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Dissent and revolution in the former Soviet Union

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Title:
Dissent and revolution in the former Soviet Union an historical overview and rhetorical analysis of female participation
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Johnson, Ruth Hulbert
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English
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vi, 197 leaves : ; 29 cm

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Subjects / Keywords:
Women -- Political activity -- Soviet Union ( lcsh )
Women revolutionaries -- Soviet Union ( lcsh )
Sex discrimination against women -- Soviet Union ( lcsh )
Sex discrimination against women ( fast )
Women -- Political activity ( fast )
Women revolutionaries ( fast )
Soviet Union ( fast )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
General Note:
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree, Master of Arts, Department of Communication.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Ruth Hulbert Johnson.

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|University of Colorado Denver
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Auraria Library
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Resource Identifier:
26922738 ( OCLC )
ocm26922738
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LD1190.L48 1992m .J63 ( lcc )

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Full Text
DISSENT AND REVOLUTION IN THE FORMER SOVIET UNION:
AN HISTORICAL OVERVIEW AND RHETORICAL ANALYSIS
OF FEMALE PARTICIPATION
by
Ruth Hulbert Johnson
B.A., University of Colorado, Colorado Springs, 1988
A thesis submitted to the
Faculty of the Graduate School of the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
Communication
1992


This thesis for the Master of Arts
degree by-
Ruth Hulbert Johnson
has been approved for the
Department of
Communication
by
Kathie Stromile-Golden
^ f &
Dat'e
3A


ABSTRACT
Johnson, Ruth Hulbert
Dissent and Revolution in the Former Soviet Union:
An Historical Overview and Rhetorical Analysis
of Female Participation
Thesis directed by Associate Professor Donald D.
Morley
Since 1989, unprecedented political, economic,
and social changes have occurred in Eastern Europe
and the former Soviet Union. Many theories have
been utilized to predict and/or explain these social
and political changes. This thesis investigates one
such communication and social change theory, The
Rhetoric of Agitation and Control (Bowers,J. W. &
Ochs, D. J., 1971, Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley) as
it applies to historic and recent revolutionary
activities in the former Soviet Union. More
specifically, the investigation focuses upon the
rhetorical roles Soviet women have performed in
dissent and revolution.


The thesis begins with an explication of
methodology and moves into a discussion of Soviet
societal attitudes towards women, women's economic
activities and responsibilities as homemaker,
wife, mother, grandmother -- and their general
living conditions. It then moves into an historic
review of roles Soviet women have performed in
previous revolutions and concludes with a discussion
of potential future female participation in
revolutionary and dissident activities.
The form and content of this abstract are approved.
IV


TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION.................................. 1
Ratio......................................... 4
Methodolgy ................................... 8
Historical-Critical Methodology.............. 10
The Model ................................... 29
Conclusion................................... 38
2. ATTITUDES, STATUS, AND ECONOMIC LABOR ....... 40
Attitudes and Status ........................ 40
Economic Labor .............................. 54
Conclusion .................................. 70
3. SOCIAL CONTEXT .............................. 72
Introduction ................................ 72
General Living Conditions ................... 73
Marriage .................................... 7 9
Parenting ................................... 85
Babushka .................................. 91
Conclusion
93


4. Woman as Revolutionary ...................... 95
Introduction ................................ 95
Strikes ..................................... 99
Revolution ................................. 113
Post-Revolution ............................ 128
Political Order ............................ 136
Political Disorder ......................... 143
Conclusion ................................. 163
5. CONCLUSION ................................. 164
Introduction ............................... 164
Clarification of the Research Questions ... 165
Application of Historial-Critical
Methodology ........................... 178
Future Directions .......................... 181
REFERENCES ..................................... 184
vi


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Since 1989, major political, economic, and
social changes have occurred in Eastern Europe and
the former Soviet Union. We have seen the fall of
the Berlin Wall and communist governments in Poland,
Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Hungary, Romania, East
Germany, and Czechoslovakia. These dramatic events
did not occur because of external interference from
foreign powers or infiltrators, but from a popular
uprising of the indigenous populations. With regard
to the European revolutions, Echikson (1990) stated
eloquently:
Freedom did not come to Eastern Europe as a
gift from Moscow or Washington. It came from
more than forty years of struggle a daily,
grinding struggle against a corrupt and evil
system (p. 3).
The former Soviet Union also experienced
independence movements within many of its republics.
These movements and an attempted coup, brought about
the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991.


This occurred through a complex set of
circumstances that began before Mikhail Sergeyevich
Gorbachev was appointed General Secretary of the
Communist Party in 1985. That impetus for change
did not begin just with Gorbachev, but had been
germinating for a generation before it became
visible to those in the West (Smith, 1991).
Gorbachev appreciated dramatic changes were
necessary for social and economic progress in the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (Gorbachev,
1988). To facilitate these changes, Gorbachev
implemented a program of restructuring or
perestroika. In addition to perestroika, Gorbachev
allowed unprecedented criticism of the Soviet system
by the press, public, and citizen politicians. The
Russian term for this openness is glasnost. As
people began to utilize these new tools of change,
the processes of restructuring and criticism spun
off in unexpected directions and Gorbachev lost
control of these processes. Movements for
independence began in the Baltic and Russian
Republics along with several others. The most
serious challenge to Gorbachev's leadership came
from Boris Yeltsin when he resigned from the
2


Communist Party and was elected President of the
Russian Republic.
As these independence movements gained
momentum, dissent became evident within the
Politburo about how to control these republics and
their emerging leaders. One faction of old hard-
liners rejected perestroika and glasnost and
believed the only way to regain control was to
return to the old Communist method of suppression.
Gorbachev refused to reverse the course he had
outlined for the USSR and completely lost control of
his own government when several hard-liners
attempted to oust him with a coup. Although this
coup was unsuccessful, it did result in the
dissolution of the USSR as it had been know for over
70 years and Gorbachev is now in the process of
rebuilding his political life.
These comparatively nonviolent revolutions were
led by people who had a dream that their countries
and republics could indeed be independent of the
former Soviet Union and its devastating economic and
social policies and corrupt political leadership.
This thesis will investigate some of the people who
led and participated in various dissident and
revolutionary activities beginning in 1861 through
3


December, 1991. Female participants and factors
that might have facilitated or prohibited their
participation are of specific interest in this
analysis.
Rationale
Echikson (1990) discussed in depth events and
people instrumental in the revolutionary changes in
Eastern Europe. Names that are commonly associated
with revolutionary leaders are masculine; names such
as Lech Walesa, Vaclav Havel, Alexander Dubcek, and
Jiri Dienstbier. Conspicuously absent from this list
are female names. Echikson mentions only one female
revolutionary, Czechoslovakian, Hana Marvanova. In
the former Soviet Union, names such as Pasternak,
Sakharov, and Solzhenitsyn come to mind, but again
there is only one female familiar to many Western
readers serving in the dissident leadership role,
Elena Bonner.
Although women generally have not been publicly
identified as dissident leaders, does this mean they
indeed do not participate in dissent and revolution?
Tracking the roles women have fulfilled has
4


historically been difficult. Rowbotham (1974)
stated:
When I turned to women's past I learned the
extent to which I had been unconscious of how
the history I had studied before had been so
neglectful of women. We were always led to
believe that women were not around because they
had done so little. But the more I read, the
more I discovered how much women had in fact
done. ... that women had used forms of
opposition which did not come within a strictly
politicaldefinition ...(p. xvi).
In other words, activities women have participated
in have been either ignored or devalued and not
reported. Women tend to be added on as an after
thought, or defined separate from a given paradigm.
Only as the women's movement advanced the issue of
women's history, has it been studied. Scott (1988)
suggests:
women's history does not have a long-
standing and definable historiographic
tradition within which interpretations can
be debated and revised. Instead, the
subject of women has been either grafted
on to other traditions or studied in
isolation from them (p. 16).
Seager and Olson (1986) suggest that women's lives
have not necessarily traversed the same course men's
have. They add:
What is striking, though, is how different
women's ordinary lives are from men's
ordinary lives. And to see women's lives
we cannot simply look at the world of men
and proceed to women as an afterthought
(p. 7).
5


Many times women are missing from general
historical texts, including those of Russia and the
former USSR (Chernov, 1966; Kochan, 1966; Footman,
1969; Brown, 1976; Rogger, 1983). They may be
invisible because it has been assumed that women
have lived their ordinary lives similar to the
ordinary lives men live. Spender (1983) argues:
The history that both women and men
confront is men's history...The overall
results has been that women have been
rendered invisible by the recorded data
available (p.ll) .
When feminist historians review contemporary
documents of historic episodes and recount these
events, women previously invisible suddenly become
visible (Reynolds, 1987; Williams, 1987). Rowbotham
(1974) suggests "a great deal of what was accepted
then and now as history excludes most people" (p.
xviii).
Whatever the reason, women's historical roles
are many times difficult to ascertain. But, as
women have become more active in the reporting of
history, so have women become more visible in
history-making roles. For example, US female
correspondent Dorr (1917) spent three months between
May, 1917, and August 31, 1917, in Russia following
the all female "Botchkareva Battalion of Death."
6


Her book regarding those experiences was published
in the US just as the Bolshevik Revolution was
occurring. This is an early example of women taking
the initiative to report specific female activities.
With resurgence of the women's movement world wide
in the 1970s, investigation and reporting of
heretofore invisible women in a variety of movements
began. Female participation in "war, revolution,
the growth of capitalism, [and] imperialism"
(Rowbotham, 1974, p. xxxii) was clarified (see
Rowbotham, 1974; Lapidus, 1978; Heitlinger, 1979;
Degler, 1980; Engel, 1983; Smith, 1983; Holland,
1985). It became easier to track the role women
played in historical events which allowed one to ask
more difficult questions and if not ascertain the
answers, at the very least make educated hypotheses
about past and current events.
Given the above discussion, this thesis will
attempt to answer several questions regarding the
role women have served in dissent and revolution in
the former Soviet Union. (1) Have they historically
participated in dissent and revolution actively or
in supporting roles? (2) If Soviet women were not
engaging in dissent and recent independence
movements, what factors might have encouraged or
7


precluded them from so doing? (3) Are there social
and economic factors that may have affected former
Soviet women's opportunities to engage in dissident
and revolutionary activities? (4) Did Soviet women
serve in the dissident role as recently as August,
1991? (5) Further, can actual dissident and
revolutionary participation be understood within the
context of the Bowers and Ochs rhetoric and social
change model?
Methodology
There are many theories and models currently in
use for analyzing social change movements. Political
scientists might use Huntington's (1968) model that
attempts to understand political movements through
the investigation of variables such as political
order, decay, modernization, reform, and political
parties. In communication theory several models
utilize rhetoric as the primary variable of interest
in the investigation of social change (Stewart,
1980). Bowers and Ochs (1971) developed one such
model for analyzing social change movements
utilizing a functionalist approach which
investigates the types of agitation that may occur
8


and the rhetoric and strategies agitators and
control agents may utilize in the process. This
thesis will use Bowers and Ochs approach as the mode
of analysis to investigate the level and degree of
participation of female Soviet dissidents in various
social change movements. But, heretofore
unidentified strategies of control agents and
agitators may become evident as the former USSR
moved from a closed to a more open society.
Further, it will attempt to determine factors that
might have enabled or precluded women from
involvement in these activities. The term Soviet
women will be applied to all women in European
republics of the former USSR between 1917 and 1991.
The term Russian women refers solely to women of the
Russian Republic.
To understand the agitation activities of
Soviet women, investigation of the issue from a
broad perspective must be undertaken. This requires
one to look beyond current or recent events. There
are a variety of factors that might entice an
individual to become involved in dissident
activities. To comprehend the mind-set of these
individuals, the social order that prompted the
actions initially must be investigated. To that
9


end, this thesis will explore: (1) general societal
attitudes toward Soviet women; (2) Soviet women's
position in the economy; and (3) their rights and
responsibilities as homemaker, wife, mother,
grandmother and their general living conditions.
Finally, to illuminate previously invisible Soviet
women as revolutionaries and dissidents, an
examination of agitation activities will be
conducted.
Because this study is wide ranging and
investigates a broad spectrum of variables that
impact the research questions, the most appropriate
methodology is the historical-critical (H-C) method.
To explicate how H-C methodology will be applied to
this particular study, clarification and rationale
for its use will be provided.
Historical-Critical Methodology
With regard to the communication discipline,
there are seven content areas of interest to the H-C
researcher. (1) Biographical studies. As the name
implies, the focus is on a given individual. (2)
Social movement studies might track a social
movement or idea over time. (3) Regional studies
10


focus on a given region such as a city, state, or
nation. (4) Institutional studies investigates the
impact a given institution has had in a specific
context and/or time. (5) Case histories focus on a
specific person or event at a specific point in
time. (6) Selective studies may select one small
component of a complicated issue for investigation.
(7) Editorial studies focus on uncovering new texts
or translations of other works into English (Stacks
& Hocking, 1992) .
H-C methodology is not appropriate for all
qualitative research just as there is no one "right"
quantitative research method for all studies. But
H-C is particularly well suited for addressing "big
questions" (Neuman, 1991). Questions that H-C
research might address include: how societies make
major changes in their social structures; what
rhetorical strategies a given group might use during
social change movements; questions to address common
features of social order across cultures;,
longitudinal studies within one culture; to re-
evaluate old data or re-examine previous
explanations; to examine how a given culture
developed as it has; to predict future events; and
finally, to build and expand theory (Tucker, Weaver,
11


& Berryman-Fink, 1981; Skocpol, 1984; Neuman, 1991).
Specific examples of H-C studies are; Skocpol's
(1979) study of factors that led to societal
revolutions in China, France, and Russia; and
Starr's (1982) investigation of how fundamental
social institutions have changed over two centuries.
This thesis falls under the second content area
wherein a social movement or idea is tracked
longitudinally. Specifically, the idea being
tracked longitudinally involves three research
questions regarding Soviet women's participation in
revolution and dissident activities: (1) Have they
historically participated in dissent and revolution
actively or in supporting roles? (2) To what extent
were Soviet women engaged in dissident activities
during the attempted August, 1991, coup? (3) If
Soviet women were not participating in dissent and
recent independence movements, what factors may have
influenced the extent to which Soviet women
participated?
The logical point to initiate investigation
would be where a major change in social order of a
given society has occurred. A preliminary reading
of historical texts indicate in Russia such an event
occurred in 1861 when Tsar Alexander II granted
12


freedom to the serfs. Therefore, a discussion of
revolutionary activities by Soviet women will begin
with changes associated with this event continuing
through the most recent coup/ revolution in August,
1991, ending with the demise of the Soviet Union on
December 31, 1991, as it had been known for over 70
years.
The broad scope of H-C methodology requires
analysis of data/evidence to be different than in
standard quantitative research. For example, H-C
does not attempt to gather data from a random
sample. It investigates individual events and
interpretation of those events becomes the focus
rather than interpretation via a large number of
phenomena. Within the H-C paradigm, research
methods fall along a continuum that resembles pure
quantitative methods at one end known as
positivism, while others move to a "pure" H-C method
that resembles qualitative research known as the
interpretive/critical approach. The positivists
within the H-C paradigm adhere to quantitative
procedures such as statistical data analysis,
hypothesis testing, and replication principles.
Interpretists are far less dependent upon
quantitative procedures. When quantitative data are
13


incorporated in an interpretist's study, it serves
only as supplemental information to qualitative data
(Neuman, 1991). As with so much of social science,
there continues to be a debate between the two
approaches due to fundamental assumptions and goals
of each perspective. Neuman (1991) suggests that in
this debate each side has "talked past each other"
(p. 381). But, both approaches can be appropriately
and effectively used for a variety of research
questions. This study will utilize the interpretist
approach. When statistical figures are used, they
will be used as supplemental, supporting data
gathered from primary and secondary sources.
Many social scientists are familiar with
empirical experimental methodologies, but are not
well acquainted with H-C methodology. Stacks and
Hocking (1992) suggest that current communication
researchers will need to be conversant with both
empirical and H-C approaches to research. Further,
they contend that all methodologies add to the
communication discipline and that one's approach or
methodology reflects a philosophical stance toward
the subject under consideration. By selecting the
H-C approach, one chooses to study a subject in
finer detail than is common via the usual literature
14


review. Not only does one describe the literature
with this approach, but one interprets and analyzes
the literature as it applies to a subject.
There are other features about H-C research
that are peculiar to this methodology. It allows
the researcher to focus on the uniqueness of people
or events. This then may provide insight as to why
and how people acted in a given manner or why
events occurred as they did. Another feature is
that the historian becomes more than just a reporter
of events. Rather, he/she almost becomes a
storyteller (Stacks & Hocking, 1992) as events
unfold, are analyzed and related via his/her
acknowledged perspective. This has implications for
the method of reporting the findings. Standard
sections of a research report do not fit this
methodology neatly and some flexibility is required
in the reporting format utilized with H-C research.
Neuman (1991) suggests H-C research:
puts historical time and/or cross-cultural
variation at the center of research that
is, which treats what is studied as part
of the flow of history and situated in a
cultural context (p. 377).
Historical-critical research has been
recognized as a valid methodology for researchers in
15


sociology, history, political science, anthropology,
and economics, since the early nineteenth century
(Smelser, 1976; Neuman, 1991) and more recently in
the communication discipline (Stacks & Hocking,
1992) Researchers of some distinction who have
utilized H-C methodology include; Karl Marx with his
investigation of capitalist and pre-capitalist
societies (Warner, 1971); Max Weber in his study of
the impact that world religions had on conditions
that allowed development of Western rationalism
(Roth, 1971); and Emile Durkheim used H-C
methodology to investigate a variety of issue such
as division of labor, suicide, and religion
(Smelser, 1976).
Awareness of the value of H-C methodology has
continued to grow in various disciplines. It has
become a major movement in sociological research.
Between 1985 and 1988, 28% of all articles published
in two of the most prestigious American sociological
journals were H-C studies. (Neuman, 1991) .
There are six assumptions peculiar to H-C
methodology. They include the following: (1) H-C
research takes advantage of unique evidence.
Frequently it is impossible to observe events as
they occurred, such as a revolution 200 years ago.
16


So evidence of an indirect and probably limited
nature is investigated. In other words, available
evidence is that which has survived over a long
period of time, but may not be complete. Therefore,
interpretation by the investigator plays a major
role in the final analysis and requires a greater
understanding of many factors related to the study.
(2) The H-C researcher has a unique view of
historical events because she/he has the benefit of
both prior and subsequent events that provide a
different perspective than would have been available
to individuals living during the given time period.
Further, artifacts and evidence that have survived
will appear different in the current context than
when new. For example, cloth woven 100 years ago
will not appear today as it did when first woven.
(3) The H-C researcher will attempt to determine
levels of awareness and knowledge held by people in
a given time and context. Knowledge these
individuals possessed impact interpretations the
researcher may give to any given event. For
example, Neuman (1991) suggests that the action of
crossing a river by a given army would be
interpreted differently depending upon whether
relocation of said army was planned or a
17


serendipitous event. (4) The investigator views
causality as a combination of events in a given
context and time rather than as a linear progression
from one event to another. (5) The focus in H-C
research is on wholes rather than smaller components
or individual variables. In other words, both micro
and macro events are viewed as a cohesive whole
necessary for understanding the broader picture.
(6) H-C investigators move back and forth between
the specific and the general in a process of theory
development. Specific events help explain broad
general concepts, but general concepts also help
interpret specific events.
As the above discussion indicates, H-C research
shares a great deal in common with field observation
and qualitative research methods in general. Given
these assumptions underpinning the methodology, it
is logical that the process of conducting this kind
of research will require particular procedures that
may not follow the standard format for either
qualitative or quantitative research. And although
the process may appear to be less demanding than
quantitative research methodology, Stacks and
Hocking (1992) suggest:
18


Historical research requires following
systematic rules and procedures
rigorously. According to William Lucey,
historical methodology employs a rigorous
set of standards aimed at ordering
knowledge in such a way as to pass several
tests of critical analysis (p. 104).
There are generally two major steps one must
take in order to develop an effective H-C study.
These are (1) conceptualization of the project and,
(2) deciding how to locate, evaluate, organize, and
synthesis evidence (Neuman, 1991).
The investigator must begin by articulating
broad categories, theories, or conceptualizations
she/he brings to the particular study. At this
stage, the investigator also must develop research
questions rather than hypotheses for examination.
Upon completion of the initial research and
development of research questions, a decision must
be made with regard to the organizational pattern
that will be utilized and what type of evidence will
be acceptable. Neuman (1991) suggests there are
some basic assumptions that the individual
researcher will bring to each project and she/he
must recognize these so as to avoid:
the Baconian fallacy, named for Francis
Bacon, of assuming that a researcher
operates without preconceived questions,
hypothesis, ideas, assumptions, theories,
19


paradigms, postulates, prejudices, or
presumptions of any kind (p. 387).
The basic assumption brought to this particular
study is grounded in feminist theory as set forth by
several theorists (see Gilligan, 1982; Spender,
1983; Foss & Foss, 1989). There are a number of
assumptions upon which this theory is anchored. Two
particularly relevant assumptions are that women
have been neglected in the reporting of history and
that their reality has been defined by an
androcentric model that may not reflect female
reality. Much of what has been written and survived
is from the perspective of those who have the power
(Stacks & Hocking, 1992). There are many other
viewpoints that may not have been recorded such as
women's, or may have been intentionally destroyed.
Therefore, the evidence may not be objective,
accurate, and whole.
If this is the case, then Soviet women may
indeed have engaged in revolutionary and dissident
activities. But because history has traditionally
been reported by men, female participation may have
been devalued and not reported to the extent that
male activities have enjoyed. Further, little
information in general was available about Soviet
20


culture during the Cold War years. It was not until
Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost programs were
instituted that information began to flow unimpeded
to the West regarding Soviet politics, culture, and
citizens general living conditions. Therefore, the
particular research questions as articulated above
regarding Soviet female participation in dissent and
revolution are important questions that may expand
our perceptions and understanding of Soviet culture.
After reviewing relevant literature, developing
research questions, and identifying underlying
methodological assumptions of the study, the task
becomes one of determining where to find evidence
necessary for understanding the subject, under
investigation. One must be prepared to let the
evidence dictate additional areas of investigation.
For example, when considering factors that impact
women's potential as dissidents in the former Soviet
Union, factors other than socioeconomic status may
come to light and require additional reading.
With regard to evidence, there are four types
of evidentiary sources that H-C researchers may
employ: primary, secondary, running records, and
recollections. Primary sources may include diaries,
letters, newspapers, transcripts of speeches or
21


actual audio and/or video tape recordings of
speeches, or anything that belonged to people from
the given time under investigation and still
survives. These may require becoming familiar with
another language in order to read the primary
sources from the culture of inquiry. Since 1985 and
the inception of perestroika, many primary sources
have been written with Western and US audiences in
mind (see Soviet/East European Report; The Digest of
the Soviet Press, 1949-present; Pozner, 1992; and
Silverman, 1992). Indeed, Gorbachev (1988) stated
explicitly:
In writing this book it has been my desire to
address directly the peoples of the USSR, the
United States, indeed every country (p. xi).
Although primary sources may be the preferred
evidence in H-C studies, they are not without their
own idiosyncratic problems. First, material that
has survived may not be typical of all possible
evidence from that time. An additional problem with
primary sources is validation or the determination
that the material was written when and by whom it is
supposed to have been written. This is known as
external criticism. The final concern with primary
sources is one of internal criticism or the
determination that the account is one of personal
22


experience versus a recording of second-person
accounts. This is also referred to as tertiary
evidence (Neuman, 1991; Stacks & Hocking, 1992) It
is at this point that the lines between pure primary
and secondary sources may become blurred. What may
be taken for a primary source may in reality be a
secondary source when the author reports stories
told to him/her.
Secondary sources are also available for
investigation. These consist of writings of
historians or other researcher who have themselves
spent several years studying primary sources. It is
not unusual to conduct a H-C study solely utilizing
secondary sources. For example, Lachmann's (1989)
study of elites in 16th and 17th century England and
France. There are issues with regard to these
sources as well that H-C researchers must take into
consideration. Because secondary sources are
interpretations of primary sources, they may not be
entirely objective. As the discussion above
indicates, all researchers bring some degree of bias
to the project.
This study has utilized both primary and
secondary sources. Over 200 sources have been
explored during the investigative and verification
23


processes. When primary sources are employed, an
attempt has been made to determine the perspective
that a particular author has brought to the subject.
This again has been accomplished via research of
that particular author's credentials and philosophy
regarding the subject.
The third type of evidence is the running
record or documents maintained over a long period of
time such as governmental employment records. Any
of these records available here in the US will be
considered. This type of evidence for the former
Soviet Union is becoming more readily accessible due
to glasnost.
The final form in which one might find evidence
is recollections such as are found in memoirs,
autobiographies, and interviews. It must be
remembered that these accounts are one person's
memory and perception of a given event or time.
The final step in H-C research is to organize
and synthesize all information and formulate or re-
evaluate theory as required by the evidence.
Indeed, Neuman (1991) proposed "the major task for
the historical-critical researcher is organizing and
giving new meaning to evidence" (p. 389) The
synthesis phase in H-C research has been called both
24


inductive and deductive reasoning. Stacks and
Hocking (1992) suggest it goes beyond these
processes to one of "adductive" reasoning.
This approach suggests that communication
(or other phenomena) are best described
when all possible causes are examined for
their impact on some event (Stacks &
Hocking, 1992, p. 110).
Finally, to fully understand historical-
critical methodology, one must be cognizant of its
potential deficiencies and strengths. The
discussion that follows will explicate potential
difficulties and benefits of the historical-critical
methodology for particular varieties of studies.
First, there are limitations to types of data
and problems that can be investigated. Further,
there are a limited number of cases available. No
random sample is possible, but there rarely is a
true random sample in any research. Second, because
little or no data in the experimental sense is
gathered, there is no hypothesis testing as in
quantitative research. This method attempts to
develop and apply theory and is limited in its
generalizability. Third, there is potential for
cultural bias. Given most cultural researchers have
lived and been educated in Western societies, pro-
25


Western bias may be of concern (Neuman, 1991). This
is a potential problem in all research, but H-C
investigators need to take particular care not to
bring an ethnocentric point of view to their
investigations. But by asking questions that may
challenge assumptions of one's own culture, the
researcher is encouraged to become conscious of
these assumptions and come to value other cultures.
The fourth and final issue is that of
equivalence. This is an important issue for all
research methodology, but especially so for H-C
research. It is similar to validity problems in
quantitative research in that one must take care to
measure or investigate the same phenomenon across
cultures or time. There are four types of
equivalence H-C researchers must be aware of and
prepared to address: lexicon, contextual,
conceptual, and measurement.
To address lexicon equivalence satisfactorily,
the investigator might develop the requisite
language skills. Or she/he might rely upon
translations produced by respected authorities in
the given cultural context in addition to primary
sources directed to Western investigators.
26


Contextual equivalence requires application of
similar terminology across various contexts and
times. This would be analogous to operational
definitions in quantitative research that specify
how the term is being applied in a particular study.
Conceptual equivalence determines whether a
concept as understood today was defined and
understood the same way in a previous time or
context. For example, would dissident activities be
understood the same way in both 1861 and in 1991?
Finally, measurement equivalence is how
comparably concepts are measured across cultures or
time. This is related to how primary sources were
selected for inclusion and how authors measured
concepts under investigation. To address this
concern, a variety of works have been investigated
to confirm or reject any given source as valid for
the current study. Smelser (1976) suggests
measurement equivalence is an issue in all research
because all units of analysis inherently have some
degree of variability and are dissimilar units of
analysis to some extent.
According to Neuman (1991) when used for the
appropriate type of study, there are several
advantages and strengths to H-C research
27


methodology. The ensuing discussion will enumerate
them. First, because research involves comparison
to one degree or another, the H-C method clarifies
weaknesses in research design and can potentially
improve research in that domain. Second, this
method allows comparison of social patterns and
institutions across cultures and/or time. More
complex problems such as social movements can be
investigated when more than a single or limited
number of variables are incorporated into the
research design. This particular study is
investigating a given set of behaviors over time
within a given culture. The third strength is that
H-C methodology can improve measurement and
conceptualization of a research question. When the
researcher applies a given theory or perspective
over a long period of time, previously hidden biases
or shortcomings become evident when applied to a
broader spectrum. In other words, any given culture
or time will place restrictions on the potential
range of human behavior. But when longer time
frames are investigated, a greater range of possible
human behaviors and explanations might be generated.
Fourth, much social science research does not
attempt to provide causal explanation, but H-C
28


research might provide alternative interpretations
or eliminate altogether previously accepted
conclusions. Finally, by providing alternative
explanations, H-C methodology can raise new
questions for further investigation and encourage
theory building.
With explication of historical-critical
methodology completed, the next section will provide
clarification of and definitions for the specific
model that will be employed in the analysis of
Soviet female participation in revolutionary and
dissident activities.
The Model
Before an analysis of female dissident
activities may begin, the model being utilized must
be explicated and definitions of terminology
provided. In The Rhetoric of Agitation and Control,
Bowers and Ochs (1971) discuss social change
movements using rhetorical acts as the
variables/units of analysis. A rhetorical act is
defined as:
the rationale of instrumental, symbolic
behavior. A message or other act is
instrumental if it contributes to the
29


production of another message or act (p.
2) .
Because language is an arbitrary assignment of
symbols to objects, rhetoric then becomes any kind
of symbolic/instrumental behavior.
Bowers and Ochs provide the following
definition for agitation:
Agitation exists when (1) people outside
the normal decision-making establishment
(2) advocate significant social change and
(3) encounter a degree of resistance
within the establishment such as to
require more than the normal discursive
means of persuasion (p. 4).
This definition then suggests that individuals
external to the establishment desire a particular
social change that has met, or will meet, resistance
from said establishment that will necessitate extra-
normal means of discussion or behavior. The
decision-making establishment under investigation
will include not only Russian and Soviet
governmental agencies, but will include places of
employment. Further, since historically males have
been the decision-making establishment in
traditional families, this too will be defined as
the decision-making establishment with regard to
opportunities available to Russian and Soviet women.
With respect to agitation, the operational
30


definition will include: noncompliance to male
authority in the home, participation in protest
marches, strikes, rallies, sit-ins, and activities
commonly associated with war. But, one must
remember that even though an individual might be
agitating for change, he/she can still be in
compliance with prescribed rules.
There are two types of agitation as discussed
by Bowers and Ochs. The first is vertical deviance.
This occurs when agitators/dissidents, concur with
the values of the system, but disputes the
distribution of rewards or power within that system.
This form of agitation is relatively easy to
understand when it occurs. For example, when a
Soviet female working in the medical profession
observes that those of her gender compose 90 percent
of all workers in that profession, but occupy only
50 percent of higher paying administrative
positions, she may become involved in vertical
agitation.
The second type of agitation, lateral deviance,
occurs when agitators/dissidents disagree with the
value system itself. This might become more complex
and difficult to understand as the intensity of
agitation increases. For example, if an individual
31


in the former Soviet Union believed a market economy
is better than socialism, he/she is disputing the
very foundation and value system of that social and
political organization. Or women in the former
Soviet Union might dispute the value placed upon
them as exemplified by occupations and positions
accessible to them and assistance provided to women
struggling with responsibilities in both the
domestic and external labor force.
When agitators meet resistance from the
establishment during social change processes, there
are a number of strategies they may employ. Bowers
and Ochs envision these strategies as "cumulative
and progressive...[and] unlikely that a strategy
lower on the list will occur until all those
preceding have occurred" (p. 17). Strategies of
agitation are: petition, promulgation,
solidification, polarization, non-violent
resistance, escalation/confrontation, guerrilla and
Gandhi, guerrilla, and finally, revolution. But,
these strategies as defined by Bowers and Ochs may
not include all possible strategies utilized by
women and men. Further, there may be other
strategies utilized in a closed society that may not
have been necessary to individuals in an open
32


society. Therefore, the strategies for agitation as
envisioned by Bowers and Ochs will be utilized as a
point of departure. It may become apparent during
the investigation of dissident and revolutionary
activities of Soviet women that other strategies
were essential in addition to Bowers and Ochs'
strategies. Herein follows explication of the
Bowers and Ochs terminology.
To enhance agitators legitimacy with both the
establishment and other agitators or potential
agitators, the strategy of petition is usually first
attempted. This involves several methods of
persuasion which include careful attention to
selection of target audiences and evidentiary
sources. It need not be a formalized petition, but
some form of notification of need for change must be
communicated to the decision-making establishment.
The next level of agitation is promulgation.
At this level, agitators begin to communicate their
dissatisfaction by distributing leaflets, picketing,
and/or holding initial protest meetings. Mass media
exploitation is important at this phase in order to
disseminate group ideology to a larger audience and
to gain greater acceptance for agitator causes. Due
to heavy censorship by the Soviet government, it has
33


only been in recent years that Soviet dissidents
have been able to access mass media to broadcast
their movement's goals.
This step is followed by two strategies
designed to "marshall the troops" and make agitators
a more cohesive group: solidification and
polarization. The solidification phase may use
several tactics to make the group more cohesive.
These include in-group, underground publications
such as samizdat publications in the former Soviet
Union; the use of symbols and slogans such as the
peace symbol that was utilized in the 1960s; and
songs. One famous song associated with a social
change movement was "We Shall Overcome" used by US
civil-rights groups during the 1960s. Polarization
is designed to create a we they mentality within
agitator groups. The basic premise is that if one
is not for, then one must be against the agitators.
During this phase, "flag issues and flag
individuals" may be utilized to move people from
either indifference or support of the establishment
into the agitators ranks. Flag issues are:
issues that and individuals who, for one
reason or another, are especially sus-
ceptible to the charges made against the
establishment by the agitator's ideology
(Bowers & Ochs, 1971, p. 27) .
34


Non-violent resistance utilizes flag issues
along with tactics such as marches, rallies, and
civil disobedience. Mikhail Gorbachev and his
perestroika campaign very clearly became flag issues
during the last days of the former Soviet Union.
During this phase, agitators would like to resolve
the differences without violence or escalation of
tensions between agitators and establishment.
The next phase is escalation/confrontation. At
this level, agitators want to demonstrate how
inadequate or corrupt the system is, and therefore,
force the establishment to over-react to the
agitators and any deadlines issued from that camp.
If agitators can draw innocent non-agitators into
this confrontation, so much the better. The
agitators might entice the establishment into
believing that more demonstrators will be at a given
protest event than realistically might be expected
and cause an over-reaction by the establishment.
Agitators may even resort to token violence to
escalate agitation to the Gandhi and guerrilla
phase.
In the Gandhi and guerrilla phase agitators may
exploit the specter of a more militant group
replacing them. They would then appear to be less
35


threatening for the establishment to negotiate with.
In other words, agitators may appear to be Gandhi
while the militant group appears to be the guerrilla
organization whose goal is total destruction of the
establishment. At this point, if negotiations are
unsuccessful, guerrilla attacks on the establishment
may ensue that could lead to full scale revolution.
What might the establishment reactions be to
the above discussed strategies of agitators? Bowers
and Ochs suggest there are specific control
responses to agitation available to the establish-
ment and define control as: "the response of the
decision-making establishment to agitation" (p. 4).
This response might take one of four forms:
avoidance, suppression, adjustment, and capitula-
tion. Again, there may be control strategies
utilized in a closed society that an open one would
not use. For example, Stalin frequently resorted to
elimination of perceived enemies by sentencing them
to internal exile in a gulag (prison camp) or
killing them. The model does not address this
control strategy because Bowers and Ochs view this
as beyond rhetorical strategies as they envisioned
them to be. Herein follows explication of control
strategy terminology.
36


The first line of defense against agitation is
frequently avoidance. The establishment may
attempt to counterpersuade agitators from their
position by holding discussions with them. Another
tactic available under the avoidance strategy is
evasion. Here, the establishment sets up many
obstacles and red tape in an attempt to avoid
dealing with agitation issues. Additionally, the
establishment may engage in denying agitators means
with which to achieve its goals. For example, in
the Soviet Union it has been difficult to gain
access to mass media to disseminate information
\
regarding dissident movements and activities.
The strategy of suppression is the second line
of defense. Here, legal harassment of leading
agitators may be utilized. If the establishment can
"scare off" agitation leaders, the movement may fall
apart. If that is unsuccessful, it may at least
discourage others from participating in the
movement. Banishment is also an option utilized by
some organizations to maintain control. The Soviet
Union has historically used internal exile and
confinement to mental institutions to control
dissidents. Information availability and visibility
of the group might also be suppressed.
37


The next line of defense for the establishment
is adjustment. By conceding to a few of their
demands, the establishment hopes to diffuse some
agitation energy. It also may coopt one or more
agitators to the establishment's position.
The final strategy open to the establishment is
capitulation. This method of last resort requires
that the establishment totally give into the
ideology and goals of agitators and become a new
institution. This is not usually done voluntarily
and is accomplished via revolution. Gorbachev's
unprecedented abdication in December, 1991, required
no revolution to.dismantle the old Soviet system and
create a new political entity of loosely united
republics.
Conclusion
This chapter has explicated historical-critical
research methodology and the rationale for its
appropriate application in this study. Definitions
of terminology have been provided as well as
explanation of Bowers and Ochs' (1971) model for
social change investigation. As the above
discussion indicates, this model of analysis for
38


social change may apply to recent and historical
dissident activities in Russia and the former Soviet
Union.
Chapter Two will discuss general societal
attitudes toward Soviet women. Additionally, Soviet
women's position in the economy will be examined.
Chapter Three will track their rights and
responsibilities as homemaker, wife, mother, and
grandmother and their general living conditions.
Chapter Four will: (1) clarify the, heretofore,
invisible Soviet female as revolutionary and
dissident and 2) apply the Bowers and Ochs model for
social change to specific female dissident and
revolutionary activities.
39


CHAPTER 2
ATTITUDES, STATUS, AND ECONOMIC LABOR
Attitudes and Status
A hen is not a bird, and a woman is not a person.
I thought I saw two people walking along, but one
was a woman.
Russian Peasant Proverbs
To understand the roles Soviet women fulfill
and appreciate the impact the above Russian peasant
proverbs have upon Soviet society, one must
understand the culture and what institutions in-
fluence perceptions of appropriate gender role
behaviors. Soviet attitudes towards women tended to
be very sexist based upon strong traditional beliefs
instilled by the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) under
the Tsar. The ROC and Tsar had a symbiotic
relationship wherein the Tsar controlled the church,
but gained its support by allowing it to accumulate
great wealth (Curtiss, 1960) Until 1905, the ROC
was the only church allowed, but it had "little
independence and merely echoed and exalted the


social and political concerns of the autocracy"
(Lane, 1978, p. 26). Historically religious beliefs
and various institutions such as the family have in-
fluenced attitudes regarding appropriate gender
roles. Geiger (1960) suggests the nineteenth
century family was strongly impacted by traditional
and religious beliefs regarding appropriate roles
with the male serving as "master of the household
and his wife" (p. 449).
Rigid gender appropriate positions as defined
by the church would appear to be contradictory given
the stated Marxist/Leninist goals of total equality
and a classless society that the Bolshevik
Revolution of 1917 was supposed to have created.
According to Curtiss (1960), Lenin did not want the
revolutionary movement to attack the church for fear
"good proletarians [might] turn against the
revolution because of insult to their faith" (p.
413). Bolsheviks did weaken the church's hold by
nationalizing church property and taking over record
keeping of marriages, deaths, and births. These
were functions formally performed strictly by the
church. Further, on February 5, 1918, the
separation of church and state was formally decreed
by the Bolshevik leadership. But, persecution of
41


the church in any organized manner did not begin
until 1919. From 1922 forward, there were various
periods in which anti-church activities accelerated
then were replaced with periods of relative peaceful
coexistence with the Communist Party.
The sexist attitude towards women is even more
paradoxical when one considers that Russian society
has traditionally been strongly matriarchal. Here
the "Mother Earth" cults flourished and continued
long after the inception of Christianity (Gray,
1990). The Mother Earth cults were early cultures
that were based upon female rule and belief that the
female alone was able to create life without the
assistance of a male (Stone, 1976). These women-
centered cults/beliefs were difficult to eliminate
and this might help explain to some extent the
backlash against and suppression of women. In fact,
the Russian Orthodox Church is said to be more
misogynous than the Catholic Church (Gray, 1990).
In Tsarist Russia, not only did church teachings
declare that women were sinful, but that they needed
men/husbands to govern them (Atkinson, 1977; Porter,
1987). Additionally, the Tsar decreed by law based
upon traditional church beliefs, that women could
not work, go to school, or apply for a passport
42


without her husband's consent. Husbands also had
the right to beat their wives to keep them obedient
and subservient (Wagner, 1989) Rywkin (1989)
suggests no Renaissance or Age of Chivalry occurred
in Russia further impacting this patriarchal
attitude (see also Tompkins, 1953) .
When one studies the Soviet Union, much
information is based upon the Russian Republic.
This is controversial to some extent because the
USSR is composed of many cultures such as Russian,
Lithuanian, Ukrainian, Turkmenistanian,
Uzbekistanian etc. But it is easier to understand
why so much research is based upon Russian culture
when one considers the Russian Republic covers 75
percent of the land and 50 percent of the population
is of Russian descent (Sacks, 1988). Therefore, a
great many attitudes and beliefs of this majority
Russian nationality influence much of the Soviet
Union's attitudes and beliefs. Indeed, the
Marxist/Bolsheviks had to make concessions to the
tradition when creating their new classless Soviet
post-1917 Revolutionary society. Reshetar (1960)
cites one of Stalin's 1924 published articles
regarding problems associated with Russian
"'inertia, routine, conservatism, stagnation of
43


thought [and] slavish regard for ancestral
traditions'" (p. 570). The Bolsheviks had to fight
these traditional attitudes and values in a number
of social and political arenas.
Another factor influencing attitudes was the
very rigid class system in Imperial Russia
(Atkinson, 1977), which impacted attitudes about
status, position, and respect for those in various
social strata. Rywkin (1989) suggests there were
four traditions that influence current attitudes to-
wards and held by women: (1) status and rank are
held in high esteem, (2) given the esteem accorded
to those of high rank, there is a dependence upon
those of rank to intercede on one's behalf, (3) a
strong desire to believe in a just cause, and
finally, (4) an ability to accept hardships as a
normal part of life.
Discourteous behavior towards those of lower
status occurs with this strong tradition for
deference to rank and status. Historically in
Russia a woman could elevate her status by marrying
"up", but a male would lose his status and rank by
marrying a woman of lower status. If a male was to
marry a woman of higher status he did not achieve
the higher status of his wife. Therefore, a woman
44


could improve her status by association with a male,
but improvement of status by association with a
female was not possible. Only degradation of status
was associated with females (Atkinson, 1977) .
Rywkin (1989) suggests:
the situation of women in the USSR is
paradoxical: despite the country's
ideological and legal commitment to full
equality, women clearly suffer a de facto
lower status (p. 146).
With this lower status follows lower respect,
esteem, and discourtesy afforded those individuals
within these ranks.
This would help explain masculine attitudes
toward women given men tended to hold higher status
positions in Russian society and continued to in
Soviet society. This practice was not displaced by
the Bolshevik Revolution. Additionally, ability to
accept any hardship as a normal part of life would
tend to create an inertia that would make change
difficult. It would appear to require great
perseverance and stamina for women in this culture
to become so disenchanted with the system as to
overcome this inertia and become involved in dissi-
dent or revolutionary movements.
In contemporary former Soviet society there
were few public opinion polls taken to determine
45


general public attitudes about gender issues, but
attitudes can be surmised from various policy deci-
sions and characteristics of a society.
Historically in many Western European societies as
male income increased there was less need for
females to work outside the home. A more
traditional attitude then reasserted itself. This
attitude prescribed one female function to be that
of family nurturer dependent upon male labor for
economic support (Sacks, 1980). Indeed, one major
theme in Russian literature suggests an appropriate
function for Soviet women was to provide emotional
support for her husband, thereby creating a domestic
environment suitable for her family. This was
understood to be in addition to her economic labors.
These attitudes were prevalent in the former
Soviet Union as observed in letters to the press
(Sacks, 1980) Additionally, many professional
people and the State expressed the notion that
females were biologically pre-ordained to care for
children and home (Sacks, 1980; Gray, 1990;
Posadskaya, 1991). Hough (1977) quotes a vice-
president of the Academy of Pedagogical Sciences who
believed there were appropriate gender roles
biologically pre-ordained. This woman stated:
46


woman by her biological essence is a
mother a teacher-trainer...[with] an
inborn ability to deal with small
children, an instinctive pedagogical
approach (p. 366).
She further suggested the state policy of excluding
females from admission to particular professions was
appropriate given their "motherly mission" (p. 366).
These rigidly interpreted gender appropriate roles
are in direct contradiction to stated
Marxist/Leninist philosophy of equality of labor and
roles for men and women in a socialist society.
Socialist theorists suggested socialization and not
biology was the determinant of appropriate gender
roles and once a socialist society was in place,
women would be treated equally with men and released
from menial home and child-care responsibilities.
Heitlinger (1980) clarifies this point:
Starting from the assumption that
relationships to the means of production
are primary, orthodox Marxist feminist
have argued that the oppression of women
is not a separate problem, but rather a
contradiction that arises from the class
struggle, and is eventually resolved by
the creation of socialism (p. 10).
Engle proposed women would not achieve equality with
men while a capitalistic system was enforced. In
other words, private property, female domestic
labors, lack of external labors, and dependence on
47


men would continue to keep women from full self
actualization and economic independence (Heitlinger,
1980) .
In response to an increasingly active women's
movement prior to the 1917 Revolution and to gain
support of Russian women (Porter, 1987), Bolshevik
leadership envisioned a society in which state spon-
sored child-care facilities would accept the vast
majority of child-rearing responsibilities thus
freeing women for economic production roles. After
taking power, Communist Party headers created the
"Commissions for Agitation and Propaganda among
Working Women" which in turn became the Women's
Bureau (Zhenotdel) in 1919. Tasks assigned to
Zhenotdel units included organizing and encouraging
women to become more politically active and to
address many issues related to female existence.
Although Zhenotdel remained a part of the formal
organizational structure of the Communist Party
until 1930, it was subject to problems ranging from
simple lack of support to open aggression to its
stated goals as leader for women's rights (see Holt,
1977; Lapidus, 1978; Clements, 1979; and Holland,
1985). Zhenotdel fell victim to reorganization of
the Central Committee Secretariat in 1930 and was
48


formally abolished (Lapidus, 1978). This is a clear
example of control agent strategies of avoidance,
adjustment, and finally, suppression. Although it
continually fought for recognition and support
within the Party, Zhenotdel was:
useful as a transmission belt for Party
policy and as a mechanism for extending
Party influence to an otherwise
inaccessible female constituency... [it]
functioned as a female auxiliary of the
Party ...[and] was accorded organizational
recognition but marginal status (Lapidus,
1978, p. 71).
Unfortunately, this along with many other
promises went unfulfilled.
The experience of Soviet women may then be
illustrative of and congruent with the
general development of Soviet society and
the Soviet polity. On the 'woman
question', as on other aspects of
communist public policy, the Bolsheviks
had no blueprint before the Revolution of
how to proceed once they came to power.
The Leninists shared the conviction that
socialism would automatically and
inevitably 'solve' the 'woman question',
just as it would 'solve' the problems of
crime, nationalism, and racism (Dallin,
1977, p. 386).
The Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 changed the status
of women legally over night. They received the
right to vote, equal pay for equal work, access to
most professions and positions, and the right to sue
for divorce and child support. Indeed, the marriage
law of 1926 was very liberal and provided new
49


freedom for women. But by 1944, there was a
resurgence of old traditional attitudes and values
regarding women and their roles (Williams, 1987).
It is much more difficult to change people's values
and attitudes and cannot be done quickly nor by
decree. Black (1960) argued that traditional values
of patriarchal peasant society could not be changed
overnight.
In an era in which many millions of
Russians have been transferred within a
generation or two from the countryside to
all levels of urban life, it can hardly be
doubted that the attitudes and values
characteristic of the former peasantry
continue to have a powerful impact (p.
672) .
This obviously is problematic for women since they
now must participate equally in the external labor
force in addition to their domestic duties.
This sexist attitude was held by individuals at
all levels of the former Soviet society. For
example, Gray (1990) quoted a male doctor regarding
female doctors:
Of course there are prejudices as
well there should bel The brainier the
woman, the more she tends to prefer men
doctors, because our best specialists are
clearly men. As you know, over 75 percent
of Soviet doctors are women, but they
don't work well... Here at this clinic, I
have officially declared that I don't
accept women doctors on my staff (pp. 17-
18) .
50


Gray continues that prejudice against female doctors
was widespread and held by women as well as by men.
Even one of the most ardent women's rights advocates
expressed this same prejudice against women doctors.
Williams (1987) suggests there are two reasons
why the pre-1917 Revolution attitudes have
persisted. Not only have traditional attitudes been
resistant to change (Willis, 1988), but Marxist
theorists did not want to dilute the class struggle
by fragmenting their efforts with various "smaller"
issues such as women's liberation (Porter, 1987).
Bolshevik leadership was at best indifferent towards
women's issues and at worst outright hostile. Not
only did many people with socialist views fear that
a women's liberation movement would dilute the class
struggle, but they opposed it on the basis of
individualism versus the collective. Edmondson
(1984) suggests individualism is associated with
male egotism which has "anti-social consequences for
society" (p. 3). But women traditionally have been
perceived as keepers of social values and
civilization. There were those that feared women
would lose this ability if feminist goals of in-
dividualism were achieved leaving behind concern for
the collective good. Gray (1990) quotes one female
51


professor at the prestigious Moscow Lenin State
Pedagogical Institute on the subject of women as
keepers of social values and their responsibility to
have and rear children: "... the most important duty
of a woman, along with her work, is to have
children, far beyond the duty of being a wife (p.
61) .
Another explanation suggests it is difficult
for many members of a society to change their
attitudes because individuals become confused about
what is reality and what is possibility (Sacks,
1980). Berger and Luckmann (1966) call this
confusion "reification of social reality" (p. 88) .
They explain:
Reification is the apprehension of human
phenomena as if they were things, that is,
in non-human or possibly suprahuman terms.
Another way of saying this is that
reification is the apprehension of the
products of human activity as if they were
something else than human products such
as facts of nature, results of cosmic laws
or manifestations of divine will (pp. 88-
89) .
Given this explanation, it becomes evident that
Soviet culture continued to hold the belief that
roles assigned to women were a result of nature and
not due to traditional attitudes handed down over
52


many generations from person to person. Lapidus
(1977) argues:
Accounts which emphasize the dramatic
changes in the position of women resulting
from the October Revolution ignore the
persistence of traditional norms and
behaviors in new economic and social
conditions. Revolutionary change in the
USSR has brought not a total rupture with
the past but a partial assimilation and
even reintegration of pre-revolutionary
attitudes and patterns of behavior that
are not merely 'bourgeois remnants'
destined to evaporate in the course of
further development but defining features
of a distinctive political culture (p.
116) .
As the Bolsheviks discovered:
It is axiomatic in social history that
however revolutionary this or that regime,
and however radical the changes it
introduces in policy or ideology, it still
must deal with the same people and take as
its point of departure the existing
popular attitudes and norms of behavior
(Dallin, 1977, p. 389) .
As is apparent from the above discussion,
former Soviet women continued to battle old
traditional, sexist values founded hundreds of years
ago in Imperial Russia. This patriarchal attitude
will become more clear in the next section which
discusses the occupations and positions available to
women in the former Soviet Union.
53


Economic Labor
Many individuals outside the USSR believe that
women had achieved full equality with men in the
labor force. But current statistics about gender
composition of various occupations and positions
would indicate otherwise. To understand
demographics of the former Soviet labor force, this
section will begin with a discussion of historic
positions filled by female labor during industrial
development of the Soviet Union then move onto
statistical data regarding career opportunities
available to former Soviet women.
The role women played in the labor force and
factories began with industrial development in the
Soviet Union. Early in Russian history, during
Peter the Great's reign, female convicts were or-
dered to serve the term of their sentences in
factories. In 1762, wives of military men were
forced to fill needed labor positions left vacant by
men (Glickman, 1977).
In 1885, women composed 22 percent of the
overall factory work force. But particular
industries employed women to a greater degree than
others. In some Russian provinces, females
54


constituted over 54 percent of labor in the textile
industry. Eighty four percent of tobacco factory
workers were female in St. Petersburg providence
(Glickman, 1977).
In the 1890s, females comprised 20 percent of
industrial labor workers with the majority employed
in textile and clothing industries (Sacks, 1980).
During this period, the political atmosphere was
extremely unstable and several strikes and minor
revolutions occurred. After the 1905 revolution had
improved income and labor conditions for men,
industrial leaders turned to females as cheaper
labor. Women were generally considered to be better
employees because they would accept lower wages and
it was believed were not as likely to be politically
active as their male counterparts (Williams, 1987).
Between 1901 and 1910, it has been estimated that 88
percent of the increase in the labor force was due
to women joining the ranks of those employed outside
the home (Williams, 1987). In 1913, one third of
all factory workers were female (Gliksman, 1960).
By the time of the 1917 Revolution, estimates place
female industrial labor at anywhere from 40 percent
(Sacks, 1980, 1988) to 43 percent (Williams, 1987).
After the revolution, women industrial laborers
55


increased from 28 percent in 1929 to 45 percent in
1956 (Gliksman, 1960). In comparison, US women
composed 20 percent of the paid labor force in 1900
and increased to 55 percent by 1986 (Hochschild,
1989) .
There are several factors that influenced the
need for female labor in the former Soviet Union
that other developing countries did not experience.
First, the Soviets have experienced periods of major
population decline. During the period immediately
succeeding the 1917 Revolution (1917-1921) the
population of 103 million declined by 2.8 million
per year. Between 1929 and 1935, forced
collectivization, Stalin's purges, and famine
reduced the population by another 5.5 million.
Additionally, World War II claimed another 20-25
million lives, the vast majority being male (Sacks,
1980) Others have estimated the total population
decrease due to all of the above factors at over 100
million (Geiger, 1968). It is difficult to
determine the exact figure with any degree of
accuracy due to Soviet poor record keeping
practices, records destroyed during wars and purges,
and Soviet's extreme aversion to any publicity they
perceived might reflect upon them negatively.
56


Reshetar (1955) acknowledged the difficulty with
many official Soviet statistics. For example, the
census data of 1937 was suppressed by government
officials because "wreckers" had tampered with
demographic data. Reshetar argues this was done
because the figures regarding deaths due to famine
were greater than were officially acceptable and
exaggeration and outright falsification of documents
and data had occurred during the Communist Party
regime.
The second factor influencing the need for
female labor was rapid industrialization during the
1920s and 1930s (Peers, 1985). Just before World
War II there were only 92 males for every 100
females in the Soviet Union. When war preparations
began, women were again needed to fill the
industrial labor force (Sacks, 1977). And finally,
two incomes became necessary to survive when a
single income became insufficient to maintain a
family's standard of living. That continued to be
the case at the time of the demise of the former
Soviet Union in December, 1991.
With so many women in the work force, one would
assume equality would be less an issue than in other
countries employing fewer women. There are several
57


factors that influenced occupations and positions
available to women. First, historically in Tsarist
Russia females occupied certain positions in
specific industries during developmental phases of
industrialization. In other words, not all
occupations and positions were open to women. The
second factor affecting female employment was child
care. During its infancy, the Communist Party
attempted to address terrible shortages in child
care facilities that made integration of female
workers difficult. And finally, during rapid
industrialization many people drawn into the labor
force came from rural, peasant groups. These people
brought with them very traditional values and at-
titudes about appropriate gender roles and division
of labor. Gliksman (1960) argues that peasants
moving into urban employment retained ties to rural
Russia and traditional attitudes because many left
families in rural areas to work the land.
Additionally, many worked factory jobs until harvest
time when they returned to the land. Gliksman
(1960) therefore, posits the industrial worker was
"half-peasant and half-proletarian" (p. 317). Sacks
(1980) suggests these factors may have not only
created the environment in which certain beliefs
58


became established, but also made changes more
difficult:
There is an inertia built into social
structures; present forms are to a large
extent a product of the conditions
prevalent at the time they first came into
existence (p. 244).
These factors help explicate why women continued to
be dominant in occupations such as food, garment,
postal, textile industries, medicine, typing/
secretarial, and teaching positions. Males have
traditionally been dominant in occupations such as
law, the arts, plumbing, woodworking, transpor-
tation, machine construction, and metallurgy (Sacks,
1980) .
These sterotypic roles had not changed much
over the years even though 53 percent of the labor
force was female (de Boismilon, 1991). Posadskaya
(1991) relates upon graduation from school she was
given a list of jobs appropriate for women.
I could pursue telephonist, nurse, child-
care worker, teacher, and so on. There
was no mention of engineer, electronic
technician, computer specialist, factory
director (p. 9).
CBS News interviewed Soviet women and consensus
appeared to be that roles Soviet women were assigned
were problematic for them. The news correspondent
stated:
59


For every Soviet man on parade, you can
bet there's a Soviet woman standing behind
him or, more accurately, sweeping up
behind him. Young or old, it doesn't
matter. That's what women do in the
Soviet Union. If this is equality, the
equality Lenin gave them, it's not most
women's idea of equality. It's not even a
Russian woman's idea of equality (de
Boismilon, 1991, p. 8).
Before reviewing current employment statistics,
two factors must be discussed to keep the issue of
Soviet female employment in perspective. First,
when examining positions held by women in the former
Soviet Union, investigators must take care not to
bring an ethnocentric point of view to the
investigation. For example, women far out number
men in the medical profession. This at first glance
would appear to indicate women have achieved full
equality with men, but when one looks deeper into
this area a different picture becomes evident.
Privilege and status are not accorded to people in
the medical profession and to the intelligentsia.
Greater pay and privilege are reserved for those
individuals employed in various industrial
production efforts; for example, doctors earned 250
rubles a month compared to 450 rubles paid to
skilled factory workers (Gray, 1990) .
60


A second relevant point regarding this issue
involves the analysis of actual numbers of men and
women employed in any given occupation or position.
When reviewing statistical data that suggest an
equalization of gender composition in various
occupations one must be aware that "men of lower-
status nationality groups entering occupations the
Russians label 'women's work'" (Sacks, 1980, p. 249)
may be the influencing factor. In other words
professional association with women can only lower
ones status, not raise it. Therefore, men of lower-
status groups are associated with women in
particular professions or positions in specific
occupations, thereby, creating the impression of
equality in some occupations.
What specific occupations and positions were
reserved for women in the former Soviet Union?
Women were dominate in the garment/textile industry,
typists/secretarial positions, teaching, and
medicine. In medicine, women held 90 percent of all
medical positions from doctors to technicians, but
held only 60 percent of administrative positions
(Sacks, 1980, 1988). Further, not only did women
not have equal access to higher paying
administrative positions, but they also did not have
61


access to higher status and higher paying
specialties. Women tended to be general practioners
while men tended to be surgeons (Rywkin, 1989) In
education where women were the majority, they
composed only 25 percent of all administrative
positions (Sacks, 1988).
Other occupations reserved predominately for
women were industrial and unskilled labor. Seventy
percent of all unskilled labor positions were filled
by females (Sacks, 1988). Women constituted 98
percent of janitors and street cleaners (Gray,
1990). These jobs were made more difficult because
modern equipment was not available in the former
USSR. Conveyor belt operators were 90 percent women
and 66 percent of all construction and warehouse
workers (Rywkin, 1989; Gray, 1990). The chief of
Moscow's Metro construction team was female as were
33 percent of engineers on the Bratsk Dam project
(Willis, 1988). In agriculture where women again
were the vast majority of workers, 85 percent of the
machine operators were male while women did heavy
manual labor (Gray, 1990). Overall, women worked
harder, waited three times longer for promotion to
the next level than males (Sacks, 1980), and earned
62
!


only 72 percent of what males earned (Sacks, 1980,
1988) .
Although women tended to receive less
remuneration for their labors, Gray (1990) suggested
the work ethics of women were strong and were quite
different from that of male workers.
Soviets often refer to women workers as
'our Japanese' because of the meticulous,
self-assured diligence of their work
patterns; I have also heard it said that
one of the aims of perestroika is to
motivate men to work as well as women (p.
35) .
Given discrimination and hardships associated
with work, why were over 92 percent (Gray, 1990) of
all Soviet women employed full time? Sacks (1988)
suggested there were a number of reasons why women
continued to work in the former USSR. These factors
were not so different from reasons US women seek
employment. The first factor was the high divorce
rate. Women of the USSR required some means of
supporting themselves and their children after
divorce. In 1990, one out of every three children
lived below the poverty line. That amounted to 23
million children (The Current Digest of the Soviet
Press. 1991). Second, inflation affected women in
the USSR just as in the US. Women's salaries were
needed to maintain the standard of living even when
63


a spouse was present in the home. To clarify this
point, on February 1, 1989, a group of sociologists
conducted an unprecedented poll via a full page
questionnaire in Literaturnava Gazeta (Literary
Gazette). The survey asked 34 questions and the
response was phenomenal. Over 200,000 people
responded with some even daring to put their name
and return address on the envelope. This poll
indicated that two-thirds of respondents reported a
family per-capita income of less than 125 rubles a
month. This would be "$200 at official exchange
rates, but more like $20 on the free market" (Smith,
1991, p. 90). Further, 97 percent of all
respondents indicated a per-capita family income of
less than 250 rubles per month.
And third, there was greater demand in general
for labor in all sectors of the economy. Since
World War II there had been an ever increasing
demand for all laborers, but most especially during
economic crisis in the former USSR (Peers, 1985).
Given occupations and positions generally as-
signed to women and the political instability of the
former Soviet Union, what does the future portend
for them with regard to career development and
potential? Williams (1987) suggested that because
64


of work loads and domestic responsibilities, women
have less time for educational and career
development. This serves to keep them in lower
status jobs as does general sexist attitudes.
Attitudes regarding appropriate careers and
positions for females in the former Soviet Union
were not so very different from those expressed in
the US. For example, Soviet studies found both men
and women indicated a preference for a male
supervisor (Lapidus, 1978). A similar US study with
female subordinates indicated a slight preference
for a male over a female supervisor (Shockley &
Staley, 1980) There is another similarity between
Soviet and US attitudes regarding women in the work
force. Historically, studies in the US suggested
that both men and women managers perceived
stereotypical male characteristics to be more
compatible with the term manager than stereotypical
female characteristics (O'Leary, 1974; Schein,
1977). Similar views were expressed in the former
Soviet Union by individuals involved in a far
reaching dialogue regarding recruitment and training
of executives. One female specifically stated "for
some reason it seems taken for granted that an
executive is a man" (Lapidus, 1978, p. 195).
65


Lapidus (1978) summarizes female participation
in the labor force by pointing out four issues. (1)
Unique demographic characteristics and
industrialization in the former USSR created a need
for female labor external to traditional agrarian
and domestic responsibilities. (2) Women have been
channeled into low wage positions with little upward
mobility and little chance to change their economic
status. (3) Due to certain unique characteristics
of industrialization in the former USSR, positions
became available for women that have not
traditionally been associated with women in Western
industrialized cultures. For example, Soviet women
were found in large numbers performing heavy
unskilled labor in both industry and agriculture.
Additionally, there are many female engineers and
technicians. And finally, (4) although Marxists
philosophy suggested that sexual equality would
naturally evolve in a socialist society, it does not
appear to have occurred in the former Soviet Union.
Even in this avowedly socialist society,
the structure of authority remains
hierarchial, and the proportion of women
declines at successively higher levels of
that hierarchy, even in occupations in
which they predominate (Lapidus, 1978, p.
197) .
66


In addition to keeping women from advancing in
their careers, the work load and lack of respect
also serves to keep them from participating
politically. "Many dislike the system, but with
Slavic fatalism they make the best of it" (Willis,
1988, p. 98).
But Sacks (1980, 1988) suggests the isolation
and segregation of women into particular occupations
may have been helpful in creating a women's movement
within the former USSR. By being in an environment
where women were dominant, they could develop a
sisterhood and discuss common concerns and problems.
Thus, the situation was more conducive to
development of a coalition of women than if they had
been totally integrated into "male professions".
The feminist movement had originally started
before 1917, but was subverted by the Bolshevik
Revolution and until recently, had not experienced a
revival. Harcave (1964) argues that there had been
no organized feminist movement before the 1905
Revolution. Indeed, in January, 1904, the Union of
Liberation held its first congress in which they
spelled out their goals. These goals included the
concept of "four-tail suffrage universal, equal,
secret, and direct" (Harcave, 1964, p. 33) as the
67


foundation for a new constitutional government.
This implied equality for women and began to draw
interest from various quarters. This group of
Liberationists were instrumental in creating the
revolution of 1905 (Harcave, 1964).
The post 1917 revolution period of 1917 to
1930, saw the Communist Party implement over 301
resolutions and decrees regarding women. But after
the formal dissolution of the Zhenotdel in 1930,
there were only three resolutions for the next three
decades (Lapidus, 1978). There was little interest
in a feminist movement or concern for the "women's
question" from 1930 through the mid 1960s because
the official stance was that it had been resolved.
After the Stalin era, debate regarding female
participation in labor became important again. As
more women were needed in economic labors, concern
was expressed that they not neglect their
traditional role. Official policy based upon
Marxist philosophy clung to the perception that the
"woman question" would be resolved when other
economic and production questions were resolved.
Between the mid 1960s and mid 1980s, the "woman
question" resurfaced with the acknowledgement that
68


it was indeed a separate question that needed
specific attention (Buckley, 1985).
This renewed interest may have been reawakened
when in 1979, several women began a samizdat -
unofficial publication- regarding women's issues.
This samizdat was called "An Almanac: Women and
Russia." One of the initiators of this publication,
Tat'yana Mamonova, was a dissident who had come
under KGB scrutiny for her activities and was
subject to harassment. She was eventually exiled
for her feminist activities (Holt, 1985). In
addition to the Almanac, another group began a
feminist samizdat in the early 1980s. These two
groups could not agree on all aspects of and
directions for a feminist movement. One factor they
did have in common was close observation by the KGB
and eventual harassment, exile, and imprisonment of
their various female leaders during the 1980s. This
obviously was the control strategy of suppression.
More recently, Posadskaya (1991) reported a
renewed interest in the women's movement. When a
women's forum was called in March, 1991, and
representatives of 48 women's groups and movements
attended. These groups were still wary of formal
organization due to previous failures of formal
69


organizations such as the Communist Party's Soviet
Women's Committee. Posadskaya (1991) further argues
regarding recent democratic movements active just
prior to the demise of the former Soviet Union and
their stance towards the woman question:
Women's groups and organisations have not
become part of the democratic movement, in
my view because the democrats have a
traditional patriarchal attitude to the
place and role of women. Most of the
democrats are men who consider that a
woman's place is in the home. We define
this as a post-socialist reversion to
patriarchy (p. 9).
The women's movement in the former USSR continues to
be in a state of flux.
Conclusion
This chapter has discussed the impact of
church, class system of Imperial Russia, and the
1917 Bolshevik Revolution on former Soviet society.
These institutions created a culture in which women
were devalued and many social and economic rewards
were withheld from them. Although women were
instrumental in the development of contemporary
industrial society, there were very rigid gender
appropriate occupations and positions that afford
lower status and financial reward to females. The
next chapter will investigate Soviet women's
70


responsibilities as homemaker and her general living
conditions with regard to time management and
housing.
71


CHAPTER 3
SOCIAL CONTEXT
The real way to privileges was to occupy
as important a post as possible in the
Party hierarchy, in the government, or in
some walk of life. The point is that your
privileges came with your position, your
job. Take your job away and bye-bye
privileges. Vladimir Pozner
Introduction
General living conditions in the former USSR
were far different than those most Americans
experience. Housing was and continues to be in
short supply, drab, and overcrowded. Few modern
conveniences such as refrigerators and washing
machines were available. This chapter will
investigate how these factors and others impacted
Soviet women's lives with regard to general living
conditions, domestic responsibilities, marriage, and
parenting.


General Living Conditions
Although the former Soviet Union was a
superpower, little attention had been given to en-
vironmental issues and there were few modern
conveniences. Pollution from industrial sources and
automobiles had all but destroyed the environment
(Rywkin, 1989). State Counselor A. Yablokov,
Russia's state advisor on the environment and public
health released a report indicating the
"environmental situation in Russia is close to being
a national catastrophe" (The Current Digest of the
Post-Soviet Press. 1992, p. 30). Environmental
pollutants have impacted the life expectancy for
Russian males by reducing it from 70.4 years in
1964-1965, to 69.3 years in 1990. In heavily
polluted urban areas, life expectancy fell to below
60 years. The State Counselor makes no mention of
the impact these pollutants had on women.
The environment and quality of life as it
impacted Russian women is far more rigorous than it
has been for American women. Over and above the
general drab environment of "marred building
facades, mud puddles, cockroaches, rusting pipes,
debris, and dirt... everywhere" (Rywkin, 1989, p.
73


134), were time consuming factors of life such as
shopping, cleaning, and trying to live with
inadequate housing.
Because there were shortages of everything from
soap (Peterson, 1989) to fossil fuels and other
energy sources (Dienes, 1989), shopping for daily
necessities became a major expedition with women
spending an average of four hours a day standing in
ines (de Boismilon, 1991). Men rarely were
responsible for any housework, spending only an
average of five hours a week on household duties
(Peers, 1985; Gray, 1990) compared to an average of
40 for women. In one US survey conducted in 1965-
1966, 1,243 parents reported a decided discrepancy
between men and women in hours spent on housework
and child-care responsibilities as well. US Women
spent almost 4 hours a day while men spent a total
of 29 minuets a day on child-care and house keeping
activities. In subsequent studies, couples reported
male participation at home had increased from 20
percent to 30 percent of all domestic
responsibilities by 1981 (Hochschild, 1989) .
In addition to fewer household
responsibilities, Soviet males did little shopping
except for vodka. What surveys there were of men in
74


the USSR indicated they were unwilling to share the
responsibilities for shopping, child care, and
housework (Heitlinger, 1979). Soviet men firmly
believed it to be:
[their] right to spend [their] free time
drinking with other men, and to use
[their] apartment mainly as a place to
eat, sleep, and watch television. Men
[did] no cleaning, no cooking, and little
shopping" (Willis, 1988, p. 98).
Peers (1985) adds that whatever the educational
level of a married male, he remained "a relative
parasite within the home and [will] further his own
education and enjoyment at the expense of his wife's
(p. 124).
The quality and quantity of goods in the former
Soviet Union were notoriously so poor that people
would leave work early or spend time on the phone
during the work day to chase scarce commodities.
The level of frustration was indicated in letters to
the Soviet press:
In our town [Ufa] there are queues not
only for sausages but for every little thing:
in the clinic, at the post office, at the
savings bank, for public transportation.
Almost all our spare time is spent in queues.
Nobody counts that time, nobody calculates it.
It is a special additional payment for
purchases (Rywkin, 1989, p. 136).
Writing letters to the editor is an example of
petition to the control agent that has been utilized
75


since the Bolshevik revolution in 1917. In one
study of letters to the press, Inkeles (1968) found
complaints involved distribution and production of
consumer goods. This would indicate vertical
agitation in that the populace was displeased with
the distribution of rewards within the society. One
study that helps clarify the issue was conducted in
1975. This survey indicated that only 66 percent of
Soviet families owned a washing machine and 50
percent owned a refrigerator (Peers, 1985). Soviet
sociologists have estimated that because of
shortages and lack of modern conveniences,
homemaking responsibilities consumed over 100
billion hours every year (Heitlinger, 1979) hours
much needed for production of goods and services.
Housing was another area of Soviet life in
which there were and are severe shortages and what
was available was extremely small. Although housing
may have been small and drab, it was inexpensive. A
one room apartment when available cost 15 rubles a
month. A three room apartment rented for 25 to 30
rubles a month (Smith, 1991). In 1980, 20 percent
of urban populations shared housing; an additional
five percent lived in factory dormitories. In urban
areas, per capita living space in 1982 was only 9
76


square meters or an area 9.7 feet by 9.7 feet
(Morton, 1987).
The 28th Congress of the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union (CPSU) determined there was a need for
more housing. It passed a resolution to provide
additional housing units so that each family could
have their own apartment by the year 2000. The
demand would require construction of 40 million new
apartments or houses in less than 15 years (Andrusz,
1990) . Simply put, that meant doubling the number
of units currently in existence. Additionally,
events in Eastern Europe have affected housing
shortages in the former USSR. Former Soviet troops
had been recalled from a number of republics: 27,000
from Hungary; 43,000 from Czechoslovakia; and 16,000
from Mongolia (The Current Digest of the Soviet
Press, 1990). Additionally, Germany's reunification
impacted the housing shortage by releasing 550,000
Soviet troops and their families formerly stationed
in East Germany for return to the Soviet Union and
in need of an additional 54,000 housing units (Faye,
1991) . This was just the beginning as troops and
dependents began returning from other Eastern
European countries formerly under Soviet control.
At the time of these transitions, some suggested the
77


housing shortage was the worst crisis facing the
USSR (Andrusz, 1990). As became evident in late
1991, the housing crisis was superceded by the
collapse of the USSR and ethnic strife in many
republics have had serious consequences for
indigenous populations.
There was discontent over lack of available
housing forcing young couples to live with parents
for years before obtaining an apartment of their
own. The wait for an apartment of one's own might
be as short as 10 years or as long as a lifetime.
How long the wait varied from city to city. For
example, in Minsk, an individual who went on the
wait list in 1976 could have expected to be offered
a unit in 1987. A citizen of Dushanbe would still
be on the list from 1969-1973. And individuals
living in Irkutsk have been waiting since 1959-1961
(Andrusz, 1990) To obtain a new apartment, one had
to proceed through the allocation system which was
controlled by bureaucrats. Many Soviets had learned
to survive this system and move up on the wait list
by resorting to "blat" (influence), bribery or both.
Obtaining housing had long been recognized to be an
unpredictable and unfair process with subjective
factors such as corruption, patronage, and nepotism
78


affecting one's position on the wait list (Andrusz,
1990). As with so much of former Soviet society, it
was connections that turned the economic wheels of
progress:
Whom you know often dictates how well you
are housed, what food you eat, what
clothing you wear, and what theater
tickets you can get (Rywkin, 1989, p.
107) .
As has been discussed in this section,
overcrowded housing, few modern conveniences, and
little to no help from husbands took a great toll on
Soviet females' time and lifestyle. The next
section will discuss marriage and its impact on
Soviet women.
Marriage
With many burdens and responsibilities women
had at work and at home, one wonders why so many
women accepted the roles of wife and mother. The
major reason according to Alexandrova (1984) was
official State encouragement and support. The
government had utilized three specific strategies to
facilitate the acceptance of marriage as the norm
post-Bolshevik Revolution. First, specific laws
regarding marriage were implemented. In 1936 and
79


1944, these laws required degrading remarks be
entered upon the birth certificate of an
illegitimate child. Given that one's documents are
readily available to a host of "officials," there
were severe consequences for both mother and child.
The father had no legal or financial responsibility
for this illegitimate child. These laws were
revoked in the 1960s, but there remained a lingering
effect on people. .
Second, propaganda was extensively used to
teach people about "the healthy Soviet family"
(Alexandrova, 1984, p. 34), proper morality and the
evils of "dissipation." This taught that the proper
family included married couples with children.
The third strategy was administrative
procedures designed to control behavior of citizens.
These consisted of three types. The first process
for administrative control let individuals know that
every aspect of his/her private life was open to
scrutiny. There might even have been open
observation of one's behavior by the KGB or police.
"This awareness alone makes a strong impression on
the behavior of a person" (Alexandrova, 1984, p.
35). The second administrative technique was
subjecting individuals to public ridicule and
80


examination if they did not follow the "rules".
These examinations frequently occurred at trade
union meetings or in the Komsomol (Young Communist
League) meetings where all involved could discuss
and comment upon another's private life. The third
administrative control mechanism was the reference
card. On this card were recorded all details
regarding a person's private life and character.
Any deviance from the prescribed "politically
mature, morally stable" (Alexandrova, 1984, p. 35)
behavior could result in a "black mark" against the
individual accompanied by a host of negative
consequences. Ultimately, this meant second class
citizenship for the individual so stigmatized.
This impacted marriage in that the State
desired marriage and the resultant children from
these unions. This would appear contradictory to
the original philosophy upon which Communism was
founded. Marxists philosophy stated that men and
women should be free and equal and the traditional
family would fade away with the implementation of
socialism. But the Party had to maintain control of
individuals within the new society and the family
made a useful and logical place to exert and
maintain this control. By exerting pressure on a
81


family member or threatening him/her in some manner,
an individual could be made to conform. Therefore,
although the stated goal was to no longer need
families for support to children and women, the
government could not fulfill the goal of dissolution
of the family and still maintain control over
individual behavior (Alexandrova, 1984).
Additionally, Alexandrova (1984) clarified another
issue regarding marriage by suggesting if a woman
was not married, she was made to feel her life was
somehow incomplete and abnormal. She also argued
that being divorced had less stigma associated with
it than writing "not married" on the plethora of
forms and official documents that were a part of
every day life in the former USSR.
Gray (1990) also suggested there were many
reasons why women indeed opted for marriage in
addition to the obvious one love for another human
being. First was for pragmatic reasons; to obtain a
larger apartment, move to a new city, or enhance
one's social status. For reasons discussed earlier,
marriage for the sake of getting a larger apartment
might appear to be counter-productive, but one did
move up on the wait list when there were more people
involved. Therefore, a married couple had a higher
82


priority than a single person and a married couple
with children had a higher priority than a married
couple without children. But there was obviously a
price to pay for living in overcrowded conditions
for a period of at least 10 years or more.
The second reason women opted for marriage was
related to job opportunity and career advancement.
The Soviet system did not look with favor on single
women who suffered more discrimination than married
women in the work place. The term for old maid -
"starukha" carried even greater pejorative
connotations than in the US. Unmarried women were
believed to be morally unstable (Gray, 1990) .
In this self-proclaimed classless society,
married women also suffered from discriminatory
practices. The wives of powerful men such as
politburo members, were expected to remain in the
shadows. Riasa Gorbachev was an anomaly in the
history of Soviet leaders' wives. In years past,
the world public hardly knew if Soviet leaders were
married, much less see their wives accompany them on
trips abroad. Dr. Gorbachev accompanied General
Secretary/President Gorbachev on his many world
trips after he took office in 1985 and became highly
visible.
83


Even with pressure to marry, many women found
marriage in Soviet society so uncomfortable that for
every 10 new marriages, there were five divorces (de
Boismilon, 1991). Many of these divorces were
initiated by women; in 1981, 73 percent were
initiated by the wife (Rywkin, 1989) In one study
conducted in 1970-1973, 44.3 percent of divorcing
women indicated the number one cause was due to
alcoholism with only 10.6 percent of men indicating
this to be the cause. Interestingly, this study
included the courts' perceptions as well. They
indicated 38.7 percent of all divorces were due to
alcohol abuse. Divorce is no small decision for any
woman, but in the former Soviet Union there were
severe penalties. First, she might not have been
able to move away from her ex-husband due to housing
shortages. Further, she was not entitled to alimony
- a concept incompatible with Socialist equality.
But more importantly, because men tended to be in
more powerful positions, women lost all important
contacts to privileges that played such an important
role in the Soviet economy.
Soviet females have also expressed scorn
towards Soviet males accusing them of being uncouth
and vulgar (Gray, 1990). Shulman (1977) quoted one
84


young woman as saying "most girls do not take it for
granted that they will even find a decent husband,
much less an ideal one" (p. 377).
There was so little privacy for intimacy due to
housing shortages that it may have affected
relationships between men and women. All the
pressure on women for child care, shopping,
housekeeping and responsibilities in the external
labor force left them with little energy to invest
in making a relationship successful. Some facet of
their lives had to be given less attention, be it
additional educational and career opportunities,
recreational activities, relationships, or even much
needed sleep (Gray, 1990).
Parenting
Not only did the former Soviet Union need women
in the labor force, they were needed to fulfill the
role that only women can, that of giving birth.
There was great pressure on women to have large
families to provide the necessary labor force of the
future. But in order to have children and work,
women needed adequate child-care facilities. As
with so many areas of Soviet life, there were
85


shortages and poor quality facilities. Despite the
stated Bolshevik position regarding motherhood,
there were still problems. Kollantai expressed the
Soviet position on motherhood thusly:
Russia is the first Republic in the world
to recognize motherhood as a social, and
not a private family responsibility
(Holland & McKevitt, 1985, p. 145).
This implied that the collective had a
responsibility to assist women with this component
of their lives. Even immediately after the 1917
Revolution, there were few child-care facilities
that had been part of the stated Bolshevik agenda to
free women of their domestic chores. In 1928, only
200,000 children were in day care (Williams, 1987).
Soviet day care was so poor that many children came
home sick and poorly fed. Many women wished to
remain at home with their children, but could not
afford to do so. In addition to poorly operated day
care facilities, were poorly run children's homes
where more than one million children without
families were housed. There were 422 infants'
homes, 747 residences for children, and 278 boarding
schools. Reports suggested only 20 percent of these
facilities were deemed satisfactory and a full 50
percent should have been closed down. "Many have a
86


barracks-like atmosphere, stealing is endemic among
the personnel, and children are sometimes beaten"
(Zhiritskaia, 1990, p. 81).
Even with governmental pressure to have large
families, there were greater pressures not to have a
large family little living space and time
restraints. Another incentive not to have children
was the infant and maternal mortality rates. In the
mid 1980s, infant deaths averaged 30 per 10,000
births with two or three maternal deaths per 10,000
births (Holland & McKevitt, 1985). These figures
are considered relatively low compared to other
industrialized countries, but they have been
increasing at a rapid rate causing concern among
women.
But deciding not to have children was easier
than actually preventing their conception or birth.
Birth control information and devices had been
woefully lacking. Only 18 percent of women used any
form of birth control and only five percent used
modern methods such as the pill or IUD (Gray, 1990) .
With lack of birth control came the issue of
abortion. In 1920, the former USSR became the first
state government to legalize abortion. Initially,
the number of abortions was small, but grew to
87


700,000 in 1934. In this same year there were only
3 million births (Heer, 1980). In 1936, the
government became alarmed over the reduced birth
rate and made abortion illegal. By 1955, the
government recognized the number of illegal abor-
tions being performed and once again legalized it.
By the late 1950s, it is estimated there were more
abortions than live births (Heer, 1980) In the
last 30 years, Soviet women have experienced 50
million abortions, the highest figure in the world
(de Boismilon, 1991). The average woman expected to
have had 14 abortions in her reproductive lifetime
and it was not uncommon for some women to have had
as many as 25 abortions (Gray, 1990).
Factors affecting the abortion rate in the
former Soviet Union were multiplicative. One factor
was obviously birth control knowledge and
availability of birth control products. Second, the
increasingly important services women rendered to
industrial growth would help mitigate having a large
family when they were needed for commodity
production. The third factor was the lack of
housing. People preferred not to have large
families when the total living space allotted them
was nine square meters. And finally, educational
88


levels of women has proven to be a good predictor of
fertility rates; as educational levels rise,
fertility levels fall. In the former Soviet Union,
the literacy rate steadily rose among females from
16.6 percent in 1897 to 42.7 percent in 1926 after
the Bolshevik Revolution. The rate continued to
climb to.97.8 percent in 1959 (Heer, 1980) and
remained about the same through 1991.
Medical treatment in the USSR was of such poor
quality that both the abortion procedure and giving
birth may have been life threatening. Increasingly
newborn babies went home from hospital with
staphylococcus infections due to unsanitary
conditions (Gray, 1990). Further, in 1986, the
infant mortality rate of 25.4 deaths per thousand
live births may have been under-reported by as
little as 40 percent and as much as 80 percent if
the World Health Organization methodology of
reporting is utilized. This means 45.8 deaths per
thousand live births in 1986 (Peterson, 1990) would
have been a more realistic figure.
Not only was medical treatment abhorrent, but
emotional needs of women were not being met as well.
One woman commented about her birthing experience
when interviewed:
89


The treatment is inevitably rough,
impersonal, crass, as in a production
line; we're treated as if sex and birth
are a big crime. There was so much pain
that I had nightmares -about it for many
years afterward--the brutality of our
maternity wards are the best contraceptive
method we have; very few of us ever want
to go through it again (Gray, 1990, p.
24) .
During and after giving birth, fathers were
excluded from participation. They were not allowed
to visit their wives and children at the hospital.
For many fathers, the first sight of their newborn
child was when she/he came home from hospital. This
further reinforced gender specific roles. The
ignorance, lack of birth control devices, medical
and emotional treatment of women all were indicative
of paradoxical attitudes Soviet society held towards
females and their needs. They were encouraged to
have large families, but appropriate assistance was
not provided. At the same time, they were also told
to participate in the labor force.
Lapidus (1978) summarized Marxist philosophy
and its impact on women and the family. There were
three basic assumptions that remained unfulfilled
for women by the Communist Party. (1) A socialist
state would provide economic opportunity and assist
with domestic and child-care responsibilities
90


thereby freeing women from these burdens. (2) By
lifting domestic responsibilities, women would be
able to improve their professional standing,
educational levels, and political involvement. And
(3) By elevating women's educational and economic
status, their power and status in the domestic arena
would also become equal with that of men.
The next section will discuss family and
economic responsibilities for older females in
former Soviet society.
Babushka
The term "babushka" in Russian means
grandmother. These women had traditionally assisted
overworked adult children with child-rearing
responsibilities and housework. But this role
seemed to disappear in the waning years of Soviet
society.
It is important to understand demographic
figures for older females to appreciate the role
they played. In 1980, there were 263 females for
every 100 males over the age of 60 (Sternheimer,
1987) This was in part due to the large number of
men killed during World War II. Retirement age for
91


women was 55, but for men it was 60 (Lane, 1988).
This created a longer time for the women to try to
make it financially on less income.
Elderly women were having an increasingly
difficult time making ends meet due to the ur-
banization of Soviet society. Extended families
moved from rural areas to urban areas where
industrial jobs were available. With this large
number of older women underemployed, it would appear
that they would have been available to serve in the
babushka role for their adult children. But, Soviet
gerontologists suggested that 29 percent of all 55-
59 year old women surveyed preferred to have their
own home rather than share small living spaces with
adult children and grandchildren. A similar survey
indicated 50 percent preferred to have their own
home and 88 percent of their adult children
expressed a desire to live separate from elderly
parents (Lane, 1988). The opportunity to serve in
the babushka role was more likely to be available to
those women whose children were divorced or single
themselves and needed assistance with child care.
92


Conclusion
This chapter has discussed the general living
conditions of Soviet women as well as their domestic
responsibilities. One comment Gray (1990) heard
repeatedly was overburden." Soviet women said they
had too much equality. Over crowded living space
and excessive time required for shopping and
household responsibilities with no assistance from
Soviet men led to one of the highest divorce rates
in the world. The classic double bind of demands
made on women to be both a economic producer and
reproducer of future laborers had taken an
additional toll on their energies. To compare the
plight of former Soviet women with American women,
Gray (1990) stated:
American women are still struggling for
the freedom to, whereas Soviet women are
now struggling for the freedom from. We
have been stuck at home for the past two
hundred years, and are still striving for
the right to work in coal mines, fire
fighting units, police brigades. Whereas
Soviet women are battling to be freed from
such labor, and from the many other
arduous ones they've been stranded in for
seven decades building the nation's
highways and railroad beds, unloading its
freight cars, operating its cranes (pp.
97-98).
93


With these demands upon her time, again the question
is relevant as to whether Soviet women had time and
energy to participate in dissident and revolutionary
activities. The next chapter will address the role
Soviet women have played historically in dissident
and revolutionary movements. An overview of
previous participation might help predict or explain
female participation in the unprecedented, neoteric
events at the close of Soviet history.
94


Full Text

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DISSENT AND REVOLUTION IN THE FORMER SOVIET UNION: AN HISTORICAL OVERVIEW AND RHETORICAL ANALYSIS OF FEMALE PARTICIPATION by Ruth Hulbert Johnson B.A., University of Colorado, Colorado Springs, 1988 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado at Denver in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Communication 1992

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This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Ruth Hulbert Johnson has been approved for the Department of Communication by Kathie Stromile-Golden

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ABSTRACT Johnson, Ruth Hulbert Dissent and Revolution in the Former Soviet Union: An Historical Overview and Rhetorical Analysis of Female Participation Thesis directed by Associate Professor Donald D. Morley Since 1989, unprecedented political, economic, and social changes have occurred in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. Many theories have been utilized to predict and/or explain these social and political changes. This thesis investigates one such communication and social change theory, The Rhetoric of Agitation and Control (Bowers,J. W. & Ochs, D. J., 1971, Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley) as it applies to historic and recent revolutionary activities in the former Soviet Union. More specifically, the investigation focuses upon the rhetorical roles Soviet women have performed in dissent and revolution.

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The thesis begins with an explication of methodology and moves into a discussion of Soviet societal attitudes towards women, women's economic activities and responsibilities --as homemaker, wife, mother, grandmother --and their general living conditions. It then moves into an historic review of roles Soviet women have performed in previous revolutions and concludes with a discussion of potential future female participation in revolutionary and dissident activities. The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication. s iv

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TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Ratio... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Methodolgy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Historical-Critical Methodology ............. 10 The Model . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 9 Cone! us ion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 8 2. ATTITUDES, STATUS, AND ECONOMIC LABOR ...... 40 Attitudes and Status ....................... 40 Economic Labor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 Conclusion ................................. 70 3 SOCIAL CONTEXT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 2 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 General Living Conditions .................. 73 Marriage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 9 Parenting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Babushka . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93

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4. Woman as Revolutionary ..................... 95 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 5 Strikes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 9 Revolution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Post-Revolution 128 Political Order 136 Political Disorder ........................ 143 Conclusion 163 5. CONCLUSION 164 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 Clarification of the Research Questions 165 Application of Historial-Critical Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 8 Future Directions ......................... 181 REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 4

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Since 1989, major political, economic, and social changes have occurred in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. We have seen the fall of the Berlin Wall and communist governments in Poland, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Hungary, Romania, East Germany, and Czechoslovakia. These dramatic events did not occur because of external interference from foreign powers or infiltrators, but from a popular uprising of the indigenous populations. With regard to the European revolutions, Echikson (1990) stated eloquently: Freedom did not come to Eastern Europe as a gift from Moscow or Washington. It came from more than forty years of struggle -a daily, grinding struggle against a corrupt and evil system (p. 3) The former Soviet Union also experienced independence movements within many of its republics. These movements and an attempted coup, brought about the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991.

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This occurred through a complex set of circumstances that began before Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev was appointed General Secretary of the Communist Party in 1985. That impetus for change did not begin just with Gorbachev, but had been germinating for a generation before it became visible to those in the West (Smith, 1991) Gorbachev appreciated dramatic changes were necessary for social and economic progress in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (Gorbachev, 1988). To facilitate these changes, Gorbachev implemented a program of restructuring or perestroika. In addition to perestroika, Gorbachev allowed unprecedented criticism of the Soviet system by the press, public, and citizen politicians. The Russian term for this openness is glasnost. As people began to utilize these new tools of change, the processes of restructuring and criticism spun off in unexpected directions and Gorbachev lost control of these processes. Movements for independence began in the Baltic and Russian Republics along with several others. The most serious challenge to Gorbachev's leadership came from Boris Yeltsin when he resigned from the 2

PAGE 9

Communist Party and was elected President of the Russian Republic. As these independence movements gained momentum, dissent became evident within the Politburo about how to control these republics and their emerging One faction of old hardliners rejected perestroika and glasnost and believed the only way to regain control was to return to the old Communist method of suppression. Gorbachev refused to reverse the course he had outlined for the USSR and completely lost control of his own government when several hard-liners attempted to oust him with a coup. Although this coup was unsuccessful, it did result in the dissolution of the USSR as it had been know for over 70 years and Gorbachev is now in the process of rebuilding his political life. These comparatively nonviolent revolutions were led by people who had a dream that their countries and republics could indeed be independent of the former Soviet Union and its devastating economic and social policies and corrupt political leadership. This thesis will investigate some of the people who led and participated in various dissident and revolutionary activities beginning in 1861 through 3

PAGE 10

December, 1991. Female participants and factors that might have facilitated or prohibited their participation are of specific interest in this analysis. Rationale Echikson (1990) discussed in depth events and people instrumental in the revolutionary changes in Eastern Europe. Names that are commonly associated with revolutionary leaders are masculine; names such as Lech Walesa, Vaclav Havel, Alexander Dubcek, and Jiri Dienstbier. Conspicuously absent from this list are female names. Echikson mentions only one female revolutionary, Czechoslovakian, Hana Marvanova. In the former Soviet Union, names such as Pasternak, Sakharov, and Solzhenitsyn come to mind, but again there is only one female familiar to many Western readers serving in the dissident leadership role, Elena Bonner. Although women generally have not been publicly identified as dissident leaders, does this mean they indeed do not participate in dissent and revolution? Tracking the roles women have fulfilled has 4

PAGE 11

historically been difficult. Rowbotham (1974) stated: When I turned to women's past I learned the extent to which I had been unconscious of how the history I had studied before had been so neglectful of women. We were always led to believe that women were not around because they had done so little. But the more I read, the more I discovered how much women had in fact done .... that women had used forms of opposition which did not come within a strictly political.definition ... (p. xvi). In other words, activities women have participated in have been either ignored or devalued and not reported. Women tend to be added on as an after thought, or defined separate from a given paradigm. Only as the women's movement advanced the issue of women's history, has it been studied. Scott (1988) suggests: women's history does not have a longstanding and definable historiographic tradition within which interpretations can be debated and revised. Instead, the subject of women has been either grafted on to other traditions or studied in isolation from them (p. 16). Seager and Olson (1986) suggest that women's lives have not necessarily traversed the same course men's have. They add: What is striking, though, is how different women's ordinary lives are from men's ordinary lives. And to see women's lives we cannot simply look at the world of men and proceed to women as an afterthought (p. 7) 5

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Many times women are missing from general historical texts, including those of Russia and the former USSR (Chernov, 1966; Kochan, 1966; Footman, 1969; Brown, 1976; Rogger, 1983). They may be invisible because it has been assumed that women have lived their ordinary lives similar to the ordinary lives men live. Spender (1983) argues: The history that both women and men confront is men's history ... The overall results has been that women have been rendered invisible by the recorded data available (p.11). When feminist historians review contemporary documents of historic episodes and recount these events, women previously invisible suddenly become visible (Reynolds, 1987; Williams, 1987). Rowbotham (1974) suggests na great deal of what was accepted then and now as history excludes most people" (p. xviii) Whatever the reason, women's historical roles are many times difficult to ascertain. But, as women have become more active in the reporting of history, so have women become more visible in history-making roles. For example, US female correspondent Dorr (1917) spent three months between May, 1917, and August 31, 1917, in Russia following the all female 0Botchkareva Battalion of Death." 6

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Her book regarding those experiences was published in the US just as the Bolshevik Revolution was occurring. This is an early example of women taking the initiative to report specific female activities. With resurgence of the women's movement world wide in the 1970s, investigation and reporting of heretofore invisible women in a variety of movements began. Female participation in nwar, revolution, the growth of capitalism, [and] imperialism .. (Rowbotham, 1974, p. xxxii) was clarified (see Rowbotham, 1974; Lapidus, 1978; Heitlinger, 1979; Degler, 1980; Engel, 1983; Smith, 1983; Holland, 1985) It became easier to track the role women played in historical events which allowed one to ask more difficult questions and if not ascertain the answers, at the very least make educated hypotheses about past and current events. Given the above discussion, this thesis will attempt to answer several questions regarding the role women have served in dissent and revolution in the former Soviet Union. (1) Have they historically participated in dissent and revolution actively or in supporting roles? (2) If Soviet women were not engaging in dissent and recent independence movements, what factors might have encouraged or 7

PAGE 14

precluded them from so doing? (3) Are there social and economic factors that may have affected former Soviet women's opportunities to engage in dissident and revolutionary activities? (4) Did Soviet women serve in the dissident role as recently as August, 1991? (5) Further, can actual dissident and revolutionary participation be understood within the context of the Bowers and Ochs rhetoric and social change model? Methodology There are many theories and models currently in use for analyzing social change movements. Political scientists might use Huntington's (1968) model that attempts to understand political movements through the investigation of variables such as political order, decay, modernization, reform, and political parties. In communication theory several models utilize rhetoric as the primary variable of interest in the investigation of social change (Stewart, 1980). Bowers and Ochs (1971) developed one such model for analyzing social change movements utilizing a functionalist approach which investigates the types of agitation that may occur 8

PAGE 15

and the rhetoric and strategies agitators and control agents may utilize in the process. This thesis will use Bowers and Ochs approach as the mode of analysis to investigate the level and degree of participation of female Soviet dissidents in various social change movements. But, heretofore unidentified strategies of control agents and agitators may become evident as the former USSR moved from a closed to a more open society. Further, it will attempt to determine factors that might have enabled or precluded women from involvement in these activities. The term Soviet women will be applied to all women in European republics of the former USSR between 1917 and 1991. The term Russian women refers solely to women of the Russian Republic. To understand the agitation activities of Soviet women, investigation of the issue from a broad perspective must be undertaken. This requires one to look beyond current or recent events. There are a variety of factors that might entice an individual to become involved in dissident activities. To comprehend the mind-set of these individuals, the social order that prompted the actions initially must be investigated. To that 9

PAGE 16

end, this thesis will explore: (1) general societal attitudes toward Soviet women; (2) Soviet women's position in the economy; and (3) their rights and responsibilities as homemaker, wife, mother, grandmother and their general living conditions. Finally, to illuminate previously invisible Soviet women as revolutionaries and dissidents, an examination of agitation activities will be conducted. Because this study is wide ranging and investigates a broad spectrum of variables that impact the research questions, the most appropriate methodology is the historical-critical (H-C) method. To explicate how H-C methodology will be applied to this particular study, clarification and rationale for its use will be provided. Historical-Critical Methodology With regard to the communication discipline, there are seven content areas of interest to the H-C researcher. (1) Biographical studies. As the name implies, the focus is on a given individual. (2) Social movement studies might track a social movement or idea over time. (3) Regional studies 10

PAGE 17

focus on a given region such as a city, state, or nation. (4) Institutional studies investigates the impact a given institution has had in a specific context and/or time. (5) Case histories focus on a specific person or event at a specific point in time. (6) Selective studies may select one small component of a complicated issue for investigation. (7) Editorial studies focus on uncovering new texts or translations of other works into English (Stacks & Hocking, 1992). H-C methodology is not appropriate for all qualitative research just as there is no one nright11 quantitative research method for all studies. But H-C is particularly well suited for addressing 11big questionsn (Neuman, 1991). Questions that H-C research might address include: how societies make major changes in their social structures; what rhetorical strategies a given group might use during social change movements; questions to address common features of social order across cultures; longitudinal studies within one culture; to reevaluate old data or re-examine previous explanations; to examine how a given culture developed as it has; to predict future events; and finally, to build and expand theory (Tucker, Weaver, 11

PAGE 18

& 1981; Skocpol, 1984; Neuman, 1991). Specific examples of H-C studies are: Skocpol's (1979) study of factors that led to societal revolutions in China, France, and Russia; and Starr's (1982) investigation of how fundamental social institutions have changed over two centuries. This thesis falls under the second content area wherein a social movement or idea is tracked longitudinally. Specifically, the idea being tracked longitudinally involves three research questions regarding Soviet women's participation in revolution and dissident activities: (1) Have they historically participated in dissent and revolution actively or in supporting roles? (2) To what extent were Soviet women engaged in dissident activities during the attempted August, 1991, coup? (3) If Soviet women were not participating in dissent and recent independence movements, what factors may have influenced the extent to which Soviet women participated? The logical point to initiate investigation would be where a major change in social order of a given society has occurred. A preliminary reading of historical texts indicate in Russia such an event occurred in 1861 when Tsar Alexander II granted 12

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freedom to the serfs. Therefore, a discussion of revolutionary activities by Soviet women will begin with changes associated with this event continuing through the most recent coup/ revolution in August, 1991, ending with the demise of the Soviet Union on December 31, 1991, as it had been known for over 70 years. The broad scope of H-C methodology requires analysis of data/evidence to be different than in standard quantitative research. For example, H-C does not attempt to gather data from a random sample. It investigates individual events and interpretation of those events becomes the focus rather than interpretation via a large number of phenomena. Within the H-C paradigm, research methods fall along a continuum that resembles pure quantitative methods at one end known as positivism, while others move to a npure" H-C method that resembles qualitative research known as the interpretive/critical approach. The positivists within the H-C paradigm adhere to quantitative procedures such as statistical data analysis, hypothesis testing, and replication principles. Interpretists are far less dependent upon quantitative procedures. When quantitative data are 13

PAGE 20

incorporated in an interpretist's study, it serves only as supplemental information to qualitative data {Neuman, 1991) As with so much of social science, there continues to be a debate between the two approaches due to fundamental assumptions and goals of each perspective. Neuman {1991) suggests that in this debate each side has ntalked past each other" (p. 381). But, both approaches can be appropriately and effectively used for a variety of research questions. This study will utilize the interpretist approach. When statistical figures are used, they will be used as supplemental, supporting data gathered from primary and secondary sources. Many social scientists are familiar with empirical experimental methodologies, but are not well acquainted with H-C methodology. Stacks and Hocking (1992) suggest that current communication researchers will need to be conversant with both empirical and H-C approaches to research. Further, they contend that all methodologies add to the communication discipline and that one's approach or methodology reflects a philosophical stance toward the subject under consideration. By selecting the H-C approach, one chooses to study a subject in finer detail than is common via the usual literature 14

PAGE 21

review. Not only does one describe the literature with this approach, but one interprets and analyzes the literature as it applies to a subject. There are other features about H-C research that are peculiar to this methodology. It allows the researcher to focus on the uniqueness of people or events. This then may provide insight as to why and how people acted in a given manner or why events occurred as they did. Another feature is that the historian becomes more than just a reporter of events. Rather, he/she almost becomes a storyteller (Stacks & Hocking, 1992) as events unfold, are analyzed and related via his/her acknowledged perspective. This has implications for the method of reporting the findings. Standard sections of a research report do not fit this methodology neatly and some flexibility is required in the reporting format utilized with H-C research. Neuman (1991) suggests H-C research: puts historical time and/or cross-cultural variation at the center of research -that is, which treats what is studied as part of the flow of history and sit.uated in a cultural context (p. 377). Historical-critical research has been recognized as a valid methodology for researchers in 15

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sociology, history, political science, anthropology, and economics, since the early nineteenth century (Smelser, 1976; Neuman, 1991) and more recently in the communication discipline (Stacks & Hocking, 1992). Researchers of some distinction who have utilized H-C methodology include: Karl Marx with his investigation of capitalist and pre-capitalist societies (Warner, 1971); Max Weber in his study of the impact that world religions had on conditions that allowed development of Western rationalism (Roth, 1971); and Emile Durkheim used H-C methodology to investigate a variety of issue such as division of labor, suicide, arid religion (Smelser, 197 6)-. Awareness of the value of H-C methodology has continued to grow in various disciplines. It has become a major movement in sociological research. Between 1985 and 1988, 28% of all articles published in two of the most prestigious American sociological journals were H-C studies_ (Neuman, 1991) There are six assumptions peculiar to H-C methodology. They include the following: (1) H-C research takes advantage of unique evidence. Frequently it is impossible to observe events as they occurred, such as a revolution 200 years ago. 16

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So evidence of an indirect and probably limited nature is investigated. In other words, available evidence is that which has survived over a long period of time, but may not be complete. Therefore, interpretation by the investigator plays a major role in the final analysis and requires a greater understanding of many factors related to the study. (2) The H-C researcher has a unique view of historical events because she/he has the benefit of both prior and subsequent events that provide a different perspective than would have been available to individuals living during the given time period. Further, artifacts and evidence that have survived will appear different in the current context than when new. For example, cloth woven 100 years ago will not appear today as it did when first woven. (3) The H-C researcher will attempt to determine levels of awareness and knowledge held by people in a given time and context. Knowledge these individuals possessed impact interpretations the researcher may give to any given event. For example, Neuman (1991) suggests that the action of crossing a river by a given army would be interpreted differently depending upon whether relocation of said army was planned or a 17

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serendipitous event. (4) The investigator views causality as a combination of events in a given context and time rather than as a linear progression from one event to another. (5) The focus in H-C research is on wholes rather than smaller components or individual variables. In other words, both micro and macro events are viewed as a cohesive whole necessary for understanding the broader picture. (6) H-C investigators move back and forth between the specific and the general in a process of theory development. Specific events help explain broad general concepts, but general concepts also help interpret specific events. As the above discussion indicates, H-C research shares a great deal in common with field observation and qualitative research methods in general. Given these assumptions underpinning the methodology, it is logical that the process of conducting this kind of research will require particular procedures that may not follow the standard format for either qualitative or quantitative research. And although the process may appear to be less demanding than quantitative research methodology, Stacks and Hocking (1992) suggest: 18

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Historical research requires following systematic rules and procedures rigorously. According to William Lucey, historical methodology employs a rigorous set of standards aimed at ordering knowledge in such a way as to pass several tests of critical analysis (p. 104). There are generally two major steps one must take in order to develop an effective H-C study. These are (1) conceptualization of the project and, (2) deciding how to locate, evaluate, organize, and synthesis evidence (Neuman, 1991) The investigator must begin by articulating broad categories, theories, or conceptualizations she/he brings to the particular study. At this stage, the investigator also must develop research questions rather than hypotheses for examination. Upon completion of the initial research and development of research questions, a decision must be made with regard to the organizational pattern that will be utilized and what type of evidence will be acceptable. Neuman (1991) suggests there are some basic assumptions that the individual researcher will bring to each project and she/he must recognize these so as to avoid: the Baconian fallacy, named for Francis Bacon, of assuming that a researcher operates without preconceived questions, hypothesis, ideas, assumptions, theories, 19

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paradigms, postulates, prejudices, or presumptions of any kind (p. 387). The basic assumption brought to this particular study is grounded in feminist theory as set forth by several theorists (see Gilligan, 1982; Spender, 1983; Foss & Foss, 1989). There are a number of assumptions upon which this theory is anchored. Two particularly relevant assumptions are that women have been neglected in the reporting of history and that their reality has been defined by an androcentric model that may not reflect female reality. Much of what has been written and survived is from the perspective of those who have the power (Stacks & Hocking, 1992). There are many other viewpoints that may not have been recorded such as women's, or may have been intentionally destroyed. Therefore, the evidence may not be objective, accurate, and whole. If this is the case, then Soviet women may indeed have engaged in revolutionary and dissident activities. But because history has traditionally been reported by men, female participation may have been devalued and not reported to the extent that male activities have enjoyed. Further, little information in general was available about Soviet 20

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culture during the Cold War years. It was not until Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost programs were instituted that information began to flow unimpeded to the West regarding Soviet politics, culture, and citizens general living conditions. Therefore, the particular research questions as articulated above regarding Soviet female participation in dissent and revolution are important questions that may expand our perceptions and understanding of Soviet culture. After reviewing relevant literature, developing research questions, and identifying underlying methodological assumptions of the study, the task becomes one of determining where to find evidence necessary for understanding the subject under investigation. One must be prepared to let the evidence dictate additional areas of investigation. For example, when considering factors that impact women's potential as dissidents in the former Soviet Union, factors other than socioeconomic status may come to light and require additional reading. With regard to evidence, there are four types of evidentiary sources that H-C researchers may employ: primary, secondary, running records, and recollections. Primary sources may include diaries, letters, newspapers, transcripts of speeches or 21

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actual audio and/or video tape recordings of speeches, or anything that belonged to people from the given time under investigation and still survives. These may require becoming familiar with another language in order to read the primary sources from the culture of inquiry. Since 1985 and the inception of perestroika, many primary sources have been written with Western and US audiences in mind (see Soviet/East European Report; The Digest of the Soviet Press, 1949-present; Pozner, 1992; and Silverman, 1992). Indeed, Gorbachev (1988) stated explicitly: In writing this book it has been my desire to address directly the peoples of the USSR, the United States, indeed every country (p. xi). Although primary sources may be the preferred evidence in H-C studies, they are not without their own idiosyncratic problems. First, material that has survived may not be typical of all possible evidence from that time. An additional problem with primary sources is validation or the determination that the material was written when and by whom it is supposed to have been written. This is known as external criticism. The final concern with primary sources is one of internal criticism or the determination that the account is one of personal 22

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experience versus a recording of second-person accounts. This is also referred to as tertiary evidence (Neuman, 1991; Stacks & Hocking, 1992). It is at this point that the lines between pure primary and secondary sources may become blurred. What may be taken for a primary source may in reality be a secondary source when the author reports stories told to him/her. Secondary sources are also available for investigation. These consist of writings of historians or other researcher who have themselves spent several years studying primary sources. It is not unusual to conduct a H-C study solely utilizing secondary sources. For example, Lachmann's (1989) study of elites in 16th and 17th century England and France. There are issues with regard to these sources as well that H-C researchers must take into consideration. Because secondary sources are interpretations of primary sources, they may not be entirely objective. As the discussion above indicates, all researchers bring some degree of bias to the project. This study has utilized both primary and secondary sources. Over 200 sources have been explored during the investigative and verification 23

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processes. When primary sources are employed, an attempt has been made to determine the perspective that a particular author has brought to the subject. This again has been accomplished via research of that particular author's credentials and philosophy regarding the subject. The third type of evidence is the running record or documents maintained over a long period of time such as governmental employment records. Any of these records available here in the US will be considered. This type of evidence for the former Soviet Union is becoming more readily accessible due to glasnost. The final form in which one might find evidence is recollections such as are found in memoirs, autobiographies, and interviews. It must be remembered that these accounts are one person's memory and perception of a given event or time. The final step in H-C research is to organize and synthesize all information and formulate or reevaluate theory as required by the evidence. Indeed, Neuman (1991) proposed "the major task for the historical-critical researcher is organizing and giving new meaning to evidence" (p. 389). The synthesis phase in H-C research has been called both 24

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inductive and deductive reasoning. Stacks and Hocking (1992) suggest it goes beyond these processes to one of "adductive" reasoning. This approach suggests that communication (or other phenomena) are best described when all possible causes are examined for their impact on some event (Stacks & Hocking, 1992, p. 110). Finally, to fully understand historical-critical methodology, one must be cognizant of its potential deficiencies and strengths. The discussion that follows will explicate potential difficulties and benefits of the historical-critical methodology for particular varieties of studies. First, there are limitations to types of data and problems that can be investigated. Further, there are a limited number of cases available. No random sample is possible, but there rarely is a true random sample in any research. Second, because little or no data in the experimental sense is gathered, there is no hypothesis testing as in quantitative research. This method attempts to develop and apply theory and is limited in its generalizability. Third, there is potential for cultural bias. Given most cultural researchers have lived and been educated in Western societies, pro-25

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Western bias may be of concern (Neuman, 1991) This is a potential problem in all research, but H-C investigators need to take particular care not to bring an ethnocentric point of view to their investigations. But by asking questions that may challenge assumptions of one's own culture, the researcher is encouraged to become conscious of these assumptions and come to value other cultures. The fourth and final issue is that of equivalence. This is an important issue for all research methodology, but especially so for H-C research. It is similar to validity problems in quantitative research in that one must take care to measure or investigate the same phenomenon across cultures or time. There are four types of equivalence-H-e researchers must be aware of and prepared to address: lexicon, contextual, conceptual, and measurement. To address lexicon equivalence satisfactorily, the investigator might develop the requisite language skills. Or she/he might rely upon translations produced by respected authorities in the given cultural context in addition to primary sources directed to Western investigators. 26

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Contextual equivalence requires application of similar terminology across various contexts and times. This would be analogous to operational definitions in quantitative research that specify how the term is being applied in a particular study. Conceptual equivalence determines whether a concept as understood today was defined and understood the same way in a previous time or context. For example, would dissident activities be understood the same way in both 1861 and in 1991? Finally, measurement equivalence is how comparably concepts are measured across cultures or time. This is related to how primary sources were selected for inclusion and how authors measured concepts under investigation. To address this concern, a variety of works have been investigated to confirm or reject any given source as valid for the current study. Smelser (1976) suggests measurement equivalence is an issue in all research because all units of analysis inherently have some degree of variability and are dissimilar units of analysis to some extent. According to Neuman (1991) when used for the appropriate type of study, there are several advantages and strengths to H-C research 27

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methodology. The ensuing discussion will enumerate them. First, because research involves comparison to one degree or another, the H-C method clarifies weaknesses in research design and can potentially improve research in that domain. Second, this method allows comparison of social patterns and institutions across cultures and/or time. More complex problems such as social movements can be investigated when more than a single or limited number of variables are incorporated into the research design. This particular study is investigating a given set of behaviors over time within a given culture. The third strength is that H-C methodology can improve measurement and conceptualization of a research question. When the researcher applies a given theory or perspective over a long period of time, previously hidden biases or shortcomings become evident when applied to a broader spectrum. In other words, any given culture or time will place restrictions on the potential range of human behavior. But when longer time frames are investigated, a greater range of possible human behaviors and explanations might be generated. Fourth, much social science research does not attempt to provide causal explanation, but H-C 28

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research might provide alternative interpretations or eliminate altogether previously accepted conclusions. Finally, by providing alternative explanations, H-C methodology can raise new questions for further investigation and encourage theory building. With explication of historical-critical methodology completed, the next section will provide clarification of and definitions for the specific model that will be employed in the analysis of Soviet female participation in revolutionary and dissident activities. The Model Before an analysis of female dissident activities may begin, the model being utilized must be explicated and definitions of terminology provided. In The Rhetoric of Agitation and Control, Bowers and Ochs (1971) discuss social change movements using rhetorical acts as the variables/units of analysis. A rhetorical act is defined as: the rationale of instrumental, symbolic behavior. A message or other act is instrumental if it contributes to the 29

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production of another message or act (p. 2) Because language is an arbitrary assignment of symbols to objects, rhetoric then becomes any kind of symbolic/instrumental behavior. Bowers and Ochs provide the following definition for agitation: Agitation exists when (1) people outside the normal decision-making establishment (2) advocate significant social change and (3) encounter a degree of resistance within the establishment such as to require more than the normal discursive means of persuasion (p. 4). This definition then suggests that individuals external to the establishment desire a particular social change that has met, or will meet, resistance from said establishment that will necessitate extra-normal means of discussion or behavior. The decision-making establishment under investigation will include not only Russian and Soviet governmental agencies, but will include places of employment. Further, since historically males have been the decision-making establishment in traditional families, this too will be defined as the decision-making establishment with regard to opportunities available to Russian and Soviet women. With respect to agitation, the operational 30

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definition will include: noncompliance to male authority in the home, participation in protest marches, strikes, rallies, sit-ins, and activities commonly associated with war. But, one must remember that even though an individual might be agitating for change, he/she can still be in compliance with prescribed rules. There are two types of agitation as discussed by Bowers and Ochs. The first is vertical deviance. This occurs when agitators/dissidents, concur with the values of the system, but disputes the distribution of rewards or power within that system. This form of agitation is relatively easy to understand when it occurs. For example, when a Soviet female working in the medical profession observes that those of her gender compose 90 percent all workers in that profession, but occupy only 50 percent of higher paying administrative positions, she may become involved in vertical agitation. The second type of agitation, lateral deviance, occurs when agitators/dissidents disagree with the value system itself. This might become more complex and difficult to understand as the intensity of agitation increases. For example, if an individual 31

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in the former Soviet Union believed a market economy is better than socialism, he/she is disputing the very foundation and value system of that social and political organization. Or women in the former Soviet Union might dispute the value placed upon them as exemplified by occupations and positions accessible to them and assistance provided to women struggling with responsibilities in both the domestic and external labor force. When agitators meet resistance from the establishment during social change processes, there are a number of strategies they may employ. Bowers and Ochs envision these strategies as "cumulative and progressive ... [and] unlikely that a strategy lower on the list will occur until all those preceding have occurred 11 (p. 17) Strategies of agitation are: petition, promulgation, solidification, polarization, non-violent resistance, escalation/confrontation, guerrilla and Gandhi, guerrilla, and finally, revolution. But, these strategies as defined by Bowers and Ochs may not include all possible strategies utilized by women and men. Further, there may be other strategies utilized in a closed society that may not have been necessary to individuals in an open 32

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society. Therefore, the strategies for agitation as envisioned by Bowers and Ochs will be utilized as a point of departure. It may become apparent during the investigation of dissident and revolutionary activities of Soviet women that other strategies were essential in addition to Bowers and Ochs' strategies. Herein follows explication of the Bowers and Ochs terminology. To enhance agitators legitimacy with both the establishment and other agitators or potential agitators, the strategy of petition is usually first attempted. This involves several methods of persuasion which include careful attention to selection of target audiences and evidentiary sources. It need not be a formalized petition, but some form of notification of need for change must be communicated to the decision-making establishment. The next level of agitation is promulgation. At this level, agitators begin to communicate their dissatisfaction by distributing leaflets, picketing, and/or holding initial protest meetings. Mass media exploitation is important at this phase in order to disseminate group ideology to a larger audience and to gain greater acceptance for agitator causes. Due to heavy censorship by the Soviet government, it has 33

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only been in recent years that Soviet have been able to access mass media to broadcast their movement's goals. This step is followed by two strategies designed to "marshall the troops0 and make agitators a more cohesive group: solidification and polarization. The solidification phase may use several tactics to make the group more cohesive. These include in-group, underground publications such as samizdat publications in the former Soviet Union; the use of symbols and slogans such as the peace symbol that was utilized in the 1960s; and songs. One famous song associated with a social change movement was "We Shall Overcome" used by US civil-rights groups during the 1960s. Polarization is designed to create a we -they mentality within agitator groups. The basic premise is that if one is not for, then one must be against the agitators. During this phase, "flag issues and flag individualso may be utilized to move people from either indifference or support of the establishment into the agitators ranks. Flag issues are: issues that and individuals who, for one reason or another, are especially susceptible to the charges made against the establishment by the agitator's ideology (Bowers & Ochs, 1971, p. 27). 34

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Non-violent resistance utilizes flag issues along with tactics such as marches, rallies, and civil disobedience. Mikhail Gorbachev and his perestroika campaign very clearly became flag issues during the last days of the former Soviet Union. During this phase, agitators would like to resolve the differences without violence or escalation of tensions between agitators and establishment. The next phase is escalation/confrontation. At this level, agitators want to demonstrate how inadequate or corrupt the system is, and therefore, force the establishment to over-react to the agitators and any deadlines issued from that camp. If agitators can draw innocent non-agitators into this confrontation, so much the better. The agitators might entice the establishment into believing that more demonstrators will be at a given protest event than realistically might be expected and cause an over-reaction by the establishment. Agitators may even resort to token violence to escalate agitation to the Gandhi and guerrilla phase. In the Gandhi and guerrilla phase agitators may exploit the specter of a more militant group replacing them. They would then appear to be less 35

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threatening for the establishment to negotiate with. In other words, agitators may appear to be Gandhi while the militant group appears to be the guerrilla organization whose goal is total destruction of the establishment. At this point, if negotiations are unsuccessful, guerrilla attacks on the establishment may ensue that could lead to full scale revolution. What might the establishment reactions be to the above discussed strategies of agitators? Bowers and Ochs suggest there are specific control responses to agitation available to the establishment and define control as: "the response of the decision-making establishment to agitation" (p. 4). This response might take one of four forms: avoidance, suppression, adjustment, and capitulation. Again, there may be control strategies utilized in a closed society that an open one would not use. For example, Stalin frequently resorted to elimination of perceived enemies by sentencing them to internal exile in a gulag (prison camp) or killing them. The model does not address this control strategy because Bowers and Ochs view this as beyond rhetorical strategies as they envisioned them to be. Herein follows explication of control strategy terminology. 36

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The first line of defense against agitation is frequently avoidance. The establishment may attempt to counterpersuade agitators from their position by holding discussions with them. Another tactic available under the avoidance strategy is evasion. Here, the establishment sets up many obstacles and red tape in an attempt to avoid dealing with agitation issues. Additionally, the establishment may engage in denying agitators means with which to achieve its goals. For example, in the Soviet Union it has been difficult to gain access to mass media to disseminate information regarding dissident movements and activities. The strategy of suppression is the second line of defense. Here, legal harassment of leading agitators may be utilized. If the establishment can "scare off" agitation leaders, the movement may fall apart. If that is unsuccessful, it may at least discourage others from participating in the movement. Banishment is also an option utilized by some organizations to maintain control. The Soviet Union has historically used internal exile and confinement to mental institutions to control dissidents. Information availability and visibility of the group might also be suppressed. 37

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The next line of defense for the establishment is adjustment. By conceding to a few of their demands, the establishment hopes to diffuse some agitation energy. It also may coopt one or more agitators to the establishment's position. The final strategy open to the establishment is capitulation. This method of last resort requires that the establishment totally give into the ideology and goals of agitators and become a new institution. This is not usually done voluntarily and is accomplished via revolution. Gorbachev's unprecedented abdication in December, 1991, required no revolution to.dismantle the old Soviet system and create a new political entity of loosely united republics. Conclusion This chapter has explicated historical-critical research methodology and the rationale for its appropriate application in this study. Definitions of terminology have been provided as well as explanation of Bowers and Ochs' (1971) model for social change investigation. As the above discussion indicates, this model of analysis for 38

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social change may apply to recent and historical dissident activities in Russia and the former Soviet Union. Chapter Two will discuss general societal attitudes toward Soviet women. Additionally, Soviet women's position in the economy will be examined. Chapter Three will track their rights and responsibilities as homemaker, wife, mother, and grandmother and their general living conditions. Chapter Four will: (1). clarify the, heretofore, invisible Soviet female as revolutionary and dissident and 2) apply the Bowers and Ochs model for social change to specific female dissident and revolutionary activities .. 39

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CHAPTER 2 ATTITUDES, STATUS, AND ECONOMIC LABOR Attitudes and Status A hen is not a bird, and a woman is not a person. I thought I saw two people walking along, but one was a woman. Russian Peasant Proverbs To understand the roles Soviet fulfill and appreciate the impact the above Russian peasant proverbs have upon Soviet society, one must understand the culture and what institutions in-fluence perceptions of appropriate gender role behaviors. Soviet attitudes towards women tended to be very sexist based upon strong traditional beliefs instilled by the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) under the Tsar. The ROC and Tsar had a symbiotic relationship wherein the Tsar controlled the church, but gained its support by allowing it to accumulate great wealth (Curtiss, 1960). Until 1905, the ROC was the only church allowed, but it had "little independence and merely echoed and exalted the

PAGE 47

social and political concerns of the autocracy" (Lane, 1978, p. 26). Historically religious beliefs and various institutions such as the family have lnfluenced attitudes regarding appropriate gender roles. Geiger (1960) suggests the nineteenth century family was strongly impacted by traditional and religious beliefs regarding appropriate roles with the male serving as "master of the household and his wife" (p. 449). Rigid gender appropriate positions as defined by the church would appear to be contradictory given the stated Marxist/Leninist goals of total equality and a classless society that the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 was supposed to have created. According to Curtiss (1960), Lenin did not want the revolutionary movement to attack the church for fear "good proletarians [might] turn against the revolution because of insult to their faith" (p. 413). Bolsheviks did weaken the church's hold by nationalizing church property and taking over record keeping of marriages, deaths, and births. These were functions formally performed strictly by the church. Further, on February 5, 1918, the separation of church and state was formally decreed by the Bolshevik leadership. But, persecution of 41

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the church in any organized manner did not begin until 1919. From 1922 forward, there were various periods in which anti-church activities accelerated then were replaced with periods of relative peaceful coexistence with the Communist Party. The sexist attitude towards women 1s even more paradoxical when one considers that Russian society has traditionally been strongly matriarchal. Here the 0Mother Earthn cults flourished and continued long after the inception of Christianity (Gray, 1990). The Mother Earth cults were early cultures that were based upon female rule and belief that the female alone was able to create life without the assistance of a male (Stone, 1976). These womencentered cults/beliefs were difficult to eliminate and this might help explain to some extent the backlash against and suppression of women. In fact, the Russian Orthodox Church is said to be more misogynous than the Catholic Church (Gray, 1990). In Tsarist Russia, not only did church teachings declare that women were sinful, but that they needed men/husbands to govern them (Atkinson, 1977; Porter, 1987). Additionally, the Tsar decreed by law based upon traditional church beliefs, that women could not work, go to school, or apply for a passport 42

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without her husband's consent. Husbands also had the right to beat their wives to keep them obedient and subservient (Wagner, 1989). Rywkin (1989) suggests no Renaissance or Age of Chivalry occurred in Russia further impacting this patriarchal attitude (see also Tompkins, 1953). When one studies the Soviet Union, much information is based upon the Russian Republic. This 1s controversial to some extent because the USSR is composed of many cultures such as Russian, Lithuanian, Ukrainian, Turkmenistanian, Uzbekistanian etc. But it is easier to understand why so much research is based upon Russian culture when one considers the Russian Republic covers 75 percent of the land and 50 percent of the population is of Russian descent (Sacks, 1988). Therefore, a great many attitudes and beliefs of this majority Russian nationality influence much of the Soviet Union's attitudes and beliefs. Indeed, the Marxist/Bolsheviks had to make concessions to the tradition when creating their new classless Soviet post-1917 Revolutionary society. Reshetar (1960) cites one of Stalin's 1924 published articles regarding problems associated with Russian "'inertia, routine, conservatism, stagnation of 43

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thought slavish regard for ancestral traditions'" (p. 570). The Bolsheviks had to fight these traditional attitudes and values in a number of social and political arenas. Another factor influencing attitudes was the very rigid class system in Imperial Russia (Atkinson, 1977), which impacted attitudes about status, position, and respect for those in various social strata. Rywkin (1989) suggests there were four traditions that influence current attitudes towards and held by women: (1) status and rank are held in high esteem, (2) given the esteem accorded to those of high rank, there is a dependence upon those of rank to intercede on one's behalf, (3) a strong desire to believe in a just cause, and finally, (4) an ability to accept hardships as a normal part of life. Discourteous behavior towards those of lower status occurs with this strong tradition for deference to rank and status. Historically in Russia a woman could elevate her status by marrying "up", but a male would lose his status and rank by marrying a woman of lower status. If a male was to marry a woman of higher status he did not achieve the higher status of his wife. Therefore, a woman 44

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could improve her status by association with a male, but improvement of status by association with a female was not possible. Only degradation of status was associated with females (Atkinson, 1977). Rywkin (1989) suggests: the situation of women in the USSR is paradoxical: despite the country's ideological and legal commitment to full equality, women clearly suffer a de facto lower status (p. 146). With this lower status follows lower respect, esteem, and discourtesy afforded those individuals within these ranks. This would help explain masculine attitudes toward women given men tended to hold higher status positions in Russian society and continued to in Soviet society. This practice was not displaced by the Bolshevik Revolution. Additionally, ability to accept any hardship as a normal part of life would tend to create an inertia that would make change difficult. It would appear to require great perseverance and stamina for women in this culture to become so disenchanted with the system as to overcome this inertia and become involved in dissi-dent or revolutionary movements. In contemporary former Soviet society there were few public opinion polls taken to determine 45

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general public attitudes about gender issues, but attitudes can be surmised from various policy decisions and characteristics of a society. Historically in many Western European societies as male income increased there was less need for females to work outside the horne. A more traditional attitude then reasserted itself. This attitude prescribed one female function to be that of family nurturer dependent upon male labor for economic support (Sacks, 1980). Indeed, one major theme in Russian literature suggests an appropriate function for Soviet women was to provide emotional support for her husband, thereby creating a domestic environment suitable for her family. This was understood to be in addition to her economic labors. These attitudes were prevalent in the former Soviet Union as observed in letters to the press (Sacks, 1980). Additionally, many professional people and the State expressed the notion that females were biologically pre-ordained to care for children and home (Sacks, 1980; Gray, 1990; Posadskaya, 1991). Hough (1977) quotes a vicepresident of the Academy of Pedagogical Sciences who believed there were appropriate gender roles biologically pre-ordained. This woman stated: 46

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woman by her biological essence is a mother-a teacher-trainer ... [with] an inborn ability to deal with small children, an instinctive pedagogical approach (p. 366). She further suggested the state policy of excluding females from admission to particular professions was appropriate given their "motherly mission n (p. 3 66) These rigidly interpreted gender appropriate roles are in direct contradiction to stated Marxist/Leninist philosophy of equality of labor and roles for men and women in a socialist society. Socialist theorists suggested socialization and not biology was the determinant of appropriate gender roles and once a socialist society was in place, women would be treated equally with men and released from menial horne and child-care responsibilities. Heitlinger (1980) clarifies this point: Starting from the assumption that relationships to the means of production are primary, orthodox Marxist feminist have argued that the oppression of women is not a separate problem, but rather a contradiction that arises from the class struggle, and is eventually resolved by the creation of socialism (p. 10). Engle proposed women would not achieve equality with men while a capitalistic system was enforced. In other words, private property, female domestic labors, lack of external labors, and dependence on 47

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men would continue to keep women from full self actualization and economic independence (Heitlinger, 1980) In response to an increasingly active women's movement prior to the 1917 Revolution and to gain support of Russian women (Porter, 1987), Bolshevik leadership envisioned a society in which state sponsored child-care facilities would accept the vast majority of child-rearing responsibilities thus freeing women for economic production roles. After taking power, Communist Party created the "Commissions for Agitation and Propaganda among Working Women" which in turn became the Women's Bureau (Zhenotdel) in 1919. Tasks assigned to Zhenotdel units included organizing and encouraging women to become more politically active and to address many issues related to female existence. Although Zhenotdel remained a part of the formal organizational structure of the Communist Party until 1930, it was subject to problems ranging from simple lack of support to open aggression to its stated goals as leader for women's rights (see Holt, 1977; Lapidus, 1978; Clements, 1979; and Holland, 1985). Zhenotdel fell victim to reorganization of the Central Committee Secretariat in 1930 and was 48

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formally abolished (Lapidus, 1978). This is a clear example of control agent strategies of avoidance, adjustment, and finally, suppression. Although it continually fought for recognition and support within the Party, Zhenotdel was: useful as a transmission belt for Party policy and as a mechanism for extending Party influence to an otherwise inaccessible female constituency ... [it] functioned as a female auxiliary of the Party ... [and] was accorded organizational recognition but marginal status (Lapidus, 1978, p. 71). Unfortunately, this along with many other promises went unfulfilled. The experience of Soviet women may then be illustrative of and congruent with the general development of Soviet society and the Soviet polity. On the 'woman question', as on other aspects of communist public policy, the Bolsheviks had no blueprint before the Revolution of how to proceed once they came to power. The Leninists shared the conviction that socialism would automatically and inevitably 'solve' the 'woman question', just as it would 'solve' the problems of crime, nationalism, and racism (Dallin, 19771 p. 386) o The Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 changed the status of women legally over night. They received the right to vote, equal pay for equal work, access to most professions and positions, and the right to sue for divorce and child support. Indeed, the marriage law of 1926 was very liberal and provided new 49

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freedom for women. But by 1944, there was a resurgence of old traditional attitudes and values regarding women and their roles (Williams, 1987). It is much more difficult to change people's values and attitudes and cannot be done quickly nor by Black (1960) argued that traditional values of patriarchal peasant society could not be changed overnight. In an era in which many millions of Russians have been transferred within a generation or two from the countryside to all levels of urban life, it can hardly be doubted that the attitudes and values characteristic of the former peasantry continue to have a powerful impact (p. 672) This obviously is problematic for women since they now must participate equally in the external labor force in addition to their domestic duties. This sexist attitude was held by individuals at all levels of the former Soviet society. For example, Gray (1990) quoted a male doctor regarding female doctors: Of course there are prejudices as well there should be! The brainier the woman, the more she tends to prefer men doctors, because our best specialists are clearly men. As you know, over 75 percent of Soviet doctors are women, but they don't work well ... Here at this clinic, I have officially declared that I don't accept women doctors on my staff (pp. 17-18) 50

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Gray continues that prejudice against female doctors was widespread and held by women as well as by men. Even one of the most ardent women's rights advocates expressed this same prejudice against women doctors. Williams (1987) suggests there are two reasons why the pre-1917 Revolution attitudes have persisted. Not only have traditional attitudes been resistant to change (Willis, 1988), but Marxist theorists did not want to dilute the class struggle by fragmenting their efforts with various "smaller" issues such as women's liberation (Porter, 1987). Bolshevik leadership was at best indifferent towards women's issues and at worst outright hostile. Not only did many people with socialist views fear that a women's liberation movement would dilute the class struggle, but they opposed it on the basis of individualism versus the collective. Edmondson (1984) suggests individualism is associated with male egotism which has "anti-social consequences for society" (p. 3). But women traditionally have been perceived as keepers of social values and civilization. There were those that feared women would lose this ability if feminist goals of individualism were achieved leaving behind concern for the collective good. Gray (1990) quotes one female 51

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professor at the prestigious Moscow Lenin State Pedagogical Institute on the subject of women as keepers of social values and their responsibility to have and rear children: ... the most important duty of a woman, along with her work, is to have children, far beyond the duty of being a wife (p. 61) Another explanation suggests it is difficult for many members of a society to change their attitudes because individuals become confused about what is reality and what is possibility (Sacks, 1980). Berger and Luckrnann (1966) call this confusion "reification of social reality" (p. 88). They explain: Reification is the apprehension of human phenomena as if they were things, that is, in non-human or possibly suprahuman terms. Another way of saying this is that reification is the apprehension of the products of human activity as if they were something else than human products -such as facts of nature, results of cosmic laws or manifestations of divine will (pp. 88-89) Given this explanation, it becomes evident that Soviet culture continued to hold the belief that roles assigned to women were a result of nature and not due to traditional attitudes handed down over 52

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many generations from person to person. Lapidus (1977) argues: Accounts which emphasize the dramatic changes in the position of women resulting from the October Revolution ignore the persistence of traditional norms and behaviors in new economic and social conditions. Revolutionary change in the USSR has brought not a total rupture with the past but a partial assimilation and even reintegration of pre-revolutionary attitudes and patterns of behavior that are not merely 'bourgeois remnants' destined to evaporate in the course of further development but defining features of a distinctive political culture (p. 116) As the Bolsheviks discovered: It is axiomatic in social history that however revolutionary this or that regime, and however radical the changes it introduces in policy or ideology, it still must deal with the same people and take as its point of departure the existing popular attitudes and norms of behavior (Dallin, 1977, p. 389). As is apparent from the above discussion, former Soviet women continued to battle old traditional, sexist values founded hundreds of years ago in Imperial Russia. This patriarchal attitude will become more clear in the next section which discusses the occupations and positions available to women in the former Soviet Union. 53

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Economic Labor Many individuals outside the USSR believe that women had achieved full equality with men in the labor force. But current statistics about gender composition of various occupations and positions would indicate otherwise. To understand demographics of the former Soviet labor force, this section will begin with a discussion of historic positions filled by female labor during industrial development of the Soviet Union then move onto statistical data regarding career opportunities available to former Soviet women. The role women played in the labor force and factories began with industrial development in the Soviet Union. Early in Russian history, during Peter the Great's reign, female convicts were ordered to serve the term of their sentences in factories. In 1762, wives of military men were forced to fill needed labor positions left vacant by men (Glickman, 1977). In 1885, women composed 22 percent of the overall factory work force. But particular industries employed women to a greater degree than others. In some Russian provinces, females 54

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constituted over 54 percent of labor in the textile industry. Eighty four percent of tobacco factory workers were female in St. Petersburg providence (Glickman, 1977). In the 1890s, females comprised 20 percent of industrial labor workers with the majority employed in textile and clothing industries (Sacks, 1980). During this period, the political atmosphere was extremely unstable and several strikes and minor revolutions occurred. After the 1905 revolution had improved income and labor conditions for men, industrial leaders turned to females as cheaper labor. Women were generally considered to be better employees because they would accept lower wages and it was believed were not as likely to be politically active as their male counterparts (Williams, 1987). Between 1901 and 1910, it has been _estimated that 88 percent of the increase in the labor force was due to women joining the ranks of those employed outside the home (Williams, 1987). In 1913, one third of all factory workers were female (Gliksman, 1960) By the time of the 1917 Revolution, estimates place female industrial labor at anywhere from 40 percent (Sacks, 1980, 1988) to 43 percent (Williams, 1987). After the revolution, women industrial laborers 55

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increased from 28 percent in 1929 to 45 percent 1n 1956 (Gliksman, 1960). In comparison, US women composed 20 percent of the paid labor force in 1900 and increased to 55 percent by 1986 (Hochschild, 1989) There are several factors that influenced the need for female labor in the former Soviet Union that other developing countries did not experience. First, the Soviets have experienced periods of major population decline. During the period immediately succeeding the 1917 Revolution (1917-1921) the population of 103 million declined by 2.8 million per year. Between 1929 and 1935, forced collectivization, Stalin's purges, and famine reduced the population by another 5.5 million. Additionally, World War II claimed another 20-25 million lives, the vast majority being male (Sacks, 1980). Others have estimated the total population decrease due to all of the above factors at over 100 million (Geiger, 1968). It is difficult to determine the exact figure with any degree of accuracy due to Soviet poor record keeping practices, records destroyed during wars and purges, and Soviet's extreme aversion to any publicity they perceived might reflect upon them negatively. 56

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Reshetar (1955) acknowledged the difficulty with many official Soviet statistics. For example, the census data of 1937 was suppressed by government officials because nwreckers" had tampered with demographic data. Reshetar argues this was done because the figures deaths due to famine were greater than were officially acceptable and exaggeration and outright falsification of documents and data had occurred during the Communist Party regime. The second factor influencing the need for female labor was rapid industrialization during the 1920s and 1930s (Peers, 1985) Just before World War II there were only 92 males for every 100 females in the Soviet Union. When war preparations began, women were again needed to fill the industrial labor force (Sacks, 1977). And finally, two incomes became necessary to survive when a single income became insufficient to maintain a family's standard of living. That continued to be the case at the time of the demise of the former Soviet Union in December, 1991. With so many women in the work force, one would assume equality would be less an issue than in other countries employing fewer women. There are several 57

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factors that influenced occupations and positions available to women. First, historically in Tsarist Russia females occupied certain positions in specific industries during developmental phases of industrialization. In other words, not all occupations and positions were open to women. The second factor affecting female employment was child care. During its infancy, the Communist Party attempted to address terrible shortages in child care facilities that made integration of female workers difficult. And finally, during rapid industrialization many people drawn into the labor force came from rural, peasant groups. These people brought with them very traditional values and attitudes about appropriate gender roles and division of labor. Gliksman (1960) argues that peasants moving into urban employment retained ties to rural Russia and traditional attitudes because many left families in rural areas to work the land. Additionally, many worked factory jobs until harvest time when they returned to the land. Gliksman (1960) therefore, posits the industrial worker was "half-peasant and half-proletarianu (p. 317). Sacks (1980) suggests these factors may have not only created the environment in which certain beliefs 58

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became established, but also made changes more difficult: There is an inertia built into social structures; present forms are to a large extent a product of the conditions prevalent at the time they firs.t came into existence (p. 244). These factors help explicate why women continued to be dominant in occupations such as food, garment, postal, textile industries, medicine, typing/ secretarial, and teaching positions. Males have traditionally been dominant in occupations such as law, the arts, plumbing, woodworking, transportation, machine construction, and metallurgy (Sacks, 1980) These sterotypic roles had not changed much over the years even though 53 percent of the labor force was female (de Boismilon, 1991) Posadskaya (1991) relates upon graduation from school she was given a list of jobs appropriate for women. I could pursue telephonist, nurse, childcare worker, teacher, and so on. There was no mention of engineer, electronic technician, computer specialist, factory director (p. 9). CBS News interviewed Soviet women and consensus appeared to be that roles Soviet women were assigned were problematic for them. The news correspondent stated: 59

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For every Soviet man on parade, you can bet there's a Soviet woman standing behind him -or, more accurately, sweeping up behind him. Young or old, it doesn't matter. That's what women do in the Soviet Union. If this is equality, the equality Lenin gave them, it's not most women's idea of equality. It's not even a Russian woman's idea of equality (de Boismilon, 1991, p. 8). Before reviewing current employment statistics, two factors must be discussed to keep the issue of Soviet female employment in perspective. First, when examining positions held by women in the former Soviet Union, investigators must take care not to bring an ethnocentric point of view to the investigation. For example, women far out number men in the medical profession. This at first glance would appear to indicate women have achieved full equality with men, but when one looks deeper into this area a different picture becomes evident. Privilege and status are not accorded to people in the medical profession and to the intelligentsia. Greater pay and privilege are reserved for those individuals employed in various industrial production efforts; for example, doctors earned 250 rubles a month compared to 450 rubles paid to skilled factory workers (Gray, 1990). 60

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A second relevant point regarding this issue involves the analysis of actual numbers of men and women employed in any given occupation or position. When reviewing statistical data that suggest an equalization of gender composition in various occupations one must be aware that "men of lowerstatus nationality groups entering occupations the Russians label 'women's work'" (Sacks, 1980, p. 249) may be the influencing factor. In other words professional association with women can only lower ones status, not raise it. Therefore, men of lowerstatus groups are associated with women in particular professions or positions in specific occupations, thereby, creating the impression of equality in some occupations. What specific occupations and positions were reserved for women in the former Soviet Union? Women were dominate in the garment/textile industry, typists/secretarial positions, teaching, and medicine. In medicine, women held 90 percent of all medical positions from doctors to technicians, but held only 60 percent of administrative positions (Sacks, 1980, 1988). Further, not only did women not have equal access to higher paying administrative positions, but they also did not have 61

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access to higher status and higher paying specialties. Women tended to be general practioners while men tended to be surgeons (Rywkin, 1989). In education where women were the majority, they composed only 25 percent of all administrative positions (Sacks, 1988). Other occupations reserved predominately for women were industrial and unskilled labor. Seventy percent of all unskilled labor positions were filled by females (Sacks, 1988). Women constituted 98 percent of janitors and street cleaners (Gray, 1990). These jobs were made more difficult because modern equipment was not available in the former USSR. Conveyor belt operators were 90 percent women and 66 percent of all construction and warehouse workers (Rywkin, 1989; Gray, 1990). The chief of Moscow's Metro construction team was female as were 33 percent of engineers on the Bratsk Dam project (Willis, 1988). In agriculture where women again were the vast majority of workers, 85 percent of the machine operators were male while women did heavy manual labor (Gray, 1990). Overall, women worked harder, waited three times longer for promotion to the next level than males (Sacks, 1980), and earned 62 I

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only 72 percent of what males earned (Sacks, 1980, 1988) Although women tended to receive less remuneration for their labors, Gray (1990) suggested the work ethics of women were strong and were quite different from that of male workers. Soviets often refer to women workers as 'our Japanese' because of the meticulous, self-assured diligence of their work patterns; I have also heard it said that one of the aims of perestroika is to motivate men to work as well as women (p. 3 5) Given discrimination and hardships associated with work, why were over 92 percent (Gray, 1990) of all Soviet women employed full time? Sacks (1988) suggested there were a number of reasons why women continued to work in the former USSR. These factors were not so different from reasons US women seek employment. The first factor was the high divorce rate. Women of the USSR required some means of supporting themselves and their children after divorce. In 1990, one out of every three children lived below the poverty line. That amounted to 23 million children (The Current Digest of the Soviet Press, 1991). Second, inflation affected women in the USSR just as in the US. Women's salaries were needed to maintain the standard of living even when 63

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a spouse was present in the home. -To clarify this point, on February 1, 1989, a group of sociologists conducted an unprecedented poll via a full page questionnaire in Literaturnaya Gazeta (Literary Gazette) The survey asked 34 questions and the response was phenomenal. Over 200,000 people responded with some even daring to put their name and return address on the envelope. This poll indicated that two-thirds of respondents reported a family per-capita income of less than 125 rubles a month. This would be 0$200 at official exchange rates, but more like $20 on the free marketn (Smith, 1991, p. 90). Further, 97 percent of all respondents indicated a per-capita family income of less than 250 rubles per month. And third, there was greater demand in general for labor in all sectors of the economy. Since World War II there had been an ever increasing demand for all laborers, but most especially during economic crisis in the former USSR (Peers, 1985) Given occupations and positions generally assigned to women and the political instability of the former Soviet Union, what does the future portend for them with regard to career development and potential? Williams (1987) suggested that because 64

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of work loads and domestic responsibilities, women have less time for educational and career development. This serves to keep them in lower status jobs as does general sexist attitudes. Attitudes regarding appropriate careers and positions for females in the former Soviet Union were not so very different from those expressed in the us. For example, Soviet st.udies found both men and women indicated a preference for a male supervisor (Lapidus, 1978}. A similar US study with female subordinates indicated a slight preference for a male over a female supervisor (Shockley & Staley, 1980}. There is another similarity between Soviet and US attitudes regarding women in the work force. Historically, studies in the US suggested that both men and women managers perceived stereotypical male characteristics to be more compatible with the term manager than stereotypical female characteristics (O'Leary, 1974; Schein, 1977}. Similar views were expressed in the former Soviet Union by individuals involved in a far reaching dialogue regarding recruitment and training of executives. One female specifically stated "for some reason it seems taken for granted that an executive is a man" (Lapidus, 1978, p. 195}. 65

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Lapidus (1978) summarizes female participation in the labor force by pointing out four issues. (1) Unique demographic characteristics and industrialization in the former USSR created a need for female labor external to traditional agrarian and domestic responsibilities. (2) Women have been channeled into low wage positions with little upward mobility and little chance to change their economic status. (3) Due to certain unique characteristics of industrialization in the former USSR, positions became available for women that have not traditionally been associated with women in Western industrialized cultures. For example, Soviet women were found in large numbers performing heavy unskilled labor in both industry and agriculture. Additionally, there are many female engineers and technicians. And finally; (4) although Marxists philosophy suggested that sexual equality would naturally evolve in a socialist society, it does not appear to have occurred in the former Soviet Union. Even in this avowedly socialist society, the structure of authority remains hierarchial, and the proportion of women declines at successively higher levels of that hierarchy, even in occupations in which they predominate (Lapidus, 1978, p. 197) 66

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In addition to keeping women from advancing in their careers, the work load and lack of respect also serves to keep them from participating politically. 8Many dislike the system, but with Slavic fatalism they make the best of it" (Willis, 1988, p. 98). But Sacks (1980, 1988) suggests the isolation and segregation of women into particular occupations may have been helpful in creating a women's movement within the former USSR. By being in an environment where women were dominant, they could develop a sisterhood and discuss common concerns and problems. Thus, the situation was more conducive to development of a coalition of women than if they had been totally integrated into "male professions". The feminist movement had originally started before 1917, but was subverted by the Bolshevik Revolution and until recently, had not experienced a revival. Harcave (1964) argues that there had been no organized feminist movement before the 1905 Revolution. rndeed, in January I 19 04, the Union of Liberation held its first congress in which they spelled out their goals. These goals included the concept of nfour-tail suffrage -universal, equal, secret, and direct" (Harcave, 1964, p. 33) as the 67

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foundation for a new constitutional government. This implied equality for women and began to draw interest from various quarters. This group of Liberationists were instrumental in creating the revolution of 1905 (Harcave, 1964). The post 1917 revolution period of 1917 to 1930, saw the Communist Party implement over 301 resolutions and decrees regarding women. But after the formal dissolution of the Zhenotdel in 1930, there were only three resolutions for the next three decades (Lapidus, 1978}. There was little interest in a feminist movement or concern for the nwomen's questionn from 1930 through the mid 1960s because the official stance was that it had been resolved. After the Stalin era, debate regarding female participation in labor became important again. As more women were needed in economic labors, concern was expressed that they not neglect their traditional role. Official policy based upon Marxist philosophy clung to the perception that the "woman questionn would be resolved when other economic and production questions were resolved. Between the mid 1960s and mid 1980s, the nwoman question" resurfaced with the acknowledgement that 68

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it was indeed a separate question that needed specific attention (Buckley, 1985). This renewed interest may have been reawakened when in 1979, several women began a samizdat -unofficial publication-regarding women's issues. This samizdat was called nAn Almanac: Women and Russia." One of the initiators of this publication, Tat'yana Mamonova, was a dissident who had come under KGB scrutiny for her activities and was subject to harassment. She was eventually exiled for her feminist activities (Holt, 1985). In addition to the Almanac, another group began a feminist sarnizdat in the early 1980s. These two groups could not agree on all aspects of and directions for a feminist movement. One factor they did have in common was close observation by the KGB and eventual harassment, exile, and imprisonment of their various female leaders during the 1980s. This obviously was the control strategy of suppression. More recently, Posadskaya (1991) reported a renewed interest in the women's movement. When a women's forum was called in March, 1991, and representatives of 48 women's groups and movements attended. These groups were still wary of formal organization due to previous failures of formal 69

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organizations such as the Communist Party's Soviet Women's Committee. Posadskaya (1991) further argues regarding recent democratic movements active just prior to the demise of the former Soviet Union and their stance towards the woman question: Women's groups and organisations have not become part of the democratic movement, 1n my view because the democrats have a traditional patriarchal attitude to the place and role of women. Most of the democrats are men who consider that a woman's place is in the home. We define this as a post-socialist reversion to patriarchy (p. 9). The women's movement in the former USSR continues to be in a state of flux. Conclusion This chapter has discussed the impact of church, class system of Imperial Russia, and the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution on former Soviet society. These institutions created a culture in which women were devalued and many social and economic rewards were withheld from them. Although women were instrumental in the development of contemporary industrial society, there were very rigid gender appropriate occupations and positions that afford lower status and financial reward to females. The next chapter will investigate Soviet women's 70

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responsibilities as homemaker and her general living conditions with regard to time management and housing. 71

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CHAPTER 3 SOCIAL CONTEXT The real way to privileges was to occupy as important a post as possible in the Party hierarchy, in the government, or in some walk of life. The point is that your privileges came with your position, your job. Take your job away -and bye-bye privileges. Vladimir Pozner Introduction General living conditions in the former USSR were far different than those most Americans experience. Housing was and continues to be in short supply, drab, and overcrowded. Few modern conveniences such as refrigerators and washing machines were available. This chapter will investigate how these factors and others impacted Soviet women's lives with regard to general living conditions, domestic responsibilities, marriage, and parenting.

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General Living Conditions Although the former Soviet Union was a superpower, little attention had been given to environmental issues and there were few modern conveniences. Pollution from industrial sources and automobiles had all but destroyed the environment (Rywkin, 1989). State Counselor A. Yablokov, Russia's state advisor on the environment and public health released a report indicating the nenvironrnental situation in Russia is close to being a national catastrophen (The Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press, 1992, p. 30). Environmental pollutants have impacted the life expectancy for Russian males by reducing it from 70.4 years in 1964-1965, to 69.3 years in 1990. In heavily polluted urban areas, life expectancy fell to below 60 years. The State Counselor makes no mention of the impact these pollutants had on women. The environment and quality of life as it impacted Russian women is far more rigorous than it has been for American women. Over and above the general drab environment of "marred building facades, mud puddles, cockroaches, rusting pipes, debris, and dirt ... everywhere" (Rywkin, 1989, p. 73

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134), were consuming factors of life such as shopping, cleaning, and trying to live with inadequate housing. Because there were shortages of everything from soap (Peterson, 1989) to fossil fuels and other energy sources (Dienes, 1989), shopping for daily necessities became a major expedition with women Jpending an average of four hours a day standing in (de Boismilon, 1991) Men rarely were for any housework, spending only an average of five hours a week on household duties (Peers, 1985; Gray, 1990) compared to an average of 40 for women. In one US survey conducted in 1965-1966, 1,243 parents reported a decided discrepancy between men and women in hours spent on housework and child-care responsibilities as well. US Women spent almost 4 hours a day while men spent a total of 29 minuets a day on child-care and house keeping activities. In subsequent studies, couples reported male participation at home had increased from 20 percent to 30 percent of all domestic responsibilities by 1981 (Hochschild, 1989) In addition to fewer household responsibilities, Soviet males did little shopping except for vodka. What surveys there were of men in 74

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the USSR indicated they were unwilling to share the responsibilities for shopping, child care, and housework (Heitlinger, 1979). Soviet men firmly believed it to be: [their] right to spend [their] free time drinking with other men, and to use [their] apartment mainly as a place to eat, sleep, and watch television. Men [did] no cleaning, no cooking, and little shopping" (Willis, 1988, p. 98). Peers (1985) adds that whatever the educational level of a married male, he remained "a relative parasite within the home and [will] further his own education and enjoyment at the expense of his wife's (p.124}. The quality and quantity of goods in the former Soviet Union were notoriously so poor that people would leave work early or spend time on the phone during the work day to chase scarce commodities. The level of frustration was indicated in letters to the Soviet press: In our. town [Ufa] there are queues not only .for sausages but for every little thing: in the clinic, at the post office, at the savings bank, for public transportation. Almost all our spare time is spent in queues. Nobody counts that time, nobody calculates it. It is a special additional payment for purchases (Rywkin, 1989, p. 136). Writing letters to the editor is an example of petition to the control agent that has been utilized 75

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since the Bolshevik revolution in 1917. In one study of letters to the press, Inkeles (1968) found complaints involved distribution and production of consumer goods. This would indicate vertical agitation in that the populace was displeased with the distribution of rewards within the society. One study that helps clarify the issue was conducted in 1975. This survey indicated that only 66 percent of Soviet families owned a washing machine and 50 percent owned a refrigerator (Peers, 1985). Soviet sociologists have estimated that because of shortages and lack of modern conveniences, homemaking responsibilities consumed over 100 billion hours every year (Heitlinger, 1979) hours ,much needed for production of goods and services. Housing was another area of Soviet life in which there were and are severe shortages and what was available was extremely small. Although housing may have been small and drab, it was inexpensive. A one room apartment when available cost 15 rubles a month. A three room apartment rented for 25 to 30 rubles a month (Smith, 1991). In 1980, 20 percent of urban populations shared housing; an additional five percent lived in factory dormitories. In urban areas, per capita living space in 1982 was only 9 76

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square meters or an area 9.7 feet by 9.7 feet (Morton, 1987). The 28th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) determined there was a need for more housing. It passed a resolution to provide additional housing units so that each family could have their own apartment by the year 2000. The demand would require construction of 40 million new apartments or houses in less than 15 years (Andrusz, 1990) Simply put, that meant doubling the number of units currently in existence. Additionally, events in Eastern Europe have affected housing shortages in the former USSR. Former Soviet troops had been recalled from a number of republics: 27,000 from Hungary; 43,000 from Czechoslovakia; and 16,000 from Mongolia (The Current Digest of the Soviet Press, 1990). Additionally, Germany's reunification impacted the housing shortage by releasing 550,000 Soviet troops and their families formerly stationed in East Germany for return to the Soviet Union and in need of an additional 54,000 housing units (Faye, 1991). This was just the beginning as troops and dependents began returning from other Eastern European countries formerly under Soviet control. At the time of these transitions, some suggested the 77

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housing shortage was the worst crisis facing the USSR (Andrusz, 1990). As became evident in late 1991, the housing crisis was superceded by the collapse of the USSR and ethnic strife in many republics have had serious consequences for indigenous populations. There was discontent over lack of available housing forcing young couples to live with parents for years before obtaining an apartment of their own. The wait for an apartment of one's own might be as short as 10 years or as long as a lifetime. How long the wait varied from city to city. For example, in Minsk, an individual who went on the wait list in 1976 could have expected to be offered a unit in 1987. A citizen of Dushanbe would still be on the list from 1969-1973. And individuals living in Irkutsk have been waiting since 1959-1961 (Andrusz, 1990). To obtain a new apartment, one had to proceed through the allocation system which was controlled by bureaucrats. Many Soviets had learned to survive this system and move up on the wait list by resorting to "blat" (influence), bribery or both. Obtaining housing had long been recognized to be an unpredictable and unfair process with subjective factors such as corruption, patronage, and nepotism 78

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affecting one's position on the wait list (Andrusz, 1990). As with so much of former Soviet society, it was connections that turned the economic wheels of progress: Whom you know often dictates how well you are housed, what food you eat, what clothing you wear, and what theater tickets you can get (Rywkin, 1989, p. 107) As has been discussed in this section, overcrowded housing, few modern conveniences, and little to no help from husbands took a great toll on Soviet females' time and lifestyle. The next section will discuss marriage and its impact on Soviet women. Marriage With many burdens and responsibilities women had at work and at home, one wonders why so many women accepted the roles of wife and mother. The major reason according to Alexandrova (1984) was official State encouragement and support. The government had utilized three specific strategies to facilitate the acceptance of marriage as the norm post-Bolshevik Revolution. First, specific laws regarding marriage were implemented. In 1936 and 79

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1944, these laws required degrading remarks be entered upon the birth certificate of an illegitimate child. Given that one's documents are readily available to a host of "officials," there were severe consequences for both mother and child. The father had no legal or financial responsibility for this illegitimate child. These laws were revoked in the 1960s, but there remained a lingering effect on people. Second, propaganda was extensively used to teach people about "the healthy Soviet family" (Alexandrova, 1984, p. 34), proper morality and the evils of ndissipation.n This taught that the proper family included married couples with children. The third strategy was administrative procedures designed to control behavior of citizens. These consisted of three types. The first process for administrative control let individuals know that every aspect of his/her private life was open to scrutiny. There might even have been open observation of one's behavior by the KGB or police. nThis awareness alone makes a strong impression on the behavior of a personn (Alexandrova, 1984, p. 35). The second administrative technique was subjecting individuals to public ridicule and 80

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examination if they did not follow the "rules". These examinations frequently occurred at trade union meetings or in the Komsomol (Young Communist League) meetings where all involved could discuss and comment upon another's private life. The third administrative control mechanism was the reference card. On this card were recorded all details regarding a person's private life and character. Any deviance from the prescribed "politically mature, morally stable" (Alexandrova, 1984, p. 35) behavior could result in a "black mark" against the individual accompanied by a host of negative consequences. Ultimately, this meant second class citizenship for the individual so stigmatized. This impacted marriage in that the State desired marriage and the resultant children from these unions. This would appear contradictory to the original philosophy upon which Communism was founded. Marxists philosophy stated that men and women should be free and equal and the traditional family would fade away with the implementation of socialism. But the Party had to maintain control of individuals within the new society and the family made a useful and logical place to exert and maintain this control. By exerting pressure on a 81

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family member or threatening him/her in some manner, an individual could be made to conform. Therefore, although the stated goal was to no longer need families for support to children and women, the government could not fulfill the goal of dissolution of the family and still maintain control over individual behavior (Alexandrova, 1984) Additionally, Alexandrova (1984) clarified another issue regarding marriage by suggesting if a woman was not married, she was made to feel her life was somehow incomplete and abnormal. She also argued that being divorced had less stigma associated with it than writing "not married" on the plethora of forms and official documents that were a part of every day life in the former USSR. Gray (1990) also suggested there were many reasons why women indeed opted for marriage in addition to the obvious one -love for another human being. First was for pragmatic reasons; to obtain a larger apartment, move to a new city, or enhance one's social status. For reasons discussed earlier, marriage for the sake of getting a larger apartment might appear to be counter-productive, but one did move up on the wait list when there were more people involved. Therefore, a married couple had a higher 82

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priority than a single person and a married couple with children had a higher priority than a married couple without children. But there was obviously a price to pay for living in overcrowded conditions for a period of at least 10 years or more. The second reason women opted for marriage was related to job opportunity and career advancement. The Soviet system did not look with favor on single women who suffered more discrimination than married women in the work place. The term for old -nstarukhan -carried even greater pejorative connotations than in the US. Unmarried women were believed to be morally unstable (Gray, 1990). In this self-proclaimed classless society, married women also suffered from discriminatory practices. The wives of powerful men such as politburo members, were expected to remain in the shadows. Riasa Gorbachev was an anomaly in the history of Soviet leaders' wives. In years past, the world public hardly knew if Soviet leaders were married, much less see their wives accompany them on trips abroad. Dr. Gorbachev accompanied General Secretary/President Gorbachev on his many world trips after he took office in 1985 and became highly visible. 83

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Even with pressure to marry, many women found marriage in Soviet society so uncomfortable that for every 10 new marriages, there were five divorces (de Boismilon, 1991) Many of these divorces were initiated by women; in 1981, 73 percent were initiated by the wife (Rywkin, 1989). In one study conducted in 1970-1973, 44.3 percent of divorcing women indicated the number one cause was due to alcoholism with only 10.6 percent of men indicating this to be the cause. Interestingly, this study included the courts' perceptions as well. They indicated 38.7 percent of all divorces were due to alcohol abuse. Divorce is no small decision for any woman, but in the former Soviet Union there were severe penalties. First, she might not have been able to move away from her ex-husband due to housing shortages. Further, she was not entitled to alimony -a concept incompatible with Socialist equality. But more importantly; because men tended to be in more powerful positions, women lost all important contacts to privileges that played such an important role in the Soviet economy. Soviet females have also expressed scorn towards Soviet males accusing them of being uncouth and vulgar (Gray, 1990). Shulman (1977) quoted one 84

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young woman as saying "most girls do not take it for granted that they will even find a decent husband, much less an ideal one" (p. 377). There was so little privacy for intimacy due to housing shortages that it may have affected relationships between men and women. All the pressure on women for child care, shopping, housekeeping and responsibilities in the external labor force left them with little energy to invest in making a relationship successful. Some facet of their lives had to be given less attention, be it additional educational and career opportunities, recreational activities, relationships, or even much needed sleep (Gray, 1990). Parenting Not only did the former Soviet Union need women in the labor force, they were needed to fulfill the role that only women can, that of giving birth. There was great pressure on women to have large families to provide the necessary labor force of the future. But in order to have children and work, women needed adequate child-care facilities. As with so many areas of Soviet life, there were 85

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shortages and poor quality facilities. Despite the stated Bolshevik position regarding motherhood, there were still problems. Kollantai expressed the Soviet position on motherhood thusly: Russia is the first Republic in the world to recognize motherhood as a social, and not a private family responsibility (Holland & McKevitt, 1985, p. 145). This implied that the collective had a responsibility to assist women with this component of their lives. Even immediately after the 1917 Revolution, there were few child-care facilities that had been part of the stated Bolshevik agenda to free women of their domest.ic chores. In 1928, only 200,000 children were in day care (Williams, 1987). Soviet day care was so poor that many children came home sick and poorly fed. Many women wished to remain at home with their children, but could not afford to do so. In addition to poorly operated day care facilities, were poorly run children's homes where more than one million children without families were housed. There were 422 infants' homes, 747 residences for children, and 278 boarding schools. Reports suggested only 20 percent of these facilities were deemed satisfactory and a full 50 percent should have been closed down. "Many have a 86

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barracks-like atmosphere, stealing is endemic among the personnel, and children are sometimes beaten" (Zhiritskaia, 1990, p. 81). Even with governmental pressure to have large families, there were greater pressures not to have a large family -little living space and time restraints. Another incentive not to have children was the infant and maternal mortality rates. In the mid 1980s, infant deaths averaged 30 per 10,000 births with two or three maternal deaths per 10,000 births (Holland & McKevitt, 1985) These figures are considered relatively low compared to other industrialized countries, but they have been increasing at a rapid rate causing concern among women. But deciding not to have children was easier than actually preventing their conception or birth. Birth control information and devices had been woefully lacking. Only 18 percent of women used any form of birth control and only five percent used modern methods such as the pill or IUD (Gray, 1990). With lack of birth control came the issue of abortion. In 1920, the former USSR became the first state government to legalize abortion. Initially, the number of abortions was small, but grew to 87

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700,000 in 1934. In this same year there were only 3 million births (Heer, 1980). In 1936, the government became alarmed over the reduced birth rate and made abortion illegal. By 1955, the government recognized the number of illegal abortions being performed and once again legalized it. By the late 1950s, it is estimated there were more abortions than live births (Heer, 1980) In the last 30 years, Soviet women have experienced 50 million abortions, the highest figure in the world (de Boismilon, 1991) The average woman expected to have had 14 abortions in her reproductive lifetime and it was not uncommon for some women to have had as many as 25 abortions (Gray, 1990). Factors affecting the abortion rate in the former Soviet Union were multiplicative. One factor was obviously birth control knowledge and availability of birth control products. Second, the increasingly important services women rendered to industrial growth would help mitigate having a large family when they were needed for commodity production. The third factor was the lack of housing. People preferred not to have large families when the total living space allotted them was nine square meters. And finally, educational 88

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levels of women has proven to be a good predictor of fertility rates; as educational levels rise, fertility levels fall. In the former Soviet Union, the literacy rate steadily rose among females from 16.6 percent in 1897 to 42.7 percent in 1926 after the Bolshevik Revolution. The rate continued to climb to.97.8 percent in 1959 (Heer, 1980) and remained about the same through 1991. Medical treatment in the USSR was of such poor quality that both the abortion procedure and giving birth may have been life threatening. Increasingly newborn babies went home from hospital with staphylococcus infections due to unsanitary conditions (Gray, 1990). Further, in 1986, the infant mortality rate of 25.4 deaths per thousand live births may have been under-reported by as little as 40 percent and as much as 80 percent if the World Health Organization methodology of reporting is utilized. This means 45.8 deaths per thousand live births in 1986 (Peterson, 1990) would have been a more realistic figure. Not only was medical treatment abhorrent, but emotional needs of women were not being met as well. One woman commented about her birthing experience when interviewed: 89

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The treatment is inevitably rough, impersonal, crass, as in a production line; we're treated as if sex and birth are a big crime. There was so much pain that I had nightrnaresabout it for many years afterward--the brutality of our maternity wards are the best contraceptive method we have; very few of us ever want to go through it again (Gray, 1990, p. 24) During and after giving birth, fathers were excluded from participation. They were not allowed to visit their wives and children at the hospital. For many fathers, the first sight of their newborn child was when she/he came horne from hospital. This further reinforced gender specific roles. The ignorance, lack of birth control devices, medical and emotional treatment of women all were indicative of paradoxical attitudes Soviet society held.towards females and their needs .. They were encouraged to have large families, but appropriate assistance was not provided. At the same time, they were also told to participate in the labor force. Lapidus (1978) summarized Marxist philosophy and its impact on women and the family. There were three basic assumptions that remained unfulfilled for women by the Communist Party. (1) A socialist state would provide economic opportunity and assist with domestic and child-care responsibilities 90

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thereby freeing women from these burdens. (2) By lifting domestic responsibilities, women would be able to improve their professional standing, educational levels, and political involvement. And (3) By elevating women's educational and economic status, their power and status in the domestic arena would also become equal with that of men. The next section will discuss family and economic responsibilities for older females in former Soviet society. Babushka The term nbabushka II in Russian means grandmother. These women had traditionally assisted overworked adult children with child-rearing responsibilities and housework. But this role seemed to disappear in the waning years of Soviet society. It 1s important to understand demographic figures for older females to appreciate the role they played. In 1980, there were 263 females for every 100 males over the age of 60 (Sternheimer, 1987). This was in part due to the large number of men killed during World War II. Retirement age for 91

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women was 55, but for men it was 60 (Lane, 1988). This created a longer time for the women to try to make it financially on less income. Elderly women were having an increasingly difficult time making ends meet due to the urbanization of Soviet society. Extended families moved from rural areas to urban areas where industrial jobs were available. With this large number of older women underemployed, it would appear that they would have been available to serve in the babushka role for their adult children. But, Soviet gerontologists suggested that 29 percent of all 55-59 year old women surveyed preferred to have their own home rather than share small living spaces with adult children and grandchildren. A similar survey indicated 50 percent preferred to have their own home and 88 percent of their adult children expressed a desire to live separate from elderly parents (Lane, 1988) The opportunity to serve in the babushka role was more likely to be available to those women whose children were divorced or single themselves and needed assistance with child care. 92

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Conclusion This chapter has discussed the general living conditions of Soviet women as well as their domestic responsibilities. One comment Gray (1990) heard repeatedly was Hoverburden.a Soviet women said they had too much equality. Over crowded living space and excessive time required for shopping and household responsibilities with no assistance from Soviet men led to one of the highest divorce rates in the world. The classic double bind of demands made on women to be both a economic producer and reproducer of future laborers had taken an additional toll on their energies. To compare the plight of former Soviet women with American women, Gray (1990) .stated: American women are still struggling for the freedom to, whereas Soviet women are now struggling for the freedom from. We have been stuck at home for the past two hundred years, and are still striving for the right to work in coal mines, fire fighting units, police brigades. Whereas Soviet women are battling to be freed from such labor, and from the many other arduous ones they've been stranded in for seven decades bui"lding the nation's highways and railroad beds, unloading its freight cars, operating its cranes (pp. 97-98). 93

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With these demands upon her time, again the question is relevant as to whether Soviet women had time and energy to participate in dissident and revolutionary activities. The next chapter will address the role Soviet women have played historically in dissident and revolutionary movements. An overview of previous participation might help predict or explain female participation in the unprecedented, neoteric events at the close of Soviet history. 94

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CHAPTER 4 WOMAN AS REVOLUTIONARY Are there no brave and courageous people left in Russia? ... It has at least two fighting elements which are ready to die to restore peace, order and bright honor to their distracted land. These two elements are the Cossacks and the women. Rheta Dorr Introduction The concept of dissent within the former USSR is complex and difficult to categorize. A person may have been a dissident because of beliefs differing from Communist Party ideology based upon cultural, religious, political, or nationalistic reasons {Alexandrova, 1984; Rywkin, 1989). Further, a dissident: does more than simply disagree and think differently; he [she] openly proclaims his [her] dissent and demonstrates it in one way or another to his [her] compatriots and the state (Medvedev, 1980, p. 1). But whatever the basis for one's dissent, until very recently in a system such as the former Soviet

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system, any dissent was perceived as undesirable and was to be dealt with promptly. Rywkin (1989) suggested there have been particular historic periods in which various groups have been active in the Soviet Union. Intellectuals were predominantly active from 1955 to 1965. Human-rights and nationalistic activists were the major group between 1965 and 1975. Human rights dissidents were the first dissident group to publicize their positions and factors of Soviet life that had previously been unpublicized. 11From the very beginning, the characteristic feature of the movement was its public nature (Alexeyeva, 1985, p. 10). The birth date of the human.rights movement is considered to be December 5, 1965 when a group of demonstrator in Pushkin Square, Moscow demanded .. Respect the Soviet Constitutionn (Alexeyeva, 1985, p. 9). From 1975 to 1985 religious issues tended to be cause for dissent. Since 1985, dissent again tended to be for nationalistic and political reasons. Most national and religious movements began after Stalin's death in 1953, but truly had their antecedents in prerevolutionary periods (Alexeyeva, 1985). Dissent became more possible as the penalty for dissent became less severe. For example, during the 96

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Stalinist period, one might have been killed for suggesting even a hint of disagreement with accepted party line. But since the Khrushchev era, the penalty has been less severe. Indeed, during Gorbachev's leadership dissent had been accepted and encouraged to some extent by not reacting to dissent with political and physical force. No matter the type of dissent, many societies are uncomfortable with the image of females as revolutionaries or cast in violent roles. These societies are more familiar with females utilizing stereotypical strategies of passive resistance and performing socio-emotional tasks. Therefore, women tend to be invisible in many accounts of historic events especially when these events involve dissident and revolutionary activities. Reynolds (1987} suggested that women are more visible in revolutionary times, at least during the early twentieth-century revolutions in the Soviet Union. In fact, a good case can be made that, in terms of personai initiative and commitment, women were more profoundly and originally involved in Russian revolutionary politics before the 1917 Revolution and in the period immediately following it than in later years, when Soviet women who attempted to assume a public role found themselves locked into the new hierarchy, the new discipline, the new law and order -all of which turned 97 0

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out to promote and train and mobilize women for production and reproduction (Dallin, 1977, p. 390). Revolutionary leaders welcomed women in the early stages because it showed that indeed the revolution was supported by all people. Female involvement in revolutionary and dissident activities have been estimated to be 15 to 20 percent of the total movement population. These figures are based upon police and biographical records (Lapidus, 1978). Reynolds (1987) further suggested that the "rewards of the revolution rarely are returned to women in the same measure as males receive" (p. xv). There was one exception to the above observation. Women did share in punishment dispensed to dissidents and revolutionaries. Women who participated in revolutionary activities between 1880 and 1890 received 21 out of 43 sentences to hard labor for their activities (Lapidus, 1978) If Reynolds is correct, Soviet women should have participated in the many aborted revolutions and the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution that marked the beginning of the twentieth-century in Russia. Before a discussion regarding early twentieth century revolutionary and dissident activities can begin, clarification of the dating system utilized 98

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in Russia is required. Prior to February, 1918, Russia used the Julian calendar -referred to as "old style" This calendar was 13 days behind the Gregorian calendar used by the West -referred to as "new style". This means that the Bolshevik Revolution of October 25, 1917, as dated in Russia, would have been dated in the West on the Gregorian calendar as November 7, 1917 (Daniels, 1967). This thesis will use the standard dating system that dates activities occurring prior to 1918 by the old style Julian calendar and events subsequent to 1918 dated by the Gregorian calendar. This chapter will investigate the many revolutionary and dissident events in Russia since 1861 that facilitated the development of Soviet society. More specifically, the invisible Soviet female revolutionary will be made more visible. The chapter will conclude with a discussion of the activities to which women were relegated in the male dominated political system in the USSR. Strikes Class issues played a major role in the development of Russian and Soviet culture. When the 99

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serfs were granted freedom in 1861, many women began to leave rural areas with its strong traditional role definitions to seek education and employment on their own (Porter, 1987). They blatantly "disobeyedn their parents restrictions against autonomous female behavior. This migration of women was revolutionary for that time since traditionally men had legal control of women granted by the Russian Orthodox Church and the Tsar. These activities fit the definition of agitation as prescribed by the Bowers and Ochs model of agitation and control. In other words, they used petition and non-violent resistance to serve notice to control agents change was needed. This would indeed have been defined as agitation by people of that era and Engel (1983) states: Such rebelliousness required considerable courage and optimism, as well as a certain naivete ... To flee the family was to risk economic need, sexual harassment, emotional isolation, and in some cases political persecution (p. 62). Further, it would indicate dissent with the value system in place. In other words, lateral deviance/agitation as outlined by Bowers and Ochs. Engel (1983) continued by suggesting that as women gave up restrictive clothing, hairstyles and 100

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other feminine accouterments, Russian society became less tolerant of this rebelliousness and began to view this behavior as an "attack on the social and political order" (p. 62). They became subject to avoidance and suppression control responses. If parents could not counterpersuade daughters to give up the goal of an autonomous life, parents and society as a whole subjected them to financial deprivation, possible sexual harassment, and political persecution (Engel, 1983). This would not be the only revolutionary activity in which Russia women would participate. Revolutionary activities in Russia began with the Decembrists Uprising of 1825. Payne (1967) argues the "Russian revolutionary age was ushered in" (p. 11) on December 14, 1825, when a small band of officers attempted in a one day coup to overthrow Tsar Nicholas I. These officers led 3,000 rebel troops. The result was 400 rebellious men, innocent women, and children killed and the five men considered to be the ringleaders hanged. But, this effort had a tremendous impact on Russian history (Tompkins, 1953; Payne, 1967). During the 1870s, women became revolutionaries in the populist movement that had plotted to 101

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overthrow the Tsar. Between 1873 and 1879, 2,654 people were arrested for dissident activities; 15 percent of these were female. Engel (1980) suggests: During the 1870s, the level of women's activism, and the degree of women's prominence in movements for reform and revolution is Russia were remarkable in comparison to their sisters in the industrialized West (p. 31). These are amazing statistics when one considers that by law, women were completely under their parents' or husbands' dominance. Women found it difficult to persuade their parents to allow them to go out on their own to live or seek an education much less be "allowed" to participate in revolutionary activities. They therefore, developed several strategies for getting involved such as pretending to marry. This satisfied the parents' need for supervision of their daughters. One particularly infamous .female revolutionary during the 1870s was Sofia Perovskaya (see Payne, 1967) Indeed, Sofia Perovskaya was one of five main activists who assassinated Tsar Alexander II. Perovskaya was the daughter of a governor general of St. Petersburg. She also became the lover of Andrey Zhelyabov who was the ringleader of the assassins. 102

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Perovskaya had been involved with dissident activities before becoming involved in the assassination plot. Her first arrest came at the age of 19 for labor agitation activities with workers on Nevsky Prospect in St. Petersburg. She spent a year in prison and was released on condition she returned to the family estate in the Crimea. Shortly thereafter, in 1877, she was again arrested when the Tsar ordered a general round up of students assumed to be revolutionaries. These people were put on trial that became known as the -"Trial of the 193." She was eventually found innocent, but this experience encouraged her to go underground and continue her revolutionary activities which in turn resulted in re-arrest arid eventual exile. Upon her return from exile, Perovskaya became one of five leaders of the revolutionary group known as "Narodnaya Volya" (The-People's Will). Their goal was not only the assassination of the Tsar and his high ranking officials, but the creation of a more just society (Payne, 1967). On March 1, 1881, members of Narodnaya Volya successfully accomplished their goal to assassinate Tsar Nicholas II. For her role in this event, Perovskaya was hanged along with four men who were her co-conspirators. 103

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Perovskaya had moved through various agitational stages. She began by petitioning control agents with regard to labor issues. Ultimately, she participated in violence that moves beyond rhetorical acts designed to change the system. The rhetorical agitation of Perovskaya and her cohorts is exemplary of lateral deviance in that this group disputed not only the distribution of rewards, but the value system of an autocracy. Although this degree of participation by Perovskaya was unusual, Porter (1987) suggests, "hundreds of women took part in the revolutionary struggle of the 1870s ..... (p. 7). Edmondson (1984) suggested that women as a group were not apolitical beginning with labor strikes in the 1870s. Engel (1980) argues women were as driven and disciplined as their male counter parts in revolutionary activities. When these women desired a change in their level of participation, it was invariably to a more dangerous assignment. Along with requesting a more dangerous assignment, when women were arrested and tried for these activities, they did not minimize their involvement. Rather, they accepted even more responsibility than they need have. These women expressed a desire to share in the same fate of the 104

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men. For example, upon Perovskaya 's arrest, she did not minimize her involvement, but readily confessed to her participation and accepted her fate with relative calm and resignation (Payne, 1967). With regard to labor strike activity of the late nineteenth century, McDaniel (1988} suggested the "industrial labor movement was the pivotal revolutionary actor and ... the process of industrialization was the wellspring of revolution" (p. 2}. Over 175 strikes occurred during this time, mostly in the textile industry where between 25 and 50 percent of workers were women (Porter, 1987). Sablinsky (1976} cites the following figures with regard to labor strike activities from 1895 1903: in 1895 there were 68 strikes; in 1896, 118 strikes; in 1897, 145 strikes; in 1898, 215 in 1899, 189 strikes. From 1900-1910 strikes declined due to recession, but rose to 550 in 1903 (p. 29). Another well respected Soviet source suggests 1,023 labor strikes occurred between 1895 and 1900. This figure is 200 more strikes than official government statistics (Sablinsky, 1976}. Government response to strike activity was invariably force. Indeed, the Russian word for strike was "stachka" which is a derivative of "stakat'sia" meaning to "conspire for 105

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a criminal actn (Sablinsky, 1976, p. 20). Therefore, the government viewed strike activities as illegal and force an appropriate response. In the tobacco industry, one early strike by female workers occurred in 1878 when 300 women marched on the administration to protest wages (Glickman, 1977). This is the classic example of the agitational promulgation strategy designed to communicate dissatisfaction with the distribution of societal rewards. In other words, vertical deviance. Strike activity continued in the 1890s. Edmondson (1984) reported that women initiated over 40 strikes during this period aimed at improving conditions for factory workers indicating continued vertical deviance designed to dispute distribution of systemic rewards. Again in 1895, tobacco workers led by women went on strike in St. Petersburg (Glickman, 1977). Another strike that same year in Ivanova-Voznesensk saw women integrally involved in a strike by textile workers. Strikes continued in 1896 in the textile industry where women were 40 percent of the labor force (Porter, 1987). During these strikes, women participated along side of men. Female factory workers were not 106

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the only women active in strikes and dissident activities. Women in other social classes also participated in strike and protest activities. Lapidus (1978) argues that female revolutionaries were a more select group although a smaller one than the males involved in these activities. These women on average were better educated, from a higher social strata and occupied higher occupational levels than their male counterparts. Women in lower classes with less education were far less likely to become involved in revolutionary and dissident activities. Gray (1990) suggests that Russian female aristocrats of the late nineteenth century were the largest group of women revolutionaries in reported history. Nearly 20 percent of all people arrested for political activities between 1860 and 1890 were women. Although women had been participating ln strikes, employers perceived women as less likely to strike and cause trouble. Therefore, industrial employment of women increased by 12,000 in 1900 and 1901. Porter (1987) provides contemporary anecdotal evidence to clarify this issue: "Factory owners everywhere are replacing men with women, not only amongst adults but also amongst the young, believing 107

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the female element to be more docile and steady" (p. 13). During the violent strikes of 1901, women participated in strikes and physical violence. This was the first time as a group such action had been taken by women. In subsequent strikes protesting working conditions hundreds of women fought and were killed, jailed, and beaten along with men. At this time, one third of all workers were women (Porter, 1987). The agitators had moved to the escalation/ confrontation stage and the control response moved beyond suppression. By killing some agitators, control agents utilized a strategy not generally used in more open societies as defined by Bowers and Ochs. In 1904, women from the peasant class, aristocrats and factory workers became involved 1n strike movements. These women led strikes and riots against landlords to protest deplorable conditions in which they found themselves. This was during the Russo-Japanese War when men went off to fight and women found they could not single-handedly work the land to provide an adequate living for themselves and their families. These riots were known as the "babi bunty" (Porter, 1987, p. 16) -peasant women's 108

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riots. In addition to all of the above mentioned women's groups, female students participated in student meetings and demonstrations during 1904. These demonstrations, called for an end to the war with Japan and became more violent as the year progressed (Edmondson, 1984) Again, agitation moved from petition to escalation/confrontation. As is evident from the above discussion, women from all levels and classes of society in the late nineteenth century were actively involved in protest, demonstrations, and riots in an attempt to improve working and living conditions for women and men. But this activity did not stop with the turn of the century. Women continued to die along with men while involved in protest activities early in the twentieth century. On January 9, 1905, over 200,000 men and women marched to the Tsar's Winter Palace to petition the Tsar to give workers better conditions (Porter, 1987). The peaceful demonstration ended with 800 1,000 men, women, and children killed and came to be known as Bloody Sunday (Sablinsky, 1976). This demonstration had been organized by Father Gapon who had long been concerned for the poor and industrial laborers in Moscow. This event had been advertised not only as 109

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demonstration of the need for improved labor conditions, but almost as a religious event (Sablinsky, 1976). One female leader involved with recruiting activists for the march on the Winter Palace was Vera Markovna Karelina. She had been a former Social Democrat and had just returned to St. Petersburg in 1895 after three years of imprisonment and exile. Karelina accepted responsibility for organizing and training women within the newly formed "Assembly of the Russian Factory and Mill Workers of the City of St. Petersburg." She ultimately had over 1,000 women regularly involved with the Assembly prior to Bloody Sunday and was so effective as a trainer of women they began to debate with male members. This was a major advance for women at that period of Russian history (Sablinsky, 1976) During the march, demonstrators were unarmed but were met by 10 battalions of infantry and cavalry units bearing guns, sabres, chains, and whips. Demonstrators attempted to talk with the troops and to explain their goal was to peacefully petition the Tsar, but these attempts were met with force. This is again an example of petition and promulgation strategies utilized by agitators. Sablinsky (1976) argues that Bloody Sunday, January 110

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9, 1905, was the opening shots that eventua.ly led to the October, 1905, revolution that resul ed 1n major reforms and concessions by the Tsar. At this time even though one third of he labor force was women, they found it difficult to enjoy the camaraderie male strikers enjoyed. The addi-tional work at home for women precluded the ment of interpersonal relationships between that men were able to develop. Another strike in the summer in Ivanova-Voznesensk, a community near Over 11,000 female textile workers went out strike for one of the longest history. During this strike, 28 women were {Porter, 1987). Overall, the strikes of 190 were pivotal for Soviet women with regard to their level of involvement in political and social issues. The strikes and riots of 1905 hit more than a hundred towns, drew in more than million workers, and turned thousands of women into revolutionaries {Porter, 1987 p. 20). This would appear to have served the purpose f solidification and polarization of women into the labor movement. 111

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Strike activities did not end in 1905. In July, 1914, over 110,000 workers went on strike in St. Petersburg. These numbers included women who helped build barricades of telephone and telegraph poles, wagons, and boxes (Haimson, 1990). Again in 1915, female textile workers in Ivanova-Voznesensk were striking for food and an end to World War I. As the above discussion indicates, women were very actively involved in strikes, demonstrations, and riots as well as the industrialization process in the Soviet Union. They used a variety of agitation strategies and participated as leaders in strikes, but historically have received little attention as revolutionary leaders. Glickman (1977) suggests when these strikes by women were spontaneous and: as long as it remained in a relatively unideological, unorganized stage and was therefore not 'bureaucratized' women workers were capable of manifesting their discontent in concrete ways (p. 82). But when the strikes became organized, men usurped control and leadership positions and women had a more difficult time participating to the degree they had previously. This not only indicates the degree of sexism exhibited by Soviet males, but the complex interplay of male attitudes as assimilated by 112

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females regarding themselves and the roles and degree to which they might participate within their society. Revolution Events that led to the October, 1917 Revolution began long before October. Strikers from munitions and textile factories participated in strikes for economic reasons only until the end of 1916 when they began to become involved politically (Hasegawa, 1990). In February, 1917, women were leading strikes and riots for food, economic, and political reasons. They wanted economic equality and an end to World War I (Williams, 1987). These riots and strikes had moved unsuccessfully through various stages beginning with petition and moved to aborted revolutions or partially successful revolutions. The later strategies are beyond the scope of rhetorical agitation. One such preliminary revolution was in February, 1917. On February 23, (March 7, new style) women of Russia had wanted to recognize and celebrate International Women's Day in Petrograd. There was much confusion as to whether activists 113

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should strike. The Bolshevik party had suggested they would give women instructions prior to International Women's Day as to planned strike activities. But the party newspapers were inoperable and unable to provide that information. When women went to work and were refused access to the Putilov armaments factory on that day, the situation erupted into a spontaneous strike led by women. As events developed, women from other parts of the city joined in, as did women who had been standing in bread lines. Working women from other factories became involved as well. The strike continued to expand as men began to join this strike when women used "shouts, stones, and snowballs [to encourage their male counterparts] to support the women's demands for bread and an end to the killing inflation" (Wildman, 1990, p. 172). 0The women continued to take the initiative" (Porter, 1987, p. 26) and by February 25, there was a general strike with women even taking guns from soldiers who had refused to go out into the streets to quell the riots. Wildman (1990) suggests documents from this time indicated the vast majority of demonstrators were women who were not afraid to confront police lines and barricades. These women 114

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engaged police and Cossack troops in discussion in an attempt to persuade them of the merits of their position. One young woman is reported to have given a Cossack a flower during a particularly tense confrontation. He accepted the flower and pinned it to his shirt. Again, we see women using petition, promulgation, solidification, and non-violent resistance as agitation strategies. Control agents, as exemplified by the above Cossack's acceptance of the flower, responded by adjusting to some agitational activities. Official records regarding the number of participants vary according to source investigated. According to Wildman (1990) 78,443 women and men went out on strike on February 23; 158,583 on February 24; and 201,248 on February 25. As events unfolded, students joined the factory strikers. As the revolution became more violent, the Red Guard joined the strikers and general population in the streets. The Red Guard was a group of men and women armed by the Bolsheviks. They attacked the prison in Petrograd and freed several revolutionaries imprisoned there. The revolutionaries declared a new government when the Tsar's forces surrendered and Tsar Nicholas II resigned. 115

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The revolutionary government and the Duma, the House of Representatives created by Nicholas II after the 1905 revolution, negotiated terms for a provisional government. The first faltering steps towards a Socialist government had been taken. The strikes had evolved from petition to guerrilla attacks that stopped just short of full scale revolution at this time. As agitation moves closer to revolution, by definition acts become less symbolic and rhetorical until full scale violence leads to revolution or war. These strikes have become the focus of one of the greatest debates regarding Russian history. There are those historians who argue these strikes in fact spontaneously evolved into the revolution the Bolshevik Party had hoped for, but was not ready for nor prepared to command. Indeed, most Bolshevik leaders were in exile. Therefore, in actuality women had begun the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution without the assistance of the Bolsheviks (Dorr, 1917; Lapidus, 1978; Smith, 1990; Sukhanov 1990; Wildman, 1990) But there are others who argue there were indeed Bolshevik leaders present and that events such as these required planning (Hasegawa, 1990). Others have argued that this 116

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revolution/strike was led by the Bolsheviks and Lenin's inspired leadership, but could not have occurred without the proletariat spontaneously uprising (Daniels, 1990; Trotsky, 1990). This debate deserves further clarification here with regard to female participation during these world changing events. To understand the role women played in these events, one must first understand the labor movement of that period. Smith (1990) argues factory workers in 1917 Petrograd could be divided into two distinct groups: (1) the skilled factory workers who were mainly males and (2) new young workers and females who were generally among the unskilled workers. The experienced males were more able to become involved in social movements and unions because they received better pay, had more time for and experience with organizational strike activities, and were generally better educated. Women and less experienced factory workers were considered to be the cause of spontaneous conflict and tended to become involved in less organized agitation and to use more anarchic processes. This would fit the definition of guerrilla and Gandhi in that women were perceived by male labor leaders as more militant in their tactics 117

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and activities. As was discussed earlier, males tended to take over with more formal means of agitation when strikes became more organized thereby appearing less militant than females. One of the more humorous methods of expressing dissatisfaction that was utilized by women in some textile mills was known as ncarting out.n In this process, women physically carried male managers out of meetings in wheelbarrows and held them over the brink of a canal until they signed petitions acquiescing to women's demands for better labor conditions and wages. This tactic was used in more than one of these mills where women were 91 percent of the labor force (Smith, 1990). This is a good example of polarization in that women created a we-they mentality and managers became focal points for agitation or flag individuals as defined by Bowers and Ochs. Managers responded by adjusting to demands and thereby not becoming subject to immersion in the canal. Although some historians argue women did not participate in the labor movement, Smith (1990) argues that women did become involved in the labor movement in large numbers. For example: 118

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in food and textile industries women comprised 66 percent and 69 .percent of the work force, respectively, but trade-union membership stood at about 80 percent and 70 percent {p. 273). Smith further argues although women were involved in the labor movement, they were poorly represented in leadership ranks. This held true for industries in which women were the predominant workers. For example, in textiles where women were the majority of labor only two women were board members with 13 men (Smith, 1990). Additionally, union committees were under representedby women. For example, in the Triangle Rubber Works only two of the 25 representative positions were awarded to women although women comprised 68 percent of labor in this mill. Again, in the Pechatkin paper-mill, only two of 13 representatives were women in this mill where women constituted 45 percent of the work force. There were a few organizations in which women were numerically better represented on union boards and committees. At the Sampsionevskaya cotton-mill, four of seven committee members were women but this was a mill in which 85 percent of labor was women. Smith (1990) argues that the poor representation of women on boards and committees was due to active resistance on the part of rank and file male union 119

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members. But union leaders recognized the need for organizing women and channelling their activities into more controlled forms of agitation. Smith (1990) argues unions did not succeed in taking the spontaneity out of women's protest activities. They utilized strategies of collective action not used by rank and file "cadre" workers. Women resorted to more direct methods of protest such as "caring out", wildcat strikes, and riots. Although these methods might appear to be irrational, Smith (1990) argues: it was a symbolic action, born of anger and emotion rather than calculation, but it had a certain rationality as a type of 'collective bargaining, by riot' (p. 278). With the Bowers and Ochs model, these activities would be classified as petition, promulgation, polarization, non-violent resistance, escalation/confrontation and guerrilla and Gandhi. Sukhanov (1990) also argues for the position that the revolution was spontaneously created by women strikers. He was present during these historic events and in close contact with what few Bolshevik leaders were still in Petrograd in 1917. He recounts: there were no authoritative leaders on the spot in any of the parties almost without exception. They were in exile, in prison, or abroad ... at its most important moments 120

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there were absolutely second-rate people present (p. 87} Control agents had utilized suppression against revolutionary leaders. By harassing, imprisoning, and exiling them, the strategy was designed to remove strong leadership and weaken the movement. Not all historians agree that strike activity during this period was spontaneous. Hasegawa (1990). argues that strike movements between 1915 and 1917 were not spontaneous. To have massive strikes occurring during this time period required organizers, speakers, and agitators to define grievances and to create slogans. In other words, the process of solidification. He does acknowledge that women went out of the mills in 11bread riots .. and were followed by metal workers, but the strike was soon taken over by more experienced strikers and union activists. Again, an example of guerrilla and Gandhi. Hasegawa (1990} also suggests that Bolshevik leaders were not present to take command of the strike. The Bolshevik party as a whole failed to react to the worker's strike movement quickly and imaginatively. The Russian Bureau led by Shliapnikov was constantly behind the developing events and grossly underestimated the revolutionary potentialities of the movement (Hasegawa, 1990, p. 61}. 121

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Hasegawa further argues that 3000 Bolshevik party members left in Petrograd were on their own to interpret events without benefit of upper echelon leadership input. Trotsky (1990) also argued that there was Bolshevik leadership, but he also argued that the masses arose on their own. His convoluted argument became Party gospel after the successful Bolshevik Revolution. Trotsky played an integral role in the Bolshevik victory and argues that indeed the Bolsheviks were in charge of the strikes and subsequent revolution. He scornfully wrote: Lawyers and journalists belonging to the classes damaged by the revolution wasted a good deal of ink subsequently trying to prove that what happened in February was essentially a petticoat rebellion, backed up afterwards by a soldier's mutiny and given out for a revolution (p. 100). Trotsky further argued that the revolution was inevitable as the workers and peasants rose up against their oppressors. With regard to the issue of specific leadership during the strikes, he did concede that police efforts to round up Bolsheviks had taken their toll with: most authoritative revolutionists, the leaders, of the Left parties, were abroad and, some of them, in prison and exile (p. 108) 122

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Despite the previous acknowledgement that Bolshevik leaders were in exile, prison, or abroad, Trotsky maintained Bolsheviks were in charge of the revolution by arguing that because some workers and proletariat were party members, the party was therefore in charge of strike activities. Another well respected Russian historian (Daniels, 1967) argued from a slightly different perspective regarding the lack of Bolshevik leadership. He suggested Lenin was driven by the need to gain individual control of the revolution, but was unprepared for events as they unfolded in 1917. Daniels builds his case by suggesting that due to pressures placed upon Russia during the rapid industrialization process, she was ready for revolution after 1905 but that no one recognized this fact including Lenin. He cites Lenin from an account written while in exile as late as January, 1917: nwe of the older generation may not live to see the decisive battles of this revolution" (Daniels, 1967, p. 9). When strikes in the city and revolt in the country began, Lenin insisted that spontaneous mass movements such as occurred in 1905 and early 1917 would not be successful without tight organizational 123

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control of a revolutionary group -preferably the Bolsheviks. Daniels (1967) further explains: In the fall of 1917, when it seemed as though the proletarian revolution might roll to victory almost as spontaneously as the bourgeois revolution of February, Lenin was beside himself (p. 20). Why was Lenin so distraught? Because Lenin and other revolutionaries were taken by surprise and unprepared for these events (Daniels, 1967). Further, other top Bolshevik leaders were out of the country. The second ranking leaders were in Siberia and had to travel slowly via rail across European Russia before they could begin to provide any leadership. As late as September, 1917, Lenin was still attempting to develop a plan to control revolutionary and strike activities. He was also struggling to inspire other Bolshevik leaders to recognize the potential for revolution from the current unrest. Again as late as October 15, 1917, Lenin still had produced no formal plan for revolution. This was just days before full scale strikes once again began. Immediately subsequent to events in October, 1917, controversy arose as to how the Bolsheviks had won. But Daniels (1990) argues: 124

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One thing that both victors and vanquished agreed on, before the smoke had hardly cleared from the Palace Square, was the myth that the insurrection was timed and executed according to deliberate Bolshevik plan (p. 397}. Communist doctrine has argued for years that the revolution was both a victory for the proletariat who initiated the revolution on its own and a victory for Lenin who led the revolution. Daniels (1990} suggests this contradictory stance holds some truth in that indeed, the proletariat rose up spontaneously but Lenin helped set the stage for the Bolshevik party to move into one party control even without a formal plan for revolution. The Bolsheviks -a majority of them at least -were emboldened by the smell of gunpowder, and ready to fight to the end to preserve the conquests of their impromptu uprising (Daniels, 1990, p. 40 0} 0 Women not only actively participated in strikes during the revolution, but they "ran armoured trains, led guerrilla partisan bands and fought in jack-boots and greatcoats alongside men" (Williams, 1987} 0 As the above discussion indicates, women did indeed precipitate the actual revolution of 1917. They may not have been in leadership positions, but were an integral part of initiating and maintaining 125

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strike and guerrilla activities that culminated in the downfall of autocratic rule in Russia. We see women taking advantage of all levels of agitational strategies as defined by Bowers and Ochs in these events and moving beyond rhetorical acts to full scale revolution. Control responses moved through various stages and ultimately to capitulation. Bowers and Ochs define capitulation as defeat, not as a rhetorical strategy. Women not only fought qgainst the establishment, they fought for their beliefs on the side of the Tsar. The Women's Death Battalion supported the provisional government. This group of women was organized to inspire and fight alongside soldiers against revolutionaries. One of their assignments was to protect the Winter Palace from assault by the Red Guard. This was where the provisional government had gone into hiding when the revolution began to gain ground and it became evident this was more than one of many strikes Russian society had been experiencing for a number of years (Footman, 1969; Porter, 1987.). Before and during the revolution, one woman particular became very visible. Alexandra Kollantai was one of the most famous Russian revolutionaries 126

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from the 1906 to 1922 (see Haupt & Marie, 1974; Holt, 1977; Lapidus, 1978; Clements, 1979). She not only wrote about how to resolve the problems related to 11the woman's questionn, but actively participated in the 1917 Revolution and held a post within the new government after the revolution. All of this attention given to one Bolshevik female is misleading in that Kollantai was atypical of her cohorts. Not that women did not participate prior to and during the revolution, but that she was given a position within the new post-revolution government. The Bolshevik party was hostile -to females in roles-other than those considered appropriate for women -education and propaganda (Williams, 1987) although women became revolutionaries for reasons similar to those for men. Clements (1980) investigated the available literature with regard to the lives of 34 women who became Bolshevik revolutionaries and found these women reportedly expressed similar goals as men for the revolution. Further, Clements suggests education and access to revolutionary literature and thought provided impetus for turning these women into dissidents. 127

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As the above discussion makes clear, women did participate in strikes and revolutionary activities that helped pave the way for the successful Bolshevik Revolution of October, 1917. Indeed, striking women in reality precipitated revolution without Bolshevik leadership ready to guide their activities. The next section will discuss the role women had in the new 11Classlessn society with regard to war and revolution. Post-Revolution After the successful 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, women continued to provide important support to the new government. Over 74,000 women joined the Red Guard to help defend Russia against invasion by foreign forces designed to topple the new Bolshevik government (Porter, 1987). During the civil unrest post-revolution, many women participated in the military defense of Leningrad, Lugansk, and Tula against the White Army. The White Army was composed of individuals fighting against the Bolshevik Revolution (Heitlinger, 1979). The responsibilities women accepted in the new social order were the same as their male comrades. They fought in combat in 128

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times of war and worked as police officers during times of peace. When the new government decided the only way to make a classless society was to kill thousands of people in the upper classes, women were also counted among numbers of individuals who were assassinated on September 5, 1918 (Brovkin, 1990). During World War I, women served as guerrillas, spies, and even formed and fought in their own death battalions when male troops became demoralized and defection from the army became rampant. Death battalions were not just a female phenomenon, but were created to infuse new energy into the fighting troops. These regiments were called "Battalions of Death" because they were composed of loyal individuals willing to die for Russia. Several of these regiments were composed solely of women who received combat training just as had their male counterparts. One female battalion came to be known as the "Botchkareva Battalion of Death" named for its female commander, Mareea Botchkareva, who eventually became a commissioned officer in the Russian army. Botchkareva received many medals including the St. George medal for valor under fire after having fought on several fronts. She was 129

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wounded three times, the last required hospitalization for four months (Dorr, 1917). The 250 member Botchkareva Death Battalion had no male officers and was sent into battle with only two months training. These women believed they could lead men into battle and renew fighting spirit in the war weary troops. And indeed, this battalion led men into battle and won a small victory during fighting on the Smorgon-Kreva front in Poland. Dorr (1917) recounts a contemporary newspaper story regarding the victory: The women's battalion made a counter attack, replacing deserters who ran away. This battalion captured almost a hundred prisoners including two officers. Botchkareva and [second in command] Skridlova are wounded ... the battalion suffered some losses, but has won historic fame for the name of women (p. 75). Women in these death battalions reported fighting was not much more difficult than the work required of them in their normal environment. They suggested their "protectedn position in Russian society of work in factories or harvesting was only slightly less dangerous (Dorr, 1917) The Botchkareva Death Battalion was not the only all female regiment. Another death battalion comprised 2,000 women recruited in and around 130

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Moscow. Twenty of these women were sent to officer's school and would eventually receive commissions in the regular army. One other regiment was composed of 1,500 women recruited 1n Petrograd. Not all women served in all female death battalions. Some women joined male battalions and were killed and wounded along with men. One story during World War I reported how a young woman was only one of 37 survivors out of a thousand member regiment after a particularly difficult battle. And she had managed to carry her wounded commanding officer to safety while wounded as well. In all, between 10,000 and 20,000 women had been recruited to "inspire and stimulate the disorganized army" (Dorr, 1917, p. 83) In addition to their efforts on the battlefield, women worked tirelessly as public speakers to inspire people to continue to support the new revolutionary government and its goals. After World War I, women were mobilized to speed up industrialization between 1928 and 1937. Women continued in this important role during World War II (Cottam, 1980) and again became involved in battlefield activities. 131

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Although there had been numerous examples of women involved in revolution and war in the former Soviet Union, "only in World War II did the military recruitment of women reach mass proportions" (Cottam, 1980, p. 115). Over one million women served in the armed forces during this period. In 1943, at the peak of female participation eight percent of the armed forces were women. These women were needed due to a shortage of men and many felt this would further women's efforts in the struggle for equality. In recognition of the integral role women played, over 100,000 received one or more military decorations both from the Soviet Union and from foreign governments. This is testament to the fact that women served in all branches of service on all fronts. They participated at all levels and were numerically a major factor in "medical services, air defense, traffic-control services, and signal communications" (Cottam, 1980, p. 115). Women began training for war as early as 1927 when they joined the "Aviation-Chemical Development Society" air clubs. In these clubs women were trained as pilots, mechanics, and sharpshooters. Many women volunteered for the Komsomol. These 132

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organizations were composed of new recruits dedicated to infusing the tired fighting forces with enthusiasm and renewed spirit just as they had during World War I. Of the 800,000 member force over 400,000 were women (Cottam, 1980). Although women comprised only eight percent of all fighting forces, by 1943, they constituted 35-37 percent of all ground and air defense personnel. They were also 12.5 percent of fighter-aviation personnel (Cottam, 1980). Women were particularly utilized in the air defense units. There was opposition to their induction into these units by some older professional soldiers, but the need was such that women became an integral part of these forces. Women began to replace males in great numbers. For example, women replaced eight out of 10 men in the anti-aircraft artillery; three out of five men in the machine-gun crews; five out of six men in the Aircraft-Warning Service; and three out of 11 in the search-light crews (Cottam, 1980). In some divisions, women made up over 50 percent of all personnel. For example: First Guards and Fifty-fourth Artillery Divisions 53 percent each; Third Machine Gun Division 81 percent; Second VNOS Division 76 percent; First Barrage Balloon Division 96 percent; Sixth 133

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Fighter Air Corps 36 percent (Cottam, 1980, p. 118). Women not only served in great numbers, but also achieved ranks as high as non-commissioned officer rank; 1,134 commanded detachments or posts. Women also set an example for men as good soldiers and were as effective and dedicated as men were (Cottam, 1980). For example, women eventually comprised the full force in barrage balloon posts. The balloons forced incoming aircraft to fly higher or around them making attack more difficult. The balloons were difficult and dangerous to handle and control, but: In [working] the barrage-balloon posts, women often outshone men in performance, displaying a high level of vigilance and resourcefulness, even though initially there were misgivings as to their capabilities, felt by both men and women (Cottam, 1980, p. 120). As in World War I, there were units composed only of women. Within machine-gun units, women for the first time composed the first all female battery. Leningrad also was defended by all female gun batteries. A testament to female participation, performance, and competency during World War II was 134

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provided by A. S. Iakovlev, a well-known Soviet aircraft designer: If ever, at some future date, a decision were to be made to erect a memorial to the heroic defenders of the capital against enemy air raids, I would recommend a bronze figure of a young female antiaircraft gunner wearing a wedge cap and standing on a high pedestal {Cottam, 1980, p.122). Although women today serve in noncombat capacities of military service, none are in high ranking positions or in numbers as they were during World War II. There is an ambivalence in Soviet attitudes toward us.ing women in combat: women exert a strengthening, ennobling, and civilizing influence on the army, but war is deemed to be against their very nature {Cottam, 1980, p. ). The effect women's participation in war, dissident, and revolutionary activities had on both women and men would have a lasting influence on Soviet society. Porter {1987) argues: War and revolution created a new kind of woman, strong and independent, and in the Soviet Union today people still talk about women's extraordinary courage in those years and in the years that followed {p. 45) The above section discussed roles women ful-filled during strikes, revolutions, and dissident activities in Tsarist Russia and the embryonic 135

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Soviet Union. The next section investigates the political positions available to women both within and external to the established post-revolution political order. Political Order Given the self-proclaimed, totally equal classless society of the former Soviet Union, one would have expected to find women in equal numbers at all levels of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) This was traditionally where the real power was. Additionally, one would eXPect to have found women in equal numbers at all levels of the bureaucracy of the Soviets or governmental bodies. But when an investigation is made into positions filled by women, a less than equal degree of participation is discovered. Discriminatory practices began before the October revolution and continued subsequent to the revolution. Even after the preliminary February, 1917 Revolution, the Bolshevik party was opposed to women taking leadership roles in the provisional government or in leading a separate women's movement. As discussed earlier, there was 136

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considerable fear on the part of the Bolshevik leadership that a separate women's movement would dilute the total class struggle as they had envisioned. Further, many men in the 1920s forbid their wives from participating in political meetings. Since women had often taken jobs in the unskilled labor market and had little assistance with domestic responsibilities, they were frequently willing to let men attend political meetings. This in the long run was detrimental to development of a women's movement by not allowing women to come together and discuss their particular concerns. Alexandra Kollantai suggested as early as 1922 that the Soviet political bureaucracy, contrary to the stated equality in law, was run by men while nwomen were deputies in all fields" (Williams, 1987, p. 78). Williams (1987) suggested little had changed in the waning years of Soviet society. With very rare exceptions, women continued to be predominately in lower levels of the political system with males at the top. In 1920 and 1921, women composed only five percent of the voting membership positions in the CPSU Congress. The number of voting females fell to only two percent in 1922; nine women out of 513 even though 7.5 percent 137

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of party membership was female (Williams, 1987}. Numbers had not improved dramatically when the USSR collapsed. Willis (1988} cites the following figures for the CPSU and various political positions as of 1988: -25 percent of at large membership of the CPSU was female; -33 percent of 1500 deputies of the Supreme Soviet were females (deputies hold no real power}; -only one woman had ever held a position on the powerful party Politburo as of early 1988; -no women served on the secretariat of the Central Committee of the CPSU and only three to four percent of the Central Committee was female (the most powerful position in the CPSU} ; -no women served on CPSU committees in the republics (the training arena for future advancement) ; -less than one percent of the Academy o.f Science was female; -there were no women generals or admirals in the Soviet military. 138

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With regard to the Soviet Politburo and the number of women who have held a position on this powerful committee, the numbers have changed since Willis gathered his data in 1988. The first and sole woman up-until 1988 to serve on the Politburo was Ekaterena Furtseva who resigned in 1961. A scandal followed her from office in the mid-1960s. Another woman was not appointed to replace Furtseva until September 30, 1988, when Aleksandra Biryukova was appointed as a non-voting member (Keller, 1989). At the 28th Congress of the CPSU held in July, 1990, Gorbachev announced Biryukova had resigned (Chiesa, 1990) and was replaced by Galina Semyonova (Hitchings, 1990b). She became the secretary in charge of women's issues, a new position created at the 28th Congress. In over 70 years of the USSR, only three women have served on this powerful committee of the CPSU. Biryukova, the second female to serve in this capacity, suggested the reason women did not make it to top governmental and party posts was not due to sexism, but due to a woman's natural preference for children and family (Keller, 1989). The implication being that women could not serve both as leaders of the nation and creators of future leaders at the same time. 139

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In the last days of the former Soviet Union, women were losing ground with respect to numerical representation in republic parliaments. One Soviet writer reported: The nomination-and election of Deputies to the new parliaments at all levels has proved to be catastrophic for women -their representation has sharply declined_ .... preliminary data leave one dumbfounded: One republic parliament has one woman Deputy, another has three, a third has six, and so on (Women Are Leaving, 1991, p. 23). Posadskaya (1991) reports as late as November, 1991, female political participation was perceived to be less important than ,.women's so called natural destiny,. (p. 8). There is not total agreement that women suffered a de facto lower status and experienced less opportunity to serve in governmental and party po.sitions as Biryukova' s comments indicated. Another perspective was provided in a survey of former Soviet women regarding low levels of female political involvement. Some stated men would take care of the issue of equality since men had introduced the concept in 1917. Another reason given for this lack of concern was expressed by a 11Specialist in women's affairs,. (Browning, 1985, p. 209). This woman suggested since women were so well 140

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represented in other levels of society, it was not necessary to seek higher political positions. Sukhoruchenkova (1988) also refuted the concept that women did not experience full equality with men in the former USSR. She cited figures similar to those of Willis {1988), but interpreted them differently. She argued that not only did women hold positions of importance at various levels, but that women in the USSR had 0Special privileges ... These special privileges include not having to work in professions demanding heavy physical labor associated with health hazards. Additional privileges included pre-natal and child birth allowances, medical benefits, and 18 months maternity leave and payments. Sukhoruchenkova's interpretation of these privileges are certainly open for debate given the discussion regarding power associated with positions held by women, health care provided towomen, and positions and professions open to women. There are several factors that might have accounted for historical difficulties that women experienced in gaining access to higher, more powerful positions in the political apparatus of the former Soviet Union. Moses {1977) suggested first, women had been recruited at local levels to serve in 141

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that region only. When men were recruited at this level it became a training ground and stepping stone to other regions and levels of bureaucracy. Therefore, recruitment patterns and processes for women appear to be different than that for men. Second, positions held by women at regional levels were also very limited. In other words, if women had not been exposed to a variety of experiences they would be less prepared for new experiences and less qualified to move up the hierarchy. Additionally, there appeared to be gender appropriate positions and roles. If this is what indeed was occurring, then fewer positions at higher levels would have been appropriate. One position usually filled by females was that of indoctrination official. The problem with this being primarily a female position was that there was an elitist attitude towards those who do and those who are theorists. This attitude is prevalent in the West as well. As Moses (1977) states: the antagonism between indoctrination officials and Party leaders in the Soviet Union has been compared to the traditional role conflict in bureaucracies between the 'man of words' and the 'man of deeds.' (p. 342) 142

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Other positions reserved for women may sound important, but have no power and authority associated with them. An example of this type of position was Chair of the All-Union Council of Nationalities in the Supreme Soviet. But upon closer investigation, responsibilities of this position appeared to entail nothing more than arranging receptions for visiting dignitaries from the Third World (Moses, 1977.). Political Disorder If legitimate positions in the political hierarchy were not open to women, did they participate in political activities external to the established government? In other words, the original question asked at.the outset of this investigation: were women involved in dissident/revolutionary movements? As other discussions throughout this paper have indicated, there are no easy, clear cut answers with regard to women and activities in which they may participate. At the time of its demise, the Soviet Union was undergoing unprecedented changes in its history and 11 the room ... allowed for dissent is expanding at 143

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unprecedented rates in the era of glasnost" (Aage, 1991, p. 3}. But whether women were involved was a little more difficult to determine during the initial stages of the dissolution of the former USSR. Several demonstrations and strikes once again occurred indicating the displeasure of the populace with regard to political and social order. For example, there was a two-hour strike by over 50,000 factory workers, students, and shop employees on October 3, 1989, protesting violence used against peaceful demonstrators on October 1, 1989 (Nahaylo, 1989). And on July 15, 1990, a crowd estimated from 100,000 to 400,000 people peacefully demonstrated at the close of the 28th Congress of the CPSU to indicate their contempt for the activities of the preceding conclave (Teague, 1990}. On January 13, 1991, 14 people were killed in Lithuania while protesting for independence (Klionka, 1991) And again on March 28, 1991, 100,000 people demonstrated for Boris Yeltsin and his reform program (Galeotti, 1991}. Reportedly, "minimal" violence was associated with this demonstration. These are just a few of many demonstrations that occurred in former Soviet republics. As Rywkin 144

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(1989) suggested, since 1985 when Gorbachev began his glasnost and perestroika campaign, dissent tended to be for nationalistic and political reasons. Particularly since 1988, a plethora of informal groups and associations were formed to protest and petition for specific ideological issues of importance to each particular group (Brovkin, 1990). Especially active and publicly visible were groups in the Baltic republics, Armenia, Georgia, Moldavia, and Russia. Because so much of what was written was in the form of the generic pronoun "he" and "people," it is difficult at this point to determine with any specificity the exact number of women involved in various dissident groups. Feminist theorists have suggested women are invisible because female concerns are grafted onto a male model. They further suggest gender is the variable of primary concern in any investigation, but in the vast majority of issues, women remain invisible (Gilligan, 1982; Spender, 1983; Foss & Foss, 1989; Hulbert-Johnson, 1991). This appears to be the situation with regard to reporting of dissident activities in the waning days of the USSR where a breakdown of participants by gender is rarely forthcoming. 145

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Further, although evidence was available to document female participation in historical events it was not taken seriously (Brown, 1976) One oft quoted source of events related to the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution is Nikolai Nikolaevich Hirnmer. He is better known by his pen name Sukhanov and for his seven volume eye witness account of events surrounding the October revolution. Further, as a dissident Menshevik he was jailed for his beliefs and reporting of these events. (Suny & Adams, 1990). As editor of a newspaper in February, 1917, he reported two female typists in his office talking about the unrest among women regarding food shortages. One of the women reportedly said: "if you ask me, it's the beginning of the revolution" (Sukhanov, 1990, p. 71). But Sukhanov continued: These philistine girls whose tongues and typewriters were rattling away behind the partition didn't know what a revolution was. I believed neither them, nor the inflexible facts, nor my own judgement. Revolution-highly improbable! (p. 72). More recently, there are records indicating female participation in dissident activities. After the invasion of Czechoslovakia by the Soviet Union in 1968, a young Czech named Jan Palach committed suicide in protest of the invasion. To call 146

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attention to not only Palach's death but the invasion itself, two unnamed Soyiet female students at Moscow University protested as a form of nonviolent resistance in Mayakovsky Square on January 25, 1969 (Reddaway, 1972). Another dissident, Irma Kosterina, was one of ten dissidents who drafted an appeal to the Communist party and petitioned them to reject resurgence of the Stalinist, anti-human rights movement during the 1960s (Saunders, 1974). This appeal was presented on June 1, 1969. Another human rights dissident in the 1960s was Alla Tsvetopolskaya. She came to attention of the authorities by supporting such dissidents as Aleksandr Ginzburg and Anatoly Radygin (Kirk, 1975) Here again is an example of solidification utilized by agitators. One woman known for her ability to withstand harsh imprisonment was Maya Ulanovskaya. When she was 18 years old in 1951, Maya was arrested for political activities as a member of the nunion of Struggle for the Revolutionary Causen and sentenced to 25 years imprisonment. Fortunately, she served only five years of this sentence and was released in 147

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1956 when Khrushchev began his de-Stalinization program (Kirk, 1975). Raisa Palatnik is particularly famous for her ability to withstand harsh interrogation by authorities and imprisonment. Her ncrimen was disseminating material in Samizdat (underground press) beginning in the mid 1960s and not providing the police with names of authors who published articles in Samizdat, even when under duress of ninterrogationn. Because of Raisa's example, her sister Katya, who had been opposed to her dissident activities also became a dissident (Kirk, 1975) Again, Samizdat publications are examples of the solidification strategy as discussed by Bowers and Ochs. Contemporary former Soviet society also had seen women participate in the human rights movement. Human rights activist Irina Ratushinskaya was sentenced in 1983 to seven years hard labor and an additional seven years internal exile for her involvement in this movement. She was released early in 1986 a few days before the Gorbachev-Reagan Reykjavik summit due to pressure brought by other human rights groups (Vaughn, 1989; Smith, 1991). 148

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Control agents in this case employed avoidance and suppression in response to agitational activities. During the last few years of the former Soviet Union, women continued to vigorously participate 1n dissident activities. In the Russian city of Ivanova, four women went on a 16 day hunger strike in March, 1989. They demanded a Russian Orthodox Church closed for 50 years be reopened. The four women were identified as Larissa Kholina, Rita Pilenkova, Valeriya Savchenko, and Galina Yakhukovskaya. The strike was called off when officials promised to reopen the church. It impacted more than just the women and the church though. This non-violent resistance sparked renewed interest in public affairs in this city with so much history of strike and political activity (Smith, 1991) These women exploited petition and nonviolent resistance to indicate a need for change. Control agents responded by capitulating to the women's demands that the church be reopened. Another woman participating in and leading a movement was Yelena Zelinskaya. She and others began an anti-Communist Party campaign in Leningrad during the 1989 elections. The campaign began with demonstrations in 1988 and 1989. Zelinskaya then 149

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moved onto personal campaigning to defeat the Leningrad Province Party boss who was running unopposed. The campaign was successful in that 55 percent of the electorate crossed out the only name on the ballot and the official party candidate was not reappointed to his position. It was, in Zelinskaya's words, 'a real revolution' -the first in Leningrad since the Bolshevik assault on the czar's Winter Palace in 1917 (Smith, 1991, p. 447). The final and irrevocable event in which women participated in the former Soviet Union was the failed coup of August 19 through August 21, 1991. As with the European revolutions, this coup was the result of complex events and was inspired and led by men who were old hard-line Communist Party leaders. These men -Baklanov, Pavlov, Starodubtsev, Tizyakov, Yanayev, Kryuchkov, Pugo, and Yazov -were against Gorbachev's perestroika campaign and independence for Soviet republics. They believed they were protecting the Communist Party and preserving the Union (Pozner, 1992). As time has elapsed, many eyewitness reports of events during August, 1991, are now becoming available to Western readers. Pozner (1992) was present in Moscow during the coup attempt and 150

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provides a day by day account as events unfolded. Although coup leaders had taken control of radio and television stations, Radio Russian was able to set up operations without much impediment from the coup ringleaders. This station provided much needed information to Russian citizens and was able to send out a call for people to gather at the Russian White House (parliament building) to help build barricades for defense. This call went out specifically to males, "If you are a young man, this is the chance you do not want to miss" (Pozner, 1992, p. 113). Women also answered this call. By August 20, 200,000 people had gathered at the White House (A Coup Chronology, 1991) to defend against what was feared would be an all out assault on Boris Yeltsin. As fear escalated, women were asked to leave for safer areas. Indeed, a specific call for men only once again went out: All of you who care for Russia, all of you who stand for freedom, come to the White House of Russia. We don't want children or women, we call on able-bodied men (Pozner, 1992, p. 153). But women did not leave. They stayed to defend against tanks and troops with any means available to them. At one location they were asked by the anti-coup male leaders to go out into the streets and 151

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talk with the soldiers and ask them not to fire on people: "Women form[ed] a semicircle and carried a sign reading 'Soldiers, don't fire on mothers'11 (A Coup Chronology, 1991, p. 17). Women also reacted spontaneously by talking with soldiers, giving them food and flowers and "when words failed, people simply stood with the soldiers looking them in the eyes" (Koltypina, 1992, p. 5). By August 21, the crowds had grown so large that when they joined hands to form a circle around the White House, there were 35 to 40 "living rings" of people surrounding the building (August 20-21: Tense Vigil, 1991). Another report indicated: Men and women wearing the Russian flag as an armband, headband or lapel pin stood in ranks 30-deep protecting their White House (Mathews et al., 1991, p. 43). Women had employed petition, promulgation, solidification, and non-violent resistance in an attempt to signal their dissatisfaction to the coup leaders. Koltypina (1992) makes two points regarding female participation in protest activities related to the attempted coup. First, women clearly rejected the attempted coup. Second, even when asked to leave the White House area they refused and 152

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remained to provide what support any unarmed person could against tanks and guns. Koltypina further argues this non-violent participation may well be a new beginning for female political participation in the former Soviet Union. Mamonova (1992) also suggests that although women did not become heros as Yeltsin had, they did participate 1n a responsible manner and "are ready for leading roles11 (p. 7). She further argues this was a psychological revolution for women. At this juncture of the investigation a clarification regarding participation versus leadership must be made. The preceding discussion explicates possible levels of participation in dissident activities to which women might be involved, but has not addressed possible leadership roles they may have held. Given the earlier discussions regarding patriarchal attitudes of Soviet society, it would seem highly unusual for a Soviet woman to be in a leadership role. Heitlinger (1979) suggested that since women had the burden for managing the home in addition to working full time, they simply do not have time or energy to seek higher political leadership roles. Indeed, Gray (1990) reported finding only three women during a 153

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five-week visit that were actively fighting for full equality of women in the former USSR. In various political movements there are a few women visible in leadership positions and this section will now provide many examples of women in leadership positions in various movements. In the Bolshevik movement, there were several women actively involved such as Kollantai, but not as visible. One exception was Nadezhda Konstantinova Krupskaya. She was famous for her activities related to the 1917 October Revolution. Additionally, she was married to Vladimir Ilyich Lenin but was known as a dissident prior to her marriage. She related that she was raised by revolutionary parents who instilled revolutionary ideas in their daughter early in life (Haupt & Marie, 1974) Krupskaya participated in strikes during 1896 and was jailed for six months followed by three years of exile. It was during her exile that she met and married Lenin. She was involved with a variety of dissident groups, but became Secretary to the Bolshevik organization while an emigree and was again tried in absentia for her political activities in 1908. Krupskaya had been involved in petition, promulgation, and non-violent 154

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resistance throughout events leading up to the 1917 Revolution. Control agents had responded by suppressing her activities for a time with imprisonment and exile. As Krupskaya carne to be known more as Lenin's wife and less as a dissident in her own right, she receded into the background. When Stalin carne to power, she was perceived only as Lenin's widow more than as a dissident in her own right. Elena Drnitrievna Stasova was also a Bolshevik revolutionary leader. She too was reared in a horne with revolutionary philosophies discussed and enacted by her parents. Stasova became a close confidant of both Krupskaya and Lenin and served in a number of offices and functions for a variety of dissident organizations. She was sentenced to banishment and exile for her political activities before the Bolshevik revolution. Again, control agents responded with suppression. After the 1917 revolution, she served as Secretary to the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party, Secretary to the Central Committee's Transcaucasin Bureau, and as an underground worker in Germany from May, 1921, to 1928. She eventually became a figurehead for the Bolshevik Old Guard, but re-emerged as a true leader 155

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when she spoke out against Stalin's purges. She died at 93 years of age highly respected and rewarded with burial in the Kremlin Wall, a place reserved for those highly regarded by the Communist Party leadership (Haupt & Marie, 1974) Another highly visible.women dissident is Elena Bonner. She has long been involved in the humanrights movement in the Soviet Union. Bonner appears to have come by this inclination naturally in that both her mother, Ruth Bonner, and her father, Gevork Alikhanov, participated in the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution. Indeed both parents. were arrested and imprisoned after the revolution. Ruth Bonner spent eight years in a hard-labor camp followed by many years of internal exile (Sakharov, 1990). Elena Bonner had a long history of dissident activity even before her marriage to Andrei Sakharov, but this "marriage joined two of the most tireless activists in the Soviet Union" (Klose, 1984, p. 192) humanrights movement. During the 1970s, Bonner and Sakharov were involved in writing letters and signing petitions of protest for the human-rights movement. Again, examples of petition and nonviolent resistance. Governmental agents responded 156

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to these activities with suppression by placing both Bonner and Sakharov in internal exile. Another female Soviet dissident leader less visible outside the Soviet Union 1s Natalya Gorbanevskaya. She participated in the August 25, 1968 protest in Red Square. This activity (petition and non-violent resistance) was designed to call attention to Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia. She was one of seven individuals who protested and were either put on trial or found to be of nunsound mindn. Gorbanevskaya was found to be of unsound mind, but was released to her mother's care where she escalated her dissident activities. But again on December 24, 1969, she was arrested for involvement with the Action Group for the Defence of Civil Rights in the Soviet Union. This group was composed of fifteen men and women who were involved in the human rights movement. This time Gorbanevskaya was found to be of nunsound mind" (Reddaway, 1972) and imprisoned for her activities. This imprisonment is a form of suppression. Marina Melikyan also protested the Czechoslovakian invasion. She was removed from her lecturer's position in the Department of Russian for Foreigners 157

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at Moscow University when she voted against a resolution confirming the invasion (Reddaway, 1972). On December 5, 1969, Valeriya Novodvorskaya was arrested for the promulgation activity of distributing leaflets against the Czechoslovakian invasion. This 19 year old university student made no attempt to flee when police arrived to take her into custody (Reddaway, 1972). More recently she has continued her dissident activities as a member of the Democratic Union which was founded in May, 1988. She proposed that the old methods of petition to the government no longer worked and more extreme, radical measures were needed to accomplish reform. Novodvorskaya spoke at their first congress and suggested they should appeal to the people rather than the government or CPSU (Brovkin, 1990). She appears to have played a leading role in promoting this group and responding to attacks by other dissident groups. At the time of the attempted coup in 1991, Novodvorskaya was in prison for escalating her agitational activities and for advocating overthrow of the Gorbachev regime. Again, control response was suppression by imprisonment. After the coup attempt she was released from prison due to the changing political climate (Wishnevsky, 1991). 158

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Another woman in a dissident leadership role is Tat'yana Zaslavskaya. This sociologist is credited with being the architect of perestroika. Smith (1991) argues that she was the first to use the term and developed the ideas to reform the former Soviet econorn. In 1983, Zaslavskaya wrote a 150 page report regarding her ideas for economic reform. This report was presented at a seminar held secretly in April, 1983, for a select group of 150 scholars. The report was called "The Novosibirsk Report" and given to.the Washington Post for publication about four months later. Smith (1991) argues that Gorbachev's program for restructuring the former Soviet economy is so close to this program as conceptualized by Zaslavskaya, that he had to have read the report and took it as the model for his program. She then became consultant to Gorbachev early in his administration. Zaslavskaya quietly continued to work on her ideas and was one of a few women admitted to membership in the Soviet Academy of Sciences. But she has not always experienced this level of respect and had for years studied the Soviet economy quietly while suffering official harassment for her views and her work. 159

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More recently, in 1988, Zaslavskaya helped create the Moscow Tribune Club with prominent people such as the late Andrei Sakharov. In the March, 1989 elections, Zaslavskaya and Sakharov moved into mainstream politics when elected to the Congress of People's Deputies (Smith, 1991). In this instance, control agents had adjusted their responses by allowing dissidents to become part of the control system via a new election procedure. Aside from records that are available documenting activities of women in revolutions, one can make logical assumptions that women were indeed involved in these groups for two reasons. First, women have historically participated in strikes and dissident activities since gaining their freedom from the Tsar in 1861. These activities were numerous and at all levels of involvement from petition to non-violent protests to fighting in wars and revolutions. Further, these documented activities continued through World War II. It becomes more difficult to document any activity within the Soviet Union after the cold war began with the United States, and only since the inception of Gorbachev's glasnost and perestroika campaigns has information been more forth-coming from the USSR. 160

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The second factor that would allow one to assume that women were indeed participating 1n dissident activities was documented by Medvedev (1980), Shatz (1980), and Brovkin (1990). They described groups of dissidents as being composed of the intelligentsia. More specifically, the intel-ligentsia is composed of: students, professors, journalists, writers, lawyers, professional people, engineers -in other words, Russia's educated society (Brovkin, 1990, p. 245). And Shatz (1980) further argues: The demand for human rights and for civil liberties and political self-expression is very much a demand emanating from the educated segment of Soviet society (p. 138) Given earlier discussions regarding professions open to women, it is logical to assume that women were involved. For example, women occupied the majority of educational positions and 90 percent of medical positions. Women would certainly be in-eluded to some degree in students, professors and professional people described by Medvedev, Shatz, and Brovkin. Further, the literacy rate among Soviet women is highest among women in the world. With 98 percent of women literate, they would certainly be included in the "Russian educated 161

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society.n Mehnert (1960) quoted figures indicating that the intelligentsia of the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century was not populated by males only. In 1910, the gymnasium enrollments in European Russia were comprised of 204,610 girls and 84,954 boys. Women were also enrolled in teachers colleges of that period. Mehnert (1960) further reports that women composed surprisingly large numbers of 0hard coren members in various revolutionary groups during the 1890s. In the final analysis, women in the Soviet Union did indeed serve in dissident and revolutionary roles. But women tended not to serve in leadership roles or were less visible as leaders. This may not have been by choice, but due to general sexist attitude of this male dominated culture and due to responsibilities that women shoulder in production and reproduction roles. But, Gray (1990) cautions: These imbalances of power in a nation founded on the principle of sexual equality cannot be solely attributed to patriarchal attitudes. In analyzing Soviet women's absence from the higher echelons of politics and labor, Western feminists have tended to put too much blame on men's sexist biases. Soviet women are the first to admit that their numerous material hardships, such as the daily stint of standing in long queues for 162

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the family's evening meal rob them of the spiritual and physical energy to strive for positions of greater power (p. 36). Conclusion As the discussion in this chapter indicates, women have been actively involved in dissident and revolutionary activities. From 1861 when women were able to begin to exercise some degree of self-determination in Tsarist Russia to the present unprecedented political turmoil of the former USSR, women have been making themselves more visible in dissident activities. But participation does not equate with leadership and women have traditionally found it difficult to serve in high visibility leadership roles in the former Soviet Union. 163

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CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION Introduction This thesis investigated a number of factors that may have influenced Soviet women's potential for participation in revolutionary and dissident activities over a long period of time. Indeed, the study encompassed a time span of 130 years, 1861 -1991. Therefore, the logical methodology for this longitudinal study was the Historical-Critical method. It was appropriate because it allowed for examination of a variety of factors that might help explain why women did or did not become involved. Indeed, this study explicated the impact church and state had on women's lives and their perceptions of opportunities for an autonomous life external to male control. Further, these factors were considered as they related to recent Soviet society and responsibilities women carried for home and child care and economic labors external to the

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domestic arena. It became evident that women in the former USSR did suffer from discrimination in the labor force. They often worked at heavy manual labor, for less pay, and with less opportunity for advancement. With regard to domestic labor, again they were responsible for the vast majority of home and child care duties. These factors taken together explain to some extent why women were not represented in greater numbers at a variety of levels in Soviet society. As indicated in the study, women were and still are far under represented in governmental bodies, administrative positions, and leadership positions in revolutionary and dissident organizations. Clarification of the Research Questions The intent of this thesis was to investigate several specific research questions regarding Soviet female participation in revolutionary and dissident activities. The vast majority of literature reviewed focused on urban Soviet women. Therefore, the conclusions drawn are relevant to urban women only. Revolutionary activities of peasant women were only tangentially investigated as they became 165

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involved in a few of the revolutionary activities discussed. The first question was: Have Soviet women historically participated in dissent and revolution actively or in supporting roles? After an extensive review of the literature, the response must be in the affirmative. Women were participants in revolutionary and dissident activities both actively and in supporting roles. A few women were able to become leaders in a variety of revolutionary movements. Women such as Sofia Perovskaya, Alexandra Kollantai, Nadezhda Krupskaya, and Elena Stasova were able to make their presence as leaders of revolutionary movements visible. These were indeed unusual women, but the same might be said for males who became revolutionary leaders as well. Women were also an integral part of the industrialization process in the former Soviet Union since the late nineteenth century. With this involvement followed participation in the labor movement and its attendant strike activities. This study documents innumerable examples of female participation in strikes. Indeed, an argument has been made that striking women precipitated the October, 1917, Revolution. Women also became active 166

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participants in both World Wars via Death Battalions and various regiments responsible for defense of the former USSR. Further, this study clarified female participation in a variety of movements in the twentieth century. They had been actively participating in human rights, national, and religious movements, but they had been less visible in political movements until the last few years of the former Soviet Union. Why might women not have been involved specifically with political or other movements? This question is directly related to research questions two and three as articulated at the outset of this thesis: If Soviet women were not engaging in dissent and recent independence movements, what factors might have encouraged or precluded them from so doing? Specifically, what social and economic factors might have affected former Soviet women's opportunities to engage in dissident and revolutionary activities? To respond to these questions, exploration of the historical context in which the former Soviet culture evolved was investigated with particular attention given to the impact the Russian Orthodox Church, the Tsar, peasant patriarchal attitudes, and responsibilities 167

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in the domestic and labor force exerted on people within the culture. After a thorough examination of the literature, what became evident is that former Soviet women were and continue to be.overworked, noverburdened" and subject to very evident discrimination irt the domestic arena and labor force. Women are predominantly responsible for the majority of domestic chores in addition to their efforts in the external labor force. Living conditions also added to the arduous life women in the former Soviet Union experienced. Housing is small, drab, and overcrowded. There are few modern conveniences to help lift the burden of domestic chores and many males appear to be unwilling to assist women with these domestic responsibilities. Former Soviet women also suffer from a callous attitude with regard to birth control and child birth. Birth control information and devices are inadequate thereby creating the need for many women to resort to abortion. The history of abortion in that country has progressed through a variety of stages in which it was first permitted, then made illegal, then once again legalized. By 1991, many women reported averaging 14 abortions during their 168

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reproductive lifetime and some women reported experiencing as many as 25 abortions. Women also suffered from discrimination in the external labor force. In several professions, women constitute the majority of employees but occupy a minority of administrative positions. This is particularly true in medicine, education, and governmental units. They also occupy many physically demanding jobs in construction and agriculture while men operate machinery. It became evident that women in the former Soviet Union did and continue to suffer from discrimination. What is amazing, is that they found time and energy to participate in any revolutionary or dissident activities. But maybe these discriminatory practices are the very factors that motivated women to become involved even though it took much energy and time from their overburdened schedules. With the impending demise of the former Soviet Union, women's lives became even more overburdened due to shortages in almost every facet of their lives. Women found themselves standing in shopping lines for up to 4 hours a day. With this added hardship, one might ask if women were able to 169

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participate in the activities related to the attempted coup in August, 1991? Specifically, the fourth research question asked: Did Soviet women serve in the dissident role as recently as August, 1991? Again, the response is in the affirmative. Women joined in rallies, marches, and crowds gathered at various pressure points during those uncertain days in August. Women were asked to leave dangerous areas such as the Russian White House, but they refused. Eventually, male anti-coup leaders solicited female support by requesting they talk with soldiers and persuade them not to fire on the crowds. Women were participants to an equal degree with males in that no fighting occurred and women were among the masses gathered to defend important posts within Moscow. Indeed, one could make the argument that by taking the initiative with soldiers, women provided an invaluable service during these unpredictable events. The fifth and final question asked: Can actual dissident and revolutionary participation be understood within the context of the Bowers' and Ochs' model? This model investigates rhetorical acts as the unit of analysis with regard to agitational activities and potential control 170

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responses. After examination of the literature to verify that indeed women had participated in revolutionary and dissident activities, the model was then applied to those events. As became evident throughout the text of the thesis, the model does indeed apply to these events. Russian and Soviet women have utilized every strategy during the time period under consideration as defined by the model. Some strategies were utilized more frequently than others, but all were found to have been useful for agitation in Russian and Soviet history. For example, one of the most frequently employed techniques of agitation was petition and promulgation. This was often associated with strike activities beginning ln the 1890s and continued through historic events causing the demise of the former Soviet Union. But women also took advantage of polarization techniques as well. One of the more humorous methods was known as carting out, a process in which women physically carried male managers out of meetings and held them over a canal with the threat of a plunge unless they agreed to meet their demands. Women also employed non-violent resistance with marches, rallies, and civil disobedience. 171

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Examples of this strategy are innumerable, but just a few would include events such as Bloody Sunday which received a violent response from control agents. Other examples entail labor strikes and more recently, the hunger strike staged by four women in Ivanova in the attempt to reopen a Russian Orthodox Church closed for 50 years. Often strikes escalated into confrontation with control agents and there is one classic example of agitation proceeding on through all levels of agitational activity to full scale revolution. This of course was the successful Bolshevik revolution of 1917. Strikes had been occurring from the beginning of 1917 and culminated in the overthrow of the autocracy. As was discussed, women were instrumental in these events. Another strategy that women employed in recent years was solidification. Beginning with the human rights movement in the mid 1960s, various groups began samizdat publications to disseminate information regarding their organizations and beliefs. As perestroika and glasnost made dissent more acceptable, more groups began to take advantage of the new political climate and samizdat publications became even more proliferous. The 172

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women's movement in the early 1980s became very active in the publication of samizdat. The guerrilla and Gandhi technique was also employed. During the early industrialization period, employers perceived women to be less militant than males and were hired in greater numbers with the assumption they would be more manageable than their male counterparts. As strike activity accelerated, it became evident that this was not true. Male labor leaders perceived women as more militant and less controllable than males. Once women had initiated and escalated strike activities with token violence, male leaders emerged as less militant--the Gandhi in contrast to female guerrillas. One particularly interesting finding from this investigation is the types of agitation utilized by women in the recent events that precipitated the demise of the former USSR. Although women had been specifically asked to stay away, they declined to be refused the right to participate in the historic defense of their Russian White House. Indeed, reports indicate that eventually male anti-coup leaders enlisted female assistance with direct petition to troops not to fire on crowds. And when 173

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that did not appear. to result in an obvious response, women remained to plead silently with the troops by just standing and observing. They also brought flowers and food to their potential oppressors. And 1991, was not the first time women had dared to talk with troops and offer them flowers as a token of peace. Women had enlisted this technique in 1917 when they attempted to persuade troops not to fire on strikers during the many tense months leading to full scale revolution. Again, this is a form of solidification and non-violent resistance. It would appear that all revolutionary and dissident activities examined in this thesis indeed fit the model. Some strategies were employed more frequently than others, but all strategies had been exploited throughout Russian and Soviet history. This investigation also made clear that women were involved in both lateral and vertical agitation. Vertical deviance disputes the distribution of societal rewards. There are innumerable examples of this type of agitation. Strikes for better working conditions and wages are classic examples. These strikes occurred with increasing regularity as industrialization continued 174

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in Russia and women participated to an extent unheard of in the West. But earlier than that, in the 1860s, women were willing to risk all to have an autonomous life free from male dominance. This was described at that time as revolutionary activity when women left their parents homes to live and work on their own. Women also participated in lateral agitation. With this form of agitation, women disputed the value system of their social order. Examples of this include Sofia Perovskaya who was one of five assassins of Tsar Alexander II and was hanged for this act. This group wanted to create a new social order beyond an autocracy in which people were free to establish their own government. Another obvious example was the October, 1917, revolution in which the autocracy was indeed overthrown and a new value system was created founded upon socialism. Women were involved in this process both as leaders such as Kollantai and Krupskaya and as rank and file labor strikers precipitating events that led to the revolution. The Bowers and Ochs model also discussed potential control agents' responses. As this thesis has indicated, control agents in the former Soviet 175

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Union employed all possible responses from avoidance to capitulation. One early example of avoidance occurred during the 1860s when women began to move from their parents homes and control into more autonomous lives. As discussed, parents were at times unable to counterpersuade their daughters from moving out into their own homes. Another means of avoidance utilized by control agents was to deny agitators access to methods of distribution for their grievances. When access to mass media was denied, agitators began Samizdat publications to distribute information regarding their organizations. It was not until the rnid-1960s that human rights activists began to target mass media as a method for dissemination of material regarding their movement. Suppression was a frequently employed tactic of many control agents in the former Soviet Union. Agitators throughout most of Russian and Soviet history have been subjected to imprisonment and exile. Many female agitators discussed in this thesis served some period of time in prison or exile. And at the time of the Bolshevik Revolution, most high ranking Bolshevik leaders were in external or internal exile. 176

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Control agents less frequently implemented the adjustment strategy. Examples of this response occurred more often as Soviet history was coming to a close. A churGh was reopened in response to a hunger strike conducted by four women in Ivanova in 1989. Election laws were reformed and former dissidents such as Sakharov and Zaslovskaya were elected to the Congress of People's Deputies in 1989. The final potential response control agents might implement is capitulation. Two clear examples of capitulation in the former Soviet Union transpired at the dawn and demise of the USSR. In 1917, the autocracy capitulated to the Bolshevik Revolution and the Soviet Union was born. In 1991, the Gorbachev regime capitulated to independence movements in numerous republics and the Soviet Union ceased to exist as it had been known for almost 75 years. The of the Bowers' and Ochs' communication and social change model to the former Soviet Union is appropriate and it performs as expected at the outset of this investigation. The body of evidence indicates agitators and control agents employed all strategies as defined by the model. 177

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Application of Historical-Critical Methodology What is interesting about the HistoricalCritical methodology with regard to this study is the picture of women in Russian history as revolutionaries and dissidents. As the investigation clarified, women during all critical time periods were involved in dissident activities. One is able to observe women as a group taking not only an active role in agitation, but.also leadership positions. Just as with men, exceptional women carne forward to fill leadership positions during times of crisis. Indeed, an argument could be made that what appeared at first glance to be exceptional were in reality not so unusual. By looking over a long period of time, it became evident that women in World War I were not the first to fight and die for their cause and country. And women who appeared to be unusual for their involvement in strike activities in 1917 were sustaining a tradition started in the previous century during the early industrialization process. This methodology helped clarify micro issues or individual events by observing macro issues, 178

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attitudes and living conditions. And macro issues helped bring into perspective the micro issues. Another advantage with this methodology was the investigation of over 200 primary and secondary sources. Since 1985 more primary Soviet sources have become available to Western readers. The plethora of information made it possible to check and cross check various sources for accuracy and interpretation. For example, the controversy regarding female activity leading to the October, 1917, revolution and the degree of leadership or initiative exhibited by women strikers has been extensively reported and interpreted by a host of eyewitnesses and historians. Another advantage to the investigation of hundreds of sources made possible the revelation of formerly invisible women in historic events. During an initial investigation, one might surmise that women have historically played a secondary role in revolutionary events, but after further examination of a variety of documents covering an extensive time period, women become more visible as integral actors in historic phenomenon. Historical-Critical methodology also allows the literature to tell its own story without regard to 179

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numbers and random sample. Each revolutionary and dissident activity investigated became a story unto itself. When statistics were utilized, they were in a supporting role rather than the foremost.position that they usually take in experimental methodology. Therefore, the statistics reported in this thesis supported the argument that women did indeed serve in dissident roles, but they did not take on the significance they might have in another study. In other words, quantity of participation was of less concern than investigating activities that were manifested by women dissidents and revolutionaries. As with all research, there are some restrictions associated with the approach utilized in this investigation. The chief limitation with this study is the need to access primary sources written in the Russian language and archived only Russia. This investigator was unable to travel to the former Soviet Union and would need to acquire the native language in order to take advantage of such resources. 180

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Future Directions Given the unprecedented events in the former Soviet Union, what does the future hold for women with regard to political participation and potential dissent? Recent reports indicate that women appear to be losing ground in numerical representation in republic parliaments. Will this trend continue? It is highly probable that given the trend of less female political participation and greater demands made upon women's time, they will continue to be numerically under-represented in new republic parliaments. Some former Soviet feminists suggest there is a resurgence of traditional. attitudes that are detrimental to female participation at administrative levels of government and organizational life. Will this attitude continue as the former USSR moves to a more open society based upon capitalistic values? It will require passage of many years before old values are replaced with new values. Therefore, it will probably be many years before women will experience greater representation at higher organizational levels. Future research might investigate other strategies women employed during the recent coup 181

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attempt. Additional research might investigate the impact the current economic crisis has had on women's lives with respect responsibilities for home and children. Gray (1990) reported women spent up to an additional 40 hours a week taking care of shopping, cleaning and child care. What are the ramifications for these responsibilities now that there are even more shortages due to political changes in the republics of the former USSR? Unfortunately, economic policies can not be revised quickly. Therefore, shortages will most likely continue for several years impacting further demands upon women's time and energies. Currently, republics of the former Soviet Union are undergoing tremendous challenges to the established social and political order. There are many groups of dissidents protesting not only the distribution of power and rewards within the republics (vertical deviance), but many are protesting the basic assumptions upon which the new order is founded (lateral deviance) It will take more time to evaluate the outcome of these events given they are still evolving. As Shatz (1980) suggests: 182

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With Soviet dissent the subject of newspaper headlines almost everyday, we find ourselves too close to events, too much a part of them to evaluate them properly. We cannot always tell which individuais or ideas or instances of behavior are of lasting significance and which will prove to be ephemeral. We cannot know whether a particular event is a crucial turning point or a passing occurrence (p. 2). But if history is any indicator of potential reactions of former Soviet citizens, continued agitation and even revolution is not unlikely in the relatively near future. Women have historically petitioned control agents via rallies, riots, and strikes. As this thesis has clarified, women have moved beyond rhetorical processes to revolution when distribution of personal needs and social rewards were not equitably allocated. Much new information will become available as events unfold, but it may require some distance of time before events can be fully evaluated as to their lasting consequences or momentary influence. 183

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