Citation
Women's participation in the 1992 Colorado legislative election

Material Information

Title:
Women's participation in the 1992 Colorado legislative election
Creator:
Harris, Mildred A
Place of Publication:
Denver, Colo.
Publisher:
University of Colorado Denver
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
viii, 95 leaves : ; 29 cm

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Master's ( Master of Arts)
Degree Grantor:
University of Colorado Denver
Degree Divisions:
Department of Political Science, CU Denver
Degree Disciplines:
Political Science
Committee Chair:
Everett, Jana M.
Committee Members:
Teeza, Thaddeus
Cummings, Michael S.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Women legislators -- Colorado ( lcsh )
Political candidates -- Colorado ( lcsh )
Political candidates ( fast )
Women legislators ( fast )
Colorado ( fast )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 86-95).
General Note:
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree, Master of Arts, Political Science.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Mildred A. Harris.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Colorado Denver
Holding Location:
Auraria Library
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
31159803 ( OCLC )
ocm31159803
Classification:
LD1190.L64 1994m .H37 ( lcc )

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Full Text
I
Women's Participation in the 1992
Colorado Legislative Election
by
Mildred A. Harris
B.A., Metropolitan State College of Denver, 1990
A thesis submitted to the
Faculty of the Graduate School of the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
Political Science
1994


This thesis for the Master of Arts
degree by
Mildred A. Harris
has been approved for the
Department of
Political Science
by
Date_ a7, wi


V
Harris, Mildred A.(M.A., Political Science)
Women's Participation in the 1992 Colorado Legislative
Election
Thesis directed by Professor Jana M. Everett
ABSTRACT
The popular press labeled 1992 the "Year of the
Woman in relation to campaigns for national and state
elections. The study design is based on interviews of
twenty-eight individuals who were activists in the
Colorado state legislative election, including ten
winning female and five winning male candidates, six
losing female and three losing male candidates, two
campaign managers, and two female party officials. The
objective of this research was to analyze the political
experience of the candidates and activists in the
election.
After the 1992 elections there were thirty-four
females among the one hundred members of the legislature:
Colorado ranked third of all states in female
representation in the state legislature.
The research questions were directed towards factors
that influenced men and women to run, their experiences
in


in the campaign, and any differences between the
candidacies of women and men.
The conclusion is that women and men candidates had
very similar campaign experiences. Women won eighteen of
twenty-five races in which they faced men. Men were much
more likely to be cast as "sacrificial lambs" than women.
In the high-population urban areas women came closer to
equal representation holding thirty-two of sixty-nine
seats. However in the rural areas women held only two of
thirty-one seats.
This abstract accurately represents the content of the
candidate's thesis. I recommend its publication.
iv


CONTENTS
CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION......................................1
Scope of the study..............................3
2. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE..........................7
Unequal Representation of Women.................7
Sociological Factors of Politics
and Gender......................................8
Organizations and Political Activities.........15
Women in Political Parties.....................16
Women in Elite Political Positions.............17
Voter Hostility towards Women Candidates....... 18
Male Conspiracies Against Women
Candidates.....................................21
How the Election Process Promotes
Unequal Representation of Women................23
Methods to Reverse
Underrepresentation of Women...................26
3. COLORADO: BRIEF HISTORY OF WOMEN IN THE STATE
LEGISLATURE....................................31
The Legislative Election of 1992...............33
4. WOMEN AND MEN IN THE COLORADO
ELECTION OF 1992...............................36
Sociological Characteristics of State
Legislative Participants.......................39
Occupational and Community Activities..........43
Political Organizational Activities............47
v


Recruitment of Candidates......................49
Campaign Organizations.........................53
Fundraising....................................60
Election Issues................................64
Women Members of the General Assembly..........69
1992 the "Year of the Woman"...................73
Conclusions....................................74
5. ANALYSIS.........................................77
Conclusions....................................82
6. Interview Questions..............................85
7. REFERENCES.......................................86
vi


DEDICATED TO
Jerry Harris: my best friend in the world.
Vll


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to sincerely thank the members of the
Colorado political community who participated in the
interviews for this thesis.
I would also like to thank the professors who were
on my thesis committee Jana Everett, Thad Tecza, and
Mike Cummings for your honesty and support.
viii


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
This thesis will explore factors associated with
political participation of women in contemporary American
politics and specifically in Colorado. The research will
focus on factors contributing to the relatively high
number of women elected in Colorado, in light of the
overall underrepresentation of women in many political
positions in the United States. The popular press labeled
1992 the "Year of the Woman." This research will
investigate whether this expression applied to the
Colorado legislative election in the 1992.
An important question to be asked about
underrepresentation is whether it matters that so few
women hold public positions. Janet Clark (1991)
introduces the theories of descriptive representation of
Hanna Pitkin, who states that excluding any group from
the democratic process decreases the legitimacy of the
democracy. Pitkin further argues that when a group in a
society feels represented because one of its members
holds office, the character of the entire democratic
system is strengthened. When a democratic government
limits the participation of over half the population,
1


that government simply shortchanges itself. Therefore,
excluding women or any other group from equal
representation in a democracy compromises the
effectiveness of that system.
Vicki Randall(1982) believes the issues that are
most important to women are economic equality,
reproductive freedom, freedom from violence, educational
equality and child care. Randall feels that women are
deeply affected by the legal decisions that are made
surrounding these issues; yet most of the legal decisions
are made by men.
For women, the problem of underrepresentation in
public office is substantial because, as Randall (1982,
96) points out, this unequal representation occurs in
nearly all segments of government state and local
legislatures, elected and appointed national positions,
and government bureaucracies. Janet Clark (1991, 67)
notes that by 1991, in the United States Congress women
comprised only 6% of the membership; in state
legislatures women held an average of 18% of the seats;
and in county governing boards women held 9% of the
positions.
2


Colorado currently has thirty-four female members of
the General Assembly, equaling about one-third of the
membership. Colorado was the second state to grant female
suffrage and has a long history of encouraging women to
participate in politics. Since that time, women in
Colorado have entered political campaigns and have been
elected or appointed to various public offices. Thus
when we look at politics for women in 1992, Colorado is a
good place to start.
Scope of the Study
The research for this study is based on interviews
of participants in the election: winning and losing
candidates, campaign managers, and party officials. The
organization of the chapters will be as follows: (1)
introduction of the topic; (2) review of literature
concerning political representation of women and the
differences in womens and men's political participation;
(3) a brief review of activities of women in Colorado
politics prior to 1992 and an overview of the 1992
legislative election; (4) an analysis of interviews of
women and men involved in the 1992 Colorado legislative
election; and {5) discussion and summary of factors
3


related to women's politics in Colorado. Finally,
suggestions for further research related to women's
issues in Colorado politics will be considered.
The research questions and focus of the interviews
are directed toward the factors that influenced women in
Colorado to become political activists and whether being
an activist was different in 1992 from previous years.
Are the factors that influenced women to become involved
different from the factors that influenced men to enter
politics? Did men and women differ in their campaign
strategies and presentations?
The literature review covers political participation
and representation of women and examines factors related
to women's political activity at leadership levels. This
literature review includes aspects of the socialization
and organizational factors that have prompted women to
become active in politics. The literature also considers
topics such as alleged voter hostility to women; the
theory of male conspiracy; and characteristics of the
campaign and electoral process which have been identified
as discriminatory against women. The work done by
scholars related to gender politics establishes a base
4


for studying women in the 1992 Colorado legislative
election.
Chapter 3 will briefly review the history of women in
legislative roles in Colorado. According to the Colorado
Historical Society (1993), Colorado has a history of
being a progressive state for women in politics; thus,
this chapter will consider the history of women who have
been in the Colorado legislature since the first women
entered the legislature in 1894. This information is
important to place 1992 in a historical context. The
second section of this chapter will be a review of the
legislative election in 1992 including information
related to the elections for the Colorado Senate and the
House.
Chapter 4 analyzes interviews conducted with women
and men who participated in the 1992 election. The
questions were tailored to specific aspects of the
election applicable to the role the respondent played in
the election. The participants were selected to obtain a
cross section of the membership from the 1992 General
Assembly candidates, their party leaders and campaign
managers. Both conservative and liberal men and women
from various counties around the Denver Metropolitan area
5


responded to questions. Sample questions are in the
appendix. Most of the interviews were conducted through
telephone conversations. Five interviews were done in
person.
The conclusion will consider what factors made 1992
important for women in Colorado politics. It looks at the
information from the interviews in light of the previous
literature on gender and politics, and considers
directives for further research on women's politics in
Colorado.
6


CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Unequal Representation of Women
An abundance of academic literature investigates the
topic of gender and politics. This literature review,
dealing with research published between 1980 and 1993,
considers factors related to women who are active in
politics and the unequal representation of these women in
elected positions.
When looking at the low number of women in high
public office, the literature addresses several potential
contributory components: possible voter hostility towards
women; alleged male discrimination by politically
powerful men toward women seeking high office; factors
associated with electoral procedures and style of
campaign organization; and recruitment of candidates. The
focus of the literature concerning the gender gap is on
sociological and organizational factors which have shaped
the different political behavior of men and women.
7


Sociological Factors of Politics and Gender
A logical starting point in the study of political
attitudes and behavioral differences between women and
men is sociological factors which may have played a role
in establishing these differences. Several authors
discuss theories of socialization as related to political
behavior (Darcy et al. 1987, Carroll 1985, Sapiro 1983,
and Clark 1991). Gendered socialization patterns are said
to play a role in the puzzle of underrepresentation of
women in several ways: traditional female attitudes
possibly limit the number of women who are willing to
become candidates; girls tend not to be encouraged to
become lawyers, a major recruiting ground for male
politicians; and the role of being a good wife and mother
places time constraints on women who enter public office
and may cause guilt because of divided attention. Clark
(1991) explains that through sex-role socialization,
women are trained at an early age to be passive in
mannerisms and home-oriented in their career aspirations.
Men are trained to be independent, assertive, and
achievement-oriented. Thus as a product of this training,
men are more likely to enter public service positions and
politics than women (Clark, 1991,71). According to Clark
8


(1991), a problem resulting from female socialization
patterns has been a paucity of female candidates, which
in turn has generated few role models for other women
wishing to enter politics. Virginia Sapiro(1983) contends
that this socialization pattern is more inhibiting to
adult women than to young girls. This constriction comes
from higher expectations placed on adults to fulfill
specific roles, whereas young girls are allowed to be
"free spirits" and participate in non-traditional
activities.
Extensions of the idea of female socialization are
defined as situational factors by Bennett and
Bennett(1989, 1992) and structural factors by Clark
(1991). These include the responsibilities of
motherhood, homemaking, community activities, or various
occupational commitments which working women face. These
obligations may be responsible for a perceived time
conflict between political aspirations and other
responsibilities. Are these really gender issues?
Certainly career and family responsibilities are factors
for men also. However, Darcy et al. (1987) maintain that
these factors result in women, more than men, delaying
their entry into political campaigns until children are
9


older. The researchers feel that this decision puts many
women candidates at somewhat of a disadvantage because
their opponents are younger men who may appear more
dynamic and have opportunities to network in the
political party or the business community. Darcy et
al.{1987)do point out that women can gain effective
political support from work in civic organizations.
Bennett and Bennett (1989) define structural factors
as those factors encompassing the economic status of
women that contribute to political attitudes in numerous
ways. As women become more economically independent/ they
are generally more politically active. Additionally, the
alternative condition of being economically strapped may
also result in increased political activities.
Governmental programs from the 1980s that have decreased
financial support for single parents, welfare women, and
low-wage earners have caused this increased political
activism (Carroll, 1988). Carroll believes that through
socioeconomic independence women gain psychological
independence and become politically active.
Bennett and Bennett (1989, 1992) published two
studies pertaining to the topic of general attitudes and
gender-related political behavior. The 1989 study looked
10


at political dispositions using data from a two-item
political apathy scale and the 1984 National Election
Study. The political apathy scale is an additive
combination of interest in campaigns and general
political attentiveness. The authors maintain that the
apathy scale is an excellent predictor of reported and
validated voter turnout, political participation, and use
of the mass media for political purposes(Bennett and
Bennett, 1989, 111). The purpose of using the apathy
scale was to determine whether the same factors shaped
men's and women's political interest. This study
concluded that even with an apparent lack of knowledge
and confidence about politics, women consistently have
higher voter turnout levels than men. Other recent
authors corroborate this conclusion, particularly with
data collected since 1980 (Costain 1992 and 1991, Mueller
1991, and Carroll 1988). These authors also believe that
this increased turnout has contributed to a gender gap in
election results which has gained the attention of male
candidates.
In the 1992 study, the Bennetts focus on
sociological factors of gender and political attitudes.
They find that despite an increase in the number of both
11


men and women who have adopted modern attitudes about
womens role in politics, a small number of
traditionalists still believe women should not hold elite
political positions. From secondary analysis of data
collected from 1974 to 1989, they examine how women's
lives have changed and the conditions under which women
become willing to share political responsibilities. The
study questions the assumption that voters still view
politics as predominantly men's business. The researchers
classify men and women as ranging from very traditional
(conservative) to very modern in their attitudes toward
political roles. The results show that by 1989, only 6%
of the respondents considered themselves very
traditional, whereas 61% of women and 52% of men
considered themselves to be very modern (Bennett and
Bennett, 1992, 98). The most modern respondents were
college graduates, were younger, and were likely to be
Democrats. The respondents who were most traditional
were generally religious fundamentalists (Catholics,
Protestants and Jews) or Southerners, and were older,
conservative, and less educated. The researchers conclude
that more women will be visible in politics as time
passes, but it should not be assumed that an acceptance
12


of equality will obliterate all vestiges of
traditionalism.
Alice Rossi (1983) is another researcher who applies
a sociological approach to women's political
participation, by looking at individual factors
contributing to political finesse for women. Rossi views
the shift in women's economic roles as a cause for women
to become more powerful politically.
Rossi identities four main categories of economic
modes that influence women's political behavior.
(1) Women have become permanent rather than
intermittent workers. When women are working in permanent
rather than temporary positions, they are likely to have
a vested interest in their roles as career women and are
interested in actions of their employers as well as
actions of government agencies which affect their
employment.
(2) More single-parent families exist and more women
have become solely responsible for supporting their
families. Again this role of sole family supporter makes
women (or men)dependent on their wage-earning ability and
thus concerned with actions either by the employer or
government which affect their jobs. As members of the
13


labor force, women are in a better bargaining position to
look after issues related to their livelihood. According
to Jewell and Whicker(1993), this changed role for women
workers serves to create a new "women's agenda" which
centers around child care, health care, and sexual
harassment in the workplace.
(3) Increased educational status has been
accompanied by raised aspirations for women in both
elected and appointed political positions. Other studies
by Carroll (1988) and the Bennetts(1989)also support the
view that higher educational levels increase political
participation by women.
(4) As women have entered careers with more
responsibility, they have acquired skills in management,
finances, and communications that are
transferable to politics. These skills have been used by
women to be successful campaign managers and candidates.
These skills have also been identified by both men and
women as skills which have made them successful
administrators once in office.
14


Organizations and Political Activities
In the political arena organizational activities
play a role in the socialization process of participants
in the same way that family and community form individual
values in the socialization process.
Rossi(1983) studies organizational factors that she
believes are important in shaping women's political
participation and development. She believes that womens
political organizational roots are in the National
Organization of Women (NOW) and their experience
attempting to ratify the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA).
Rossi found that organizations like the League of Women
Voters and the Young Women's Christian Association have
also become active in politics associated with women's
issues. The power of these organizations is that they
offer great networking opportunities through local, state
and national chapters. Rossi credits this organizational
effort with electoral wins in various state legislative
contests and further predicts that the organizations will
continue to make a difference in women's political
campaigns. These organizational roots are an important
aspect of women's socialization because through work in
15


these groups, women begin to make a difference in areas
which they believe to be important.
Women in Political Parties
To understand another organizational factor related
to women's political participation, this literature
review looked into literature that describes gender
differences in political parties. Two articles (Rapoport
et al. 1990 and Constantini, 1990) provide good
descriptions of how gender differences are seen within
political parties. Ronald Rapoport et al. (1990) studied
women's influence in precinct caucuses from 1980 and
1988. The researchers expected that the gender gap would
invade both parties at the caucus level and that women
would adopt more liberal positions. The data confirmed
these expectations. In this research, women comprised
52.5% of Democratic participants and 43.4% of Republican
participants (Rapoport et al. 1990, 727). The biggest
gender difference in policy preferences within each party
concerned views on foreign policy, specifically attitudes
about war and peace. The authors also questioned
respondents further about gender differences related to
domestic issues. Here they also found widespread gender
16


differences within both parties. Women were more likely
than men to support abortion rights, ratification of the
ERA, and spending for social welfare programs.
Edmond Constantini (1990) studied political ambition
and gender among national party convention delegates. He
defined political ambition in terms of the desire to seek
public office. Constantini used survey responses of
national convention delegates from California, 1964-86.
He concluded that women had recently shown increased
political ambition as they gained economic and
professional advancement. However, he also concluded that
until women gain more actual political achievements and
more representation, any research would be inconclusive.
Women in Elite Political Positions
The literature which considers factors associated
with gender-related political differences between men and
women approaches the topic by examining women's political
stature at the mass level or the entry activist level.
The literature that studies the issue of
underrepresentation addresses the issue of women in the
role of political leader.
17


Numerous books and articles address the question of
why so few women hold public positions. In Women,
Elections and Representation, Darcy, Welch, and Clark
(1987) suggest that political scientists may have
neglected the question of women's representation because
of classical theories of democracy that do not question
the lack of women in political leadership positions. But
Susan Carroll (1985)in Women as Candidates in American
Politics, points out that John Stuart Mill and Jean-
Jacques Rousseau assert that political representation
enhanced the self-fulfillment and development of the
individual. The development of the individual is an
important concept in this context because through higher
political self-esteem, women seem more willing to
participate, and with greater participation more success
for women candidates ensues.
Voter Hostility Towards Women Candidates
John Zipp and Eric Plutzer (1985) tested the
theoretical expectation that men and women would not
differ in their likelihood of voting for a woman
candidate. They tested this theory in targeted elections
in five states in 1982: gubernatorial elections in Iowa
18


and Vermont and senatorial elections in Missouri, New
York, and New Jersey. In each of these elections one
candidate was male and the other was female. In both Iowa
and Missouri, unaffiliated females were more likely to
vote for a female candidate than Democrats or
Republicans. In New York, New Jersey, and Vermont the
sex of the voter was not significantly related to voting
for or against a female candidate.
Barbara Burrell (1990), in what seems like a more
straightforward approach, studied 1970 elections for the
Massachusetts House to assess the role of gender in
campaigns. She looked at the win/loss records for
contests where men faced women for legislative positions,
concluding that men and women had remarkably similar
records. Burrell felt that the elections for open seats
offered the most realistic chances for underrepresented
groups to increase their numbers in the legislatures.
The media, which attempt to influence public
opinion, have held women candidates to a different
standard from male candidates. Susan Carroll (1985,xiv)
details the media scrutiny that Geraldine Ferraro faced
as the Democratic vice-presidential candidate in 1984.
Ferraro was subjected to relentless questions from the
19


press about her husband's finances, and her own
qualifications were continually questioned.
Heidi Evans and Josh Getlin (1992) report that the
media covering the 1992 election wrestled with questions
of how to cover women candidates. These authors claim
that the media establishment would like to believe that
the nation and the press have become more sophisticated
since Ferraro's campaign; but their evidence suggests
that for every gain, many troubling barriers still exist.
Barbara Boxer and Nicole Boxer(1993) reveal that when
Barbara was running for the U.S. Senate, the press made
an offensive set of observations about her and Dianne
Feinstein, another U.S. Senate candidate from California.
The press made the observation that both Boxer and
Feinstein were women, came from Northern California, and
were Jewish. Boxer(1993) stated that her reply to the
pundits making these remarks was, "have you ever wondered
how two white, Protestant males could get elected from
the same state?"(81)
Boxer's example illustrates the points that Evans
and Getlin(1992) make when voicing views from political
analyst Ann Lewis, who believes women candidates are
still held to higher standards of establishing
20


credibility than men. Lewis maintains that women have to
work harder and further argues that the press should be
aiming for a single standard in campaign coverage.
The data on the press coverage may show an unequal
standard in treatment of women candidates. However, in
the studies that review actual election results and voter
attitudes, it is difficult to see any solid evidence
supporting voter hostility to women. Both Boxer and
Feinstein were elected in California.
Male Conspiracies Against Women Candidates
Male conspiracy theories, like voter hostility, are
difficult to prove with published empirical data. The
basic characteristic of the male conspiracy is the idea
that the elite members of a political party do not fully
accept women candidates. Thus women are excluded from
the encouragement, networking, and recruiting that male
party leaders offer. This exclusion for women makes it
difficult to get a nomination or party support (Clark,
1991, 73). Clark (1991) also admits that evidence is
inconclusive to support this theory.
Another trend that some authors (Welch et al. 1985,
Carroll 1985, and Cantor and Bernay 1992) attribute to
21


male conspiracy is the "sacrificial lamb concept. This
concept maintains that women (and sometimes men) are
offered nominations by political elites when the party
has little chance of winning the election. Empirical
data from Welch et al.(1982) found limited evidence of
women being cast more in the "sacrificial lamb" role than
men. During the election years from 1970 to 1980, 48% of
women candidates faced incumbents while, 36% of men
candidates did (Welch et al. 1985, 469). This research
study did not relate whether the sacrificial lambs of
either gender won or lost.
Cantor and Bernay(1992) state corrosively that when
a party does nominate a woman as a "sacrificial lamb,"
the party benefits in two ways the "sacrificial lamb"
prevents the incumbent from getting a free ride and if
the challenger is a woman, the party appears to be
supporting a woman.
Carroll (1985) describes patterns of recruitment of
women candidates in the Democratic and Republican
parties. In 1976, about half the women recruited by the
Republican party were as candidates who appeared to be
"sacrificial lambs." She found that from one-half to one-
third of the women recruited by the Democrats were also
22


"sacrificial lambs. Carroll (1985) concludes that these
patterns of recruitment work to inhibit the number of
women who agree to be candidates for public office.
How the Election Process Promotes Unequal Representation
of Women
The barriers related to electoral processes vary in
different states. Darcy et al. (1987) draw on Daniel
Elazar's classifications of states as moralistic,
individualistic or traditionalistic. In moralistic
states, government is viewed as an endeavor for the
public good, and participation is encouraged from all
citizens (Elazar 1972). In individualistic states,
government is considered a business. Political activity
is a means for individuals to improve themselves socially
and economically(Elazar 1972). Traditionalistic states
have paternalistic views of government and attempt to
maintain the existing social order (Elazar 1972).
Women have had the most difficult time achieving
political equality in traditional states, such as the
Southern states (Darcy et al. 1987, 49). Clark (1991,71)
reports that women do better in elections in moralistic
states because such states encourage political
23


participation from all citizens. According to Clark,
women do less well in individualistic states because of
the intense competition for political office. Research
from Wilma Rule (1990) which re-evaluates women
candidates and political cultures, supports the concept
that women candidates are likely to succeed in both
individualistic and moralistic states.
It seems difficult to evaluate the accuracy of these
claims, but from the results of the 1992 elections, those
states that Kurtz (1992) identifies as having the lowest
number of women in the state legislatures are Southern
states (17).
Another aspect of the electoral process that affects
women candidates is the advantage incumbents have. In
fact, this advantage is one of the biggest obstacles that
challengers face. According to Carroll (1985, 119), the
collective electoral success rate for women candidates in
general elections is explained in terms of the political
opportunity structure. Women's lack of success in
elections since the 1970s can be attributed to the fact
that they are usually challengers and incumbents tend to
retain their office.
24


The value of incumbency may be falling however.
Early in the election year of 1992, the popular press
predicted that because many members of Congress were
involved in scandals, they would not enter races for
reelection. Further, the popular press suggested that the
electorate was disgruntled with the incumbent
politicians. This perception could have been a factor
that encouraged women to enter political races and thus
create the "Year of the Woman" theme. Early in 1992 the
label easily could have been "the year of the
challenger."
Fund raising is another aspect of the electoral
process in which women candidates have been said to be at
a disadvantage (Mandel 1981, Abzug 1984, and Carroll
1985). Carroll(1985) believes that women are at a
psychological disadvantage when it comes to fund-raising.
This may be related to sex-role orientation whereby women
are taught to be passive and men assertive.
Empirical data on fund raising, however, show that
women candidates are as effective as men candidates in
their ability to raise and spend money (Burrell, 1990,
96). In Oklahoma, a traditionalistic state, Darcy et
al.{1987) found evidence that women, both incumbents and
25


challengers, were as effective as men at fundraising. In
Pennsylvania, women also proved to be as effective as men
at raising funds for state legislative races.
Burrell (1990, 98) looks at women versus men in
their ability to garner large campaign contributions in
Massachusetts open-seat state races. She finds that women
candidates averaged fifty large (over $100) contributions
to fifty-nine large contributions for men. She concludes
that in the area of large contributions, men candidates
did outpace their women counterparts.
Methods to Reverse the Underrepresentation of Women
Darcy et al.(1987) and Carroll(1988, 235) make
suggestions that could alter the pattern of
underrepresentation of women. Darcy et al.(1987) make a
strong point that as more women become better educated
and enter elite professions, especially law, they will be
more likely to become political elites. This idea is
partially in agreement with the autonomy theory
Carroll(1988) used to explain the gender gap: as women
become more economically and psychologically independent,
they are more politically active.
26


Another method to get more women into elected
positions suggested by Darcy et al.(1987), involves
creating more multi-member districts: "In legislative
elections in states using both single-member and multi-
member districts, a greater proportion of women run and
are elected in multi-member districts than in single-
member districts"(126). Unlike the European models of
proportional representation, the multi-member districts
discussed are not party related. Rather each voter gets
to vote for several candidates based on the number of
vacancies. The authors illustrate that more women are
willing to enter multi-member races. Thus if four people
are elected from a district instead of only one there is
a high probability of two women and two men being chosen.
Carroll(1985) suggests that the gender gap may
result in getting more women elected. Other researchers
have identified a 6% to 9% difference in how women and
men vote in specific elections (Mueller 1988, Carroll
1988, Conover 1988). Carroll(1988) states that the
development of the gender gap in the early 1980s has
brought a change in one component of the political
opportunity structure the more positive attitude of
party leaders toward women. Carroll continues that the
27


gender gap has created political opportunities for women
which might not have existed in the absence of such a gap
as evidenced by, Sandra Day OConnor's appointment to the
Supreme Court and Elizabeth Dole's appointment as
Secretary of Transportation.
Considering the voting differences attributed to the
gender gap, women candidates in the 1990s are perceived
as being likely to pull in extra votes, an ability which
could have explained an expectation of the press using
the "Year of the Woman" theme in 1992. In the year where
incumbents were not trusted because of the scandals,
women may have been seen as more trustworthy and as
outsiders.
A factor to weaken incumbency not mentioned in any
of these readings is the concept of term limitation,
which twelve states supported in the 1992 election (Karen
Hansen, 1992, 15). Although term limitation is a
separate issue from gender-related politics, more states
passing term limitation initiatives could weaken the
strength of male long-term incumbents.
Recent literature covering the issues of unequal
representation and the gender gap indicates that women
28


are making progress in their move to gain political
parity.
Through this literature review one can recognize
that sociological factors affect how women view political
involvement. These factors are: sex-role socialization
and attitudinal views related to gender and political
activities; educational and economic status; and
political organizational involvement.
The factors allegedly contributing to unequal
representation for women include possible voter
hostility, the male conspiracy theory, unequal
opportunities to be recruited to participate in
campaigns, and the inability of women to be effective
fundraisers. These are the processes that are related to
winning elections. None of these factors appear to be
well supported by empirical data.
Using this literature review for points of
reference, the research questions for the interviews for
this research were: To what extent do sociological
factors such as traditional attitudes to gender roles,
occupational status, educational background, and economic
factors affect male and female candidates? What
organizational factors were important for the actors in
29


the Colorado election? Did either male or female
candidates experience gender-based voter hostility or
evidence of male conspiracy? How did candidates of both
genders organize their campaigns and approach
fundraising? Are certain characteristics inherent in
Colorado politics that make success easier for female
candidates? In Colorado was the 1992 election
significantly different from before, supporting the
concept of 1992 being the "Year of the Woman"?
30


CHAPTER 3
COLORADO: BRIEF HISTORY OF WOMEN'S PARTICIPATION
THE STATE LEGISLATURE
According to the Colorado Historical Society's,
Spring Issue of Heritage Journal(1993), which was
dedicated to women in politics, the state has a
progressive history of women and political
participation. In 1893 Colorado was the second state to
pass women's suffrage. By 1894 Colorado became the
first state to have women members of the General
Assembly: Republicans Clara Cressingham, Carrie Holly,
and Frances Klock (Chambers-Schiller 1993). Between
1894 and 1913 only a "handful of women served as state
legislators. But according to Abbott and Leonard(1982)
the women were active legislators who helped enact over
150 statutes, many of them providing protection for
women and children. The Center for American Women and
Politics (CAWP) notes that one of the advantages today
of having women legislators is that they are more
sensitive to issues related to children and to equality
for women(1994).
31


Data from the 1993 Colorado Legislative Council
show that during the years 1893 to 1955, an average of
between two and four women were in the legislature. In
1955 the number jumped to seven and by 1959 to eleven.
The next large numerical increase came in 1975 when
sixteen women were legislators. In 1979 twenty-one
legislators were women, and in each session thereafter,
two or three more women became part of the General
Assembly (Colorado Legislative Council, 1993). When
considering these incremental increases over the years,
the addition of three women in 1992 is not impressive.
Interestingly, the list of early female members
represented a wide section of the state. Arapahoe and
Denver Counties have had the most women over the years,
but rural areas such as Sedgewick, Gunnison, and
Dolores Counties also have been represented. In
contrast, in the 1993 legislature most of the women
members represented the urban areas of Denver,
Arapahoe, El Paso, Jefferson, Douglas, and Boulder
Counties. Only one female represented the western
slope, and no women represented rural districts in the
extreme eastern counties of the state, such as
Sedgewick.
32


The reason for noting these trends in the number
of women in Colorado politics is to illustrate that
women have been part of the political scene for a long
time, and 1992 represented a continuation of the
process rather than a landmark year.
These illustrations also may indicate that one of
the reasons women do well in contemporary Colorado
races is that the voters are used to seeing them as
candidates and office holders.
In addition to the women holding one-third of the
General Assembly positions, the State Attorney General,
the Secretary of State, and the State Treasurer (also
elected in 1992) were women.
The 1992 Legislative Election
In the Denver Post (1992) election supplement the
candidates for the Colorado General Assembly stated
their three highest priorities for the state. The
responses were given in extremely general terms, but
nearly every candidate identified the major issues as
the economy, education, taxes, and health care. These
issues were included in responses of both females and
males; so the issues cannot be labeled gender-related.
33


Thirty candidates ran for nineteen seats in the
Senate election. Six candidates were unopposed; four
males and two females. In District 28 two women ran for
the Senate. In three districts the races featured a
female against a male, with the remaining races
featuring two male contenders.
For the sixty-five House seats, 119 candidates
ran, eighty-one males and thirty-eight females. In
eight of the races candidates were unopposed: four of
these candidates were females and four were males.
Twenty-two races occurred in which females ran against
males, twenty with two male candidates and six with two
female candidates.
Impressive statistics for women appear when races
in which women faced men are examined. For the Senate
women won two of three; and for the House women won
sixteen of the twenty-two.
The role of "sacrificial lamb" befell several of
the candidates indiscriminately. The "sacrificial lamb"
candidates were in districts that had a strong
incumbent and/or voter registration statistics which
highly favored the opposite party. In the twenty-five
mixed-gender races eighteen had one candidate with a
34


very low probability of winning. Only three of these
low-probability candidates were women. The charge in
the literature that women are more often cast as
"sacrificial lambs" does not hold for Colorado in 1992.
Indeed, just the opposite is true.
Of the seven races in which a true contest was
carried out between a male and female candidate,
females won four. The criteria for labeling these as
"true contests" are based on statements made by the
candidates and party officials from each party, plus
voter registration statistics from the districts.
The history of Colorado women politicians and a
limited amount of the data related to the 1992 election
give us a background to consider when looking at
specific individuals who were part of the election for
the General Assembly for 1992.
35


Chapter 4
WOMEN AND MEN IN THE COLORADO 1992 ELECTION
Of the thirty-four women entering the Colorado
General Assembly in 1992 most were incumbents, some were
elected to open seats, one defeated an incumbent, and
three were holdover members from 1990. For this research
ten victorious and five unsuccessful female candidates
were interviewed, as well as one candidate who was
defeated in a primary race. Two successful campaign
managers participated. Two female party executives, one
Democrat and one Republican, also shared information.
Five successful and three unsuccessful male candidates
agreed to answer questions. Including men enabled
comparisons to be made regarding their behaviors and
experiences. The purpose of these interviews was to
collect data from the actors in the election, to find the
background and experiences of women candidates and
whether these differed from those of men.
The female legislators who were interviewed were
selected because they represented various parts of
metropolitan and rural areas, and because they seemed to
36


have differing political ideologies. There was a total of
forty-five female candidates in the election.
Sixteen Democratic and nineteen Republicans
senators, and thirty-one Democratic and thirty-four
Republican representatives were in the 1993 Assembly.
The selection of interview participants attempted to
mirror this representation pattern. The criteria for
selecting the male participants were to choose men with
similar qualities to the women, from the same types of
districts, about the same age, and from both political
parties.
These candidates are not necessarily representative
of the candidates in the 1992 legislative race. My goal
was to examine the experiences of a group of female and
male candidates to obtain an indepth understanding of
their perspectives on running for office. In essence this
is a convenience sample. Time, finances, and logistics
prevented any type of random sample.
Some of the interviews were conducted in person and
others were done by telephone. Each respondent was asked
to give a brief political biography and to outline their
role in the 1992 election. Each respondent was also asked
why they thought so many women had won elections in
37


Colorado over the years. Party officials were asked about
general funding, issues affecting candidates, and
recruitment of candidates and staff. Candidates were
asked to describe their campaign organization, their
fundraising, and the characteristics of their district.
Both female and male candidates were asked about their
reasons for seeking office. While some responses were
very individualized, others were almost identical
regardless of gender. To preserve the confidentiality of
the interviewees, each person was assigned a name
corresponding to embellished colors from mail order
catalogues and crayon colors. No offense to any of the
legislators is intended by the pseudonyms given. Because
the pseudonym does not identify the gender of the person,
there will be parenthetical codes identifying gender
(m/f) and political party affiliation (D/R).
The demographics for the candidates interviewed are
^as follows: Their ages range from 39 to 68; all but two
of the sixteen women candidates have children, all but
three are currently married. All but one of the men have
children, and six are currently married. Three of the
respondents are African American; the remainder are
Anglos, as attempts to interview Hispanic members of the
38


Colorado Legislature were unsuccessful. The participating
legislators represent Denver, Longmont, Boulder,
Lakewood, Wheat Ridge, Westminster, Littleton, Arvada,
Commerce City, and Aurora.
Sociological Characteristics of State Legislative
Participants
The logical starting point for the literature review
centered around sociological factors associated with
gender and politics; therefore, the first area to be
considered from the interviews of the Colorado actors
will also be sociological factors that may have
contributed to their participation in politics.
Three of the female respondents offered information
about their families' roles in influencing their
political participation.
Dusty Teal (f/D), an urban representative, stated
that her career in politics began when she was very
-young. She and her sisters helped their parents- with
precinct committee work in Atlanta. Being active in
politics and community improvement was important to
Teal's mother. Teal states that her mother instilled in
her and her five sisters and brother the importance of
39


giving service to the community. Teal explained, "I grew
up believing if you are a member of a community, it is
your job to give back to that community; therefore,
political activism has always been a big part of my
life." Her family background seemed to question not if
she would be politically active but in what manner she
would choose to participate.
Terra Cotta(f/D), another urban representative grew
up in Detroit, and she, like Dusty Teal (f/D), remembers
working with her parents distributing sample ballots and
in other activities associated with local politics. From
these childhood experiences she acquired the view that
political activities are a normal part of living in a
democratic society.
Canterbury Belle(f/R), an unsuccessful candidate
from an urban area, remembers at a very early age
discussing politics and government with her parents and
grandparents. She loved those discussions and knew she
would choose a career related to politics. Her mother and
both grandmothers were political activists, and this
exposure contributed to her view that political
participation was an important part of community service.
40


As a responsible citizen one should be politically
active.
Regarding the impact of motherhood on political
aspirations, all but two of the participating female
legislators are mothers. Yet only two of the twelve
stated that they had delayed their entry into politics
until their children were older. Representative Terra
Cotta (f/D) said the only time she was not active as a
committee woman in her precinct was when she was busy
having babies. After each maternity leave from politics,
she would resume the role of committeewoman or precinct
activist. The other female participants did not address
their role of mother as it related to their decision to
run for political office or as a detriment to performing
the work required by their office. Apparently for these
women, the situational factors of balancing a political
career with motherhood are not a problem or not a problem
they were willing to talk about. However, their
biographical data indicate that only two had school-aged
children when they first ran for the state legislature.
One of the youngest women members of the House of
Representatives, who was not able to participate in the
interviews, has an infant and a three-year-old child as
41


the 1994 session begins. One of the male participants,
who has three young children, said it was important for
his wife to be a traditional, stay-at-home mother; so he
is willing to work a second job along with his legislator
role. The ages of children of men participants ranged
from two to eighteen when the children's fathers entered
the legislature. With the exception of the female
mentioned above and the male who prefers his wife staying
at home, legislators of both gender have older children.
Thus being a parent and an elected official probably
presents the normal time conflicts of working parents in
other occupations.
Canterbury Belle(f/R) said that even though she and
her husband knew the rigors involved in campaigning, she
resented the intrusion of privacy that she experienced.
She felt bad that she could spend so little time at home,
slightly resented the intrusion of the huge number of
phone calls at odd hours, and sensed that even her dog
objected to her time committed to campaigning. This
observation from Canterbury partially supports the
situational constrictions on women discussed by Bennett
and Bennett(1989). However, many men would probably
42


express the same views related to putting personal issues
on hold for the time of the campaign.
Occupational and Community Activities
Regarding occupational status, the springboard for
six of the women with whom I spoke was teaching. Three of
the women are small business owners: Senator Gold
Pak(f/D),representing a suburban area, owns a Public
Relations Business. Representative Cherry Belle(f/D),
from a northern semi-rural community, worked for a non-
profit volunteer agency before being elected; Dusty
Teal(f/D) is a real estate agent; and Representative
White Icicle(f/R), from a suburban area, had been a staff
worker for a Congressman. The occupations listed for all
the women in the general assembly include ten
legislators, seven educators, eleven business women, two
lawyers, two paralegals, one journalist, and one
parliamentarian.
The occupations for men interviewed included an
economist, a college professor and journalist, two small
business owners, two high-school teachers, and two
attorneys. In the General Assembly other occupations
include thirteen lawyers, twenty-two in business related
43


careers, nine educators, nine farmers or ranchers, three
legislators, one poet, one surgeon, and one bartender.
One of the representatives I spoke with said that two
male legislators, who did not participate in the
interviews, work for large Colorado corporations, who
helped these men obtain their seats. The interview
participant said that the corporations wanted a voice in
the legislature through these representatives; so the
corporations were very lenient with time off. None of the
women discussed any women legislators who represented a
corporation in addition to their district.
A comparison of the occupational status of female
and male participants reveals no glaring gender
differences. The similarity is that most members of the
General Assembly are in professional career positions
which have high educational requirements.
A moderate connection between careers and political
aspirations can be seen for several of the respondents
regardless of gender. The women and men who are teachers
are concerned about educational issues. These teachers
supported Amendment 6, which would have raised sales
taxes for school funding. The teachers opposed Amendment
7, which supported tuition vouchers for private schools,
44


and are concerned by what they perceived to be an effort
by fundamentalist Christians to control educational
issues.
Navy Blue (m/R), an economist, from a suburban area,
felt obligated to enter politics because he opposed the
"irresponsible spending practices" of the female
incumbent whom he challenged. He felt that she did not
share the fiscal responsibility that he and most of the
residents of the district held.
Female representative Carnation Pink (f/D), from a
medium sized college town, is an attorney. Her activities
as a lawyer centered around environmental issues in
Boulder. After being a "watch dog" of community leaders
regarding environmental issues, she decided to become a
candidate herself. She felt this would be the most
effective way that she could protect the environment.
Male representative Burnt Sienna (m/D), an urban
representative, is an attorney and like Carnation
Pink(f/D) is also very interested in environmental
protection. However, another concern that prompted his
running related to his criticism of how political
campaigns and legislatures operate. His opposition
centers around campaign finance and political action
45


committees. He feels that when politicians raise campaign
money from special interest organization contributions,
or other wealthy, individual contributors, they are
always indebted to the organization or individual. This
indebtedness causes the system to resist changes that
would be beneficial to the state, such as more effective
environmental policies.
The occupational concerns of these legislators seem
to be factors that have influenced their political goals.
This is true for both men and women, so it is probably
not a gender issue.
At the organizational level, almost everyone was
involved in community activities prior to running for
office or accepting the position of party official.
Representative Golden Rod(f/D), a woman representing a
suburb, was active in Girl Scouts and the PTA before
being elected a member of the city council.
Representative Red Barbary (f/D), a woman from a large
suburb, is a trustee for a community hospital board and a
member of the Rotary Club, while serving on the board of
directors for Colorado Open Lands and the Overland High
School Accountability Committee. Representative Merri
Gold(f/R), from a mid-size urban area, worked with the
4 &


United Way, a health association in her area, and the
League of Women Voters.
For men, the community activities included the
Chambers of Commerce, the National Federation of
Independent Businesses, the boards of the Denver Art
Museum, neighborhood community schools, and community
improvement associations.
A comparison of men and women in their community
activities shows that the men are likely to be part of
the Chamber of Commerce or other business-related
activities, and the women seem to be involved with
community service organizations. Darcy et al. (1987) make
the point that women not working in high-profile business
careers can get public attention from community work, and
this observation seems true for many of the Colorado
women.
Political Organizational Activities
Nearly all of the women representatives were also
active at many levels of precinct politics. Golden
Rod(f/D) states that she is still a precinct
committeewomen and her husband a committeeman. Terra
Cotta(f/D) is also still a committeewoman. She
47


attributes her winning the Democratic nomination to her
precinct activism. At the beginning of her campaign, her
opponent did not have enough support to get on the
ballot. The opponent then attempted to defeat Cotta with
a write-in campaign. Cotta said that even though this
woman was very persistent, Cottas ties with the party
secured her win for the general election.
Many of the women had worked as campaign managers
for others before choosing to run for office themselves.
Working as a campaign manager was an exciting part of the
political game for Cotta (f/D) and really sparked her own
interest in running for office. White Icicle(f/R) felt
that being a campaign manager for a winning candidate
made her aware that what she did as a political
participant made a difference. Further, the experience
provided the incentive to become a candidate herself and
expand her participation.
For men as well, a linkage within the political
parties was important. Several men had been district
captains or committeemen for their precincts. Indeed,
Navy Blue (m/R) said that because his precinct
participation had been minimal, he had to work harder to
convince the long-term party members in his district that
48


he was a sincere candidate and would do his best for his
constituents once elected.
Recruitment of Candidates
While a link between party participation and
candidacy appeared beneficial, when the party leaders
were asked about recruiting candidates, party
participation was not high on the list of qualifications.
The Republican spokeswoman, Rose Lavender(f/R), who was
Political Director for the party, said she wanted
candidates who "could walk, talk, and chew gum at the
same time." In a more serious tone, she said she wanted
candidates who could win, had name recognition, could
represent various interests, or could be linked with a
popular cause. She also wanted a candidate who had lived
in the district at least five years. The Democratic
spokeswoman, Royal Burgundy(f/D), Executive Director for
the party, wanted the best qualified person but also
wanted to recruit a fair number of womenboth as
candidates and in the party office staff positions. Both
of these high-level executives have not yet chosen to run
for elected office.
49


An often expressed reason why candidates of both
gender jumped from precinct levels to the role of
candidate was that the previous incumbents had made poor
decisions or performed as legislators in a manner that
angered the challenger. Gold Pak(f/D) said she challenged
a member of her own party because she was fed up with his
no-show attitude. He was seldom present for votes in the
General Assembly; he never held community meetings; and
the only time the community knew he was their
representative was at election time when he campaigned.
Gold Pak (f/D) first ran for the Senate in the 1990
election, and her experience points to the trend whereby
challengers hold the incumbents responsible for perceived
inappropriate behavior.
Two men participants were also unhappy with
incumbent performance when they entered their races. Navy
Blue(m/R) and Copper Tone(m/D) were both very
dissatisfied with the female incumbents whom they
challenged. Although both men cited behavioral problems
with the incumbents, both men also had strong ideological
differences with the women. Navy Blue was much more
conservative than his opponent and Copper Tone was much
more liberal than his.
50


Three unsuccessful female candidates said they
entered races because they could not tolerate the concept
of the incumbent being reelected without a challenger.
Sugar Maple(f/R), from an urbanized suburb, believes in
the importance of dialogue in the democratic process,
especially in a minority community. "Even when the party
concedes an election [because they feel they cannot win]
the individual must not concede...it is important
especially in a black community to make the incumbent
make those stumping speeches, give those promises and
talk about their records." She continued "If you do not
make the incumbent work the campaign, that incumbent will
not work hard in the legislature."
Shasta Daisy(f/D), an unsuccessful Senate candidate
from a suburban area, stated that a factor influencing
her to enter the race was national primary wins for
candidates such as Carol Mosley Braun in Illinois. She
said another contributing reason was that 1992 was the
"Year of the Woman. She had been a precinct activist and
did not want her opponent, a seven-term incumbent, to win
without a campaign. She also used that campaign to get
her name out for future campaigns. She will run in 1994
for an open seat in her House district.
51


Three women and two men I interviewed entered the
1992 legislative race for an open seat. The women
included: Cherry Belle(f/D), Golden Rod(f/D), and Terra
Cotta(f/D). The men who won races for open seats included
Loden Green(m/D), and Burnt Sienna(m/D). Six women who
were interviewed had won their positions prior to 1992 in
open seat elections. The trend described by Carroll(1985)
of women having a good chance to win elections in open
seat races seems to be confirmed in Colorado.
Before running for the Colorado State House, five of
the women held elective office in city councils, as
county commissioners, as members of the Regional
Transportation District, and as school board members.
The men had also been members of school boards, a
water conservancy board, county commissions and city
councils. Loden Green(m/D) had worked as a campaign
manager for candidates in other states.
The experiential background for these legislators is
fairly similar. It does not seem possible to point to any
areas where one gender has an advantage over the other
due to occupational or organizational backgrounds. The
factors that propelled the candidates into the races were
also similar. Both genders thought that they could make
52


contributions to the legislature through their
participation. Dark Mulberry(m/R), an unsuccessful male
candidate from a suburb, stated, "As a member of the
majority party, I could make more of a contribution for
the district than my opponent, a Democrat."
Campaign Organization
Men and women gave similar answers to questions
about campaign organizations. However, slight differences
were apparent in how men and women answered questions
related to campaign operation and goals of their
organizational efforts.
Two of the men candidates described their campaign
objectives and organizations with extremely detailed
answers. Loden Green(m/D) stated he wrote a specific,
100-page, strategic campaign plan which clearly outlined
his day-by-day activities. He detailed how he would first
contact voters with a mailing to achieve name
recognition, then walk the district to meet the voters.
He also incorporated strategies for contacting Political
Action Committees(PACs) and raising funds through the
organizations. His district is comprised of many retired
persons, so he felt that the size of personal
contributions would be small. Loden Green's campaign
53


manager said that the approach to win over PACs was to
send the organizations a letter stating where Green stood
on the issues and where he would and would not
compromise. Green was successful in getting contributions
from all but one of the organizations he solicited.
Copper Tone(m/D), who ran in a suburban area, used
computer data bases to target voters he knew from
previous political activities to form a large network of
volunteers. Through the data base he knew what type of
work the volunteers could do well (telephone work, art
work for yard signs, etc.) and then asked for their help
in those areas. He also had a good knowledge of the
interests of many of the voters and was able to send
position letters to the appropriate people.
These men were more willing to discuss their
specific plans for their campaign than most of the women
interviewed. Fox Glove(f/D), an unsuccessful candidate,
mentioned attending candidate strategy-planning sessions
sponsored by the Democratic Party, which had assisted her
in her long-range campaign plan, her budget, and time-
line goals. If the other women had such a methodical
approach toward the election, they did not convey it in
the interviews. Instead, they discussed in general terms
54


their staff organizations, the way they walked the
district and what activities they attended, but not their
strategic methods.
Two women were proud of their unpretentious
organizations. One, Stella D'Oro(f/R), who unsuccessfully
ran in a suburb, said that hers was a "kitchen cabinet"
of campaign workers. She and friends from precinct
activities worked at her kitchen table to formulate
strategies and assign campaign roles for her campaign
process.
Silver Gray(f/R) organized through a network of
volunteers she has used for several elections. This
approach gave her campaign a sense of stability; her
volunteers knew the district, and people in the district
knew the volunteers.
Dusty Teal(f/D) feels very close to her district
through precinct work, and her female campaign manager
organized the campaign with help from other people who
had been precinct activists. This network offers Teal a
sense of loyalty that she feels keeps her in touch with
her community.
The starting point for Terra Cotta(f/D) was also her
precinct; yet she knew very early that in order to win
55


the general election, she had to move outside her
comfortable precinct level to reach the voters throughout
her district.
Curiously, Golden Rod(f/D) observed that even though
her opponent was much better organized than she and by
all rights should have won, he did not. Thus a question
remains, "Does an exceptional organizational strategy
mean the candidate will win?"
From the standpoint of a campaign manager who has
worked with both male and female candidates, Light
Tan(m/D), the man who managed Golden Rods(f/D) campaign,
said that it is easier to run a campaign for a woman
because she is easier to work with and more willing to
let the manager manage. He observed, "Men candidates
sometimes think they know more than the campaign
manager."
However, he believes women candidates facing men
candidates have an advantage today. To illustrate this
point, he uses information he obtained from a polling he
did for Golden Rod (f/D). He asked voters how they felt
about a candidate with a gender-neutral name(Rod's
nickname), as opposed to one who is definitely female(her
real name). Responses indicate a 16% difference favoring
56


the candidate with the female name over the neutral or
male-sounding name. Tan had run a similar poll in 1990,
but at that time the difference was only 6% higher for
the female-sounding name. The margin of support for a
female candidate was much higher in 1992.
To accentuate this tendency, Loden Green(m/D)
admitted that his greatest fear when entering the race
for the open seat was that his opponent would be a
moderate female. Senator Maple Leaf(m/D), who was elected
in 1992, did not even consider himself a serious
candidate when he thought he would be facing an
incumbent, moderate woman. However, when she was defeated
in the primary, he immediately realized he had a better
chance to win against a conservative male. Navy Blue(m/R)
also felt women have a psychological edge with voters;
women, he says, are considered outsiders. He experienced
a definite anti-incumbent sentiment, and it is his view
that women are in a position to use this sentiment to
their advantage.
Five women candidates commented that they had heard
one or two comments from voters who would not vote for
them because they were women. But these women emphasized
that it would be only one person making a negative
57


comment while they had contacted thousands of voters who
were very encouraging. However, Red Barbary(f/D), from a
large suburb, was told in her door-to-door encounters by
many voters, both men and women, that they would vote for
her because she was a woman.
These comments from candidates of both genders tend
to refute the idea that voters feel hostile toward women
candidates. However, a case could probably be made that
some voter hostility toward male candidates is
discernible. This hostility may represent the public's
distrust of politicians in general who are typically
viewed as white, powerful, middle- and upper-class males.
Since women do not fit this stereotype, less hostility
may be directed towards them.
While a look at overall campaign organization and
attitudes gives a picture of the campaign strategies of
candidates, other aspects of the campaigns offer other
ways to compare approaches taken by men and women.
One of the primary methods for reaching the voters
was walking the districts; Silver Gray(f/R) said that a
candidate is expected to walk the district. Many of the
candidates, as well as campaign manager Light Tan (m/D),
expressed the view that as door-to-door campaigners,
58


women are more effective than men. Tan said that in this
contact the candidate has three to four seconds to make a
first impression, and voters are more likely to feel
comfortable with a female than male. In addition, Gold
Pak(f/D) says that running for office is a public
relations game, and women are friendlier and better at it
than most men. Men candidates can appear cold and too
business-like.
This door-to-door campaign style may be a thing of
the past, according to Merri Gold(f/R), from a mid-size
urban area. She faced a very tight primary battle with a
male lawyer who she claims is affiliated with the
Religious Right. Merri Gold(f/R) claims that the
conservative organizations in her district are well armed
with computer data bases that tell exactly how the
prospective voters feel about various issues. The
organizations will often approach the voter with
customized printed literature to get support for a given
candidate based on the information about that voter
stored in the data base. This high-tech approach used by
Merri Gold's(f/R) opponent sounds very similar to the
data base used by Copper Tone(m/D) to assemble his
volunteer organization.
59


Besides walking the districts, several candidates
said their campaigns involved participating in debates
and holding fund raisers that also served as events at
which the candidate would meet voters. Women candidates
discussed events such as chili suppers, jazz dances, and
community plays more frequently than men.
Telephone banks are used heavily for state-wide
elections, but only two candidates said that they had
used telephone banks. Navy Blue(m/R) set up a phone bank
the final weekend of the campaign and feels that it was
one of several things he did that made the difference in
his winning the election.
Fundraising
The women gave mixed reviews on the equality of
women in the role of fundraisers. Most of the races for
the Colorado General Assembly were not high spending
campaigns. The spending range for the participants of
this research covers from $400 to as high as $49,000.
Again, these amounts are certainly a smaller than one
sees when looking at spending for governor or
congressional races, which reach millions of dollars.
60


The raw data related to campaign funds for the 1992
election on file in the Secretary of State's office
reveal that some women are very good at raising funds. In
some races the women had a much larger expense account
than menfor example, $90,000 for a Colorado Springs
Democrat. However, looking at numbers alone may be only a
part of the picture. The probability of a candidate's
winning and the political party alignment of the district
are factors that actually determine how well a candidate
does in fundraising for the state races. A disturbing
trend in all but two of the twenty-two house races in
which women faced men was that the person who won (male
or female) was the person who spent more money.
Royal Burgundy(f/D) said women were getting better
at raising money, especially younger women who have
worked in career fields in which sales were part of their
responsibility. After making this assessment, Burgundy
admitted that some of the older women in the party were
also very good at raising money. She said the most
difficult part of raising money is getting over the fear
of asking for donations. Several women legislators had
participated in fundraising events such as garage sales
and community breakfasts. The disadvantage of these
61


events is they are small-scale fundraisers and produce
limited income. Another disadvantage that Red
Barbary(f/D) associates with this type of activity is
that the same people contribute each time, so she
discounts the events as a good way to reach voters.
Red Barbary(f/D) admitted that fundraising was the
most difficult part of the campaign. Her fundraising
efforts began with a letter to supporters,followed by
telephone calls. Her organization produced a play about
her community and this play was successful as a money
maker.
Most of the women candidates feel that women in
state legislative races are as good at raising money as
men. However, Dusty Teal(f/D) disagreed with this view.
Despite all that is said about women and their
fundraising capabilities, men still seem to get more
money. Canterbury Belle(f/R) said women are definitely
not as good as men at raising money. Even though she had
a good coalition of PAC contributors, her opponent easily
raised $18,000 more in a swing district that could have
voted either Republican or Democratic.
Cherry Belle(f/D), from a semi-rural area, differs
with Dusty Teal(f/D) and Canterbury Belle (f/R) and is
62


convinced that women are better fundraisers at the state
level because of their community activism. Carnation
Pink(f/D) concurred with this view but added that as the
level of the office goes up, it is more difficult for
women to raise money. Representative White Icicle(f/R)
said that as a Republican woman in a conservative
district, she finds it is difficult to convince the
people who control money that a woman can be conservative
enough economically; thus, it is sometimes hard to get
the contributions. Representative Golden Rod(f/D)
discussed the contributions of PACs and said their
willingness to give money at the state level is directly
proportional to the probability of a candidate's winning.
She stated, "Even if that PAC supports everything you
stand for, they will only contribute minimal amounts if
they think you cannot win."
The men who were interviewed approached fundraising
in the same methodical manner that they put into their
campaign strategy. Copper Tone(m/D), with his large data
base of volunteers, used the data base as a means for
soliciting donations. With each piece of literature his
organization sent was a request for donations. Loden
Green(m/D) sent a well-written statement of political
63


purpose to the PACs he approached. Because Navy Blue(m/R)
was in a much closer race than his party had anticipated,
he was given $3,000 in the late stages of his campaign
from the party funds. Burnt Sienna(m/D), who was not
highly organized for fund raising, would neither ask for
nor accept contributions from organizations. He is the
only winning candidate for the state legislature who did
not get PAC money. He used $7,000 of his own money and
donations from friends and relatives to finance his
campaign. He states that using his own money illustrates
the point that we need reforms related to fundraising. If
a person cannot afford to run, he or she will probably be
excluded from the process, unless the person accepts PAC
money and then becomes indebted to that PAC.
Two of the women who were interviewed said that
their opponents had raised and spent more money, and had
far better organizational efforts in their campaigns. For
all these advantages the women beat their higher-spending
opponent.
Election Issues
Light Tan(m/D) said that issues are not extremely
important for the women in the races that he has managed.
64


Voters are more concerned with electing a competent
representative rather than someone who shares their
beliefs on all issues. He feels that the electorate is
much more trusting of women than men, and trust is
important to winning. Integrity seemed to be an important
issue in the climate of the 1992 election. In national
congressional races, nearly all politicians were looked
upon as being corrupt, because of incidents such as the
Congressional check-bouncing scandal and the savings-and-
loan disaster. Representative Golden Rod(f/D) thus
repeated the view that the trust issue was more a
resentment of incumbents, even though the Colorado State
Legislature was not really affected by the scandals. On
one of her contacts at a voter's door, she was asked,
"Are you the incumbent?" When she answered no, the voter
said that she had his vote. Navy Blue (m/R), was asked
the same question and heard the same response. Anti-
incumbency sentiments touched both men and women.
The issue of abortion affected some of the races for
the Colorado Legislature in 1992. Often both candidates
were pro-choice, and abortion was not an issue in those
races. Republican Rose Lavender(f) said that some
Democratic women candidates, in their literature,
65


attached the National Republican platform anti-abortion
stance to their opponents. This tactic occurred even in
cases in which the Republican male was pro-choice; thus,
the male was wrongly accused, according to Lavender.
Closely related to the abortion issue is the
influence of the Religious Right. Pink Thistle (f/R), who
lost a primary race to a candidate who was accused of
being part of the Religious Right, has harsh criticism
for its influence in the Republican Party. She feels
that the Christian Coalition, the Colorado Union of
Taxpayers, and the Independence Institute deliberately
targeted her for defeat because she was too moderate.
She further believes these organizations distorted her
legislative voting record so that she was made to look
like an irresponsible spender.
Silver Gray(f/R) was also critical of the influence
of the Religious Right in the Republican Party. She
feels that the exposure to this side of the party that
was seen during the Republican National Convention hurt
the party at many levels. She was part of a group of GOP
women who attempted to get the party to drop its anti-
abortion platform in the presidential election. When
asked if she thought this anti-abortion stance would be
66


eliminated in the future, she said not unless the party
sheds its affiliation with the conservative religious
community. She feels the party will be reluctant to try
to become pro-choice because too many votes generated by
conservative Christian organizations would be affected.
Many of the women legislators said they were
concerned with the economy, education, and health care.
Senator Gold Pak(f/D) said she did not really believe in
"women issues. She feels that most of the issues that
may have been attached to women in the past are becoming
important enough that all voters, not just women, are
concerned.
When asked whether the constitutional amendments
affected anyone's candidacy, most of the candidates said
no. Royal Burgundy(f) said the Democratic Party
officially opposed the tax limitation amendment-Amendment
1and Amendment 2--the anti-gay-rights amendment. The
Democrats supported Amendment 6-to fund schools with a
sales tax. She added that candidates in some Colorado
areas were not in a position to make official statements
because some of the amendments were controversial and the
candidates could have impaired their chances of winning
by endorsing or opposing specific amendments. She
67


admitted she was puzzled as to why the party did well in
the elections but poorly on the support for these issues.
Senator Gold Pak(f/D) worked in an official capacity to
oppose Amendment 1. Many of the legislators who were
interviewed expressed the concern that difficult
consequences lie ahead for the state due to the passage
of Amendment 1. However, as a campaign issue, the
candidates seemed to dodge attachments to amendments or
issues that were harmful.
The issues for female candidates were mainly
education, the environment, and the economy. Male
candidates had similar issuesas well as taxes and
campaign reform. The men also stated that they did not
believe in "gender issues," but four of the eight
participating men had careful explanations as to how they
tried to get the women in their district to support them.
Loden Green(m/D) ran against a conservative man who was
anti-abortion. Therefore Loden Green made abortion an
issue early in the campaign because he knew the women in
his district were two-to-one pro-choice. Copper
Tone(m/D), ran against a woman who was anti-abortion and
also opposed to increasing funds for public education.
Copper Tone(m/D) knew a lot of teachers in his district,
68


so he emphasized her anti-public-school stance. Navy
Blue{m/R), whose views on "women issues" are pretty
traditional, said an important part of his campaign was a
letter writing crusade his wife instigated, sending hand-
written letters to 600 women in the district stating that
she felt his election was important for everyone. He
believes if she had not written these letters, he could
have lost the election.
Women Members of the General Assembly
Four women and two men who participated in
interviews stated that womens chances of winning
elections in Colorado were enhanced by the history of
womens participation in the General Assembly. These
comments from Democrats and Republicans related to the
large number of women who had been elected and the belief
that these women members have done a good job.
Interview participants believed that elected women
were much more results-oriented than male
representatives. According to Cherry Belle(f/D), women
are great team players and consensus builders, and are
not too concerned with who gets credit when a bill is
69


passed. She maintains that women just want to solve the
problems.
White Icicle(f/R) said that because of their high-
quality job performances, women are getting better
committee assignments. The stereotype of women in office
as being good on social issues but not at finances is no
longer valid, according to Icicle, who feels women
legislators are making contributions in economic areas.
These points brought to light by women legislators
fit the description from Jewell and Whicker(1993) of
female leadership styles, which include consensus and
coordinating linked with process and policy. In
interviews conducted by Jewell and Whicker(1993), women
legislators repeatedly said they were interested in
cooperating, building consensus, and creating a
harmonious workplace. This description of leadership
style is almost identical to the responses from Colorado
women.
If women are truly doing excellent work as
legislators, it is very likely that they will be strong
as incumbents. The image of efficient women legislators
will likely offer good role models for other women and
70


increase the likelihood that they also will be inclined
to run for office.
All the interviewees were asked why they thought so
many Colorado women had been elected to the legislature
and other political offices over the past years.
Merri Gold(f/R) said in a caustic tone that she felt
women had made gains in Colorado political roles because
men had allowed them to. Terra Cotta(f/D) said that until
the last few years, the state legislature has seemed like
a relatively unimportant institution; thus, voters were
willing to elect women.
Another response which was repeated several times
and echoed a negative sentiment was that women had done
well because the pay was low and the membership in
Colorado assembly was defined as a part-time position.
For the part-time status of the Legislature, however, a
large time commitment is required. Representative Golden
Rod(f/D) said that she sometimes was at the statehouse
until 11 P.M. when the House was in session. When the
House was not in session, she spent many hours meeting
and doing constituent work. Again, men legislators also
have to work the long hours; so the part-time status is
misleading and not a gender issue.
71


Several interviewees said that Colorado had many
women in political roles because of the independent
nature of the electorate. Colorado voters, according to
both Royal Burgundy(f/D) and Rose Lavender(f/R), really
look more at individuals than at the party, voting for
the person they believe most represents them. Lavender
stated that she believes Colorado has a fairly high per
capita education level and that this fact would account
for more support for female candidates. Light Tan (m/D)
concurs that the electorate looks at qualifications and
feels confident supporting qualified women candidates.
Representative White Icicle(f/R) also said that she
thinks Coloradans vote for women because they see women
as hard workers. Coloradans have seen women in office in
various capacities from lieutenant governor to city
council members and are conditioned to see women in high
power positions. This high number of women in electoral
positions is important because potential women candidates
and the voters have role models.
Carnation Pink(f/D) expressed the view that Colorado
historically has been a state to respect women's rights.
In her district, she thinks voters do not even consider
whether adequate women's representation exists because
72


they know it does. She believes that the pioneer spirit
of the state, which has always seen women as partners,
has contributed to a high number of women elected to
political office.
1992 the "Year of the Woman"
Many of the participants did not understand the
concept of labeling 1992 the "Year of the Woman." Royal
Burgundy{f/D) thought it came from the view that more
women had a chance to win their races than in previous
years. Golden Rod(f/D) thought it was a forecast for the
Democratic winning of the presidency and that women's
issues are somewhat aligned with the Democratic Party.
Along this line of thinking, Golden Rod(f/D) thought
because Hilary Clinton was so strong in the campaign, her
contributions may have been responsible for the label.
Merri Gold(f/R) thought the label came from a backlash of
anger from women over the Anita Hill hearings. Merri
Gold(f/R) felt that women's seeing the all-men committee
members questioning Hill made women realize changes
needed to be made.
73


Conclusions
A review of the data from these twenty-eight
interviews in relation to the literature reviewed leads
to several conclusions.
Women and men candidates for the state legislature
are not extremely different in their backgrounds, their
political experience, and their reasons for choosing to
run for office. With all individuals came ideological
views, but these are part of the personality of that
individual, not gender-based viewpoints.
In 1992 with voters' desire for change and distrust
for politics as usual, women seemed to gain votes. Women
candidates were able to garner slightly more trust from
the voters than men candidates. This advantage was a
gender issue because the public view of corrupt
politicians tended to envision them as rich white males.
All of the female interview participants were from
front-range areas of the state. In these areas females
hold thirty-two to thirty-seven male-held legislative
positions. This record shows women are gaining parity for
these offices. Conversely only two women of thirty-one
representatives are from rural areas of the state, a very
low figure. This statistic indicates that the push for
74


female equality is an occurrence seen in the urban areas
of the state. An explanation of this phenomena may be
that the political cultural labels from Elazar(1972)
apply to districts within the state. For example the
rural areas are probably much more traditional that the
urban areas which are probably idealistic or moralistic.
Thus when making conclusions about a state's political
culture it is necessary to look to the characteristics of
different parts of the state.
Although Colorado has a fairly high number of women
in the General Assembly, in 1992 only three additional
women were elected. However, when men ran against women
in the 1992 election, the women won more often than the
men. For the Senate, three races were conducted in which
women faced men; women won two. For the House, twenty-two
such races were run and women won sixteen. Also important
is that since a good number of Colorado women have served
in the state legislature, the Colorado electorate has
seen that women can do the job. Thus women will be strong
incumbents and will provide role models for other women
in Colorado who want to be political leaders. If women
eventually gain equality in the state legislature, the
government will be more representative of the population,
75


and more legitimacy will be added to the democratic
process.
76


CHAPTER 5
ANALYSIS
The election for the 1992 state legislature was
important for women in Colorado because the election
continued a tradition of women who were strong
candidates, had competitive campaigns, and won many
seats. The tradition of having a high number of women as
legislators is important because the officeholders are
conscientious workers and serve to strengthen the concept
of representative government. However the number of women
added to the state legislature in 1992three was not
significant. Even with a relatively high number of women,
34% in 1992, a net gain of three women per election
(every two years) will bring women to parity in about ten
years.
In the literature review, the important factors in
differing behavior between men and women are
socialization factors, organizational factors, and
differences in political ambition. The factors related to
the underrepresentation of women include possible voter
hostility to women, the theory of male conspiracy, and
the processes of getting elected that are potentially
unfair to women candidates.
77


The interview participants all expressed moderate
views as to their experiences regarding socialization
factors. The women were neither radical feminist nor
extremely traditional. The men were not power brokers who
felt that politics was "men's work." The women were not
passive, and the men were not aggressive; thus, gender
role stereotypes did not apply. Many of the women
displayed the characteristic of being a caretaker; this
quality may translate into their being effective
political activists. These women entered politics
because they saw work to do and they were willing to get
involved. The men, however, also entered politics as a
means of community service, because they felt they could
offer solutions.
The career factors of women and men entering
Colorado state politics were similar. All of the
interviewees had occupational experience that contributed
to the role of lawmaker.
The community organizational factors for the
participants support the view that women tended to be
more human-service-oriented in their community
activities, and the men were more committed to business
service organizations. Does either of these tendencies
make one group more suited to politics than the other? It
78


seems as if a sound government needs to consider both
human-service issues and business matters. Is either of
these activities truly gender related? Probably they do
support stereotypical trends of the socialization of men
and women, women being nurturers and men being
breadwinners.
Nearly all of the interview participants were active
in political party activities, and it is really difficult
to detect a difference in political ambition. Because of
the consistent number of positive responses regarding
precinct and district participation, this local-level
activity is a substantial facet of the legislative
election process.
Most of the factors related to underrepresentation
of women were off the mark for urban areas of Colorado,
even though women are still not equally represented in
the Legislature as a whole. In the major population areas
of the state (the Counties of Denver, Adams, Arapahoe,
Jefferson, Douglas, El Paso and Boulder) thirty-two women
and thirty-seven men are legislators. This is very close
to equal representation. However, the number of elected
female representatives is extremely low in rural areas.
The concept of voter hostility could not be
supported by any of the women interviewed. On the
79


contrary, both women and men indicated that a trend for
voters to be more willing to vote for women than men may
be developing, and women may be able to gain voter trust
more easily than men. Since this research has a very
limited scope, an interesting point for further research
might be to follow up this view in the future with more
statistics. If women are now able to gain the trust of
voters more easily than men, this trend could mark the
turning point for ending under representation of women.
None of the women interviewed felt that their
political careers had been hampered in any way by a
conspiracy of male party leaders. Thus it seems as if the
male conspiracy theory is not relevant in 1992 in
Colorado.
In open-seat elections women participants did well.
These successes by Colorado women support the view in the
literature that women do well in state elections in which
the incumbent is not facing a re-election bid.
Five participantsthree females and two males
admitted that they were paper candidates or "sacrificial
lambs. These candidates said they were at a disadvantage
in every aspect of the campaign process, hindered by lack
of support from their party and lack of commitment from
80


possible contributors. Overall in the 1992 election men
were much more likely to be paper candidates than women.
When term limitation becomes effective in the state
legislature, will this change affect the number of women
elected? It seems as if this could be another turning
point for women in gaining parity.
Fundraising may be easier for men than women. This
view was supported by a minority of the women
interviewed, but not by the statistics on file in the
Secretary of State's data on open election reform. These
data tend to support the views of interview participants
that fundraising in state legislative races is more a
factor of probability of winning than a gender issue. In
the races in which one candidate was not expected to
garner many votes, the ensuing fundraising ability was
very low.
When considering races for higher-level officials,
interview participants stated that men are probably
better at getting contributions than women. This
perceived women's disadvantage is why many women's groups
stress the importance of groups such as EMILY'S List and
the WISH List.
In the legislative races for 1992, the campaign
organization for women and men was similar. Some men
81


seemed more businesslike than the women, but women still
won some elections in which the male was better organized
and funded.
Conclusions
Thus if men and women are similar in campaign
tactics and are dedicated to public service, the question
again arises: Does it matter that women are
underrepresented? The Center for American Women and
Politics(CAWP) at Rutgers University(1993) answers that
women make a difference in several ways: by their very
presence in public life and by the different perspectives
they bring to examining the issues on the public agenda.
This difference is seen, according to CAWP, because women
have different policy priorities and women are more
likely to support women's issues as well as programs that
assist women in traditional roles. Women officeholders
are more likely to be liberal on major public policies.
CAWP states that women officeholders strengthen a
democracy by bringing more citizens into the governmental
process and giving more citizens access to the policy
making process. This process of an open government makes
a stronger democracy.
The study of women's participation in Colorado state
politics offers multiple areas for further research. One
82


area that would complement this research would be a study
of voter trust of female versus male candidates. To make
this study reliable, a large data base would be required.
This research would be helpful to identify if a higher
trust factor exists for female candidates. If one could
demonstrate that voters have become more trusting of
women, it should be an impetus to encourage more women to
seek office.
Evaluating womens representation in rural areas
would be an important topic for further research. Because
there are so few women representing these areas, voter
hostility and male conspiracies among political parties
may offer explanations here. In addition research
evaluating educational levels of citizens in rural and
urban areas could shed light on reasons for the
differences in female representation in the respective
areas.
Research of other states in the representation
patterns of women in rural and urban areas could be
extremely informative.
In Colorado historical journals an abundance of
material is presented about early female political
pioneers as they worked for suffrage. From the 1950s to
the present many significant female politicians have
83


served in Colorado. However, a comprehensive study of
many of these women has not been done. Some of these
women are still living, and oral histories would be
invaluable to offer further details of women's quest for
political equality.
Another potential area of study which will be
possible within the next few years could evaluate the
impact of term limitations on the number of women
elected.
84


APPENDIX
Interview Questions
1. Could you give a short biography of your political
career? What factors caused you to become involved in
politics as a candidate rather that a campaign worker?
What obstacles did you face in your early campaigns?
2. How did you organize your campaign for the 1992(or
most recent) election?
3. Did you see women candidates in a different status in
1992 versus other years? Did your political party view
women candidates differently in 1992?
4. What did you see as the issues for women in 1992? Were
they issues in your campaign?
5. Was your campaign affected by any of the amendments on
the 1992 Colorado State ballot?
6. Do you think women candidates have a more difficult
time raising money?
7. In your experience have you encountered voters who
made comments such as "Women don't belong in political
office," etc.? Do you think voters discriminate against
women? Do you feel voters have acquired a greater trust
for women than men?
8. What are characteristics of your district?
9. In the Colorado legislature women have a relatively
high rate of representation. What do you consider to be
factors about the state legislature or the state
political climate which accounts for this trend?
10. Why do you think the popular press focused on 1992 as
the "Year of the Woman"?
85


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1982. Colorado: A History of the Centennial
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Abzug, Bella, with Mim Kebler. 1984. Gender
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American Women, Boston: Houghton Mifflin
Company.
Agler, Vickie, Colorado Republican Representative.
1993. Interview by author, 7 October, Denver.
Telephone interview.
Aliota, Jilda. 1991. "The Unfinished Feminist Agenda:
The Shifting Forum," Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Social Sciences, 515:
140-150.
Anderson, John. Campaign Manager for Bob Hagedorn.
1994. Interview by author, 4 January, Denver.
Telephone interview.
Baxter, Sandra, and Marjorie Lansing. 1983. Women and
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__________________________ 1980. Women and Politics
The Invisible Majority. Ann Arbor, University of
Michigan Press.
Bennett, Linda, and Stephen Earl Bennett. 1989.
"Enduring Gender Differences in Politics,"
American Political Quarterly, 17(1):
105- 122.
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_______________________1992. "From Traditional to
Modern Conceptions of Gender Equality in
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Doubts," Western Political Quarterly, 45(1):
93-108.
Blue, Mary. 1993. Colorado Democratic Representative.
Interview by author, 3 November, Denver. Telephone
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Bolce, L. 1985. "The Role of the Gender Gap in Recent
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Gender Gap," Presidential Studies Quarterly, 15:
372-385.
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the Senate: Politics and The New Revolution of
Women in America. Washington D.C.: National Press
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Burrell, Barbara. 1990. "The Presence of Women
Candidates and the Role of Gender in Campaigns for
the State Legislature in an Urban Setting: The
Case of Massachusetts, Women in Politics, 10(3)
85-102.
_____________________1992. "Women Candidates In
Open Seat Primaries for the U.S. House: 1968-
1990," Legislative Studies Quarterly, XVII(4):
493-508.
Carroll, Susan J. 1985. Women as Candidates in
American Politics. Bloomington: Indiana
University Press.
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______________________1988. "Women's Autonomy and
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The Gender Gap: The Social Construction of
Political Power, ed. Carol M. Mueller,
Newberry Park: Sage Publications Inc.
Cantor, Dorothy W., and Toni Bernay, eds. 1992.
Women in Power: The Secrets of Leadership.
Boston: Houghton Miffin Company.
Center for the American Woman and Politics. 1994.
Bringing More Women Into Public Office. State
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Chambers-Schiller, Lee. 1993. "Colorado's Women
Get the Vote: A Reflection," Colorado Heritage,
Colorado Historical Society, Spring, 2-7.
Clark, Janet. 1991. "Getting There: Women in
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of Political and Social Science, 515:63-87.
Colorado Historical Society. 1993. Colorado
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Colorado Legislative Directory: 59th General
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Colorado. 1993. Legislative Council. Women Who Have
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Legislative Council Library.
Conover, Pamela. 1988. "Feminists and the Gender
Gap," Journal of Politics, 50(4): 985-1007.
Cook, Elizabeth Adell, and Clyde Wilcox. 1991.
"Feminism and the Gender GapA Second Look,"
Journal of Politics, 53(4): 1111-1122.
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Costain, Anne, N. 1992. "Gender and the U.S.
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_________________ 1991. "After Reagan: New Party
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741-780.
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Eisenman, Althea, Candidate for Colorado House of
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Evans, Heidi, and Josh Getlin. 1992. "Sex and
Politics: Gender Bias Continues to Plague the
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Faludi, Susan. Dec. 24, 1992. "Looking Beyond
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Full Text

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Women's Participation in the 1992 Colorado Legislative Election by Mildred A. Harris B.A., Metropolitan State College of Denver, 1990 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado at Denver in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Political Science 1994

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This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Mildred A. Harris has been for the -: Department of Political Science by

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Harris, Mildred A. (M.A., Political Science) Women's Participation in the 1992 Colorado Legislative Election Thesis directed by Professor Jana M. Everett ABSTRACT The popular press labeled 1992 the "Year of the Woman" in relation to campaigns for national and state elections. The study design is based on interviews 6f twenty-eight individuals who were activists in the Colorado state legislative election, including ten winning female and five winning male candidates, six losing female and three losing male candidates, two campaign managers, and two female party officials. The objective of this research was to analyze the political experience of the candidates and activists in the election. After the 1992 elections there were thirty-four females among the one hundred members of the legislature: Colorado ranked third of all states in female representation in the state legislature. The research questions were directed towards factors that influenced men and women to run, their experiences iii

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in the campaign, and any differences between the candidacies of women and men. The conclusion is that women and men candidates had very similar campaign experiences. Women won eighteen of twenty-five races in which they faced men. Men were much more likely to be cast as "sacrificial lambs" than women. In the high-population urban areas women came closer to equal representation holding thirty-two of sixty-nine seats. However in the rural areas women held only two of thirty-one seats. This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidate's thesis. I recommend its publication. M.Everett iv

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CONTENTS CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION ................................... 1 Scope of the Study ............................. 3 2. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ......................... 7 Unequal Representation of Women ................ 7 Sociological Factors of Politics and Gender . . . . . . . 8 Organizations and .Political Activities ........ 15 Women in Political Parties .................... 16 Women in Elite Political Positions ............ 17 Voter Hostility towar,ds Women Candidates .... Male Conspiracies Against Women Candidates .................................... 21 How the Election Process Promotes Unequal Representation of Women ............... 23 Methods to Reverse Underrepresentation of Women .................. 26 3. COLORADO: BRIEF HISTORY OF WOMEN IN THE STATE LEGISLATURE ................................. 31 The Legislative Election of 1992 .............. 33 4. WOMEN AND MEN IN THE COLORADO ELECTION OF 1992 .............................. 36 Sociological Characteristics of State Legislative Participants ...................... 39 Occupational and Community Activities ......... 43 Political Organizational Activities ........... 47 v

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Recruitment of Candidates ..................... 49 Campaign Organizations ........................ 53 Fundraising ................................... 60 Election Issues ............................... 64 Women Members of the General Assernbly ......... 69 1992 the "Year of the Woman" .............. ; ... 73 Conclusions ................................... 7 4 5. ANALYSIS ........................................ 77 Conclusions ................................... 82 6. Interview Questions ............................. 85 7 REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . 8 6 vi

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DEDICATED TO Jerry Harris: my best friend in the world. vii

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to sincerely thank the members of the Colorado political community who participated in the interviews for this thesis. I would also like to thank the professors who were on my thesis committee --Jana Everett, Thad Tecza, and Mike Cummings for your honesty and support. viii

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION This thesis will explore factors associated with political participation of women in contemporary American politics and specifically in Colorado. The research will focus on factors contributing to the relatively high number of women elected in Colorado, in light of the overall underrepresentation of women in many political positions in the United States. The popular press labeled 1992 the "Year of the Woman." This research will investigate whether this expression applied to the Colorado legislative election in the 1992. An important question to be asked about underrepresentation is whether it matters that so few women hold public positions. Janet Clark (1991) introduces the theories of descriptive representation of Hanna Pitkin, who states that excluding any group from the democratic process decreases the legitimacy of the democracy. Pitkin further argues that when a group in a society feels represented because one of its members holds office, the character of the entire democratic system is strengthened. When a democratic government limits the participation of over half the population, 1

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that government simply shortchanges itself. Therefore, excluding women or any other group from equal representation in a democracy compromises the effectiveness of that system. Vicki Randall(l982) believes the issues that are most important to women are economic equality, reproductive freedom, freedom from violence, educational equality and child care. Randall feels that women are deeply affected by the legal decisions that are made surrounding these issues; yet most of the legal decisions are made by men. For women, the problem of underrepresentation in public office is substantial because, as Randall (1982, 96) points out, this unequal representation occurs in nearly all segments of government -state and local legislatures, elected and appointed national positions, and government bureaucracies. Janet Clark (1991, 67) notes that by 1991, in the United States Congress women comprised only 6% of the membership; in state legislatures women held an average of 18% of the seats; and in county governing boards women held 9% of the positions. 2

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Colorado currently has female members of the General Assembly, equaling about one-third of the membership. Colorado was the second state to grant female suffrage and has a long history of encouraging women to participate in politics. Since that time, women in Colorado have entered political campaigns and have been elected or appointed to various public offices. Thus when we look at politics for women in 1992, Colorado is a good place to start. Scope of the Study The research for this study is based on interviews of participants in the election: winning and losing candidates, campaign managers, and party officials. The organization of the chapters will be as follows: (1) introduction of the topic; (2) review of literature concerning political representation of women and the differences in women's and men's political participation; (3) a brief review of activities of women in Colorado politics prior to 1992 and an overview of the 1992 legislative election; (4) an analysis of interviews of women and men involved in the 1992 Colorado legislative election; and (5) discussion and summary of factors 3

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related to women's politics in Colorado. Finally, suggestions for further research related to women's issues in Colorado politics will be considered. The research questions and focus of the interviews are directed toward the factors that influenced women in Colorado to become political activists and whether being an activist was different in 1992 from previous years. Are the factors that influenced women to become involved different from the factors that influenced men to enter politics? Did men and women differ in their campaign strategies and presentations? The literature review covers political participation and representation of women and examines factors related to women's political activity at leadership levels. This literature review includes aspects of the socialization and organizational factors that have prompted women to become active in politics. The literature also considers topics such as alleged voter hostility to women; the theory of male conspiracy; and characteristics of the campaign and electoral process which have been identified as discriminatory against women. The work done by scholars related to gender politics establishes a base 4

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for studying women in the 1992 Colorado legislative election. Chapter 3 will briefly review the history of women in legislative roles in Colorado. According to the Colorado Historical Society (1993), Colorado has a history of being a progressive state for women in politics; thus, this chapter will consider the history of women who have been in the Colorado legislature since the first women entered the legislature in 1894. This information is important to place 1992 in a historical context. The second section of this chapter will be a review of the legislative election in 1992 including information related to the elections for the Colorado Senate and the House. Chapter 4 analyzes interviews conducted with women and men who participated in the 1992 election. The questions were tailored to specific aspects of the election applicable to the role the respondent played in the election. The participants were selected to obtain a cross section of the membership from the 1992 General Assembly candidates, their party leaders and campaign managers. Both conservative and liberal men and women from various counties around the Denver Metropolitan area 5

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responded to questions. Sample questions are in the appendix. Most of the interviews were conducted through telephone conversations. Five interviews were done in person. The conclusion will consider what factors made 1992 important for women in Colorado politics. It looks at the information from the interviews in light of the previous literature on gender and politics, and considers directives for further research on women's politics in Colorado. 6

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CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Unequal Representation of Women An abundance of academic literature investigates the topic of gender and politics. This literature review, dealing with research published between 1980 and 1993, considers factors related to women who are active in politics and the unequal representation of these women in elected positions. When looking at the low number of women in high public office, the literature addresses several potential contributory components: possible voter hostility towards women; alleged male discrimination by politically powerful men toward women seeking high office; factors associated with electoral procedures and style of campaign organization; and recruitment of candidates. The focus of the literature concerning the gender gap is on sociological and organizational factors which have shaped the different political behavior of men and women. 7

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Sociological Factors of Politics and Gender A logical starting point in the study of political attitudes and behavioral differences between women and men is sociological factors which may have played a role in establishing these differences. Several authors discuss theories of socialization as related to political behavior (Darcy et al. 1987, Carroll 1985, Sapiro 1983, and Clark 1991) Gendered socialization patterns are said to play a role in the puzzle of underrepresentation of women in several ways: traditional female attitudes possibly limit the number of women who are willing to become candidates; girls tend not to be encouraged to become lawyers, a major recruiting ground for male politicians; and the role of being a good wife and mother places time constraints on women who enter public office and may cause guilt because of divided attention. Clark (1991) explains that through sex-role socialization, women are trained at an early age to be passive in mannerisms and home-oriented in their career aspirations. Men are trained to be independent, assertive, and achievement-oriented. Thus as a product of this training, men are more likely to enter public service positions and politics than women (Clark, 1991,71). According to Clark B

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(1991), a problem resulting from female socialization patterns has been a paucity of female candidates, which in turn has generated few role models for other women wishing to enter politics. Virginia Sapiro(1983) contends that this socialization pattern is more inhibiting to adult women than to young girls. This constriction comes from higher expectations placed on adults to fulfill specific roles, whereas young girls are allowed to be "free spirits" and participate in non-traditional activities. Extensions of the idea of female socialization are defined as situational factors by Bennett and Bennett(1989, 1992) and structural factors by Clark (1991). These include the responsibilities of motherhood, homemaking, community activities, or various occupational commitments which working women face. These obligations may be responsible for a perceived time conflict between political aspirations and other responsibilities. Are these really gender issues? Certainly career and family responsibilities are factors for men also. However, Darcy et al. (1987) maintain that these factors result in women, more than men, delaying their entry into political campaigns until children are 9

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older. The researchers feel that this decision puts many women candidates at somewhat of a disadvantage because their opponents are younger men who may appear more dynamic and have opportunities to network in the political party or the business community. Darcy et al. (1987)do point out that women can gain effective political support from work in civic organizations. Bennett and Bennett (1989) define structural factors as those factors encompassing the economic status of women that contribute to political attitudes in numerous ways. As women become more economically independent, they are generally more politically active. Additionally, the alternative condition of being economically strapped may also result in increased political activities. Governmental programs from the 1980s that have decreased financial support for single parents, welfare women, and low-wage earners have caused this increased political activism (Carroll, 1988). Carroll believes that through socioeconomic independence women gain psychological independence and become politically active. Bennett and Bennett (1989, 1992) published two studies pertaining to the topic of general attitudes and gender-related political behavior. The 1989 study looked 10

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at political dispositions using data from a two-item political apathy scale and the 1984 National Election Study. The political apathy scale is an additive combination of interest in campaigns and general political attentiveness. The authors maintain that the apathy scale is an excellent predictor of reported and validated voter turnout, political participation, and use of the mass media for political purposes(Bennett and Bennett, 1989, 111). The purpose of using the apathy scale was to determine whether the same factors shaped men's and women's political interest. This study concluded that even with an apparent lack of knowledge and confidence about politics, women consistently have higher voter turnout levels than men. Other recent authors corroborate this conclusion, particularly with data collected since 1980 (Costain 1992 and 1991, Mueller 1991, and Carroll 1988). These authors also believe that this increased turnout has contributed to a gender gap in election results which'has gained the attention of male candidates. In the 1992 study, the Bennetts focus on sociological factors of gender and political attitudes. They find that despite an increase in the number of both 11

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men and women who have adopted modern attitudes about women's role in politics, a small number of traditionalists still believe women should not hold elite political positions. From secondary analysis of data collected from 1974 to 1989, they examine how women's lives have changed and the conditions under which women become willing to share political responsibilities. The study questions the assumption that voters still view politics as predominantly men's business. The researchers classify men and women as ranging from very traditional (conservative) to very modern in their attitudes toward political roles. The results show that by 1989, only 6% of the respondents considered themselves very traditional, whereas 61% of women and 52% of men considered themselves to be very modern (Bennett and Bennett, 1992, 98). The most modern respondents were college graduates, were younger, and were likely to be Democrats. The respondents who were most traditional were generally religious fundamentalists (Catholics, Protestants and Jews) or Southerners, and were older, conservative, and less educated. The researchers conclude that more women will be visible in politics as time passes, but it should not be assumed that an acceptance 12

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of equality will obliterate all vestiges of traditionalism. Alice Rossi (1983) is another researcher who applies a sociological approach to women's political participation, by looking at individual factors contributing to political finesse for women. Rossi views the shift in women's economic roles as a cause for women to become more powerful politically. Rossi identities four main categories of economic modes that influence women's political behavior. (1) Women have become permanent rather than intermittent workers. When women are working in permanent rather than temporary positions, they are likely to have a vested interest in their roles as career women and are interested in actions of their employers as well as actions of government agencies which affect their employment. (2) More single-parent families exist and more women have become solely responsible for supporting their families. Again this role of sole family supporter makes women (or men)dependent on their wage-earning ability and thus concerned with actions either by the employer or government which affect their jobs. As members of the 13

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labor force, women are in a better bargaining position to look after issues related to their livelihood. According to Jewell and Whicker(1993), this changed role for women workers serves to create a new "women's agenda" which centers around child care, health care, and sexual harassment in the workplace. (3) Increased educational status has been accompanied by raised aspirations for women in both elected and appointed political positions. Other studies by Carroll (1988) and the Bennetts(1989)also support the view that higher educational levels increase political participation by women. (4) As women have entered careers with more responsibility, they have acquired skills in management, finances, and communications that are transferable to politics. These skills have been used by women to be successful campaign managers and candidates. These skills have also been identified by both men and women as skills which have made them successful administrators once in office. 14

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Organizations and Political Activities In the political arena organizational activities play a role in the socialization process of participants in the same way that family and community form individual values in the socialization process. Rossi(1983) studies organizational factors that she believes are important in shaping women's political participation and development. She believes that women's political organizational roots are in the National Organization of Women (NOW) and their experience attempting to ratify the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) Rossi found that organizations like the League of Women Voters and the Young Women's Christian Association have also become active in politics associated with women's issues. The power of these organizations is that they offer great networking opportunities through local, state and national chapters. Rossi credits this organizational effort with electoral wins in various state legislative contests and further predicts that the organizations will continue to make a difference in women's political campaigns. These organizational roots are an important aspect of women's socialization because through work in 15

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these groups, women begin to make a difference in areas which they believe to be important. Women in Political Parties To understand another organizational factor related to women's political participation, this literature review looked into literature that describes gender differences in political parties. Two articles (Rapoport et al. 1990 and Constantini, 1990) provide good descriptions of how gender differences are seen within political parties. Ronald Rapoport et al. (1990) studied women's influence in precinct caucuses from 1980 and 1988. The researchers expected that the gender gap would invade both parties at the caucus level and that women would adopt more liberal positions. The data confirmed these expectations. In this research, women comprised 52.5% of Democratic participants and 43.4% of Republican participants (Rapoport et al. 1990, 727). The biggest gender difference in policy preferences within each party concerned views on foreign policy, specifically attitudes about war and peace. The authors also questioned respondents further about gender differences related to domestic issues. Here they also found widespread gender 16

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differences within both parties. Women were more likely than men to support abortion rights, ratification of the ERA, and spending for social welfare programs. Edmond Constantini (1990) studied political ambition and gender among national party convention delegates. He defined political ambition in terms of the desire to seek public office. Constantini used survey responses of national convention delegates from California, 1964-86. He concluded that women had recently shown increased political ambition as they gained economic and professional advancement. However, he also concluded that until women gain more actual political achievements and more representation, any research would be inconclusive. Women in Elite Political Positions The literature which considers factors associated with gender-related political differences between men and women approaches the topic by examining women's political stature at the mass level or the entry activist level. The literature that studies the issue of underrepresentation addresses the issue of women in the role of political leader. 17

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Numerous books and articles address the question of why so few women hold public positions. In Women, Elections and Representation, Darcy, Welch, and Clark (1987) suggest that political scientists may have neglected the question of women's representation because of classical theories of democracy that do not question the lack of women in political leadership positions. But Susan Carroll (1985)in Women as Candidates in American Politics, points out that John Stuart Mill and JeanJacques Rousseau assert that political representation enhanced the self-fulfillment and development of the individual. The development of the individual is an important concept in this context because through higher political self-esteem, women seem more willing to participate, and with greater participation more success for women candidates ensues. Voter Hostility Towards Women Candidates John Zipp and Eric Plutzer (1985) tested the theoretical expectation that men and women would not differ in their likelihood of voting for a woman candidate. They tested this theory in targeted elections in five states in 1982: gubernatorial elections in Iowa 18

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and Vermont and senatorial elections in Missouri, New York, and New Jersey. In each of these elections one candidate was male and the other was female. In both Iowa and Missouri, unaffiliated females were more likely to vote for a female candidate than Democrats or Republicans. In New York, New Jersey, and Vermont the sex of the voter was not significantly related to voting for or against a female candidate. Barbara Burrell (1990), in what seems like a more straightforward approach, studied 1970 elections for the Massachusetts House to assess the role of gender in campaigns. She looked at the win/loss records for contests where men faced women for legislative positions, concluding that men and women had remarkably similar records. Burrell felt that the elections for open seats offered the most realistic chances for underrepresented groups to increase their numbers in the legislatures. The media, which attempt to influence public opinion, have held women candidates to a different standard from male candidates. Susan Carroll (1985,xiv) details the media scrutiny that Geraldine Ferraro faced as the Democratic vice-presidential candidate in 1984. Ferraro was subjected to relentless questions from the 19

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press about her husband's finances, and her own qualifications were continually questioned. Heidi Evans and Josh Getlin (1992) report that the media covering the 1992 election wrestled with questions of how to cover women candidates. These authors claim that the media establishment would like to believe that the nation and the press have become more sophisticated since Ferraro's campaign; but their evidence suggests that for every gain, many troubling barriers still exist. Barbara Boxer and Nicole Boxer(1993) reveal that when Barbara was running for the U.S. Senate, the press made an offensive set of observations about her and Dianne Feinstein, another U.S. Senate candidate from California. The press made the observation that both Boxer and Feinstein were women, came from Northern California, and were Jewish. Boxer(l993) stated that her reply to the pundits making these remarks was, "have you ever wondered how two white, Protestant males could get elected from the same state?"(Bl) Boxer's example illustrates the points that Evans and Getlin(l992) make when voicing views from political analyst Ann Lewis, who believes women candidates are still held to higher standards of establishing 20

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credibility than men. Lewis maintains that women have to work harder and further argues that the press should be aiming for a single standard in campaign coverage. The data on the press coverage may show an unequal standard in treatment of women candidates. However, in the studies that review actual election results and voter attitudes, it is difficult to see any solid evidence supporting voter hostility to women. Both Boxer and Feinstein were elected in California. Male Conspiracies Against Women Candidates Male conspiracy theories, like voter hostility, are difficult to prove with published empirical data. The basic characteristic of the male conspiracy is the idea that the elite members of a political party do not fully accept women candidates. Thus women are excluded from the encouragement, networking, and recruiting that male party leaders offer. This exclusion for women makes it difficult to get a nomination or party support (Clark, 1991, 73). Clark (1991) also admits that evidence is inconclusive to support this theory. Another trend that some authors (Welch et al. 1985, Carroll 1985, and Cantor and Bernay 1992) attribute to 21

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male conspiracy is the "sacrificial lamb" concept. This concept maintains that women (and sometimes men) are offered nominations by political elites when the party has little chance of winning the election. Empirical data from Welch et al. (1982) found limited evidence of women being cast more in the "sacrificial lamb" role than men. During the election years from 1970 to 1980, 48% of women candidates faced incumbents while, 36% of men candidates did (Welch et al. 1985, 469). This research study did not relate whether the sacrificial lambs of either gender won or lost. Cantor and Bernay(1992) state corrosively that when a party does nominate a woman as a "sacrificial lamb," the party benefits in two ways -the "sacrificial lamb" prevents the incumbent from getting a free ride and if the challenger is a woman, the party appears to be supporting a woman. Carroll (1985) describes patterns of recruitment of women candidates in the Democratic and Republican parties. In 1976, about half the women recruited by the Republican party were as candidates who appeared to be "sacrificial lambs." She found that from one-half to onethird of the women recruited by the Democrats were also 22

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"sacrificial lambs." Carroll(1985) concludes that these patterns of recruitment work to inhibit the number of women who agree to be candidates for public office. How the Election Process Promotes Unequal Representation of Women The barriers related to electoral processes vary in different states. Darcy et al. (1987) draw on Daniel Elazar's classifications of states as moralistic, individualistic or traditionalistic. In moralistic states, government is viewed as an endeavor for the public good, and participation is encouraged from all citizens (Elazar 1972). In individualistic states, government is considered a business. Political activity is a means for individuals to improve themselves socially and economically(Elazar 1972). Traditionalistic states have paternalistic views of government and attempt to maintain the existing social order (Elazar 1972). Women have had the most difficult time achieving political equality in traditional states, such as the Southern states (Darcy et al. 1987, 49). Clark (1991,71) reports that women do better in elections in moralistic states because such states encourage political 23

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participation from all citizens. According to Clark, women do less well in individualistic states because of the intense competition for political office. Research from Wilma Rule (1990) which re-evaluates women candidates and political cultures, supports the concept that women candidates are likely to succeed in both individualistic and moralistic states. It seems difficult to evaluate the accuracy of these claims, but from the results of the 1992 elections, those states that Kurtz (1992) identifies as having the lowest number of women in the state legislatures are Southern states (17). Another aspect of the electoral process that affects women candidates is the advantage incumbents have. In fact, this advantage is one of the biggest obstacles that challengers face. According to Carroll (1985, 119), the collective electoral success rate for women candidates in general elections is explained in terms of the political opportunity structure. Women's lack of success in elections since the 1970s can be attributed to the fact that they are usually challengers and incumbents tend to retain their office. 24

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The value of incumbency may be falling however. Early in the election year of 1992, the popular press predicted that because many members of Congress were involved in scandals, they would not enter races for reelection. Further, the popular press suggested that the electorate was disgruntled with the incumbent politicians. This perception could have been a factor that encouraged women to enter political races and thus create the "Year of the Woman" theme. Early in 1992 the label easily could have been "the year of the challenger." Fund raising is another aspect of the electoral process in which women candidates have been said to be at a disadvantage (Mandel 1981, Abzug 1984, and Carroll 1985). Carroll(1985) believes that women are at a psychological disadvantage when it comes to fund-raising. This may be related to sex-role orientation whereby women are taught to be passive and men assertive. Empirical data on fund raising, however, show that women candidates are as effective as men candidates in their ability to raise and spend money (Burrell, 1990, 96). In Oklahoma, a traditionalistic state, Darcy et al. (1987) found evidence that women, both incumbents and 25

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challengers, were as effective as men at fundraising. In Pennsylvania, women also proved to be as effective as men at raising funds for state legislative races. Burrell (1990, 98) looks at women versus men in their ability to garner large campaign contributions in Massachusetts open-seat state races. She finds that women candidates averaged fifty large (over $100) contributions to fifty-nine large contributions for men. She concludes that in the area of large contributions, men candidates did outpace their women counterparts. Methods to Reverse the Underrepresentation of Women Darcy et al. (1987) and Carroll(1988, 235) make suggestions that could alter the pattern of underrepresentation of women. Darcy et al. (1987) make a strong point that as more women become better educated and enter elite professions, especially law, they will be more likely to become political elites. This idea is partially in agreement with the autonomy theory Carroll(1988) used to explain the gender gap: as women become more economically and psychologically independent, they are more politically active. 26

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Another method to get more women into elected positions suggested by Darcy et al. (1987), involves creating more multi-member districts: "In legislative elections in states using both single-member and multimember districts, a greater proportion of women run and are elected in multi-member districts than in singlemember districts"(126). Unlike the European models of proportional representation, the multi-member districts discussed are not party related. Rather each voter gets to vote for several candidates based on the number of vacancies. The authors illustrate that more women are willing to enter multi-member races. Thus if four people are elected from a district instead of only one there is a high probability of two women and two men being chosen. Carroll(1985) suggests that the gender gap may result in getting more women elected. Other researchers have identified a 6% to 9% difference in how women and men vote in specific elections (Mueller 1988, Carroll 1988, Conover 1988). Carroll(1988) states that the development of the gender gap in the early 1980s has brought a change in one component of the political opportunity structure --the more positive attitude of party leaders toward women. Carroll continues that the 27

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gender gap has created political opportunities for women which might not have existed in the absence of such a gap as evidenced by, Sandra Day O'Connor's appointment to the Supreme Court and Elizabeth Dole's appointment as Secretary of Transportation. Considering the voting differences attributed to the gender gap, women candidates in the 1990s are perceived as being likely to pull in extra votes, an ability which could have explained an expectation of the press using the "Year of the Woman" theme in 1992. In the year where incumbents were not trusted because of the scandals, women may have been seen as more trustworthy and as outsiders. A factor to weaken incumbency not mentioned in any of these readings is the concept of term limitation, which twelve states supported in the 1992 election (Karen Hansen, 1992, 15). Although term limitation is a separate issue from gender-related politics, more states passing term limitation initiatives could weaken the strength of male long-term incumbents. Recent literature covering the issues of unequal representation and the gender gap indicates that women 28

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are making progress in their move to gain political parity. Through this literature review one can recognize that sociological factors affect how women view political involvement. These factors are: sex-role socialization and attitudinal views related to gender and political activities; educational and economic status; and political organizational involvement. The factors allegedly contributing to unequal representation for women include possible voter hostility, the male conspiracy theory, unequal opportunities to be recruited to participate in campaigns, and the inability of women to be effective fundraisers. These are the processes that are related to winning elections. None of these factors appear to be well supported by empirical data. Using this literature review for points of reference, the research questions for the interviews for this research were: To what extent do sociological factors such as traditional attitudes to gender roles, occupational status, educational background, and economic factors affect male and female candidates? What organizational factors were important for the actors in 29

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the Colorado election? Did either male or female candidates experience gender-based voter hostility or evidence of male conspiracy? How did candidates of both genders organize their campaigns and approach fundraising? Are certain characteristics inherent in Colorado politics that make success easier for female candidates? In Colorado was the 1992 election significantly different from before, supporting the concept of 1992 being the "Year of the Woman"? 30

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CHAPTER 3 COLORADO: BRIEF HISTORY OF WOMEN'S PARTICIPATION THE STATE LEGISLATURE According to the Colorado Historical Society's, Spring Issue of Heritage Journal(1993), which was dedicated to women in politics, the state has a progressive history of women and political participation. In 1893 Colorado was the second state to pass women's suffrage. By 1894 Colorado became the first state to have women members of the General Assembly: Republicans Clara Cressingham, Carrie Holly, and Frances Klock (Chambers-Schiller 1993) Between 1894 and 1913 only a "handful of women" served as state legislators. But according to Abbott and Leonard(1982) the women were active legislators who helped enact over 150 statutes, many of them providing protection for women and children. The Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP) notes that one of the advantages today of having women legislators is that they are more sensitive to issues related to children and to equality for women(1994). 31

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Data from the 1993 Colorado Legislative Council show that during the years 1893 to 1955, an average of between two and four women were in the legislature. In 1955 the number jumped to seven and by 1959 to eleven. The next large numerical increase came in 1975 when sixteen women were legislators. In 1979 twenty-one legislators were women, and in each session thereafter, two or three more women became part of the General Assembly (Colorado Legislative Council, 1993). When considering these incremental increases over the years, the addition of three women in 1992 is not impressive. Interestingly, the list of early female members represented a wide section of the state. Arapahoe and Denver Counties have had the most women over the years, but rural areas such as Sedgewick, Gunnison, and Dolores Counties also have been represented. In contrast, in the 1993 legislature most of the women members represented the urban areas of Denver, Arapahoe, El Paso, Jefferson, Douglas, and Boulder Counties. Only one female represented the western slope, and no women represented rural districts in the extreme eastern counties of the state, such as Sedgewick. 32

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The reason for noting these trends in the number of women in Colorado politics is to illustrate that women have been part of the political scene for a long time, and 1992 represented a continuation of the process rather than a landmark year. These illustrations also may indicate that one of the reasons women do well in contemporary Colorado races is that the voters are used to seeing them as candidates and office holders. In addition to the women holding one-third of the General Assembly positions, the State Attorney General, the Secretary of State, and the State Treasurer (also elected in 1992) were women. The 1992 Legislative Election In the Denver Post (1992) election supplement the candidates for the Colorado General Assembly stated their three highest priorities for the state. The responses were given in extremely general terms, but nearly every candidate identified the major issues as the economy, education, taxes, and health care. These issues were included in responses of both females and males; so the issues cannot be labeled gender-related. 33

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Thirty candidates ran for nineteen seats in the Senate election. Six candidates were unopposed; four males and two females. In District 28 two women ran for the Senate. In three districts the races featured a female against a male, with the remaining races featuring two male contenders. For the sixty-five House seats, 119 candidates ran, eighty-one males and thirty-eight females. In eight of the races candidates were unopposed: four of these candidates were females and four were males. Twenty-two races occurred in which females ran against males, twenty with two male candidates and six with two female candidates. Impressive statistics for women appear when races in which women faced men are examined. For the Senate women won two of three; and for the House women won sixteen of the twenty-two. The role of "sacrificial lamb" befell several of the candidates indiscriminately. The "sacrificial lamb" candidates were in districts that had a strong incumbent and/or voter registration statistics which highly favored the opposite party. In the twenty-five mixed-gender races eighteen had one candidate with a 34

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very low probability of winning. Only three of these low-probability candidates were women. The charge in the literature that women are more often cast as "sacrificial lambs" does not hold for Colorado in 1992. Indeed, just the opposite is true. Of the seven races in which a true contest was carried out between a male and female candidate, females won four. The criteria for labeling these as "true contests" are based on statements made by the candidates and party officials from each party, plus voter registration statistics from the districts. The history of Colorado women politicians and a limited amount of the data related to the 1992 election give us a background to consider when looking at specific individuals who were part of the election for the General Assembly for 1992. 35

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Chapter 4 WOMEN AND MEN IN THE COLORADO 1992 ELECTION Of the thirty-four women entering the Colorado General Assembly in 1992 most were incumbents, some were elected to open seats, one defeated an incumbent, and three were holdover members from 1990. For this research ten victorious and five unsuccessful female candidates were interviewed, as well as one candidate who was defeated in a primary race. Two successful campaign managers participated. Two female party executives, one Democrat and one Republican, also shared information. Five successful and three unsuccessful male candidates agreed to answer questions. Including men enabled comparisons to be made regarding their behaviors and experiences. The purpose of these interviews was to collect data from the actors in the election, to find the background and experiences of women candidates and whether these differed from those of men. The female legislators who were interviewed were selected because they represented various parts of metropolitan and rural areas, and because they seemed to 36

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have differing political ideologies. There was a total of forty-five female candidates in the election. Sixteen Democratic and nineteen Republicans senators, and thirty-one Democratic and thirty-four Republican representatives were in the 1993 Assembly. The selection of interview participants attempted to mirror this representation pattern. The criteria for selecting the male participants were to choose men with similar qualities to the women, from the same types of districts, about the same age, and from both political parties. These candidates are not necessarily representative of the candidates in the 1992 legislative race. My goal was to examine the experiences of a group of female and male candidates to obtain an indepth understanding of their perspectives on running for office. In essence this is a convenience sample. Time, finances, and logistics prevented any type of random sample. Some of the interviews were conducted in person and others were done by telephone. Each respondent was asked to give a brief political biography and to outline their role in the 1992 election. Each respondent was also asked why they thought so many women had won elections in 37

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Colorado over the years. Party officials were asked about general funding, issues affecting candidates, and recruitment of candidates and staff. Candidates were asked to describe their campaign organization, their fundraising, and the characteristics of their district. Both female and male candidates were asked about their reasons for seeking office. While some responses were very individualized, others were almost identical regardless of gender. To preserve the confidentiality of the interviewees, each person was assigned a name corresponding to embellished colors from mail order catalogues and crayon colors. No offense to any of the legislators is intended by the pseudonyms given. Because the pseudonym does not identify the gender of the person, there will be parenthetical codes identifying gender (m/f) and political party affiliation (D/R) The demographics for the candidates interviewed are follows: Their ages range from 39 to 68; all but two of the sixteen women candidates have children, all but three are currently married. All but one of the men have children, and six are currently married. Three of the respondents are African American; the remainder are Anglos, as attempts to interview Hispanic members of the 38

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Colorado Legislature were unsuccessful. The participating legislators represent Denver, Longmont, Boulder, Lakewood, Wheat Ridge, Westminster, Littleton, Arvada, Commerce City, and Aurora. Sociological Characteristics of State Legislative Participants The logical starting point for the literature review centered around sociological factors associated with gender and politics; therefore, the first area to be considered from the interviews of the Colorado actors will also be sociological factors that may have contributed to their participation in politics. Three of the female respondents offered information about their families' roles in influencing their political participation. Dusty Teal (f/D), an urban representative, stated that her career in politics began when she was very .young. She and her sisters helped their parents.with precinct committee work in Atlanta. Being active in politics and community improvement was important to Teal's mother. Teal states that her mother instilled in her and her five sisters and brother the importance of 39

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giving service to the community. Teal explained, "I grew up believing if you are a member of a community, it is your job to give back to that community; therefore, political activism has always been a big part of my life." Her family background seemed to question not if she would be politically active but in what manner she would choose to participate. Terra Cotta(f/D), another urban representative grew up in Detroit, and she, like Dusty Teal (f/D), remembers working with her parents distributing sample ballots and in other activities associated with local politics. From these childhood experiences she acquired the view that political activities are a normal part of living in a democratic society. Canterbury Belle(f/R), an unsuccessful candidate from an urban area, remembers at a very early age discussing politics and government with her parents and grandparents. She loved those discussions and knew she would choose a career related to politics. Her mother and both grandmothers were political activists, and this exposure contributed to her view that political participation was an important part of community service. 40

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As a responsible citizen one should be politically active. Regarding the impact of motherhood on political aspirations, all but two of the participating female legislators are mothers. Yet only two of the twelve stated that they had delayed their entry into politics until their children were older. Representative Terra Cotta (f/D) said the only time.she was not active as a committee woman in her precinct was when she was busy having babies. After each maternity leave from politics, she would resume the role of committeewoman or precinct activist. The other female participants did not address their role of mother as it related to their decision to run for political office or as a detriment to performing the work required by their office. Apparently for these women, the situational factors of balancing a political career with motherhood are not a problem or not a problem they were willing to talk about. However, their biographical data indicate that only two had school-aged children when they first ran for the state legislature. One of the youngest women members of the House of Representatives, who was not able to participate in the interviews, has an infant and a three-year-old child as 41

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the 1994 session begins. One of the male participants, who has three young children, said it was important for his wife to be a traditional, stay-at-home mother; so he is willing to work a second job along with his legislator role. The ages of children of men participants ranged from two to eighteen when the children's fathers entered the legislature. With the exception of the female mentioned above and the male who prefers his wife staying at home, legislators of both gender have older children. Thus being a parent and an elected official probably presents the normal time conflicts of working parents in other occupations. Canterbury Belle(f/R) said that even though she and her husband knew the rigors involved in campaigning, she resented the intrusion of privacy that she experienced. She felt bad that she could spend so little time at home, slightly resented the intrusion of the huge number of phone calls at odd hours, and sensed that even her dog objected to her time committed to campaigning. This observation from Canterbury partially supports the situational constrictions on women discussed by Bennett and Bennett(1989). However, many men would probably 42

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express the same views related to putting personal issues on hold for the time of the campaign. Occupational and Community Activities Regarding occupational status, the springboard for six of the women with whom I spoke was teaching. Three of the women are small business owners: Senator Gold Pak(f/D),representing a suburban area, owns a Public Relations Business. Representative Cherry Belle(f/D), from a northern semi-rural community, worked for a nonprofit volunteer agency before being elected; Dusty Teal(f/D) is a real estate agent; and Representative White Icicle(f/R), from a suburban area, had been a staff worker for a Congressman. The occupations listed for all the women in the general assembly include ten legislators, seven educators, eleven business women, two lawyers, two paralegals, one journalist, and one parliamentarian. The occupations for men interviewed included an economist, a college professor and journalist, two small business owners, two high-school teachers, and two attorneys. In the General Assembly other occupations include thirteen lawyers, twenty-two in business related 43

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careers, nine educators, nine farmers or ranchers, three legislators, one poet, one surgeon, and one bartender. One of the representatives I spoke with said that two male legislators, who did not participate in the interviews, work for large Colorado corporations, who helped these men obtain their seats. The interview participant said that the corporations wanted a voice in the legislature through these representatives; so the corporations were very lenient with time off. None of the women discussed any women legislators who represented a corporation in addition to their district. A comparison of the occupational status of female and male participants reveals no glaring gender differences. The similarity is that most members of the General Assembly are in professional career positions which have high educational requirements. A moderate connection between careers and political aspirations can be seen for several of the respondents regardless of gender. The women and men who are teachers are concerned about educational issues. These teachers supported Amendment 6, which would have raised sales taxes for school funding. The teachers opposed Amendment 7, which supported tuition vouchers for private schools, 44

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and are concerned by what they perceived to be an effort by fundamentalist Christians to control educational issues. Navy Blue (m/R), an economist, from a suburban area, felt obligated to enter politics because he opposed the "irresponsible spending practices" of the female incumbent whom he challenged. He felt that she did not share the fiscal responsibility that he and most of the residents of the district held. Female representative Carnation Pink (f/D), from a medium sized college town, is an attorney. Her activities as a lawyer centered around environmental issues in Boulder. After being a "watch dog" of community leaders regarding environmental issues, she decided to become a candidate herself. She felt this would be the most effective way that she could protect the environment. Male representative Burnt Sienna (m/D), an urban representative, is an attorney and like Carnation Pink(f/D) is also very interested in environmental protection. However, another concern that prompted his running related to his criticism of how political campaigns and legislatures operate. His opposition centers around campaign finance and political action 45

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committees. He feels that when politicians raise campaign money from special interest organization contributions, or other wealthy, individual contributors, they are always indebted to the organization or individual. This indebtedness causes the system to resist changes that would be beneficial to the state, such as more effective environmental policies. The occupational concerns of these legislators seem to be factors that have influenced their political goals. This is true for both men and women, so it is probably not a gender issue. At the organizational level, almost everyone was involved in community activities prior to running for office or accepting the position of party official. Representative Golden Rod(f/D), a woman representing a suburb, was active in Girl Scouts and the PTA before being elected a member of the city council. Representative Red Barbary (f/D), a woman from a large suburb, is a trustee for a community hospital board and a member of the Rotary Club, while serving on the board of directors for Colorado Open Lands and the Overland High School Accountability Committee. Representative Merri Gold(f/R), from a mid-size urban area, worked with the 4&

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United Way, a health association in her area, and the League of Women Voters. For men, the community activities included the Chambers of Commerce, the National Federation of Independent Businesses, the boards of the Denver Art Museum, neighborhood community schools, and community improvement associations. A comparison of men and women in their community activities shows that the men are likely to be part of the Chamber of Commerce or other business-related activities, and the women seem to be involved with community service organizations. Darcy et al. (1987) make the point that women not working in high-profile business careers can get public attention from community work, and this observation seems true for many of the Colorado women. Political Organizational Activities Nearly all of the women representatives were also active at many levels of precinct politics. Golden Rod(f/D) states that she is still a precinct committeewomen and her husband a committeeman. Terra Cotta(f/D) is also still a committeewoman. She 47

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attributes her winning the Democratic nomination to her precinct activism. At the beginning of her campaign, her opponent did not have enough support to get on the ballot. The opponent then. attempted to defeat Cotta with a write-in campaign. Cotta said that even though this woman was very persistent, Cotta's ties with the party secured her win for the general election. Many of the women had worked as campaign managers for others before choosing to run for office themselves. Working as a campaign manager was an exciting part of the political game for Cotta (f/D) and really sparked her own interest in running for office. White Icicle(f/R) felt that being a campaign_manager for a winning candidate made her aware that what she did as a political participant made a difference. Further, the experience provided the incentive to become a candidate herself and expand her participation. For men as well, a linkage within the political parties was important. Several men had been district captains or committeemen for their precincts. Indeed, Navy Blue (m/R) said that because his precinct participation had been minimal, he had to work harder to convince the long-term party members in his district that 48

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he was a sincere candidate and would do his best for his constituents once elected. Recruitment of Candidates While a link between party participation and candidacy appeared beneficial, when the party leaders were asked about recruiting candidates, party participation was not high on the list of qualifications. The Republican spokeswoman, Rose Lavender(f/R), who was Political Director for the party, said she wanted candidates who "could walk, talk, and chew gum at the same time." In a more serious tone, she said she wanted candidates who could win, had name recognition, could represent various interests, or could be linked with a popular cause. She also wanted a candidate who had lived in the district at least five years. The Democratic spokeswoman, Royal Burgundy(f/D), Executive Director for the party, wanted the best qualified person but also wanted to recruit a fair number of women--both as candidates and in the party office staff positions. Both of these high-level executives have not yet chosen to run for elected office. 49

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An often expressed reason why candidates of both gender jumped from precinct levels to the role of candidate was that the previous incumbents had made poor decisions or performed as legislators in a manner that angered the challenger. Gold Pak(f/D) said she challenged a member of her own party because she was fed up with his no-show attitude. He was seldom present for votes in the General Assembly; he never held community meetings; and the only time the community knew he was their representative was at election time when he campaigned. Gold Pak (f/D) first ran for the Senate in the 1990 election, and her experience points to the trend whereby challengers hold the incumbents responsible for perceived inappropriate behavior. Two men participants were also unhappy with incumbent performance when they entered their races. Navy Blue(m/R) and Copper Tone(m/D) were both very dissatisfied with the female incumbents whom they challenged. Although both men cited behavioral problems with the incumbents, both men also had strong ideological differences with the women. Navy Blue was much more conservative than his opponent and Copper Tone was much more liberal than his. 50

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Three unsuccessful female candidates said they entered races because they could not tolerate the concept of the incumbent being reelected without a challenger. Sugar Maple(f/R), from an urbanized suburb, believes in the importance of dialogue in the democratic process, especially in a minority community. "Even when the party concedes an election [because they feel they cannot win] the individual must not concede ... it is important especially in a black community to make the incumbent make those stumping speeches, give those promises and talk about _their records." She continued "If you do not make the incumbent work the campaign, that incumbent will not work hard in the legislature." Shasta Daisy(f/D), an unsuccessful Senate candidate from a suburban area, stated that.a factor influencing her to enter the race was national primary wins for candidates such as Carol Mosley Braun in Illinois. She said another contributing reason was that 1992 was the "Year of the Woman." She had been a precinct activist and did not want her opponent, a seven-term incumbent, to win without a campaign. She also used that campaign to get her name out for future campaigns. She will run in 1994 for an open seat in her House district. 51

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Three women and two men I interviewed entered the 1992 legislative race for an open seat. The women included: Cherry Belle(f/D), Golden Rod(f/D), and Terra Cotta(f/D). The men who won races for open seats included Loden Green(m/D), and Burnt Sienna(m/D). Six women who were interviewed had won their positions prior to 1992 in open seat elections. The trend described by Carroll(1985) of women having a good chance to win elections in open seat races seems to be confirmed in Colorado. Before running for the Colorado State House, five of the women held elective office in city councils, as county commissioners, as members of the Regional Transportation District, and as school board members. The men had also been members of school boards, a water conservancy board, county commissions and city councils. Loden Green(m/D) had worked as a campaign manager for candidates in other states. The experiential background for these legislators is fairly similar. It does not seem possible to point to any areas where one gender has an advantage over the other due to occupational or organizational backgrounds. The factors that propelled the candidates into the races were also similar. Both genders thought that they could make 52

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contributions to the through their participation. Dark Mulberry(m/R), an unsuccessful male candidate from a suburb, stated, "As a member of the majority party, I could make more of a contribution for the district than my opponent, a Democrat." Campaign Organization Men and women gave similar answers to questions about campaign organizations. However, slight differences were apparent in how men and women answered questions related to campaign operation and goals of their organizational efforts. Two of the men candidates described their campaign objectives and organizations with extremely detailed answers. Loden Green(m/D) stated he wrote a specific, 100-page, strategic campaign plan which clearly outlined his day-by-day activities. He detailed how he would first contact voters with a mailing to achieve name recognition, then walk the district to meet the voters. He also incorporated strategies for contacting Political Action Committees(PACs) and raising funds through the organizations. His district is comprised of many retired persons, so he felt that the size of personal contributions would be small. Loden Green's campaign 53

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manager said that the approach to win over PACs was to send the organizations a letter stating where Green stood on the issues and where he would and would not compromise. Green was successful in getting contributions from all but one of the organizations he solicited. Copper Tone(m/D), who ran in a suburban area, used computer data bases to target voters he knew from previous political activities to form a large network of volunteers. Through the data base he knew what type of work the volunteers could do well (telephone work, art work for yard signs, etc.) and then asked for their help in those areas. He also had a good knowledge of the interests of many of the voters and was able to send position letters to the appropriate people. These men were more willing to discuss their specific plans for their campaign than most of the women interviewed. Fox Glove(f/D), an unsuccessful candidate, mentioned attending candidate strategy-planning sessions sponsored by the Democratic Party, which had assisted her in her long-range campaign plan, her budget, and timeline goals. If the other women had such a methodical approach toward the election, they did not convey it in the interviews. Instead, they discussed in general terms 54

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their staff organizations, the way they walked the district and what activities they attended, but not their strategic methods. Two women were proud of their unpretentious organizations. One, Stella D'Oro(f/R), who unsuccessfully ran in a suburb, said that hers was a "kitchen cabinet" of campaign workers. She and friends from precinct activities worked at her kitchen table to formulate strategies and assign campaign roles for her campaign process. Silver Gray(f/R) organized through a network of volunteers she has used for several elections. This approach gave her campaign a sense of stability; her volunteers knew the district, and people in the district knew the volunteers. Dusty Teal(f/D) feels very close to her district through precinct work, and her female campaign manager organized the campaign with help from other people who had been precinct activists. This network offers Teal a sense of loyalty that she feels keeps her in touch with her community. The starting point for Terra Cotta(f/D) was also her precinct; yet she knew very early that in order to win 55

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the general election, she had to move outside her comfortable precinct level to reach the voters throughout her district. Curiously, Golden Rod(f/D) observed that even though her opponent was much better organized than she and by all rights should have won, he did not. Thus a question remains, "Does an exceptional organizational strategy mean the candidate will win?" From the standpoint of a campaign manager who has worked with both male and female candidates, Light Tan(m/D), the man who managed Golden Rod's(f/D) campaign, said that it is easier to run a campaign for a woman because she is easier to work with and more willing to let the manager manage. He observed, "Men sometimes think they know more than the campaign manager." However, he believes women candidates facing men candidates have an advantage today. To illustrate this point, he uses information he obtained from a polling he did for Golden Rod (f/D). He asked voters how they felt about a candidate with a gender-neutral name(Rod's nickname), as opposed to one who is definitely female(her real name). Responses indicate a 16% difference favoring 56

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the candidate with the female name over the neutral or male-sounding name. Tan had run a similar poll in 1990, but at that time the difference was only 6% higher for the female-sounding name. The margin of support for a female candidate was much higher in 1992. To accentuate this tendency, Loden Green(m/D) admitted that his greatest fear when entering the race for the open seat was that his opponent would be a moderate female. Senator Maple Leaf(m/D), who was elected in 1992, did not even consider himself a serious candidate when he thought he would be facing an incumbent, moderate woman. However, when she was defeated in the primary, he immediately realized he had a better chance to win against a conservative male. Navy Blue(m/R) also felt women have a psychological edge with voters; women, he says, are considered outsiders. He experienced a definite anti-incumbent sentiment, and it is his view that women are in a position to use this sentiment to their advantage. Five women candidates commented that they had heard one or two comments from voters who would not vote for them because they were women. But these women emphasized that it would be only one person making a negative 57

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comment while they had contacted thousands of voters who were very encouraging. However, Red Barbary(f/D), from a large suburb, was told in her door-to-door encounters by many voters, both men and women, that they would vote for her because she was a woman. These comments from candidates of both genders tend to refute the idea that voters feel hostile toward women candidates. However, a case could probably be made that some voter hostility toward male candidates is discernible. This hostility may represent the public's distrust of politicians in general who are typically viewed as white, powerful, middle-and upper-class males. Since women do not fit this stereotype, less hostility may be directed towards them. While a look at overall campaign organization and attitudes gives a picture of the campaign strategies of candidates, other aspects of the campaigns offer other ways to compare approaches taken by men and women. One of the primary methods for reaching the voters was walking the districts; Silver Gray(f/R) said that a candidate is expected to walk the district. Many of the candidates, as well as campaign manager Light Tan (m/D), expressed the view that as door-to-door campaigners, 58

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women are more effective than men. Tan said that in this contact the candidate has three to four seconds to make a first impression, and voters are more likely to feel comfortable with a female than male. In addition, Gold Pak(f/D) says that running for office is a public relations game, and women are friendlier and better at it than most men. Men candidates can appear cold and too business-like. This door-to-door campaign style may be a thing of the past, according to Merri Gold(f/R), from a mid-size urban area. She faced a very tight primary battle with a male lawyer who she claims is affiliated with the Religious Right. Merri Gold(f/R) claims that the conservative organizations in her district are well armed with computer data bases that tell exactly how the prospective voters feel about various issues. The organizations will often approach the voter with customized printed literature to get support for a given candidate based on the information about that voter stored in the data base. This high-tech approach used by Merri Gold's(f/R) opponent sounds very similar to the data base used by Copper Tone(m/D) to assemble his volunteer organization. 59

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Besides walking the districts, several candidates said their campaigns involved participating in debates and holding fund raisers that also served as events at which the candidate would meet voters. Women candidates discussed events such as chili suppers, jazz dances, and community plays more frequently than men. Telephone banks are used heavily for state-wide elections, but only two candidates said that they had used telephone banks. Navy Blue(m/R) set up a phone bank the final weekend of the campaign and feels that it was one of several things he did that made the difference in his winning the election. Fundraising The women gave mixed reviews on the equality of women in the role of fundraisers. Most of the races for the Colorado General Assembly were not high spending campaigns. The spending range for the participants of this research covers from $400 to as high as $49,000. Again, these amounts are certainly a smaller than one sees when looking at spending for governor or congressional races, which reach millions of dollars. 60

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The raw data related to campaign funds for the 1992 election on file in the Secretary of State's office reveal that some women are very good at raising funds. In some races the women had a much larger expense account than men--for example, $90,000 for a Colorado Springs Democrat. However, looking at numbers alone may be only a part of the picture. The probability of a candidate's winning and the political party alignment of the district are factors that actually determine how well a candidate does in fundraising for the state races. A disturbing trend in all but two of the twenty-two house races in which women faced men was that the person who won (male or female) was the person who spent more money. Royal Burgundy(f/D) said women were getting better at raising money, especially younger women who have worked in career fields in which sales were part of their responsibility. After making this assessment, Burgundy admitted that some of the older women in the party were also very good at raising money. She said the most difficult part of raising money is getting over the fear of asking for donations. Several women legislators had participated in fundraising events such as garage sales and community breakfasts. The disadvantage of these 61

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events is they are small-scale fundraisers and produce limited income. Another disadvantage that Red Barbary(f/D) associates with this type of activity is that the same people contribute each time, so she discounts the events as a good way to reach voters. Red Barbary(f/D) admitted that fundraising was the most difficult part of the campaign. Her fundraising efforts began with a letter to supporters,followed by telephone calls. Her organization produced a play about her community and this play was successful as a money maker. Most of the women candidates feel that women in state legislative races are as good at raising money as men. However, Dusty Teal(f/D) disagreed with this view. Despite all that is said about women and their fundraising capabilities, men still seem to get more money. Canterbury Belle(f/R) said women are definitely not as good as men at raising money. Even though she had a good coalition of PAC contributors, her opponent easily raised $18,000 more in a swing district that could have voted either Republican or Democratic. Cherry Belle(f/D), from a semi-rural area, differs with Dusty Teal(f/D) and Canterbury Belle (f/R) and is 62

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convinced that women are better fundraisers at the state level because of their community activism. Carnation Pink(f/D) concurred with this view but added that as the level of the office goes up, it is more difficult for women to raise money. Representative White Icicle(f/R) said that as a Republican woman in a conservative district, she finds it is difficult to convince the people who control money that a woman can be conservative enough economically; thus, it is sometimes hard to get the contributions. Representative Golden Rod(f/D) discussed the contributions of PACs and said their willingness to give money at the state level is directly proportional to the probability of a candidate's winning. She stated, "Even if that PAC supports everything you stand for, they will only contribute minimal amounts if they think you cannot win." The men who were interviewed approached fundraising in the same methodical manner that they put into their campaign strategy. Copper Tone(m/D), with his large data base of volunteers, used the data base as a means for soliciting donations. With each piece of literature his organization sent was a request for donations. Loden Green(m/D) sent a well-written statement of political 63

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purpose to the PACs he approached. Because Navy Blue(m/R) was in a much closer race than his party had anticipated, he was given $3,000 in the late stages of his campaign from the party funds. Burnt Sienna(m/D), who was not highly organized for fund raising, would neither ask for nor accept contributions from organizations. He is the only winning candidate for the state legislature who did not get PAC money. He used $7,000 of his own money and donations from friends and relatives to finance his campaign. He states that using his own money illustrates the point that we need reforms related to fundraising. If a person cannot afford to run, he or she will probably be excluded from the process, unless the person accepts PAC money and then becomes indebted to that PAC. Two of the women who were interviewed said that their opponents had raised and spent more money, and had far better organizational efforts in their campaigns. For all these advantages the women beat their higher-spending opponent. Election Issues Light Tan(m/D) said that issues are not extremely important for the women in the races that he has managed. 64

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Voters are more concerned with electing a competent representative rather than someone who shares their beliefs on all issues. He feels that the electorate is much more trusting of women than men, and trust is important to winning. Integrity seemed to be an important issue in the climate of the 1992 election. In national congressional races, nearly all politicians were looked upon as being corrupt, because of incidents such as the Congressional check-bouncing scandal and the savings-andloan disaster. Representative Golden Rod(f/D) thus repeated the view that the trust issue was more a resentment of incumbents, even though the Colorado State Legislature was not really affected by the scandals. On one of her contacts at a voter's door, she was asked, "Are you the incumbent?" When she answered no, the voter said that she had his vote. Navy Blue (m/R), was asked the same question and heard the same response. Antiincumbency sentiments touched both men and women. The issue of abortion affected some of the races for the Colorado Legislature in 1992. Often both candidates were pro-choice, and abortion was not an issue in those races. Republican Rose Lavender(f) said that some Democratic women candidates, in their literature, 65

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attached the National Republican platform anti-abortion stance to their opponents. This tactic occurred even in cases in which the Republican male was pro-choice; thus, the male was wrongly accused, according to Lavender. Closely related to the abortion issue is the influence of the Religious Right. Pink Thistle (f/R), who lost a primary race to a candidate who was accused of being part of the Religious Right, has harsh criticism for its influence in the Republican Party. She feels that the Christian Coalition, the Colorado Union of Taxpayers, and the Independence Institute deliberately targeted her for defeat because she was too moderate. She further believes these organizations distorted her legislative voting record so that she was made to look like an irresponsible spender. Silver Gray(f/R) was also critical of the influence of the Religious Right in the Republican Party. She feels that the exposure to this side of the party that was seen during the Republican National Convention hurt the party at many levels. She was part of a group of GOP women who attempted to get the party to drop its antiabortion platform in the presidential election. When asked if she thought this anti-abortion stance would be 66

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eliminated in the future, she said not unless the party sheds its affiliation with the conservative religious community. She feels the party will be reluctant to try to become pro-choice because too many votes generated by conservative Christian organizations would be affected. Many of the women legislators said they were concerned with the economy, education, and health care. Senator Gold Pak(f/D) said she did not really believe in "women issues." She feels that most of the issues that may have been attached to women in the past are becoming important enough that all voters, not just women, are concerned. When asked whether the constitutional amendments affected anyone's candidacy, most of the candidates said no. Royal Burgundy(f) said the Democratic Party officially opposed the tax limitation amendment-Amendment l--and Amendment 2--the anti-gay-rights amendment. The Democrats supported Amendment 6-to fund schools with a sales tax. She added that candidates in some Colorado areas were not in a position to make official statements because some of the amendments were controversial and the candidates could have impaired their chances of winning by endorsing or opposing specific amendments. She 67

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admitted she was puzzled as to why the party did well in the elections but poorly on the support for these issues. Senator Gold Pak(f/D) worked in an official capacity to oppose Amendment 1. Many of the legislators who were interviewed expressed the concern that difficult consequences lie ahead for the state due to the passage of Amendment 1. However, as a campaign issue, the candidates seemed to dodge attachments to amendments or issues that were harmful. The issues for female candidates were mainly education, the environment, and the economy. Male candidates had similar issues--as well as taxes and campaign reform. The men also stated that they did not believe in "gender issues," but four of the eight participating men had careful explanations as to how they tried to get the women in their district to support them. Loden Green(m/D) ran against a conservative man who was anti-abortion. Therefore Loden Green made abortion an issue early in the campaign because he knew the women in his district were two-to-one pro-choice. Copper Tone(m/D), ran against a woman who was anti-abortion and also opposed to increasing funds for public education. Copper Tone(m/D) knew a lot of teachers in his district, 68

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so he emphasized her anti-public-school stance. Navy Blue(m/R}, whose views on "women issues" are pretty traditional, said an important part of his campaign was a letter writing crusade his wife instigated, sending handwritten letters to 600 women in the district stating that she felt his election was important for everyone. He believes if she had not written these letters, he could have lost the election. Women Members of the General Assembly Four women and two men who participated in interviews stated that women's chances of winning elections in Colorado were enhanced by the history of women's participation in the General Assembly. These comments from Democrats and Republicans related to the large number of women who had been elected and the belief that these women members have done a good job. Interview participants believed that elected women were much more results-oriented than male representatives. According to Cherry Belle(f/D}, women are great team players and consensus builders, and are not too concerned with who gets credit when a bill is 69

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passed. She maintains that women just want to solve the problems. White Icicle(f/R) said that because of their highquality job performances, women are getting better committee assignments. The stereotype of women in office as being good on social issues but not at finances is no longer valid, according to Icicle, who feels women legislators are making contributions in economic areas. These points brought to light by women legislators fit the description from Jewell and Whicker(1993) of female leadership styles, which include consensus and coordinating linked with process and policy. In interviews conducted by Jewell and Whicker(1993), women legislators repeatedly said they were interested in cooperating, building consensus, and creating a harmonious workplace. This description of leadership style is almost identical to the responses from Colorado women. If women are truly doing excellent work as legislators, it is very likely that they be strong as incumbents. The image of efficient women legislators will likely offer good role models for other women and 70

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increase the likelihood that they also will be inclined to run for office. All the interviewees were asked why they thought so many Colorado women had been elected to the legislature and other political offices over the past years. Merri Gold(f/R) said in a caustic tone that she felt women had made gains in Colorado political roles because men had allowed them to. Terra Cotta(f/D) said that until the last few years, the state legislature has seemed like a relatively unimportant institution; thus, voters were willing to elect women; Another response which was repeated several times and echoed a negative sentiment was that women had done well because the pay was low and the membership in Colorado assembly was defined as a part-time position. For the part-time status of the Legislature, however, a large time commitment is required. Representative Golden Rod(f/D) qaid that she sometimes was at the statehouse until 11 P.M. when the House was in session. When the House was not in session, she spent many hours meeting and doing constituent work. Again, men legislators also have to work the long hours; so the part-time status is misleading and not a gender issue. 71

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Several interviewees said that Colorado had many women in political roles because of the independent nature of the electorate. Colorado voters, according to both Royal Burgundy(f/D) and Rose Lavender(f/R), really look more at individuals than at the party, voting for the person they believe most represents them. Lavender stated that she believes Colorado has a fairly high per capita education level and that this fact would account for more support for female candidates. Light Tan (m/D) concurs that the electorate looks at qualifications and feels confident supporting qualified women candidates. Representative White Icicle(f/R) also said that she thinks Coloradans vote for women because they see women as hard workers. Coloradans have seen women in office in various capacities from lieutenant governor to city council members and are conditioned to see women in high power positions. This high number of women in electoral positions is important because potential women candidates and the voters--have role models. Carnation Pink(f/D) expressed the view that Colorado historically has been a state to respect women's rights. In her district, she thinks voters do not even consider whether adequate women's representation exists because 72

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they know it does. She believes that the pioneer spirit of the state, which has always seen women as partners, has contributed to a high number of women elected to political office. 1992 the "Year of the Woman" Many of the participants did not understand the concept of labeling 1992 the "Year of the Woman." Royal Burgundy(f/D) thought it came from the view that more women had a chance to win their races than in previous years. Golden Rod(f/D) thought it was a forecast for the Democratic winning of the presidency and that women's issues are somewhat aligned with the Democratic Party. Along this line of thinking, Golden Rod(f/D) thought because Hilary Clinton was so strong in the campaign, her contributions may have been responsible for the label. Merri Gold(f/R) thought the label came from a backlash of anger from women over the Anita Hill hearings. Merri Gold(f/R) felt that women's seeing the all-men committee members questioning Hill made women realize changes needed to be made. 73

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Conclusions A review of the data from these twenty-eight interviews in relation to the literature reviewed leads to several conclusions. Women and men candidates for the state legislature are not extremely different in their backgrounds, their political experience, and their reasons for choosing to run for office. With all individuals came ideological views, but these are part of the personality of that individual, not gender-based viewpoints. In 1992 with voters' desire for change and distrust for politics as usual, women seemed to gain votes. Women candidates were able to garner slightly more trust from the voters than men candidates. This advantage was a gender issue because the public view of corrupt politicians tended to envision them as rich white males. All of the female interview participants were from front-range areas of the state. In these areas females hold thirty-two to thirty-seven legislative positions. This record shows women are gaining parity for these offices. Conversely only two women of thirty-one representatives are from rural areas of the state, a very low figure. This statistic indicates that the push for 74

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female equality is an occurrence seen in the urban areas of the state. An explanation of this phenomena may be that the political cultural labels from Elazar(1972) apply to districts within the state. For example the rural areas are probably much more traditional that the urban areas which are probably idealistic or moralistic. Thus when making conclusions about a state's political culture it is necessary to look to the characteristics of different parts of the state. Although Colorado has a fairly high number of women in the General Assembly, in 1992 only three additional women were elected. However, when men ran against women in the 1992 election, the women won more often than the men. For the Senate, three races were conducted in which women faced men; women won two. For the House, twenty-two such races were run and women won sixteen. Also important is that since a good number of Colorado women have served in the state legislature, the Colorado electorate has seen that women can do the job. Thus women will be strong incumbents and will provide role models for other women in Colorado who want to be political leaders. If women eventually gain equality in the state legislature, the government will be more representative of the population, 75

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and more legitimacy will be added to the democratic process. 76

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CHAPTER 5 ANALYSIS The election for the 1992 state legislature was important for women in Colorado because the election continued a tradition of women who were strong candidates, had competitive campaigns, and won many seats. The tradition of having a high number of women as legislators is important because the officeholders are conscientious workers and serve to strengthen the concept of representative government. However the number of women added to the state legislature in 1992--three --was not significant. Even with a relatively high number of women, 34% in 1992, a net gain of three women per election (every two years) will bring women to parity in about ten years. In the literature review, the important factors in differing behavior between men and women are socialization factors, organizational factors, and differences in political ambition. The factors related to the underrepresentation of women include possible voter hostility to women, the theory of male conspiracy, and the processes of getting elected that are potentially unfair to women candidates. 77

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The interview participants all expressed moderate views as to their experiences regarding socialization factors. The women were neither radical feminist nor extremely traditional. The men were not power brokers who felt that politics was "men's work." The women were not passive, and the men were not aggressive; thus, gender role stereotypes did not apply. Many of the women displayed the characteristic of being a caretaker; this quality may translate into their being effective political activists. These women entered politics because they saw work to do and they were willing to get involved. The men, however, also entered politics as a means of community service, because they felt they could offer solutions. The career factors of women and men entering Colorado state politics were similar. All of the interviewees had occupational experience that contributed to the role of lawmaker. The community organizational factors for the participants support the view that women tended to be more human-service-oriented in their community activities, and the men were more committed to business service organizations. Does either of these tendencies make one group more suited to politics than the other? It 78

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seems as if a sound government needs to consider both human-service issues and business matters. Is either of these activities truly gender related? Probably they do support stereotypical trends of the socialization of men and women, women being nurturers and men being breadwinners. Nearly all of the interview participants were active in political party activities, and it is really difficult to detect a difference in political ambition. Because of the consistent number of positive responses regarding precinct and district participation, this local-level activity is a substantial facet of the legislative election process. Most of the factors related to underrepresentation of women were off the mark for urban areas of even though women are still not equally represented in the Legislature as a whole. In the major population areas of the state (the Counties of Denver, Adams, Arapahoe, Jefferson, Douglas, El Paso and Boulder) thirty-two women and thirty-seven men are legislators. This is very close to equal representation. However, the number of elected female representatives is extremely low in rural areas. The concept of voter hostility could not be supported by any of the women interviewed. On the 79

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contrary, both women and men indicated that a trend for voters to be more willing to vote for women than men may be developing, and women may be able to gain voter trust more easily than men. Since this research has a very limited scope, an interesting point for further research might be to follow up this view in the future with more statistics. If women are now able to gain the trust of voters more easily than men, this trend could mark the turning point for ending under representation of women. None of the women interviewed felt that their political careers had been hampered in any way by a conspiracy of male party leaders. Thus it seems as if the male conspiracy theory is not relevant in 1992 in Colorado. In open-seat elections women participants did well. These successes by Colorado women support the view in the literature that women do well in state elections in which the incumbent is not facing a re-election bid. Five participants--three females and two males-admitted that they were paper candidates or "sacrificial lambs." These candidates said they were at a disadvantage in every aspect of the campaign process, hindered by lack of support from their party and lack of commitment from 80

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possible contributors. Overall in the 1992 election men were much more likely to be paper candidates than women. When term limitation becomes effective in the state legislature, will this change affect the number of women elected? It seems as if this could be another turning point for women in gaining parity. Fundraising may be easier for men than women. This view was supported by a minority of the women interviewed, but not by the statistics on file in the Secretary of State's data on open election reform. These data tend to support the views of interview participants that fundraising in state legislative races is more a factor of probability of winning than a gender issue. In the races in which one candidate was not expected to garner many votes, the ensuing fundraising ability was very low. When considering races for higher-level officials, interview participants stated that men are probably better at getting contributions than women. This perceived women's disadvantage is why many women's groups stress the importance of groups such as EMILY'S List and the WISH List. In the legislative races for 1992, the campaign organization for women and men was similar. Some men 81

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seemed more businesslike than the women, but women still won some elections in which the male was better organized and funded. Conclusions Thus if men and women are similar in campaign tactics and are dedicated to public service, the question again arises: Does it matter that women are underrepresented? The Center for American Women and Politics(CAWP) at Rutgers University(1993) answers that women make a difference in several ways: by their very presence in public life and by the different perspectives they bring to examining the issues on the public agenda. This difference is seen, according to CAWP, because women have different policy priorities and women are more likely to support women's issues as well as programs that assist women in traditional roles. Women officeholders are more likely to be liberal on major public policies. CAWP states that women officeholders strengthen a democracy by bringing more citizens into the governmental process and giving more citizens access to the policy making process. This process of an open government makes a stronger democracy. The study of women's participation in Colorado state politics offers multiple areas for further research. One 82

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area that would complement this research would be a study of voter trust of female versus male candidates. To make this study reliable, a large data base would be required. This research would be helpful to identify if a higher trust factor exists for female candidates. If one could demonstrate that voters have become more trusting of women, it should be an impetus to encourage more women to seek office. Evaluating women's representation in rural areas would be an important topic for further research. Because there are so few women representing these areas, voter hostility and male conspiracies among political parties may offer explanations here. In addition research evaluating educational levels of citizens in rural and urban areas could shed light on reasons for the differences in female representation in the respective areas. Research of other states in the representation patterns of women in rural and urban areas could be extremely informative. In Colorado historical journals an abundance of material is presented about early female political pioneers as they worked for suffrage. From the 1950s to the present many significant female politicians have 83

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served in Colorado. However, a comprehensive study of many of these women has not been done. Some of these women are still living, and oral histories would be invaluable to offer further details of women's quest for political equality. Another potential area of study which will be possible within the next few years could evaluate the impact of term limitations on the number of women elected. 84

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APPENDIX Interview Questions 1. Could you give a short biography of your political career? What factors caused you to become involved in politics as a candidate rather that a campaign worker? What obstacles did you face in your early campaigns? 2. How did you organize your campaign for the 1992(or most recent) election? 3. Did you see women candidates in a different status in 1992 versus other years? Did your political party view women candidates differently in 1992? 4. What did you see as the issues for women in 1992? Were they issues in your campaign? 5. Was your campaign affected by any of the amendments on the 1992 Colorado State ballot? 6. Do you think women candidates have a more difficult time raising money? 7. In your experience have you encountered voters who made comments such as "Women don't belong in political office," etc.? Do you think voters discriminate against women? Do you feel voters have acquired a greater trust for women than men? 8. What are characteristics of your district? 9. In the Colorado legislature women have a relatively high rate of representation. What do you consider to be factors about the state legislature or the state political climate which accounts for this trend? 10. Why do you think the popular press focused on 1992 as the "Year of the Woman"? 85

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REFERENCES Abbott, Carl, Stephen J. Leonard, and David McComb. 1982. Colorado: A History of the Centennial State, Boulder, CO.: Colorado Associated University Press. Abzug, Bella, with Mim Kebler. 1984. Gender Gap:Bella Abzug's Guide to Politics for American Women, Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. Agler, Vickie, Colorado Republican Representative. 1993. Interview by author, 7 October, Denver. Telephone interview. Aliota, Jilda. 1991. "The Unfinished Feminist Agenda: The Shifting Forum," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences, 515: 140-150. Anderson, John. Campaign Manager for Bob Hagedorn. 1994. Interview by author, 4 January, Denver. Telephone interview. Baxter, Sandra, and Marjorie Lansing. 1983. Women and Politics: The Visible Majority. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. 1980. Women and Politics: The Invisible Majority. Ann Arbor, Michigan Press. University of Bennett, Linda, and Stephen Earl Bennett. 1989. "Enduring Gender Differences in Politics," American Political Quarterly, 17(1): 105122. 86

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1992. "From Traditional to Modern Conceptions of Gender Equality in Politics: Gradual Change and Lingering Doubts," Western Political Quarterly, 45 ( 1) : 93-108. Blue, Mary. 1993. Colorado Democratic Representative. Interview by author, 3 November, Denver. Telephone interview. Bolce, L. 1985. "The Role of the Gender Gap in Recent Presidential Elections: Reagan and the Reverse Gender Gap," Presidential Studies Quarterly, 15: 372-385. Boxer, Barbara, and Nicole, Boxer. 1993. Strangers in the Senate: Politics and The New Revolution of Women in America. Washington D.C.: National Press Books. Burrell, Barbara. 1990. "The Presence of Women Candidates and the Role of Gender in Campaigns for the State Legislature in an Urban Setting: The Case of Massachusetts," Women in Politics, 10(3): 85-102. 1992. "Women Candidates In Open Seat Primaries for the U.S. House: 19681990, '' Legislative Studies Quarterly, XVII (4): 493-508. Carroll, Susan J. 1985. Women as Candidates in American Politics. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 87

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____________ 1988. "Women's Autonomy and The Gender Gap: 1980 and 1982" in Politics of The Gender Gap: The Social Construction of Political Power. ed. Carol M. Mueller, Newberry Park: Sage Publications Inc. Cantor, Dorothy W., and Toni Bernay, eds. 1992. Women in Power: The Secrets of Leadership. Boston: Houghton Miffin Company. Center for the American Woman and Politics. 1994. Bringing More Women Into Public Office. State University of New Jersey, Rutgers. Chambers-Schiller, Lee. 1993. "Colorado's Women Get the Vote: A Reflection," Colorado Heritage, Colorado Historical Society, Spring, 2-7. Clark, Janet. 1991. "Getting There: Women in Political Office," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 515:63-87. Colorado Historical Society. 1993. Colorado Heritage, Denver: Spring. Colorado Legislative Directory: 59th General Assembly. 1993. Denver: Colorado Press Association. Colorado. 1993. Legislative Council. Women Who Have Served in the Colorado General Assembly: The Senate and The House of Representatives. Denver: Legislative Council Library. Conover, Pamela. 1988. "Feminists and the Gender Gap," Journal of Politics, 50(4): 985-1007. Cook, Elizabeth Adell, and Clyde Wilcox. 1991. "Feminism and the Gender Gap--A Second Look," Journal of Politics, 53(4): 1111-1122. 88

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Costain, Anne, N. 1992. "Gender and the U.S. Elections," The Honors Journal, 1(2): 135-142. 1991. "After Reagan: New Party Attitudes toward Gender," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences, 515: 114-125. Constantini, Edmund. 1990. "Political Women and Political Ambition-Closing the Gender Gap," American Journal of Political Science, 34:3 741-780. Darcy, R., Susan Welch, and Janet Clark. 1987. Women, Elections, and Representation. New York: Longman Inc. Denver Post. october 27, 1992. ''Election Supplement," Sponsored by League of Women Voters. Denver: Dixon, Samatha. Candidate for Colorado House of Representatives. 1994. Interview by author, 29 March, Denver. Telephone interview. Egardahl, Roger. Campaign Manager for Maryanne Keller. 1993. Interview by author, 9 November, Denver. Telephone interview. Eisenman, Althea, Candidate for Colorado House of Representatives. 1994. Interview by author, 1 March, Denver. Tape recording. Elazar, Daniel. 1972, American Federalism: A View From the States. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company. Evans, Heidi, and Josh Getlin. 1992. "Sex and Politics: Gender Bias Continues to Plague the Campaign Trail,"The Quill, 80:2 16-17. 89

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Faludi, Susan. Dec. 24, 1992. "Looking Beyond Slogans," Newsweek, 31. Feeley, Michael. Colorado Democratic State Senator. 1994. Interview by author, 9 February, Denver. Telephone interview. Finger, Kathleen. Candidate for Colorado House of Representatives. 1994. Interview by author, 6 March, Denver. Telephone interview. Fish, Marlene. Former Colorado Republican Representative. 1993. Interview by author, 11 November, Lakewood, Personal interview. Frankovic, Kathleen A. 1985. "The Election of 1984: The Irrelevance of the Campaign," Political Science, 18: 39-47. Gordon, Ken. Colorado Democratic Representative. 1993. Interview by author, 2 December, Denver. Telephone interview. Gruber, Mary. Candidate for Colorado House of Representatives. 1994. Interview by author, 28 February, Denver. Telephone interview. Hagedorn, Bob. Colorado Democratic Representative. 1993. Interview by author, 9 December, Denver. Telephone interview. Hansen, Karen. Dec 1, 1992. "Election 1992: The Message Is Mixed," State Legislatures, 18(12): 12-13. Hayes, Rodman. Candidate for Colorado House of Representatives. 1994. Interview by author, 17 March, Denver. Telephone interview. Hudak, Evie. Candidate for Colorado Senate. 1994. Interview by author, 9 March, Denver. Telephone interview. 90

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Jewell, Malcolm, and Marcia Lynn Whicker. 1993. Feminization of Leadership in State Legislatures," PS: Political Science & Politics, XXVI:4 705-712. Johnson, Joan. Colorado Democratic Senator. 1993. Interview by author, 21 October, Denver. Telephone interview. Keller, Maryanne. Colorado Democratic Representative. 1993. Interview by author, 3 November, Wheat Ridge. Tape recording. Kerns, Peggy. Colorado Democratic Representative. 1993. Interview by author, 22 November, Denver. Telephone interview. Kiusalaas, Maureen. Political Director Colorado Republican Party. 1993. 6 October, Denver. Telephone interview. Klein, Ethel. 1984. Gender Politics: From Consciousness to Mass Politics. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Kurtz, Karl. Jan. 1, 1993. "The Election in Perspective," State Legislatures, 19: 16-17. 1992. "Understanding the Diversity of American State Legislatures: Extension of Remarks," State Legislatures: Progress, Problems, and Possibilities, National Conference of State Legislatures and the Eagleton Institute of Politics. Lee, Cynthia, and Dwight Lee. March 1, 1992. "The Gender Gap," The Freeman, 42: 100-103. 91

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Lyle, Glenda Swanson. Colorado Democratic Representative. 1994. Interview by author, 12 January, Denver. Telephone interview. Mandel, Ruth B. 1981. In the Running: The New Woman Candidate. New Haven: Ticknor & Fields. Mansbridge, Jane. 1985, "Myth and Reality: The ERA and Gender Gap," Public Opinion Quarterly, 4: 164-178. Mansbridge, Jane, and Katherine Tate. 1992, "Race Trumps Gender: The Thomas Nomination in the Black Community," Political Science and Politics:PS 25(3): 488-492. Marshall, Susan E. 1991. "Who Speaks for American Women? The Future of Antifeminism," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences, 515: 50-62. McClung, Timothy. Candidate for Colorado House of Representatives. 1994. Interview by author, 15 March, Denver. Telephone interview. Meyer, Natalie. ed. 1992. State Of Colorado Abstract of Votes Cast 1992: Presidential Primary Election March 3, 1992: Primary Election August 11, 1992: General Election, November 3, 1992. Denver: Office of the Secretary of State. Morrison, Marcy. Colorado Republican Representative. 1993. Interview by author, 9 November, Denver. Telephone interview. Mueller, Carol M. ed. 1988. The Politics of the Gender Gap: The Social Construction of Political Influence, Newberry Park: Sage Publications. 92

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1991. "The Gender Gap and Women's Political Influence," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences, 515: 23-27. National Conference of State Legislatures. 1993 Unpublished Reference Material. Denver. Pfiffner, Penn. Colorado Republican Representative. 1993. Interview by author, 11 December, Lakewood. Tape recording. Pierson, Jim. Colorado Democratic Representative. 1993. Interview by author. 21 December, Denver. Telephone interview. Pitkin, Hanna. 1969. Representation. New York: The Atherton Press. 1967, The Concept of Representation. Berkeley: University of California Press. Pool, Carol. Candidate for Colorado House of Representatives. 1994. Interview by author, 28 February, Denver. Telephone interview. Randall, Vicki. 1982. Women and Politics. London: The Macmillan Press Ltd. Rapoport, Ronald B., Walter J. Stone, and Alan I. Abramowitz. 1990. "Sex and the Caucus Participant: The Gender Gap and Presidential Nominations," American Journal of Political Science, 34(3): 725-40. Rossi, Alice. 1983. "Beyond the Gender Gap: Women's Bid for Political Power," Social Science Quarterly, 64: 718-733. 93

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