A Manual of Applied Economics for a Country in
Transition. Ulaanbaatar and Manchester: Admon Publishing Agency, 1999.
Sanders, J.K. MONGOLIA Politics, Economics and Society. London: Frances Pinter,
United Nations. The Global Knowledge Women's Forum 2000: Transcending the
Gender Information Divide. Paper. New York, 2000.
United Nations Development Fund for Women. Projects in Mongolia.
http://www.un-mongolia.mn/unifem (accessed May 12f 2004).
United Nations Development Fund for Women. Women in Mongolia. Mapping
Progress under Transition. Paper. New York, 200L
United Nations Development Program. Country Report: Mongolia. Paper.
Worden L R. and AM. Savada. Mongolia a Country Study. Washington D.C.:
Federal Research Division Library of Congress,1991.
World Bank. Mongolia Toward a Market Economy. Washington, D C.: World Bank,