Citation
Oral tradition and the archaeological record

Material Information

Title:
Oral tradition and the archaeological record an integral partnership in understanding human past of the Rocky Mountain National Park region
Creator:
Elinoff, Louise A
Place of Publication:
Denver, CO
Publisher:
University of Colorado Denver
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
xiv, 193 leaves : illustrations ; 28 cm

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Indians of North America -- Antiquities -- Colorado -- Rocky Mountain National Park ( lcsh )
Ute Indians -- Colorado -- Rocky Mountain National Park ( lcsh )
Excavations (Archaeology) -- Colorado -- Rocky Mountain National Park ( lcsh )
Antiquities ( fast )
Excavations (Archaeology) ( fast )
Indians of North America -- Antiquities ( fast )
Ute Indians ( fast )
Antiquities -- Rocky Mountain National Park (Colo.) ( lcsh )
Colorado -- Rocky Mountain National Park ( fast )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 180-193).
Thesis:
Anthropology
General Note:
Department of Anthropology
Statement of Responsibility:
by Louise A. Elinoff.

Record Information

Source Institution:
|University of Colorado Denver
Holding Location:
|Auraria Library
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
50726945 ( OCLC )
ocm50726945
Classification:
LD1190.L43 2002m .E54 ( lcc )

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ORAL TRADITION AND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD: AN INTEGRAL PARTNERSHIP IN UNDERSTANDING HUMAN PAST OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAIN NATIONAL PARK REGION by Louise A. Elinoff B.A., University of Colorado at Denver, 1999 A thesis submitted to the University of Colorado at Denver in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Anthropology 2002 i r. ; j r \ ........

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This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Louise Anne Elinoff has been approved by / / L. Antonio Curet II Robert H. Brunswig, Jr. Ll /u //1?

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Elinoff, Louise A. (M.A., Anthropology) Oral Tradition and the Archaeological Record: An Integral Partnership in Understanding Human Past of the Rocky Mountain National Park Region Thesis directed by Associate Professor Tammy Stone ABSTRACT Historic documents show that protohistoric and early historic tribes that once visited and hunted within the modem territory of Rocky Mountain National Park (RMNP and Park) included the Apache, Arapaho, Cheyenne, and Sioux. However, only the Northern Ute appear to have had a very long term, possibly even prehistoric, record of claiming Park territory as traditional lands. Extensive archaeological, ethnographic and ethnohistoric research conducted to date, and Native American consultation indicate the entire Park is well-represented by what are believed to be Northern Ute archaeological artifacts and features, including: Ute ceramics, wickiups, culturally peeled trees, small triangular side-notched and unnotched projectile points, and rock structures ranging from rock cairns, U-shaped and crescent shaped stone walls, ceremonial stone circles, to complexes of multiple rock alignments As ethnographic resources, these culturally constructed stone features encompass contemporary Northern Ute memories, experiences, concepts and attitudes regarding the Park. Through oral narratives, this thesis has sought to elicit the latter characteristics to gain a better understanding of the Northern Ute cosmology and religion, specifically the complex, emotional, behavioral, and moral relationships between the Northern Ute and their symbolic sacred landscape-their homeland-the RMNP region. As an integral part of Colorado's culture history, these memories and narratives need to be understood, respected, and preserved-not only because they are cultural patrimony, but because they enrich us all. This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidate's thesis. I recommend its publication. IV

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DEDICATION I dedicate this thesis to my husband Nathan for his patience, unconditional support and love. Also to my three children Barbara, Genessee, and Jonathan and my family for their enduring support encouragement and love

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT There are several people that I am indebted to and must thank for their efforts toward the making and completion of this thesis. First, I would like to thank the administrators, staff, and park rangers of Rocky Mountain National Park who contributed valuable assistance and support to this research. I also extend my heartfelt thanks to Mary Sullivan, Lovella Learned-Kennedy and Joshua Torres of the Colorado Office of Archaeology and Historic Preservation for providing me with information and site reports on RMNP, and for their friendship. A very warm and special thanks to Connie Turner, with the Department of Anthropology at the University of Colorado at Denver, for always being there for me, for lending an ear throughout my undergraduate and graduate careers, and for her many kind words of encouragement. Second, I am extremely grateful to the following colleagues and friends. Dr. William Butler, the Rocky Mountain National Park Archaeologist, for introducing me to the world of Rocky Mountain archaeology, for providing numerous articles and books on RMNP, as well as for the countless theoretical and methodological discussions that took place over the past four years. Clifford Duncan and Dr. James Goss for sharing with me the world of Ute cosmology and religion, and without

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whom this study would not have been possible. An additional thanks goes to Clifford Duncan for entrusting in me his most personal thoughts and perspectives on Ute beliefs, rituals, ceremonies, spirituality, and sacred landscapes. Dr. Sally McBeth, who I enjoyed working with during the consultations and for sharing valuable information. Dr. Robert Brunswig and Becky Brunswig for their generous hospitality, for opening their home to me during consultations, and for their friendship. Also, the SAIPIUNC crew: Daniel Bach, Sean Larmore, Tom Lux, Christy Smith, Alex Millen, R.A Varney, Will Sanborn, Kathryn Plimpton, Doug Inglis, Heidi Werner, Andrew Brunswig, Eileen Emenwein, Emily Timmons, Melissa Yocam, Clive Briggs, Tabbatha Sandoval, Greg Tyndall, Robert Wunderlich, and John and Shara Billheimer, for three memorable years of archaeological reconnaissance, moral support, and their loyal friendship. Last, and most important of all, I am forever indebted to my thesis advisory committee. A second heartfelt thanks goes to Dr. Robert Brunswig for inviting me to join his crew of archaeologists in RMNP three years ago, as well as for the numerous theoretical discussions we had on the symbolic sacred landscapes of the Park and the practice of shamanism (often occurring in some of the most remote and awe-inspiring places in the world) I would like to thank Dr. John Brett for beginning the process of consultations with Native Americans indigenous to the RMNP region and for advising me from an ethnographer's perspective. I offer my sincere thanks to

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Dr. Antonio Curet, a dear friend and mentor, from whom I took the majority of my graduate classes. His memorable lectures, choice of readings and numerous valuable words of advice on the bulk of my graduate papers and chapters of this thesis truly helped in shaping my theoretical perspective and approach to my archaeological research. A very special thank you to my committee chair, advisor, and friend, Dr. Tammy Stone, for also greatly influencing my archaeological theoretical perspective, and for giving me her undivided attention throughout my undergraduate and graduate careers, offering me sound advice on my professional as well as my personal life And finally, I wish to express my sincere thanks to my entire committee for their unwavering support, and methodological, editorial and overall guidance in preparing this thesis. Although each of these individuals helped to improve this thesis, I accept full responsibility for the errors and oversights that remain. Alex Millen, Christy Smith, Sean Lannore, and R.A. Varney of the SAIP/UNC field crew

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CONTENTS Figures ................... .................... ................................ ................ ...................... . xii Tables ................... ..................... ........................... .... ................ .... ............... . xiv Chapter 1. Introduction ..... ..................... .... ..................... ..................... ...................... .... 1 1.1 Description of Study Area ... ...... .... ................ ..................... .... .................. ... .4 1.2 Supporting Legislation ............... .............................. ............ .... ................. .... 8 1.3 Identification of Culturally Affiliated Archaeological Sites .. .... ...... .......... . .! I 1.4 A Multidisciplinary Approach to Archaeological Research: Using Archaeological Ethnographic, and Ethnohistoric Evidence, including Oral Traditions .......................... ..................... .... ................ .... ... ................ 14 2. Theoretical Perspectives: Oral Traditions: Reliability and Validity ............... .16 2.1 Archaeologists and Oral Traditions .......................... ............ ................ ..... ... 21 2.2 Multivocality in Tribal Perspectives ................ .... ............... ...... ... ................. 29 2.3 Sensing of Place-Sacred Spaces within Sacred Landscapes ... ... ............ .. . 33 2.4 Archaeologists and Cultural (Sacred) Landscapes .............................. ..... . ... 35 2.5 Native American Oral Traditions and Religion ... ... ........... ........ ..... ............ 38 2.5 1 The Utes' Relationship with the Animal World ............... ............. ... ......... .47 2.5.2 The Great Spirit Powers (Natural and Supernatural) ..... ... ......... ............ .49 2 6 One Last Reflection on Places of Sacredness .... .... ........... ... .... .................. 50 lX

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3.0 The Ute Homeland-Archaeological, Ethnographic and Ethnohistoric Evidence of the Utes in the RMNP Region ..... ...... ........... .... .... ...... ........... 54 3.1 A Brief History ofthe Utes ... .... .................. .... ................. ..... .... ..... ......... . 55 3.2 Origin of the Utes ................. . ..................... . ........ . ............ ... ........ .. ... .......... 61 4 Ute Material Culture-Before Horses ........... .... ...................... .... ...... ........... 67 4.1 Shelters ........... ... .................. ........................... ..... ............ . ............. ...... . ... 71 4 .1.1 Wickiups ......... ...................... .................. ... ... ..... ........... .... .......... ...... .... 71 4.1.2 Sweatlodge s and Menstrual Huts ....... ... ..... ......... ... ... . ........ . ... ...... ........... 75 4.2 Subsistence ..... ... ...................... .................. .... ..... ........... .......... ..... .......... 77 4.2.1 Gathering ..... .................... .. .... ....................... ..... ............ ......... ... ... ........... 78 4.2.2 Culturally Peeled Trees ....................... ..... ................... ... ............... .......... 79 4.2.3 Hunting . ......... ................. .... ...................... ...... ................ .... ...... ........... 83 4.3 Technology ... .... . . ................. ....... .......... .... ..... ............ .... .... . .......... ... . 86 4 3 1 Pottery Uncompahgr e Brown Ware ...... . ........ ........ . . ... ........... ............ 86 4.3 2 Stone Tools .......................... .................. .... .... ................. ..... ............... ... 89 4.4 Social and Political Organization ....... ........... ............ ............... .... ........... ... 92 4.4.1 Kinship ... .... ... ............... ........................ ............................ . ............ . ...... ... 92 4.4.2 Warfare .... .... ... .................. ...................... .... ... ... ........... .......... ............... 93 4.4.3 Burial ... ..... ... .......... . . ... ......... ..... ....... .......... ..... ........... ......... ...... ..... ... 93 5. Ute Ideology: Astronomy, Cosmology Ceremon ies, and Rituals ..... ......... . ... 95 5.1 Astronomy and Cosmology ... ... .... ..................... . .......... . .... ..... .... ........... 95 X

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5.2 Ceremonies and Rituals ....... ... .................... ........................... .... .... ............ 97 5.3 Vision Questing ................... . ...... ... ........ . .. ....... ... ...... ...... .... ... . ... ... .......... 99 6. Ute Sacred SitesArchaeological Stone Features ................. ... .... .... ......... 1 06 6.1 Rock Cairns ..... ..................... ...... . ............... ..... ........................................ I 07 6 2 Stone Circles ... .............. ...... .... ................... ....................... ......... ............. 113 6.3 U-Shaped Stone Walls .......... .... ................... ....................... ....................... 118 6.4 Crescent Shaped Rock Walls .......... ........... .......................... .... .... ............. 123 6.5 Rock Alignments .......... .... . ..... .... ........ ........... ....... .... ..... ... ..... . ..... .... ...... 124 6.6 Discussion and Conclusions . .... ......................... ................. .......... ............ 126 7. Conclusions: Implications for the Archaeological Ethnographic and Ethnohistoric Research of the RMNP Region .................. .... .............. ....... 132 Appendix A Site Descriptions Wickiup Sites .................. ..... . . ... ...... . .... . ........ ... ....... l36 B Site Descriptions Culturally Pe e led Trees ... ... ...... ........... .............. ........ 141 C Site DescriptionsUncompahgre Brown Ware ....... .......... ............... ......... l44 D. Site Descriptions Sandstone Metate Fragments ..... ............... .... ............. . 152 E. Site Descriptions Small Triangular Side-not c hed and Unnotch e d Projectile Points ............. .... ...... .... ............... ... ..... . ................... . . ... ... ... .. 1 70 F Site Descriptions-Archeological Stone Features ... ... ....... .... .... ..... ......... .l74 Refe rences .......... ..... .... ... ... ... ............. ...... . . ... ........... .......... .... ............ .... 180 XI

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FIGURES Figure 1.1 Map of Rocky Mountain National Park .................................... ... ................ ... 5 1.2 SAIP!UNC Surveyed areas in RMNP (1998-2001) ..... ...... . . ............... ........ ... 7 2.1 Kawuneeche Valley and Grand Lake ..................... ............ ........ .................. 44 3.1 Distribution of the Utes in pre-reservation times .... ............ ......... ................. 57 3.2 Numic-Speaking Tenitories (ca A.D. 1800) ................................. .... ............ 64 4.1 Standing wickiup ................. .... ......................... .... ........... .... ...... .... ........... 74 4 2 Collapsed wickiup ... .... ........ .... .... .......................................... .... ................. 74 4.3 Culturally peeled ponderosa pine tree (5LR2193) .... ........ .......... ... .... ...... ... . 80 4.4 Uncompahgre Brown Ware Pottery .............................................. ................. 88 4.5 Uncompahgre pottery sherds ... ...... ... ....... ..... .... ........................................ 88 4 6 Sandstone metate fragments .... ....................... ..... .......... ... ... ..... ... ............. 90 4. 7 Small triangular side-no tched and unnotched projectile points .... ................. 91 6.1 Rock cairns ( 5LR 7085) ....... ............... ... ... ..... ............................................ 1 08 6.2 Hollowed rock cairn structure (5LR10227) .......... ................. .... .... ........... 109 6.3 Rock symbols (5LR 7095) ... ............. ............... ..... ........... .... .... . .... ........... 111 6.4 Ceremonial stone circles(5LR7090) and (5GA2 706) ....... .... . ...... ...... ...... 114 6.5 Longs Peak -Ute sacred Beaver Mountain ...... ..... .... ................ .... .... ........ 115 Xll

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6.6 Ceremonial site (5LR7095) ....... ............................................... ................... .115 6.7 Glacier Creek ceremonial stone circle (5LR3950) ........................................ 117 6.8 Vision quest site-rock fasting bed (5GA1095) ........................................... .120 6.9 Vision quest site-rock fasting bed (5LR9822) ........................... .... ........... 120 6.10 Vision quest site-rock fasting beds (5LR7095) ...... ..... ........ . .... .... . ... ... ... 122 6.11 Vision quest site-crescent shaped rock wall (5LR7095) . ........ ..... ......... .124 6.12 Rock alignment (5LR15) ........ ................. ... ..... ...... ...... .... .... ...... ........... . 125 6.13 Scenic view ofRMNP . .......... ......................... .... ........... .............. .......... 127 7 1 Clifford Duncan and Louise Elinoff ............. .... ................................ .......... 13 5 X Ill

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TABLE Table 4.1 Forty-three "Ute" Occurrences in the RMNP Region ............. .... .................. 68 XlV

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1. Introduction In recent years, archaeologists and ethnographers have started to identify prehistoric and historic cultural resources as well as "ethnographic resources" within federal lands. This undertaking, in part, has been in response to federal laws that allow "ethnographic communities" an opportunity to gain access to federal lands for traditional uses. In a broad sense, cultural resources are remains of human activity both historic and prehistoric, ... sites, structures, landscapes and objects of some importance to a culture or community (Kipfer 2000: 141 ). As defined by the National Park Setvice, an ethnographic resource is any natural or cultural resource landscape, or natural feature which is linked by a subject conununity to the traditional practices, values, beliefs history and/or ethnic identity of that community (Parker and King 1990:4). In the present research, the federal land under study is the Rocky Mountain National Park (RMNP or Park) and its subject community is the members of the Northern Ute Indian Tribe. A fundamental contrast between cultural and ethnographic resources lies in the way in which the resources have been discovered and studied. '"Cultural resources are found by archaeologists and historians through archaeological sutvey and historical research. Ethnographic resources, on the other hand, are identified and contextualized by members of the ethnic communities who have a traditional

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association with the lands in the study" (Nabokov and Loendorf 1994: 15). Although it is recognized that ethnographic resources may have been previously recorded as cultural resources, the important fact to this study is the association between the ethnic community and the resource. In the recent past, when surveys of a cultural landscape were conducted to identify its cultural features, and not its ethnographic resources, certain connotations and associations were taken for granted. First, the features" documented were generally human-manufactured remains (albeit, culturally-connected, ... but connected to which culture?) whose traces could be detected on the ground. Second, their discovery and study was largely the province of archaeologists working collaboratively with botanists, geologists, zoologists, paleontologists, and other "scientists." Third, a characteristic of the cultural feature surface survey and collection was to produce a document that described those remains from only one culture's scientific perspective (Nabokov and Loendorf 1994: 15) As a consequence, beliefs and interests of living descendents of the cultures under study were of secondary importance. Native Americans and their interests were largely absent from the equation; except when playing a stereotypical role of "Indian guide" to visible resources on the ground (Nabokov and Loendorf 1994: 15). "Their knowledge of their own society's persistent attitudes, traditions, and ritual practices concerning the sites, and their emotional feelings of attachment to them were often considered of secondary significance or ignored altogether .. What was 2

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clearly always primary and expected was a non-Native scientific accounting for the sites located in the study area" (Nabokov and Loendorf 1994:15). Contrary to this archetypal research, the present study has sought to elicit contemporary Ute memories, experiences, concepts and attitudes regarding the Park, to gain a better understanding of the Utes', as well as their ancestors' ethnographic resources within their homeland-the RMNP region. Under the direction of Principal Investigators William Butler (RMNP archaeologist) and Robert Brunswig [Professor of Archaeology at University of Northern Colorado (UNC)], archaeological field surveys are being conducted in accordance with a cooperative agreement (CA 1268-1-9012) with the National Park Service and represents a multi-year ( 1998-2002) inventory of historic and prehistoric cultural resources in the Park. The inventory is part of the National Park Service's Systemwide Archeological Inventory Program (SAIP) which was established in 1992 to inventory, evaluate, conserve, protect, and manage and interpret cultural resources for the benefit of the American people. The survey is being conducted under the provisions of The Rocky Mountain National Park Research Design for Archeology (Butler 1998). The author of this thesis has been a survey crew member of the inventory program since 1999, and tlrrough consultations with Clifford Duncan (a Northern Ute elder, historian, and spiritual leader), James Goss (a longtime Ute ethnographer), and information from an extensive review of Ute literature and ethnographic accounts, has identified some of 3

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the cultural and ethnographic resources in the RMNP region as important to the Northern Ute Tribe. 1.1 Description of Study Area Rocky Mountain National Park was established by an Act of Congress on January 26, 1915. The lands were dedicated for the benefit and enjoyment of the American people with the open use of the Park for recreational purposes by the public, and for the preservation of its natural resources and scenic landscape The Park is located in the Southern Rocky Mountains in northern Colorado within portions of Boulder, Grand, and Larimer Counties (Figure 1.1 ). The Plains ecosystem of the Colorado Piedmont lies some 20 miles to the east. North Park is located about 30 miles to the west of the Never Sununer Range on the western edge of the Park, and Middle Park is located about 15 miles to the south. The town of Grand Lake is located on the southwest edge of the Park, and the town of Estes Park is adjacent to the eastern edge. Elevation ranges from about 7,800 feet (23 77 meters) on the east side of the Park, and 8,400 feet (2560 meters) at the southern boundary of the Park near Grand Lake, to 14,255 feet (4345 meters) on the top of Longs Peak. The Continental Divide runs north-south through the Park, along with several different named mountain ranges and many passes. Three major biomes are found in the Park: montane, subalpine, and alpine/tundra. The Park includes numerous valleys 4

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3 miles Figure 1.1 Map of Rocky Mountain National Park (photo on file RMNP) 5

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or open areas in the forest known as "parks" (i.e., Horseshoe, Moraine, Hollowell, among others). Before the SAIPIUNC survey, of the 265,769 acres (415 square miles) in the Park, only about 16 square miles had been surveyed for prehistoric or historic archaeological sites. These surveys resulted in the documentation of fewer than 150 archaeological resources in the past 60 years of very limited and sporadic research, and few have been evaluated for the National Register of Historic Places (Butler 1998, 2000). However, it should be noted that of the total acreage in the Park, it is estimated that about 32 percent is located in "unsurveyable" terrain (e g., wetlands, bogs, slopes steeper than 30 degrees, etc.) [see Butler 2000]. Fortunately, since the implementation of the inventory program in the Park, 19,648 acres (30.7 square miles) have been surveyed resulting in the discovery and documentation of more than 750 archaeological sites; increasing the total recorded archaeological sites to 900+ and a total of about 47 square miles surveyed (Figure 1.2) Of the SAIPIUNC sites, more than 400 are prehistoric (Paleo-Indian, Archaic, and Late Prehistoric), 300 are Euro-American historic, 50 contain multi-component prehistoric and historic (Euro-American) evidence, and 50+ contain diagnostic evidence for probable protohistoriclhistoric Native American occupation (Brunswig 2002a, Butler 2000). However, although many of the archaeological sites located in the Park are also ethnographic resources, they have not been conclusively identified as such. 6

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3 mile s Figure 1.2 SAIP/UNC surveyed (shaded) areas in RMNP (1998-2001) [GIS map print out] 7

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1.2 Supporting Legislation As mentioned above, a primary goal of this research is to gain a better understanding of the ethnographic resources in the RMNP region. Moreover, Park managers, in addition to archaeologists, need to develop an understanding of these resources and their obligations related to them. The following paragraphs are a summary of several laws regarding the responsibilities of such scholars and their role in cultural and ethnographic resource identification and protection, as taken from Nabokov and Loendorf(1994:7-9). The authority of Native Americans to practice their traditional practices and beliefs is defined in the American Indian Religious Freedom Act (AIRF A), PL 95341. The law underscores the rights of Indian "access to sites, use and possession of sacred objects, and the freedom to worship through ceremonials and traditional rites." Whenever management activities might threaten to limit current religious practices, restrict access to important ethnographic resources, alter sacred sites, or affect Native American burials, AIRF A stipulates the need for consultation with Indian tribes. Religious and cultural sites which are at least 50 years old fall under the custody of the Archaeological Resources Protection Act (ARPA) of 1979, PL 96-95, Section 4c. This states that before a permit is issued which might do "harm to, or destruction of, any religious or cultural site, ... the federal land manager shall notify any Indian tribe which may consider the site as having religious or cultural 8

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importance.'' The National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 protects sites that are significant to local, state, or national prehistory, and includes clauses that protect history, culture, architecture and technology. The Historic Preservation Act requires federal land managers to identify and evaluate Traditional Cultural Properties (TCP) that could be eligible for the National Register of Historic Places before undertaking any action that might harm such sites. Standards and guidelines on archaeology and historic preservation were published by the Department of the Interior, National Park Service (Federal Register 1983: Vol. 48, No. 190). Section 106 of the Act states that before federal land managers expend "any Federal funds on [an] undertaking or prior to the issuance of any license, as the case may be, take into account the effect of the undertaking on any district, site, building, structure, or object that is included in the National Register.'' Federal land managers need to inform the Advisory Council on Historic Preservation of any proposed actions that may affect eligible properties. The most conunonly employed action is the protection of all National Register eligible sites. American Indian cultural properties are also eligible for the National Register of Historic Places. Several different approaches are used to define the eligibility of sites under its criteria-using criterion (a), a site can be eligible for an important event; under criterion (b), a site can be significant because it was used by an important person, and under criterion (c), a site may be representative of a type. 9

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A location or site has cultural value if its significance to Native American beliefs or customs "has been ethnohistorically documented and if the site can be clearly defined" (Parker and King 1990: 15-27). Therefore, locations or natural features significant in the mythology, cosmology, and history of a Native American group are potentially eligible to the National Register. This includes sites "where Native American religious practitioners have historically gone, and are known or thought to go today, to perform ceremonial activities in accordance with traditional cultural rules of practice" (Parker and King 1990:1 ). Traditional cultural significance is meant to imply any location "where a community has traditionally carried out economic artistic, or other cultural practices important in maintaining its historic identity" (Parker and King 1990: I). Finally, the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act of 1990 (NAGPRA), PL 101-106, controls the correct handling of unmarked Indian graves and human skeletal remains. It also establishes a means for tribes to ask for the return of skeletal material, grave goods, sacred objects and articles of cultural patrimony from federally funded curation facilities The above overview makes it abundantly clear that Park managers need to develop assessment and evaluation programs for the lands under their responsibility. However, these programs cannot be implemented without collaboration between archaeologists and Native Americans Productive scholarship, such as this, will 10

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result in a better understanding, protection and preservation of the invaluable cultural and etlmographic resources on federal lands in North America. 1.3 Identification of Culturally Mfiliated Archaeological Sites For archaeologists, the first step in the assessment and evaluation of an identified etlmographic resource is to determine the resource's cultural affiliation. However, archaeologists have encountered many problems determining the cultural affiliation of archaeological resources, specifically sites; hence, they have been reluctant to assign sites to a particular tribe or linguistic group Malouf ( 1967:1) notes that "one of the most difficult problems in regional archaeology is to associate specific sites with historic Indian tribes." Some of the reasons it is so hard to identify the tribal affiliation of archaeological sites in areas such as the Rocky Mountains include (1) the degree to which tribes entered each others' territory for raiding and other war related activities, (2) the practice of friendly tribes (e.g Arapaho and Cheyenne) to combine for protection, ceremonies, games, and trading activities, (3) the absence of well-defined boundaries between tribes, and (4) the movements of individuals between tribes, such as the women captured in war (Malouf 1967:1 ). Furthermore, in the general region of Rocky Mountain National Park, the ephemeral nature of Native American hunter-gatherer sites produced by historic tribal groups such as the Ute, Apache, Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Sioux occupation, 11

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generally leave their exact cultural affiliation problematical. According to Brett (2002), other variables that likely contribute to our difficulty in assigning affiliation are: first, the Park was not established until 1915, by which time Native Ametican populations had long since been removed from the state. Second, only about two decades span the time between the Colorado Gold Rush of 1859 and the point when all Native Americans had been removed and/or excluded from north central Colorado including the area of Rocky Mountain National Park, in the 1880s (see Brett 2002). It is known, however, that family groups and hunting parties from the Ute Yampa Band camped and hunted in the Park's Kawuneeche Valley (upper Colorado River) and nearby Middle Park and South Park as late as 1875, more than a decade after they had been "remove"' to reservations further west (Bowles 1991:94-103; DeSmet 1843:31-35 ; Office oflndian Affairs 1861-1880; Sinunons 2000:18-20,45-46-57, 138-143). Additional variables involved in identifying proto historic/historic Native American sites, including those of the Ute, in the RMNP region, include the following: 1) From previous research (Schroeder 1965, among others), there is a question of whether various Numic (Uto-Aztecan speaking) tribes, such as the Ute, Shoshone, and Paiute were culturally undifferentiated (archaeologically-culturally identifiable as distinctive "sub-cultures") prior to historic contact. Both Ute and Eastern Shoshone are believed to have occupied (or at least periodically exploited) the general region including RMNP during a broad time range from ca. A.D. 1400-1880 Intermountain Tradition "flower pot" ceramics and steatite vessels that have been sporadically fonnd in the area, including the Park are a well-established eastern Shoshonean cultural marker (Eighmy 1995; Frison 1991). On the other hand peeled trees, pole wickiups, and Uncompahgre Brown Ware 12

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ceramics are considered reasonably reliable indicators of a Ute presence (as discussed below) [Buckles 1971; Martorano 1988; Reed 1988, 1995]. Another non-Numic group, the Plains Apaches (of the Athapascan language family) also co-occupied the region from at least ca. A.D. 1400-1750. Apachean ceramics have been identified at several sites in the Southern Rockies, including the Park's own recently test-excavated Lawn Lake (Brunswig 1995, 2001; Kindig 2000). On the other hand, lithic assemblages, including unnotched and side-notched projectile points appear to be essentially identical for all three groups. In most contexts, it may be impossible, or at least very challenging to differentiate historic tribal affiliations of the late prehistoric, proto historic, and even historic periods. 2) Secondly, there is a very small database with which to work. Late prehistoric sites and protohistoric Ute sites are far outnumbered by Archaic and Early Prehistoric sites in the Park and its adjoining region. 3) Third, the Ute of Northern Colorado were seasonally migrating hunter and gatherers until their restriction to reservations by treaties of 1863, 1865 and 1880. There is no evidence that even the earliest Ute inhabitants of the region chose to winter in RMNP, choosing instead to seasonally migrate to the Park's valleys and high tundra pastures to hunt Bighorn sheep, elk, and deer. There is some evidence to suggest that early Ute bands wintered in the milder confines of nearby Middle Park and North Park or further west along the Colorado, Gunnison. and Yampa rivers at the northeast margins ofthe Colorado Plateau. In following a well-established seasonal transhumant, hunter-gatherer lifeway, the Ute ofRMNP followed a subsistence pattern laid down by aboriginal groups occupying the region as far back as Paleo Indian times. Consequently, Ute sites tend to exhibit archaeological traits similar to those of preceding prehistoric cultural groups. 4) Finally, it should be noted that most prehistoric sites (ca. 400) documented in UNC surveys are ephemeral, shm1-term camps mainly characterized by lithic tool and re-tooling (flake) debris, occasional grinding stone fragments, and with an absence of diagnostic artifacts (e.g., projectile points, ceramics, etc.). However there are a few surface and shallow sub surface sites, in the Park, with diagnostic artifacts that are interpreted as medium-short term base and hunting camps. A handful of such sites produced Uncompahgre Brown Ware (Ute) pottery sherds, but nearly always are multi-component, possessing "mixed" archaeological assemblages from a variety ofpast groups (see Brunswig and Elinoff2001). 13

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Unfortunately, although there have been hundreds of archaeological sites documented by the SAIPIUNC survey, the archaeological sites are usually being recorded without supporting ethnographic information. If archaeologists found a U-shaped rock wall arranged by humans, for example, they could recognize it as a product of a past cultural event and identify it as a site. However, they could not realize the stone wall was left by Northern Utes to mark a vision quest site, thus lacking the ethnographic association between the archaeological site and its subject community. Furthermore, knowing in advance that ethnographic communities have an association with a resource makes it considerably easier to plan any actions that might adversely affect the resource. 1.4 A Multidisciplinary Approach to Archaeological Research: Using Archaeological, Ethnographic, and Ethnohistoric Evidence, including Oral Traditions In recent years, archaeologists have been expanding their professional activities with respect to historic preservation. Specifically they have been collecting information about traditional cultural properties and sacred places as well as historic archaeological sites of interest to particular Native American tribes Ethnographic and ethnohistoric evidence, including Native American oral traditions contain essential information about cultural values and beliefs pertaining to traditional cultural places, natural features, specific sites, and landscapes that are important cultural and ethnographic resources for Native Americans. 14

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In order to meet the legal mandates for historic preservation, but more importantly, to gain a better understanding of these resources, archaeologists must either work with oral traditions or coordinate their work with other researchers who are consulting with Native Americans. This creates an ethical and methodological imperative for archaeologists to work closely with Native Americans so that the information needed to manage tribal cultural and ethnographic resources properly can be collected and reported in an appropriate, respectful manner. Moreover, oral traditions revealed in consultations provide archaeologists, and ultimately all Americans, with a rich, nuanced understanding of Native Americans' views of North American landscapes. Through the process of consultation, this study provides examples of how peoples' identities are mapped variously on the landscape. Collaboration between Native Americans and archaeologists on cultural and ethnographic resources illustrate the way in which sacred landscapes, and places within those landscapes, are often important communities for sustaining memory, tradition, and social identity. And finally, in advancing a multidisciplinary approach to archaeological research by judicially using archaeological, ethnographic, and ethnohistoric evidence, this thesis illustrates how people creatively fashion themselves and their landscapes through their occupation and perception of spaces (as narrated through oral traditions), thereby illustrating the interdependence of the physical and the ideational within human environments. 15

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2. Theoretical Perspectives: Oral Traditions: Reliability and Validity Oral traditions are historical sources of a special nature. They are unwritten sources that are orally transmitted, and their preservation depends on the memory of successive generations of human beings. These special features pose a problem for the anthropologist. One of the persistent challenges presented by anthropologists to oral traditions regards the reliability and validity of such narratives. In this application, Hoffman ( 1996: 89) defines reliability as the consistency with which an individual will tell the same story about the same events on a number of different occasions. Validity refers to the degree of conformity between the oral narratives of the event and the event itself as recorded by other historical sources such as written documents, diaries, letters (Hoffman 1996:89), and in light of the present research, the discipline of archaeology. While this study illustrates that oral traditions are a reliable and valid source of information for archaeological inquiry, oral traditions as a whole can be shown to have its limitations. Some arguments advanced by adversaries of oral traditions as a reliable and valid historical source are: first, oral traditions are more of an artifact of contemporary cultures than a record of the past (Vans ina 1985: 194). Second, verbal transmission of oral traditions depends on the memory of the individual narrator, which brings into question the oral tradition's reliability, since continuing life 16

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experiences interact with memory and so alter it. Furthermore, because memory deteriorates over time, bits and pieces of possibly pertinent information are forever lost. Third, oral traditions often contain information that is considered sacred to the narrator, thus only revealed in part or not at all to outsiders. Therefore, in using information from oral traditions to support interpretation of their archaeological data, archaeologists receive only bits and pieces of the chosen parts (by the narrator) of relevant information. And fourth, the question arises: given the hundreds and thousands of years that separate an original event from its contemporary interpretation-Are orally transmitted traditions that originated in the remote past historically authentic? These points are further addressed below. On equal terms, writings by foreigners or outsiders have their own biases. First, they select their own topics of interest, which they follow in attributing various activities to the populations they describe, and their interpretations are shaped through their biases. Second, written accounts have frequently reflected the views and events of individuals of great economic, religious or political power (i.e. kings, leaders elite, etc.), thus ignoring the often populace, conunoner's view, which clearly generates a limited and lopsided portrayal of historical events. Third, because written historical accounts (i.e. ethnographic accounts) are generally the product of secondhand information (transmitted from one or more persons or culture under study to an observer the writer), there are two or more interpretations of a particular event, thus potentially increasing the number of biases. Fourth, as with 17

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oral traditions, written historical interpretations are also documents of the present. And fifth, from an outsider's view-the etic perspective, biases are often (perhaps unintentionally, but in other cases, intentionally) reflected in their interpretations of historical events. Moreover, written accounts (i.e., Spanish chronicles) of historical events are sometimes far removed in time and/or space from the actual event. In referring to chronicles written in the early years of the Conquest of the Caribbean, Curet (2002, in press) demonstrates the dangers of using such chronicles in an uncritical manner. Quoting Alegria ( 1997), Curet (2002, in press) warns, "The discrepancies in these accounts are the results of various factors, including the differences in the chroniclers' own perspectives." Curet continues: Ofthe three writers, Bartolome de Las Casas wrote most of his publications in his old age and decades after his experiences in the Caribbean. This could have created memory failure and the confusion of the traditions of one group with those of another, ... Pedro Martir de Angleria never visited the New World, his writings were based on interviews and conversations with Europeans that came from the Caribbean early during the Conquest, ... A problem that complicates the reliability of this Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo's chronicle is the many prejudicial and racist comments that he makes against indigenous populations on many occasions throughout the document. Thus, differences in timing and the nature of the information recorded (primary vs. secondary) probably had some bearing on the variations in these accounts (2002, in press). In addition, archaeological data are also as limiting as oral traditions and written records. First, an obvious limitation of archaeology can be derived from its definition: archaeology is the study of the human past through its material remains. Those individuals and societies are forever gone, therefore making it impossible to 18

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ask them the who, where, when, how, and why questions associated with the acquisition, production, use, distribution, and deposition of their material remains. An interesting paradox that archaeologists have to contend with is the fact that the archaeological record exists in the present while attempting to understand human events and behavior that occurred in the past. Hence, what do archaeologists do? They apply middle-range research: theoretical frameworks that link the static data of the archaeological record with the dynamic process that formed it. These theoretical links are based on analogy: an anthropological practice using reasoning based on the assumption that if two things are similar in some respects then they must be similar in other respects. The kinds of analogy used by archaeologists are ethnographic, ethnohistoric, which includes oral traditions, among others. A second limitation of archaeological data is that hundreds and thousands of years of natural and human events (transformational and behavioral processes) have affected and/or displaced archaeological deposits from the time of their deposition to the moment of archaeological recovery, thus influencing the archaeologist's interpretation of the archaeological record. Third, because of logistical reasons (e.g., lack offtmding, time, etc.), seasonal weather conditions, natural and political barriers, and ethical concerns (e.g., preservation of archaeological sites for future researchers and/or for heritage and envirorunental considerations), access to archaeological data may be restricted. Consequently, these archaeological situations demand that only part of the available data be collected, further limiting the 19

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archaeologist's ability to derive meaning from the archaeological record. And fourth, the discipline of archaeology is a part of our own modem ideology, and thus interpretations of the past are biased by (and justifies) modem society's view of itself. Mason (2000:242) argues, "The discipline of archaeology is a product of Western civilization, is ethnocentric and must be balanced if not replaced by "alternative histories."' Therefore, it is argued that oral traditions are equally as valid and reliable as any other source of information about the past. The reliability and validity of oral traditions increases when one considers the following: ( 1) no one can know the history of a people more than the people of that history; however, they make the assumption that their ancestors knew their history; (2) oral traditions reveal the insider's view-the ernie perspective which must be accepted as independent information; (3) for many Native American groups their past exists only through their oral traditions; ( 4) oral traditions as revealed through consultations (firsthand communication) provides the researcher a powerfully rich and spiritual insight, a social and cultural context absent from written records and archaeological data. This firsthand experience is denied the researcher who is far removed from the actual spoken account, and unattainable from a filtered, multi-interpreted account of a particular event. One need only consider the armchair archaeologist who is somewhat disconnected from the intangible, rich, contextual information available to the field archaeologist through firsthand experiences-a relationship necessary 20

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for discerning an object's meaning. And finally, the validity of oral traditions increases when researchers judicially include them in a multidisciplinary approach to their research. Of course, as Echo-Hawk (2000:271) states, "If an oral tradition about ancient times cannot be supported by other evidence, skepticism and even rejection is warranted." As with archaeological data and written documents, oral traditions should be critically evaluated rather than simply taken at face value. The limitations of the information that can be derived from oral traditions are real, and must be accepted by the anthropologist, but he/she can attempt to make up for them by using data supplied by other historical sources such as written documents and the discipline of archaeology. Archaeological, ethnographic, ethnohistoric, including oral traditions, are unique kinds of knowledge, mutually independent lines of data, and equally valid pathways to the past. In recognizing and using oral traditions as one more realm of legitimate inquiry in their research, anthropologists can gain a richer, nuanced view and understanding of human past. 2.1 Archaeologists and Oral Traditions Understandably, anthropologists have articulated a broad range of views about Native American oral traditions as a medium of historical authenticity. The spectrum of opinion includes scholars who deny that oral traditions have any value in helping to understand historical events that occurred before "living memory" (e.g., Kehoe 1992; McNickle 1975; Momaday 1991; Trigger 1976:19-20), and those 21

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who believe that oral narratives can provide valuable information that moved across great spans oftime (e.g., Levi 1988; Mason 2000; Schlesier 1987; Sclnnidt and Patterson 1995; Swidler et al. 1997; Teague 1993). Tragically, however, for those archaeologists who treat Native American oral traditions as a dubious source of information about historical events dating back more than two or three centuries, archaeological inquiry into the distant past has been to people the world with voiceless human figures. In actuality every human community immerses its members in a continuous stream of stories-in verbal, visual, and more recently, written narratives. Consequently when archaeological inquiry on past human events neglects this reality, the impression we are given is one in which we have only recently learned, for example, to build a home, to describe the building process, and recall for others the memory of homes. However, more accurately stated and in agreement with Stone, while it is perhaps acknowledged that past populations had traditions of vernacular architecture that allowed them to build a house as a sheltering structure, the concept of home as something beyond a shelter is restricted to us (pers. communication). Nevertheless, from the perspectives of societies that depend primarily on oral narratives, archaeologists and etlmographers have too often legitimized written documents [i.e., European records (e.g., chronicles, letters, diaries, etc.), written etlmographic accounts, etc.] and not oral records which implies that, for orally oriented peoples, 22

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there can be no legitimate heritage of meaningful reflection upon an ancient, changing world. This brings us to another troublesome concept in archaeology; that is, the usage of the term "prehistory," which presumes an absence of applicable records. In referring to the concept of"prehistory," Echo-Hawk argues: Its [prehistory's] ubiquitous presence as a term in academic and popular discourse reflects the degree to which twentieth century American archaeology has displaced Native American oral traditions as the source of valid knowledge about ancient human circumstances. It may be teclmically correct to apply the term to periods in time for which no writings exist, but its usage as a taxonomic device emphasizes written words, while presuming that spoken words have comparatively little value (Echo-Hawk 2000:285). In agreement with Echo-Hawk and in recognition of the contribution to history of oral traditions, perhaps, a more applicable reference to the remote past is "ancient history. Reluctantly, however, because of their embeddedness in archaeology, and for purposes of comprehension, the terms "prehistoric," "late prehistoric," and "protohistoric," will be used where necessary throughout the remainder of this thesis. Fortunately anthropologists in recent years have expressed growing support for the idea that Native American oral literature contains information about ancient historical events. Beginning in the mid-20th century, etlmohistorians frequently turned to Native American oral traditions in search of support for evidence from linguistics, archaeology, and Euroamerican writings. Though these efforts generally focused on post-Columbian historical events, with minimal attention to ancient 23

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Native history. However, recently, some ethnohistorians have begun to explore the contribution of oral traditions to ancient history in North America. A paper by Moodie, Catchpole, and Abel ( 1992) argued that Athapaskan traditions describe historical events which may date back more than 2,000 years, and more clearly concern a volcanic eruption dated at A.D. 720. They concluded that Athapaskan Indians managed to preserve information which was "transmitted orally from generation to generation for a period of over twelve hundred years" (Moodie et al. 1992:165). Though most archaeologists have tended to ignore Native American historical traditions, a few have helped to keep alive the question of the contribution of oral traditions to ancient Native history. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, archaeological journals occasionally published significant papers that explored possible links between oral traditions and archaeology. Schlesier (1987) published a study that relied upon oral traditions to link the Southern Cheyennes to an archaeological record dating back thousands of years. Based on information provided by Southern Cheyenne priests, Schlesier asserted that the founding of Cheyenne culture and lifeways occurred 2,500 years ago when the ancestors of the Tsistsistas entered the grasslands ofNorth Dakota and formulated their Massaum religious ceremonialism. Comparing this ceremonialism to the archaeological record, he connected these Cheyenne ancestors to the ''eastern regional subphase of the Besant Phase" (Schlesier 1987: 134). With this foundation, Sch1esier traced the 24

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ancestors of the Southern Cheyennes back in time for thousands of years and forward to the present. He constructed a controversial model for ancient Cheyenne history that attempted to bring oral traditions into partnership with archaeological evidence. Levi ( 1988) considered the contribution of Tzotzil-Maya "mythology" to understanding a Mayan site dating back 1,000 years. Levi examined anthropological perspectives on "myth" and "history," and then presented a discussion linking a Mayan tradition to a "Late Classic" Mayan cemetery in Mexico. Levi urged, "Because history, at least to some extent, is preserved in myth, so too can it be uncovered" (Levi 1988 :616). Teague (1993) published a paper connecting Hopi and O'Odham oral traditions to Hohokam sites in Arizona and events dating back to the 14th century. Teague found that these oral traditions provide a dimension absent in archaeological data,'' and they "reflect direct knowledge of events in prehistoric Arizona" (Teague 1993:6). These papers provide excellent examples of an integrative approach to oral traditions and archaeology. In addition, historical studies by Echo-Hawk (2000), Eggan ( 1967), Vansina ( 1985) and Wiget ( 1985), among others, have unequivocally demonstrated that real history is embedded in Native American oral traditions. The nnprecedented study by Echo-Hawk (2000) established that Native 25

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American ancestors managed to preserve many stories about a world that existed more than 10,000 years ago. As these and other studies have demonstrated, oral traditions can and must be submitted to the same procedures of historical evaluation and verification applied to any other evidence from the past. Compared to written documentary evidence, the results may not always be as satisfactory, but as Vansina observed in his study of oral traditions in the writing of African history: It is not uncommon for a tradition to be corroborated by other independent traditions, or by data from other disciplines or written records. Such a coincidence establishes a high degree of probability for the historical reality of such information. Then it must be remembered that all history is a matter of evaluation and of probabilities, ... In any case, the cardinal rule for all sources remains true: they must be used in conjunction with all other available evidence (Vansina 1985:458). As scholars explore the contribution to history of oral traditions in Africa, the Americas, and Australia (one need only consider the oral narratives of the Australian Aboriginals' ancient "Dreaming-tracks"), it has become increasingly difficult to ignore arguments that historical information has been preserved through verbal means for great lengths of time. Oral traditions provide a viable source of information about prehistorical and protohistorical ("ancient historical"), and historical settings, specifically sacred sites, dating back far in time-a fact that has recently gained increasing recognition in North America. NAGPRA lists oral traditions as a source of evidence that must be considered by museum and federal agency officials in making findings of cultural affiliation between ancient and 26

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modern Native American communities (Echo-Hawk 2000). Oral records, written records, and the archaeological record describe a shared past and should be viewed as natural partners. Echo-Hawk offers several guidelines for the advancement of oral tradition as history: First, evidence related to controversial topics of study, such as historicity in origin stories, must be fairly critiqued on its own terms, not dismissed because the results may be unsettling to scholars or viewed as oppressive by Indians. Scholars have a responsibility to go where the evidence goes, and we should resist any impulse to tell only inoffensive, esteem-building stories to either colleagues or constituencies. Second, our knowledge of ancient America benefits greatly from partnership between archaeological research and oral traditions (Echo-Hawk 2000:288). Not only will this partnership communicate the immense significance of Native American memories and oral narratives as cultural patrimony, but also as traditions that eruich us all Native American oral traditions are traceable processes that help to explain past North American social environments. Oral traditions and the archaeological record both provide important knowledge about the ancient past. In agreement with Anyon et al., "As archaeologists incorporate Native American oral traditions into archaeological research, it is important to recognize that oral traditions and archaeology represent two separate but overlapping ways of knowing the past" (1997:78). They continue: There is no doubt that a real history is embedded in Native American oral traditions, and that this is the same history archaeologists study. Oral 27

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traditions contain cultural information about the past, carefully preserved and handed down from generation to generation within a tribe. The archaeological record contains material remains of past human behavior that provide physical evidence for many of the same events and processes referred to in oral traditions. Oral traditions and archaeology both can create knowledge that goes beyond what is possible using either source by itself In this respect, oral traditions have a potential to assist archaeologists in the interpretation of the archaeological record, and archaeology can be useful in the corroboration of oral tradition (such as in detennining cultural affiliation of specific sites). However, the utility of archaeology to enhance Native American oral tradition in traditional cultural contexts is limited and often irrelevant (Anyon et al. 1997:78, emphasis added). It can be further argued that reference to oral traditions or myths as "fairy tales'"-stories riddled with falsities, demonstrates a general lack of knowledge of Native American narratives. Oral traditions are no less valid than scientifically based knowledge Oral traditions and scientific knowledge both have validity in their own cultwal context. Scientific knowledge does not constitute a privileged view of the past that in and of itself is better than oral traditions. It is simply another way of knowing the past. Moreover, as cogently stated by Echo-Hawk and as experienced through the process of consultation, "Native American religious leaders resent the message that their oral traditions must be substantiated by science before they can serve as legitimate sources of personal and cultural identity. Indian worldviews-unlike the archaeological gray literature worldscape-can thrive in the absence of verification from physics, geology, and other sciences" (Echo-Hawk 2000:287). 28

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Despite differences in the way archaeologists and Native Americans observe and interpret the world, they both value the archaeological record as preserved in sites. This does not, however, automatically translate into Native Americans valuing the interpretations of the archaeological record by archaeologists (scientists). Although both oral traditions and archaeology have inherent limitations, combining them in research can create knowledge that goes beyond what is possible using either source by itself. Positive collaborations between archaeologists and Native Americans have immense potential for developing more comprehensive interpretations of the past. At the same time, however, these collaborations are laden with misunderstandings. 2.2 Multivocality in Tribal Perspectives It is not uncommon for Native Americans to be criticized if they cannot unite behind a single, consensual view of their traditions, and if they cannot all agree upon the sites of cultural or historical significance to all of them (N abokov and Loendorf 1994). As observed by Vansina, Even ifthese differing points-of view are traditional and based on long-standing divisions of clan, moiety, or religious group, Indian peoples who maintain multiple, sometimes contested, viewpoints are nonetheless denigrated as 'factional"' (1985:58). Fowler (1987) would prefer to substitute the phrase with "shared symbols, contested meanings," and as Nabokov and Loendorf ( 1994:25) further paraphrase, in the light of their research ofthe Crow Indian Tribe and in the present research of the Northern Ute 29

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Tribe, "shared places, contested narratives." For the Northern Utes, such a modem external approval of single-version narratives flies in the face of their older tradition of multiple social and kin divisions each with their regionalized geographical knowledge and different personal experiences. It is quite common, for example, to have a Ute elder first establish his/her inherited rights" by citing the oral historians upon which he/she is drawing the information, and the particular Ute sub-group (e.g., Yampa, Parusanuch, Tabeguage, Uintah, etc.) from which this historical narrative derives This preface often advocates the "truth" content of subsequent testimony. Referring to Native American sites and religious beliefs, Pilling ( 1979) also offers a cautionary reminder that "traditional religious beliefs and practices of Native Americans are localized. This means that a religious traditionalist of one part of a National Forest might not be adequately informed on patterns in another part of the same Forest. Very localized traditionalists must be sought out" (Pilling 1979:4). In addition Fogelson stresses, "one sometimes discovers that information about sacred sites as with sacred matters is not equally accessible to all members of the community." He continues, "not only are there multiple, sometimes exclusionary, narratives for past environmental practices, but the environmental future is often contested as well. Some members of a tribe may deny the sanctity of 30

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land and be quite willing to sell it, lease it, or otherwise allow it to be exploited in ways that others regard a desecration" ( 1981: 134). While the Utes have maintained that they convey single versions of stories, and strive to present coherent narratives, the truth of Ute oral traditions is that they consisted and still consist of contested versions of narratives, whether they be myths, legends, or folktales. Although, "contested meanings help foster a sense of cultural distinctiveness Conflict over meaning is not merely a clash of interests but a struggle over the kind of Indians that people are and will be" (Fowler 1987: 19; see also Nabokov and Loendorf 1994). A diversity of viewpoints about classic Crow tales (in the present research, Ute traditions) is a tribute to the egalitarian and adaptive virtues of oral narrative, in contrast to the inflexible narrative of the printed text (Nabokov and Loendorf 1994), which is always written by a particular individual expressing a particular viewpoint of the point in question. It is further argued, that while some Ute myths of, for example, the origin of Utes, may differ in their versions, their meaning and moral message remain the same. Observe, for example, the following versions of how the Utes first came to be: Version 1: In the beginning there were no people on the earth. Far to the south, Sinawafwas preparing for a long journey along the river to the north. One day Sinawafbegan to cut sticks and placed them in a bag. This went on for some time, until the bag was full. One day when Sinawafwas away, Coyote, known for his curiosity opened the bag to see what Sinawafwas doing. Many people came out, all of them speaking different languages, and scattered in every direction. When Sinawaf returned there were only a few people left. He was angry with Coyote, for He had planned to distribute the people equally in the land. The result of the unequal distribution, caused by 31

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Coyote, was war between different people, each trying to gain land from his neighbor. Of the people remaining in the bag, Sinawaf said, "This small tribe of people shall be Ute, but they will be very brave and able to defeat the rest" (Conetah 1982:2). Version 2: Far to the south, Sinawa.fwas preparing for a long journey to the north. He had made a bag, and in this bag he placed selected pieces of sticks-all different yet the same size. The bag was a magic bag. Once Sinawaf put the sticks into the bag, they changed into people. As he put more and more sticks into the bag, the noise the people made inside grew louder, thus arousing the curiosity of the animals. After filling his magic bag, Sinawaf closed it and went to prepare for his journey. Among the animals, Coyote was the most curious. In fact, this particular brother of Sinawafwas not only curious but contrary as well, opposing almost everything Sinawa.f created and often getting into trouble. When Coyote heard about Sinawaf's magic bag full of stick people, he grew very curious. "I want to see what those people look like," he thought. With that, he made a little hole with his flint knife near the top of the bag and peeked in. He laughed at what he saw and heard, for the people were a strange new creation and had many languages and sons. When Sinawaffinished his preparations and prayers he was ready for the journey northward. He picked up the bag, threw it over his shoulder and headed for the Una-u-quich, the distant high mountains. From the tops of those mountains, Sinawa.f could see long distances across the plains to the east and north, and from there he planned to distribute the people throughout the world. Sinawafwas anxious to complete his long journey, so he did not take time to eat and soon became very weak. Due to his weakness, he did not notice the bag getting lighter. For, through Coyote's hole in the top of the bag, the people had been jumping out, a few at a time, unevenly dispersing across the land. Those who jumped out created their families, bands, and tribes. Finally reaching the Una-u-quich, Sinawaf stopped. As he sat down he noticed the hole in the bag and how light it was. The only people left were those at the bottom of the bag. As he gently lifted them out he spoke to them and said, "My children, I will call you Utikas, and you shall roam these beautiful mountains. Be brave and strong." Then he carefully put them in 32

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different places, singing a song as he did so When he finished he left them there and returned to his home in the south (Duncan 2000: 167 -169) While in the present research, the various versions of narratives associated with single sites were in general agreement, as well as with earlier ethnographic accounts, all versions were undeniably distinctive. Nevertheless, and in agreement with Nabokov and Loendorf ( 1994), these instances of differing points-of-views or multiple narratives associated with single sites, referred to by ethnographers and archaeologists as "multivocality," should be considered a sign of vitality-a strength, rather than a weakness. 2.3 Sensing of Place--Sacred Spaces within Sacred Landscapes The natural occurrence of differing points-of-view stems from an individual's or group's "sense of place''-a form of cultural activity. Keith Basso ( 1996: 143) maintains that a sense of place "is a kind of imaginative experience a species of involvement with the natural and social environment, a way of appropriating portions of the earth." Albert Camus may have said it best: A sense of place," he wrote, "is not just something that people know and feel, it is something people do" (Camus 1955:88, emphasis added). Although relationships to places are sometimes lived in contemplative moments of social isolation, relationships to places are generally lived in the company of other people, and it is on these communal occasions (where places are sensed together) that native views of the physical world become accessible to 33

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outsiders. Relationships to places find expression through myth, legend, folktale, dance, art, architecture, and religious and political ritual. Thus enacted-daily, monthly, seasonally, annually-places and their meanings are continually being woven into the fabric of social life, binding it to features of the landscape. People are forever presenting each other with cultural images of where and how they dwell. They are continually constructing features on the landscape and telling stories that reproduce and express their own sense of place, and also, their own understandings of who and what they are. "American Indians hold their lands-places-as having the highest possible meaning, and all their statements are made with this reference point in mind" (Deloria 1992:62). Places capture the complex emotional, behavioral, and moral relationships between many Native Americans and their homeland. Talking about place becomes a way of conununicating important messages, such as reminders of social obligations or of moral responsibilities to care for kin. The Ute landscape resounds for Utes with narratives of collective history and personal experience. What looks like a river, a mountain, or a cluster of stones may, in fact, resonate meaningfully to Utes as a type of sacred landscape conveying messages about human frailties and responsibilities. Meaning attached to the landscape unfolds in language names, narratives, and rituals. These meanings converge into shared places and ultimately link people to a sense of common history and individual identity. Place becomes "something both fixed and fleeting, something you can 34

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walk on and something you can speak, a curious and uneasy product of experience and symbol" (Richardson 1984:1 ). 2.4 Archaeologists and Cultural (Sacred) Landscapes Archaeologists have been interested for a long time in the relationships between people and the landscape. What has changed, however, is archaeological thinking about the nature of landscape, and thereby the perceived nature of its role in archaeological inquiry. For the most part, archaeological research has tended to focus on functional and adaptive parameters of the relationships between people and the landscape, with matters such as population levels, resource "ceilings," and environmental constraints. The vast majority of studies of hunter-gatherers have tended to concentrate rather narrowly on issues such as the ranges of food resources exploited, food-getting technologies, seasonality and scheduling in relation to settlement size, location and group composition, and degree of mobility. That is, they focused on topography, technology, resources and land use: on what people did to the land and how it aided or constrained them, rather than what they thought or felt about it (Ashmore and Knapp 1999:7). In this approach, myths, cosmologies and symbolism are largely deemed irrelevant to what is really going on. What people think about the environment has little or no affect on the practical needs of having to live in it. 35

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Ashmore and Knapp continue: Ancient peoples were conceived largely as undifferentiated societies and cultural systems, the analytical units of processual archaeology in the 1970s and 1980s (e.g., Schmidt 1983). Postprocessual critiques have significantly restructured discussion outside the Americas, focusing attention on the active role of individuals in constructing and interpreting the world around them, and in continually reshaping culture and society. Structuration (Giddens 1984 ), practice (e.g., Bourdieu 1977), and feminist theory (e.g Conkey and Gero 1997; Wylie 1992), as well as phenomenology (e.g., Thomas ( 1996) have proven useful to many archaeologists in deciphering the form and meaning of symbolic expression in the past (1999:7). With respect to landscape, local geographical features are recognized increasingly as the source and subjects of the symbols, often linked to ancestral beings (Morphy 1995: 186). Landscape as "actively" inhabited space, and particularly landscape as the setting for ritual or ceremonial activity, are already prominent themes in archaeology (e.g., Ashmore and Knapp 1999:8; Bender 1991; Bradley 1993; Derks 1997; Thomas 1993). A landscape embodies more than a passive relationship between people and nature. A conceptual landscape is constructed in the mind to convey meaning to those who inhabit it. Space is both a medium for and the outcome of human activity and previous histories of action: it is recognized by means of specific places, and in this sense, does not exist apart from that activity {Tilley 1994: 10). "Individuals and communities conditioned by different social, politico-economic and ideological forces project differing configurations of meaning onto the landscape, thus implying that measurable economic impacts notwithstanding, no landscape-aesthetic, 36

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poetic, moral, material, or surreal-has an objective appearance or significance independent of the beholder" (Fitter 1995 :8-9). Landscapes are experienced in practice-in life activities. Landscapes, in addition to playing an active role in shaping economic and political systems are created as well to establish, negotiate, and maintain community and individual social identity. They are a network of related places that are imbued with history, experience and symbolism. Human activities become inscribed within a landscape such that every cliff, mountain, river, forested area becomes a familiar place-a culling of experience. For many Native Americans, these features of the landscape are identified as sacred, invoking common responses of power, respect, enriclunent, belonging, and a familiarity. Their landscape includes not only the physical world (i.e., rocks, trees, mountains, rivers, valleys, etc.) but also the spirit world. Many fom1s of Native American worship depend on a detailed and particular sense of place that goes back in language and in stories for centuries. Often these are places where concepts of an upper world, a lower world and the earth plane come together visually in a striking manner (Ouzman 1990). These are places where the center of the world may be experienced, where an axis mundi is located, for it is at these places that it is claimed a powerful connection between different levels and states of existence can be encountered (Ouzman 1990). For an archaeologist, recovering meaning from such natural phenomena may seem an insum1ountable task. However, not all that is sacred is of natural 37

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ongm. People construct and remodel elements of the landscape, and these processes often leave archaeologically recoverable traces. Such traces facilitate our understanding of past societies, their political and social organization, and their ideologies. Now, that we (archaeologists) can recognize the landscape as being sacred in its entirety, we can begin to explore the archaeological traces left behind by past Native American societies as evidence of a sacred landscape Accordingly, we must keep in mind that perhaps what we find in the archaeological record are traces or pieces of a bigger picture, that is, "sacred sites' within the boundless sacred landscape. To repeat a crucial point made earlier, the understanding of past Native American sacred landscapes cannot be accomplished without including oral traditions as a line of legitimate inquiry. The following sections concentrate on Native American, and more specifically, Northern Ute views of sacred landscapes, which are passed on from generation to generation through oral narratives. It is also shown, in the discussion below, that perspectives on concepts of time, space and place, differ significantly between those of the Northern Ute and those of the western enlightenment used in processual archaeology. 2.5 Native American Oral Traditions and Religion In studying the spiritual life of a people in a culture different from our own, many insights emerge. Such studies provide ground for different theories on the 38

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relation of religion and culture, and the basic question of the nature of humans. The study of Native American oral tradition and religion brings a wealth of material to such questions. Native American oral traditions, also referred to as oral narratives, include folktales, myths, and legends. These three forms are related to each other in that they are narratives in prose, and this fact distinguishes them from proverbs, riddles, poems, tongue-twisters, and other forms of verbal art on the basis of strictly formal characteristics (Dundes 1984:7) The following definitions are a synthesis of those advanced by Dundes (1984) and Hulkrantz (1986). Folktales are regarded as fiction, and are not considered history. They may or may not have happened, and they are seldom to be taken seriously. Although they are often told only for amusement, there are folktales that have important moral functions. Folktales may be set in any time and any place, and in this sense they are almost timeless and placeless. The principal characters of folktales may be human or non-human And finally, they are secular in nature. Myths are considered truthful accounts of what happened in the remote past. They must be recited from generation to generation as accurately as possible. They are accepted as faith, are taught to be believed, and they can be cited as authority in answer to ignorance, doubt, or disbelief. Myths are the embodiment of dogma, they are usually sacred, often associated with theology and ritual a source of spiritual connection to the world. Their main characters are not usually human beings, but 39

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they often have hwnan attributes; they are animals, deities, or culture heroes, whose actions are set in an earlier world, when the earth was different from what it is today, or in another world such as the sky or underworld. Myths account for the origin of the world, of humankind, of death, or for characteristics of animals, geographical features, and the phenomena of nature. They may explain details of ceremonies or rituals, but such etiological elements are not confined to myths. Legends, like myths, are regarded as true by the narrator and his/her audience, but they are set in a period considered less remote, when the world was much as it is today. Legends are more often secular than sacred, and their principal characters are hwnan. They tell of migrations, wars and victories, deeds of past heroes, chiefs and their successions. While, in general, these definitions hold true cross-culturally, they are not proposed as universally recognized categories. For instance, only two kinds of narratives-true and fictional-are distinguished in a nwnber of Native American tribes. Folktales are recognized as fiction, but myth and legend blend into a single category, "myth-legend." This is true for the Dakota, Kiowa, Eskimo, as well as the Ute, among others. Moreover, a common thread between Native American oral narratives, and more specifically, religions, is its interpretation of history, which is "spatially" located. That is, the structure of many Native American religious traditions is taken directly from the world around them, from their relationships with nature, with other 40

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forms of life (Duncan pers. communication). Context is therefore all-important for both practice and the understanding of reality. For example, the places where '"visions" were experienced were remembered and set aside as locations where, through rituals and ceremonials, the people could once again communicate with the spirits. Hundreds and even thousands of years of occupancy on their lands taught Native Americans the sacred landscapes for which they were responsible. It was not what people believed to be true that was important but what they experienced as true (Duncan, pers. communication). The following discussion of Ute Native American religion and their interpretation of history is a result of consultations with Clifford Duncan and James Goss, a literature review, as well as a personal reflection. The western preoccupation with a chronological description of history was not a dominant factor in many Native Americans' conception of either time or history. The Utes, in particular, had little use for recording past events; the idea of keeping a careful chronological record of events was not significantly important to them. "The way I heard it" or "it was a long time ago" frequently prefaces most Utes accounts of a past experience, indication that the "story" itself is important, not its precise chronological occurrence. Behind the western enlightenment theory of history lies an inquisitive logic of interpretation. One can see it clearly in the following statement by Paul Tillich: 41

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It can be stated that in Christianity the decisive event occurs in the center of history and that it is precisely the event that gives history a center; that Christianity is also aware of the "not yet," which is the main emphasis in Judaism; and that Christianity knows the revelatory possibilities in every moment of history (Tillich 1957:88). In other words, from the western enlightenment perspective we are asked to accept that there is a specific, central event making the rest of the history intelligible. However, whenever we focus on one of the very important events of that line of history, we are told by western enlightenment thinkers that what happened was most likely just the growth of legend and glorification, not a spectacular event. Yet, they insist that a whole chronology of these "events" (whether they existed or not) constirutes an important historical time line that is superior to any other explanation of human experiences. This dilenuna over the narure of history occurs perhaps, whenever an interpretation of history and/or religion emphasizes time over space. Some western enlightenment thinkers consider their Bible (those who believe in a Bible) as the ''real" record of events. While they cannot geographically locate the Garden of Eden, they can find Mount Sinai and Jerusalem. Therefore, they take everything as historical fact. For the Utes, on the other hand, whose religion emphasizes space over time Grand Lake and Kawuneeche Valley located in RMNP (Figure 2.1 ), are places of origin and dispersal of peoples in the Ute tradition. One persistent view of Ute 42

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creation is represented by the following translation of the version told to James Goss by Antonio Buck, Jr., grandson of Southern Ute Leader Buckskin Charlie: In the beginning there was only water. Water Grandmother floated in her basket in the midst of the waters. She thought and created the land from her own body; as Spider creates her web, or as a woman creates her basket. She thought and sang and danced, and stretched the land. She circled in the sun wise direction, and bit by bit, she added to the land. When the land was so large that she could no longer see the waters, she sent Coyote to see if it was large enough. Coyote ran from center to edge, again and again, checking and rechecking. Finally, Coyote returned, all out of breath, shouting, "It fits, It fits" (DlUlcan and Goss 2001:10-11 ). This is the way that the Ute creation story explains the preparation of the world for the needs of the people to come. Of course, continues Duncan and Goss: The central is the "Colorado Pyramid" of the highest mountains and lakes The Goddess lives at the highest point near a beautiful lake. Grand Lake is identified as that lake. Then the tradition says that Coyote, in measuring the earth from the molUltaintops to the edges by the surrounding waters, made the trails up and down the landscape. They are, by definition, sacred, made by the Creator There are stories of Coyote releasing the water from the mountains to flow down some of Coyote's trails. These become the rivers. The rivers are Coyote's sacred trails filled with water. Hopefully, there is still room along the river-filled trail for people to travel (200 1: 11 ). Now, it is not suggested that the western enlightenment theory of history is completely divorced from space and made an exclusive agent of time, nor that the Utes' interpretation of history is separated from time and made an exclusive agent of space. To the contrary, it is only suggested that the two perspectives differ in their emphasis on space and time. Another explanation of this idea is that 43

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Figure 2.1 Kawuneeche Valley and Grand Lake 44

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while it appears Northern Utes do not have linear views of history and consider space and place as spiritually important to them, some western enlightenment thinkers very much believe in linear time and see space as a resource rather than in a spiritual context (Stone pers. commtmication). The contrast between western enlightenment and its interpretation of history-the emphasized temporal dimension-and the Native American religions-the emphasized spatial dimension-is clearly illustrated when we understand the nature of sacred motmtains, sacred valleys, sacred rivers, and other geographical features sacred to many Native Americans (as illustrated in the narrative above). The Navajos, as another example, have sacred mountains where they believe they rose from the tmderworld (Kelley and Francis 1994). There is no doubt in any Navajo's mind that these particular mountains are the exact motmtains where it all took place. No one can say when the creation story of the Navajos happened, but everyone is fairly certain where it took place. Sacred places such as those of the Navajos and Utes represent a sense of permanency and belonging for them as well as for many other Native Americans. The following narratives, as another example, express the importance of geographical places within the Ute sacred landscape, but more specifically as part of the Ute sacred experience: The Bear Dance must be done to propitiate the mountain spirits before any traditional Ute would attempt to go up a mountain trail. These motmtain trails are sacred trails and they are Bear's trails and we are only welcome on them if we follow Bear's rules. The Utes had a sacred responsibility to only approach them in the sacred way. The traditional stories of that 45

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geographical place, and past trips there would be told, the solar calendar would be read, prayers would be made, and tobacco and other offerings would be put down. The appropriate ceremony would be done, the proper dance would be done, and the proper songs would be sung, in respect to the sacred owners of that sacred place. It was at such points as these that the traditional map of the landscape was passed on to the younger generations, a map that was forever recorded in their memories, though not on paper, or written down. After the proper ceremony, the group would move on up the trail and the stories of places along the way, and the stories of how each place got its name would be passed along during the arduous trek. The stories would engender a song that told the story of that trail. Before the trip was finished, everyone would know the story of that sacred land, and be able to visualize every inch of that trail and every landmark along the way. And everyone was singing the same song of that sacred place. Anytime anyone mentioned that trail, the mental map would magically return to every Ute that had experienced that trail. That trail was not wilderness, that trail was part of the sacred experience of the people. It was home and no Ute that had had that experience could ever be lost there (Duncan and Goss 2001 :6). The Utes combine history and geography so that they have a sacred landscape," that is, every location within their homeland has a multitude of stories that recount the migrations, revelations, and particular historical incidents that produced the tribes' current beliefs and conditions. Kootenai Falls in Idaho is a critical site on which the entire Kootenai religious system is founded. The Sioux, Cheyenne, Kiowa, and Arapaho all have oral traditions that describe the Devil's Tower in Wyoming. The most notable characteristic of many Native American oral traditions is the precision and specificity of the traditions when linked to the landscape, a precision lacking in most other religious traditions. 46

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2.5.1 The Utes' Relationship with the Animal World As learned from Clifford Duncan, not only things of inanimate nature play a role in Northern Ute cosmology. The Northern Utes see no sharp division between the spirits of humans, animals, plants, and other natural phenomena. All things possessing life or giving it are treated with equal respect. They believe that the spirits in all things could help or harm humans, depending on whether or not they observe the proper behavior toward them. The following paragraphs are a summary as well as a personal reflection of a discussion with Clifford Duncan. The Utes' relationship with the animal world gives evidence of a kinship based on a feeling of identity and reverence. Almost all Ute narratives have talking animals as principal characters and models because once there was a time when the animals were like people (i.e., Older and Younger Coyote Porcupine, Jack Rabbit, or Cottontail Rabbit, Chipmunk, and so on). The Utes love to come into sympathy and spiritual communion with their brothers of the animal kingdom. The animals have a mysterious wisdom and faith in their instincts that emerge clearly under patient observation. Moreover, the singular powers possessed by certain animals distinguish them as worthy of special reverence Thus the bear for example, for his superior strength and mysterious power to heal himself is placed in a special category. Th e liv e s of animals and humans are seen as inextricably linked, and thus interdependent. All of this contributes to a cosmology of great complexity and 47

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logical integration. For the Utes, the controllers of the universe are all that embodies the universe. Rank and order within it is a carefully conceived organization, which explains the manner in which the world operates, and the human's role in relation to it. This comprehensive cosmology encompasses the emotional and physical needs of humans, in close alliance with their environment, and gives the Utes a framework within which they can preserve their activities with a sense of security in a very threatening world. The Utes' view of their place in the universe differs markedly from the western enlightenment's concept of humans as the most exalted of all creatureslords and controllers of the earth. Referring to the remote past, Clifford Duncan contends that life was too rigorous, too dangerous, and too ephemeral in the Rocky Mountains, to allow the false illusion that humans are dominant. The forces of nature surrounding humans were so real that disregard of their power was inconceivable. Rather, humans were obliged to render reverence in gratitude that they were permitted to exist in the midst of such an awesome world. Northern Ute belief and religious practice flowed from this irrefutable insight. In the Rocky Mountains the struggle to survive in an erratic climate and an environment characterized by extremes forced the Utes to search for knowledge and understanding which would allow them to exist in this awesome circumstance. The Utes readily saw that they could gain victory and be successful in their undertakings only if they had help from the forces that ruled nature. Prayer and practice, through 48

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ritual and ceremony, embodied (and still embodies) the necessary means to safeguard their well-being. Disregard of these means spells defeat and death. The Utes' adoration that flows forth as a consequence should not be understood as nature worship. Though they see power in the manifestations of nature, its appearance there is clearly symbolic. All-the winds, earth, sun, moon, stars, stones, water, plants, and various animals-are exponents of a mysterious life and power, which the Utes see as embracing all that exists. In general, all Native American religions may be seen as sincere and reverent approaches to that power which is the source of life for humans. Two themes return again and again: ( 1) that of humility, and (2) that of the ardent struggle to establish a partnership between humans and the Powers. It is recognized that this note of desire for communion and participation in sacred power is present in a1l religions and emerges as a universal theme the world over. Nevertheless, the desire for communion with the Powers, characterizes eve1y ceremony of Ute ritual life. 2.5.2 The Great Spirit-Powers (Natural and Supernatural) An initial caution is necessary. In western mentality the concepts of religion and "God" are inextricably linked. In a study such as this, the concept of "God" must be put in context. The temptation to apply concepts transculturally is a dangerously misleading one. It is evident that a different concept or expression would more adequately designate the primary religious concept ofNorthern Ute religious traditions. 49

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The Northern Utes believe in a wide range of spiritual beings. For instance, they often refer to the mythical character Sinawaf as the creator-of-humans, yet, it is not considered to be an omniscient or omnipotent being (Jorgensen 1964:331 ). In certain situations Sinawafis referred to interchangeably as the Great Spirit and is treated as if it were the diffuse power, Puwa. "When asked to define what they mean by the Great Spirit, the Utes will tell you that it is one and the same thing with Sinawaf, the human-like being, at other times it is power itself, at other times it is their Father, and at still other times it is the powerful rays of the sun" (Jorgensen 1964:331 ). Thus, from the Utes' perspective the concept of the Great Spirit changes with the situation and overlaps with the notion of Puwa, Sinawaf, Father, and with .. God" (Jorgensen 1964:332). In sum, the Great Spirit represents the combined total of the Ute's spiritual powers, which are believed to be the unseen force that fills the world. In other words, it denotes the entire supernatural and natural forces that shape and direct life. 2.6 One Last Reflection on Places of Sacredness As established above, sacred landscapes encompass a network of related places of overwhelming holiness where the Great Spirit or other Higher Powers, including "God," on their own initiative, have revealed Themselves to human beings. We can illustrate and understand this in an Old Testament narrative. Prior to his journey to Egypt, Moses spent his time herding his father-in-law's sheep on or near Mount Horeb. One day he took the flock to the far side of the mountain and to 50

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his amazement saw a bush bwning with fire but not being consumed by it. Approaching this spot with curiosity, Moses was startled when the Lord spoke to him from the bush, warning, "Draw not nigh hither; put off thy shoes from off thy feet, for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground" (Exodus 3:5). Although Moses did not demand that this particular place become a place of worship for his people, this tradition tells us that there are places of inherent sacredness on this earth, sites that are holy in and of themselves. Any prolonged human occupation of a geographical region will produce sacred sites and shrines observed by the occupying people, but there will always be a few sites at which the highest spirits dwell. The stories that explain the sacred nature of these locations will frequently provide parallels to the account about the burning bush. One need only look at the shrines of present-day Europe. Long before Catholic and Protestant churches were built in certain places, other religions had established shrines and temples on those sites. These sacred places are locations where people have always gone to conummicate with higher spiritual powers. This phenomenon is worldwide and all religions find that these places regenerate people and fill them with spiritual powers. In North America the meaning of these places, with few exceptions (i e., Mormons), are known only by Native Americans, Kootenai Falls to the Kootenai, Medicine Rock to the Northern Cheyenne, the sacred mountains of the Navajos, Grand Lake and Kawuneeche Valley, and other vision quest and ceremonial sites of the Northern Utes are all well 51

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known locations that are sacred in and of themselves. Native Americans have been commanded to perform rituals and ceremonies at these sacred places so that the earth and all its forms of life might survive and prosper. Moreover, Native Americans have tried to explain to non-Natives in court, in conferences, and in consultations, of this moral responsibility, that they must perform certain ceremonies at specific times and places in order that the sun may continue to shine and the earth prosper. Tragically, however, this attitude has often been interpreted by non-Natives as indicative of the Native American elder's personal philosophy and is not seen as a moral duty. Sacred places are the foundation of all religious beliefs and practices because they represent the presence of the sacred in our lives. They inform us that we are not larger than nature and that we have responsibilities to the rest of the natural world that transcend our own personal desires and wishes. During these times when ethnographers and archaeologists alike strive or at least attempt to understand the meaning of sacred landscapes, we can hope that some protection and preservation can be afforded these invaluable ethnographic resources. In researching traces of, specifically, archaeological stone features (i.e., stone circles, U-shaped stone walls, rock cairns, rock alignments, among others) in RMNP, through ethnographic and ethnohistoric approaches, a primary goal of this study is to gain a better understanding of these ethnographic resources-the complex, 52

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emotional, behavioral, and moral relationships between the Northern Utes and their sacred landscape-their homeland-the R.MNP region. 53

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3. The Ute Homeland-Archaeological, Ethnographic, and Ethnohistoric Evidence of the Utes in the RMNP Region Historic documents show that protohistoric and early historic tribes that once visited and hunted within the modem territory of Rocky Mountain National Park included the Apache, Arapaho, Cheyenne, and Sioux. Brett (2002) concluded from his ethnographic research of RMNP that the Northern Ute and Northern Arapaho were the primary inhabitants of the Park. "About the Arapaho and the Ute," Brett maintains, there can be no doubt of their presence, both in Colorado and in the Rocky Mountain National Park environs. This is borne out by oral histmy, historical records, and archaeology" (Brett 2002:34). However, only the Utes, often considered Colorado's mountain people, appear to have had a very long term, possibly even prehistoric, record of claiming Park territory as traditional lands. For the purpose of this thesis, the protohistoric Ute period in Colorado, refers to the pre-contact and early contact periods, from the early 1600s to mid 1800s, with non-Native groups. Historical documents indicate that the Spanish had made contact with the Utes in the mid-1600s to early 1700s. Later, Joel Estes had explored and settled what is now Estes Park in 185 8 and in 1879 the Meeker Massacre took place, resulting in an armed escort of Utes to various Indian reservations. Furthermore, it is important to note that Ute material culture as well as 54

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their social and political organization were greatly influenced with the acquisition of the horse and contact with non-Native groups; therefore, this thesis focuses on the pre-contact and early contact periods of the Northern Rocky Mountain Utes with non-Native groups before the influx of horses. 3.1 A Brief History of the Utes The Utes are Nurnic speakers related to the Paiutes of Utah and the Shoshonean peoples of Wyoming. It is important to recognize, that the Utes call themselves "Nuche," (which actually means a person indigenous to their region) and call their language "Nuu-a-pagia." According to Goss, "The Spanish first called the Nuche, the Yutas because that was the term used by the Pueblo people at Jemez Pueblo who were the first guides of the Spanish into Ute country. Those terms "Utah" and "Ute" are corruptions of the Spanish "Yuta" which is not a Ute word at all" (Goss 2000:35). Linguistic and archaeological evidence suggests that prior to contact with Euroamerican culture, the Utes and the Southern Paiutes were undifferentiated (Schroeder 1965). The distinction between the Utes and Southern Paiutes emerged when those living on the Colorado Plateau and the Rocky Mountains integrated the horse into their culture and interacted with the equestrian aboriginal cultures of the Plains (Schroeder 1965). 55

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The earliest historical references to the Utes by the Spanish in the 1620s and a treaty in 1680 make them the earliest historically documented aboriginal group in western Colorado (Cassells 1997; Stewart 1966). An early history ofNew Mexico Fray Pasados in the early 1700s places them on the plains with the Apaches and probably in the area north of the San Juan Mountains and as far west as the Great Salt lake (Bolton 1972). Historic records indicate that the Utes had been the primary inhabitants of western Colorado and eastern Utah since the eighteenth century, when Fathers Dominguez and Escalante sojourned through the region and observed the Utes (Bolton 1972). Traditionally, the Utes were divided into the Eastern Utes of Colorado and the Western Utes of Utah. It is difficult to list the numerous Ute bands because of their fluid membership, the high mobility of most of them in the historical period, and the shifts and inconsistencies in the names used for several of them (Stewart 1942:235-237). Stewart (1942) distinguishes 11 bands, six eastern bands with ranges primarily in present Colorado [Muache (Mahgruhch), Capote (Kapota), Weeminuche (Weemeenuch), Uncompahgre (Tabegauche or Taveewach), Parusanuch (Pahdteeahnuch), Yampa (Yampatika)], and five western bands of present Utah [Uintah (Yuvwetuh), Timpanogots (Tumpanawach), Pahvant (Pahvant), Sanpits (Sanpeech), Moanunts] (Figure 3.1 ). Today they are divided into the Southern Utes and Northern Utes, but this is a modern distribution based on reservation assignments following the removal of some from Colorado after the 56

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Figure 3.1 Distribution of the Utes in pre-reservation times. (Callaway et al. 1986:Figure 1) 1879 Meeker Massacre. The Utes in Colorado today are concentrated at the Southern Ute Indian Reservation and the Ute Mountain Ute Indian Reservation, both in the southwest corner of the state, and the Uintah-Ouray Reservation in Utah. The 11 bands of Utes were broken up into small family units for a large portion of the year. Stone (1999: 152) suggests that "Ute bands consisted of a group of related extended families that inhabited an area ... and although it was rare for an entire band to aggregate, smaller portions of it did so, seasonally." According to Leitch (1979), generally speaking, the basic economic unit was the extended family, which moved across the landscape either alone or in the company of another family in a seasonal round of hunting and gathering for most of the year, using elevational 57

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differences to schedule collection times and short-term storage in the winter. Multiple families of 50 to I 00 people would aggregate in sheltered areas in the winter and separate in the spring. It appears that the family units of a particular band of Utes would live close together during the winter. During periods of aggregation, social networks were renewed. As spring approached, each family unit would prepare to go its separate way until the next winter. They would follow the migrating deer, antelope, and elk for food until seeds and berries began to ripen in the mountains. Which families traveled together in the smaller groups and which aggregated varied, as alliances were highly fluid (Callaway et al. 1986) For the purpose of this thesis, the Parusanuch and Yampa bands were the probable Ute inhabitants in the Northern part of the Southern Rocky Mountains of Colorado. During historic times, the Parusanuch and Yampa originally occupied the river valleys of the White and Yampa rivers and as far east as North Park and Middle Park in the Rocky Mountains, with territories extending westward to eastern Utah (Callaway et al. 1986). Under the 1868 treaty the Parusanuch and Yampa bands, then called the Yampa and Grand River Ute came under the jurisdiction of the White River Agency at Meeker, Colorado (Callaway et al. 1986). These two northern Colorado bands later came to be known as the White River Utes. Although the present research's main focus is on understanding ancient human past of the RMNP region, in advancing a multidisciplinary approach to archaeological research and in the interest of this pa1ticular study, it is believed that 58

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this cannot be fully accomplished without revealing events that occurred during the "protohistoric" or contact period (with non-Natives) of the Utes. The following paragraphs are swrunaries of works by Marsh ( 1982), Callaway et al. (1986), and a manuscript (Ford 2001), personal visit and discussion with Peggy Ford, historian and program director at the Meeker Home Museum in Greeley, Colorado. There were several events that led to the removal of the Utes from their lands in the Rocky Mountains of Colorado. Gold was discovered in the South Platte River in 1858 According to the Ute Indian Tribal Council, non-Indian miners and farmers wanted the rich "Nutuvweep" (Land). The Utes did not want any strangers entering their "Shining (Uncompahgre) Mountains" (Marsh 1982). In addition, the White River agency had gone through eight agents before they appointed Nathan Meeker. He resolved to run the agency efficiently and fairly, and instituted reforms he hoped would satisfy both the U.S. government and the Utes. Upon arrival, Meeker obtained the 1877 and 1878 Ute rations which had sat in a warehouse in Rawlins, Wyoming Territory for 18 months, and began distributing the Utes' annuities on time. Meeker told the Utes that modem farming and irrigation, plus education, would enable them to become "self-sufficient" and "assimilated" into the dominant Anglo culture However, the Utes were skeptical, and gaining their trust and respect was not an easy task for Meeker for many reasons: (1) the San Juan Cession of 1873 "released" 4,000,000 acres of the Utes' land for Anglo ownership to "relieve tensions" as miners flocked into southwestern 59

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Colorado Territory; (2) after Colorado became a state in 1876, migration to the western slope escalated as people discovered the agriculture, mineral, and ranching potential of the area; (3) the new governor, F.W Pitkin, was elected to office on his "Utes Must Go" platform; and (4) Chief Ouray and his Uncompahgre people were forced to sell 10,000 acres of farmland, and were not paid the promised $10,000. Furthermore, in 1878-1879, Meeker relocated the old agency headquarters to the Powell Valley, a site more conducive to agriculture, and had the Utes construct an irrigation ditch. However, the nomadic hunting and gathering lifestyle of the Utes made Colorado Anglo settlers "uneasy" and was "incompatible" with the regimentation fanning required Meeker argued that he could change the Ute way of life by killing their horses. The Utes were upset to see their valley and grazing plowed and angry with Meeker's suggestion that their horses, which were considered as great wealth, be sold or shot. Tensions mounted during the summer of 1879 and several Utes threatened Meeker. Concerned for the safety of his family and employees, Meeker requested federal troops be sent to the agency. The Utes warned Meeker that they would attack if troops trespassed onto their lands Ignoring the concerns of the Utes, Major Thomas T. Thornburgh and three cavalry units were dispatched from Ft. Fred Steele. As they crossed Milk Creek, the White River Utes killed Meeker, during the "Meeker Massacre" of 1879. The White River "Massacre" was the last Native American uprising in Colorado. Although twenty or fewer Utes were responsible for the "massacre, 60

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commission hearings were held and testimonies recorded from the captives and the Utes. Three bands of Utes were held responsible for the "massacre and their treaty right and title to their Colorado lands revoked. As a result of the 1880 treaty council, the White River Ute were forced to sell all of their land in Colorado and under armed escort they were then moved to an area just south of the Uintah Reservation in Utah. In 1882, under another executive order, the Parusanuch and Uncompahgre bands were marched to the newly established Uncompahgre Reservation, also named Ouray after the Uncompahgre chief (today known as the Uintah-Ouray Reservation) (Callaway et al. 1986). 3.2 Origin of the Utes Scholars do not agree on where the Utes came from or when they began living in the Rocky Mountains of Colorado. Archaeological evidence neither confirms nor disproves the Utes' claim of occupation for thousands of years. The Utes will tell you that they have been here from the beginning of time. According to their oral traditions, the Northern Utes have always been the mountain people, hunting and gathering in the mountains, thus adapting to the mountain environment for thousands of years Histories of their origin are told from generation to generation. According to Fred Conetah (1982 : 2), a Ute elder of the Uintah-Ouray Ute Tribe, "All the People know of their beginnings and recognize who is their Creator:" 61

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The Ute Creator, Senawaf, made the land for the use of the Indians. He created the buffalo, the deer, and other animals for food and clothing. He caused the earth to produce berries and roots He also created the People In the beginning there were no people on the earth. Far to the south, Sinawaf was preparing for a long journey along the river to the north. One day Senawafbegan to cut sticks and placed them in a bag. This went on for some time, until the bag was full. One day when Senawafwas away, Coyote, known for his curiosity opened the bag to see what S enawaf was doing. Many people came out, all of them speaking different languages, and scattered in every direction When Senawaf returned there were only a few people left. He was angry with Coyote, for He had planned to distribute the people equally in the land. The result of the unequal distribution, caused by Coyote, was war between different people, each trying to gain land from his neighbor. Of the people remaining in the bag, Senawaf said, "This small tribe of people shall be Ute, but they will be very brave and able to defeat the rest" (Conetah 1982:2) According to James Goss and Clifford Duncan, the river referred to in this narrative is the Colorado River (pers. conununication). Furthermore, historical records provide limited clues concerning the origin ofthe Utes. To determine the origin of the Utes, researchers have turned to the analyses of linguistic and archaeological data. Wright (1978 : 115) posits that lexicostatistical data indicate that a Proto-Nwnic language originated in the southern Sierra Nevada foothills and evolved into Numic by A.D. 1. Within the Numic language group, there are three branches, each with two languages These branches begin in Death Valley, on the California-Nevada border and radiate in a fanlike distribution throughout the Great Basin and onto the Colorado Plateau and Rocky Mountains (Bettinger 1995; Grayson 1993; Stone 1999) [Figure 3 2]. Wright (1978) suggests that the Nwnic language and component dialects then spread 62

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rapidly to the northeast across the Great Basin at approximately A.D. 1000. Lamb ( 1958) and Bettinger and Baumhoff ( 1982) place the rapid spread of the Shoshone, Paiute, and Ute languages slightly later, occuni.ng probably between A.D. 1100 and 1400. During this expansion, indigenous populations were displaced to the peripheries of the Great Basin because of increasing population pressure from new immigrants and deteriorating environmental conditions (Aikens 1995; Bettinger and Baumhoff 1982; Stone 1999). In researching the hypothesis of immigration by Numic-speakers, Madsen (1975) studied the distribution of well-dated occurrences of Shoshonean Intermountain Ware. His data appear to corroborate the linguistic evidence. Madsen traces the spread of Shoshonean Ware from southern Nevada at approximately A.D. 1000 to the eastern Great Basin by approximately A.D. 1400. Wright ( 1978) seems convinced that the geographic distribution of Shoshone ceramics indicates immigration of peoples rather than diffusion of a technological innovation, but this appears to be open to question. Many archaeologists now accept the hypothesis of immigration, and generally date the appearance of the Ute in western Colorado and eastern Utah between A.D. 1100 and 1400 (Reed 1984). However, in temporal agreement with the Ute origin myth, there is another 63

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"l; .ddll l_ krnrn ;, .., I II: Figure 3.2 Numic-Speaking Territories (ca. A.D. 1800) [Wroth 2000:Figure 4] hypothesis concerning the origins of Ute culture that merits mention, which is that the Utes developed in situ from indigenous groups From data compiled during the Ute Prehistory Project (an effort toward understanding the prehistory of th e Uncompahgre Plateau) conducted by the University of Colorado in the 1960s William Buckles ( 1971) found that there is sufficient continuity in material culture 64

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and lifeways between the Ute and Archaic stage components to suggest in situ development. He detected no stratigraphic discontinuities in sites yielding Ute and earlier components (Buckles 1971; Cassells 1983). However, Buckles approaches this hypothesis with caution because he had not proven the existence of a Ute prehistory. In addition, Kevin Black ( 1991) argues that about 9500 B.P ., late Paleo Indian populations began to inunigrate from the Great Basin into the Rocky Mountains as a result of environmental conditions Referred to as the Mountain tradition model by Black, he shows a continuous presence and cultural continuity in the Southern Rocky Mountains that extends to about A.D. 1300 Although Black contends that the material culture of Mountain tradition sites bears great similarity to sites associated with Numic speakers, he nevertheless defers to the Numic Expansion model of replacement of resident Mountain tradition populations by Numic speaking groups ancestral to the Ute and Shoshone (Echo-Hawk 2000:278). Yet, Black offers no model for the fate of the Mountain tradition peoples. On the other hand, Echo-Hawk suggests that "based upon the similarity of material culture to Numic sites, as well as indications of ongoing ties of Mountain tradition people to neighbors in the Great Basin, it seems reasonable to presume that, for the most part, Mountain tradition groups were absorbed into the Utes, Shoshones, and other Numic speaking tribes" (2000:280, emphasis added). 65

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Furthermore, Wil Husted (1968a, 1968b, 1969, 1995, 2001) with the inception of his Western Macrotradition hypothesis, has argued for years that the Utes developed in situ from indigenous peoples. In these writings, Husted hypothesized that the foundation for western North American cultural development, the Western Macrotradition, was laid by a second major migration from Siberia about I 0,500-10,000 years ago. With the area east of the Mississippi River already firmly settled, these inunigrants, marked by the Agate Basin complex, moved into the North western Plains and westward into the Columbia Plateau and Northern Great Basin (1995:76). Recently, at the Fifth Biennial Rocky Mountain Anthropology Conference in Waterton Lakes National Park, Alberta, Canada, Husted maintained: We have a 10,000-year archaeological continuum in the Middle and Northern Rocky MoWltains illustrated by such sites as Mununy Cave, Medicine Lodge Creek, and many other multiple and single component sites. The latter half of this continuum looks very much like that of the Great Basin. I believe that archaeologists and linguists have been looking in the wrong direction for the origin of our indigenous peoples, the Eastern and Northern Shoshone, Ute and their linguistic relatives to the west. They are moWltain people and the Rocky Mountains are their ancient homeland (Husted 2001:4). Therefore, it appears that the problem of Ute origins is far from resolved. While many archaeologists now accept the prehistoric spread of Great Basin Numic culture, primarily in the form of what we now know as Ute culture, into the northern Colorado Plateau and Southern Rocky Mountain regions, such acceptance is not universal. 66

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4. Ute Material Culture-Before Horses It is important to recognize that the acquisition of the horse (ca A.D 1700) influenced almost every aspect of Ute material culture: shelter, clothing, food and also weapons (Smith 1974). Social organization was also affected by the acquisition of substantial numbers of horses. The following sections of this chapter examine the material culture as well as the social and political organization of the Northern Utes of Colorado during their late prehistoric and protohistoric occupation of the RMNP region, prior to the acquisition of the horse. Four years of archaeological inventory research (SAIPIUNC survey), an extensive literature review, and consultations with Clifford Duncan and James Goss, provide excellent evidence indicating that RMNP is well-represented by what are believed to be Ute material culture and cultural features recorded at 43+ sites (Table 4.1 ), including: 1. Wickiups 2. Culturally Peeled Ponderosa Pine trees 3. Uncompahgre Brown Ware ceramics 4. Triangular side-notched and unnotched projectile points 5. Stone features, including small to large rock cairns, U-shaped and crescent shaped stone walls, ceremonial stone circles, and rock alignments 67

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Site Number 5LR1193 5LR3!l4!! 5LR44!!8 5LR4490 5BL7096 5LR615 5LR1115 5LR1180 5LR3!!57 5LR3911 5LR4499 5LR4503 5LR4509 5LR4511 5LR4513 5LR4548 5LR4570 5LR7009 5LR6962 SBLSO Table 4.1-Forty-three "Ute" Occurrences in the Rocky Mountain National Park Region Material Culture Cultural Site Type Sampling & Cultural Affiliation Technique Features 4 peeled Ponderosa Protohistoric Ute Cambium Dendrochronology trees procurement dating: 1890 I peeled Protohistoric Ute Cambium No collection Ponderosa tree procurement I peeled Protohistoric Ute Cambium No collection Ponderosa tree procurement I peeled Protohistoric Ute Cambium No collt-ction Ponderosa tree procurement I peeled Protohistoric Ute Cambium Unable to dendro date Ponderosa tree procurement I wickiup Protohistoric Ute? Temporary No collection .:amp 3 wickiups Protohistoric Ute? Temporary No collection camp I wickiup Protohistoric Ute? Temporary camp No collection wickiup? & hearth? Protohistoric Ute? Open No colle c tion wickiup" & hearth? Protohistori c Ute? Open No colle c tion wickiup w / cobble Protohistoric Ute? Temporary camp Radiocarbon dates on hearth charcoal: 150 40 BP. 60 40 BP wickiup Protohist oric Ute'> Temporary camp No collection wickiup Protohistoric Ute'! Temporary camp Flake collected I flake wickiup Protohistori c Ute? Temporary camp No collection wickiup Protohistoric Ute'? Temporary c amp No collection wickiup Protohistori c Ute'? Temporary camp No collection 2 wi c kiup s I historic kids Temporary c amp No collection construction I Protohistoric Ute? wickiup Protohistoric Ute? Temporary camp No collection wickiup. stone (tipi) Protohistoric Ute? Temporary camp No collection ring, cobble hearth I projectil e point. Protohistoric Open camp Diagnostics collected lithic tools & Native American d e bitage s tone ring 68 Reference & Date Butler 1997 Brunswig 1998 Brunswig 1999 Brunswig 1999 Butler 199 7 Mue ller 1980 Hartley 1981 Butler 199!! Butler 1996 Butler 199 7 Brun sw ig 1999 Brunswig 1999 Bruns wig 1999 Brunswig 1999 Brunswig 1999 Bruns wig 1999 Bruns wig 1999 Bruns wig 1999 Brunswig 1999 Brun swig 1999 Bruns wig 1999 Husted I ':162 Buns wig 1999

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Table 4.1 (Cont.)"Ute" Occurrences in the RMNP region Site Material Culture & Cultural Site Sampling Reference & Number Cultural Features Affiliation Type Technique Date 5BL94 I projectile point unknown Base camp Diagnostics collected Husted 1962 base, I re-tooling Bruns wig flake 2001 5LR3H! tew flakes & Multi-component Base camp Diagnostics collected Yelm 1935 Uncompahgre pottery Paleo-Indian & Nykamp sherds Protohistoric 1996 Native American Butler 1996 5LR319 12 flakes I biface, unknown Lithic scatter Diagnostics collected Yelm 1935 I projectile point. possible camp Uncompahgre pottery sherds. cobble hearth. metate frags 5LR6\l 2 rock rings unknown Campsite Diagnostics c ollected Buehler 1981 50 flakes Multi-component lithic scatter I projectile point. I glass bead 5LR1094 22 flakes. Multi-component Lithic scatter Point Typology Rosen 198 7 I scraper. Prehistoric / possible I projectile point Protohistoric Ute? campsite 5LR7112 2 projectile points Prehistoric Lithic scatter Diagnosti c s collected Brunswig lithic tools & 2000a debitage. 5LR9826 Lithic tools & Multi-component Open camp Diagnostics collected Brunswig debitage. Prehistoric & 2000a Uncompahgre pottery Historic Native sherds. cobble hearth, American! Eurometal, glass. tin can American 5LR9878 I projectile point. Prehistoric open camp diagnostics collected Bruns wig lithic tools & 2001 debitage 5LR10216 2 rock hearths, I Multic omponent Rock sheher Diagnostics collected Bruns wig projectile point, lithic Prehistoric & Radiocarbon dates on 2001 tools & debitage Historic Native Uncompahgre pottery Uncompahgre pottery American! Euro sherds: 1720 50 BP sherds, solder-dot American cans, porcelain sherds. glass 5LRI0221 2 projectile points, Multi-component Campsit e Diagnostics collect e d Brunswig lithic tools & Prehistoric & 2001 debitage, Protohistoric Uncompahgre pottery Native American sherds. metate frags .. 5LRI0241 2 projectile points. Multi-component Campsite Diagnostics colle c ted Bruns wig Uncompahgre pottery Prehistoric & 2000a. 2001 sherds lithic tools & Historic Native debitage, button American/ EuroAmerican 69

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Table 4.1 (Cont.)"Ute" Occurrences in the RMNP region Site Material Culture & Cultural Affiliation Site Sampling Rererence Number Cultural Features Type Technique & Date 5GA2705 2 projectile points, Multi-component Base camp Diagnostics collected Brunswig lithic tools. lithic Prehistoric & 2001 debitage, 2 hearths, Historic Native crescent shaped rock American wall. metate frags. Uncompahgre pottery sherds 5GA2706 Projectile points. Prehistoric N ative Campsite / Diagnostics collected Bruns wig lithic tools & American Vision quest 2001 debitage. metate frags . 3 rock hearths. stone circle 5LR3950 Large stone ring Protohistoric / Vision quest No collection Butler Historic Native American SLR7090 Stone ring. central Protohistoric / early Ceremonial No collection Brunswig cairn. rock Historic Native stone circle 2000a alignments American 5LR7095 Numerous cairns. Multi-component Ceremonial site No collection Brunswig rock alignments. rock Prehistoric / 2000a. letters & symbols, Protohistoric / 2001 crescent rock wall Native American & Hi s toric EuroAmerican 5LR7100 Rock alignment of 5 Prehistoric / Trail markers No collection Bruns wig rock cairns Protohistoric Native 2000a American 5LR9822 U-shaped rock wall. Prehistoric Native Vision quest. Diagnostic collected Bruns wig rock cairns. oval rock American game blind. trail 2000a wall flake marker. (grave?) 5LR9840 Oval rock waU Prehistoric N ative Eagle trap or No c ollection Bruns wig Ameri c an hunting blind 2001 5LR9850 Rock alignments. Multi -co mponent Ceremonial site, No collection Bruns wig rock cairns. rock Prehistoric / early trai I markers 2000a walls. rock letters historic Native American & historic E uro-American 5BL7640 Rock alignment of 3 Prehistoric Native Trail marker No collection Bruns wig rock cairns American 1999 5GAI095 U-shaped stone wall. Prehistoric Native Vision quest Diagnostics collected Benedict 3 flakes. rock cairns, Ameri c an and/or game 1987. rock alignments drive system Brunswig 2000a 5LR3831 Aspen log cache Pre historic / Possible cache No collection Butler 16 logs Protohistoric Native of aspen for a 1998 American wickiup 70

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4.1 Shelters 4.1.1 Wickiups Wickiups (Figure 4.1 ), also referred to as conical timbered structures, can be attributed to Ute culture with a high degree of confidence. This is evident from ethnographic, ethnohistoric, as well as direct historic accounts (Buckles 1971; Callaway et al 1986; Sanfilippo 1998; Scott 1988; Smith 1974). They were in use before and after the acquisition of the horse by the Utes. Wickiup sites have been associated with Ute occupation because the first wickiups were found in traditional Ute territory and they have been dated to the historic Ute occupation period (Buckles 1971 ). In addition, Escalante described the "huts," which were probably wickiups, in western Colorado in 1776, and ethnographers indicate that all bands constlucted wickiups and similar brush sweatlodges (Callaway et al. 1986). Wickiups were probably the only habitation structure constructed prior to Euroamerican contact by Utes. With the introduction of the horse in the seventeenth century, however, groups began to use tipis. Escalante observed both tipis and wickiups in use in western Colorado in 1776. As the Utes adopted an equestrian lifestyle and absorbed influences from Plains tribes, use of the wickiup decreased According to Smith ( 1974), the size of the brush shelter was determined by the length of time it was to be occupied. If it is was to be used for only a few days, it was small and not very carefully made. The winter shelter, on the other hand was 71

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much larger and was very carefully made. Wickiups were constructed of gathered or cut poles arranged together forming a cone with the pole butts resting on the ground surface or pushed slightly into the ground. Stones occasionally partially or completely encircled the poles, perhaps supporting the poles or acting as weights for a hide covering. Wickiups varied radically in size from 1 to 2 m in diameter to over 6 m in diameter. They tended to have randomly selected poles of uneven size and length, generally eight to twenty (but as many as eighty) poles, laid up to form the cone. Brush piled on top of the conical timbered structure would serve as a windbreak for temporary camps as well as a supplement for regular winter camps. Photographic and archaeological data suggest the interior of some wickiups may have had a single hearth (documented in winter shelters) or no hearth; and activity areas tend to be located to the exterior of the structure (Scott 1988). According to Pettit ( 1996), an average of five persons is estimated to have lived in each summer wickiup. On the other hand, Smith (1974) contends that the winter wickiup was big enough to sleep ten or twelve people. The following is a detailed description of the winter wickiup by one of Smith's informants: The winter wickiup was about 15 feet in diameter and 10 to 15 feet high. A hole for the fire was dug in the middle, directly under an opening that had been left for a smoke hole. They did not bum juniper in the fireplace because it might pop and set the shelter on fire. Pine was the best firewood. The wood was kept outside the house. Food and water were kept in the house on the right of the doorway as you entered. Water was not kept overnight; a fresh supply, was brought in every morning in the basket water jug. The husband and wife slept north of the fire (doorway facing east) the grandmother and other relatives south of the fire, and guests anywhere they 72

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pleased, usually west of the fire with the older children. Bedding was of shredded juniper bark, cattails or other plant material that was soft. Rabbit skin blankets were used both as bed covering and clothing. They used buffalo hides, tanned on one side, hair left on the other, to sleep on and also to cover themselves with. They slept with the hair side next to the body (Smith 1974: 36-37). Based on the research of Johnson ( 1972), Kidwell ( 1969), and Scott ( 1988), wickiups are most often found in sheltered and secluded areas, on mesas, benches, or other promontories but never directly at springs or along streams. Furthermore, in Colorado conical timbered structures are usually found in well-timbered pinyon or juniper forest environments. In the Rocky Mountains, they have been noted in ponderosa pine and aspen forests as well. Although wickiups continued to be used by the Utes into historic times, the pattern of small wickiup groups living together in isolated areas gradually disappeared with the acquisition of horses, which gave larger groups the ability to travel with their tipis. Documented RMNP wickiup sites are found in lower montane forest zones occurring between 2500 and 2700 meters (Brunswig 2000a:23-24). Unfortunately, most of the known wickiups in the Park have collapsed, due to old age and especially high winds (Butler 2000). However, fortunately, they are usually readily apparent since they exhibit a broadly conical arrangement of collapsed aspen poles, usually in the middle of pine forests (Figure 4.2). A few very rare lean-to wickiups anchored against the side of a large tree or granite rock are known, and some are 73

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4 1 Standing wickiup (Nabokov and Easton 1989:44) 4.2 Collapsed wickiup (5LR615) 74

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suspected of reflecting a very late Ute presence in the Park. Fourteen structures have been identified in the past four years of SAIP / UNC surveys in Horseshoe Park Moraine Park, Hollowell Park, Aspenglen, Beaver Meadows, among other locations throughout RMNP (see Appendix A). Unfortunately, due to their organic nature wickiups are subject to rapid deterioration in the mountains and most probably date to no older than two to three centuries (Brunswig 2000a). 4.1.2 Sweatlodges and Menstrual Huts A simpler brush shelter accommodating four to five people the sweatlodge (involving "sweat ceremonies") and menstrual hut, were also used by all Ute bands. Clifford Duncan contends that: Throughout their history, Utes have used sweat ceremonies for various purposes: for healing, cleansing of the spirit, and guidance of the spirit. The sweatlodge is a small dome-shaped wickiup structure measuring about eight to ten feet in diameter and four feet high at the center. Its door always faces east. Like all Ute ceremonies, it varies according to the belief and teachings of the person who conducts it. It may be simple or very elaborate (Duncan 2000:220). According to Smith (1974) a sweatlodge was heated with rocks carried from a fire outside, and steam was generated from pouring water over the rocks. Sweating served for bathing at any time and in addition was considered efficacious in the cure of sickness, with or without a shaman (Smith 1974). Men usually took sweat baths with other men, and although less frequently, women with other women. However a husband and wife sometimes would bathe together. One of Smith s informants describes the ritual activity involved in bathing in a sweatlodge: 75

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The men would tie up their penises with rags to protect them from the steam and they might stuff their nostrils loosely with soft sagebrush bark. After the men entered the lodge they would sing. The songs could be about hunting, battle, the sun, just like a preacher talks and prays for the people. If someone was not feeling well, some sagebrush might be placed on the hot stones. This would produce a pleasant smell and was considered good for you. After they had sung a while someone would say, "I'm going to put water on the rocks now." The water was poured over the rocks Then the steam came up and everybody was in misery. They would sweat and pretty near died. They would be brave and stay there until the steam died down. Then, when it became cool in there, the boss of the group (the man who built the lodge) told them they could go and take a swim. They were so weak they could hardly move to the river (Smith 1974:43-44). Smith's informants (1974) maintain that in the summer the menstrual hut was made of willows, and in the winter, of cedar. A new shelter was made by a woman every month. When a girl first menstruated she would tell her mother, who would build the hut and gather lots of soft cedar bark to use as pads. The pads were tied to a buckskin string belt. Her mother, or another older woman, would stay in the hut with the girl and advise her on proper behavior: You should drink lots of hot water to make the blood flow easily, you should not eat meat or your skin will darken, you should not eat salt; your cooking and eating must be done in special baskets. You should never touch your face or your head with your hands and you should always use a scratching stick, otherwise, your hair will fall out. You should not touch your teeth or they will fall out. When you are sick don t say anything, just answer questions Just be quiet and you'll be all right. Be a good woman, live with your husband, take good care of your children and you won't be sick. Don't get mad, just be a good woman all the time like I'm telling you. A woman should be natured. Don't tum around. When you get a man, settle down, don't look around for another man. Treat your husband good be kind to him (Smith 1974: 147). 76

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When the ten days of seclusion at the first menses were completed, the older woman bathed the girl with yucca or sage, and clothed her. Smith (1974) contends that the menstrual hut, after the first few days, was a sociable place. Seclusion was only for three or four days, and several women might be there together, grinding seeds and making baskets. Although brush shelters, such as menstrual huts and sweatlodges, have been recorded ethnographically and ethnohistorically, such structures have not been identified to date in the Park. Further research of the documented wickiups in the RMNP may provide new information or evidence for their construction as menstrual huts or sweatlodges. 4.2 Subsistence Prior to the acquisition of the horse, the Ute lifestyle was the result of a highly successful adaptation to their environment. During the year their nomadic journeys were limited to the area they could cover on foot. Migrations were determined by a knowledge of where and when the resources offered by nature were ready for harvesting. No food source was overlooked. Big horn sheep, buffalo, deer, elk, fish, birds, snakes, lizards, caterpillars, insect eggs, and even vast swarms of crickets were eaten in season or dried and preserved for winter use. A favorite method of preparing fresh crickets and grasshoppers was to place them in pits lined with hot stones where they were covered and roasted (Pettit 1996). In addition, they ate nuts, 77

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seeds, fruits, plant stalks, bulbs, roots, and the inner bark of trees (also referred to as the cultural peeling of trees, as discussed below). 4.2.1 Gathering Gathering, preserving, and cooking were usually considered women's and children's work. Pettit ( 1996) maintains that boys and girls leamed how to do everything together until they were ten to twelve years old, when the boy was separated from the women and girls and joined the men to learn how to hunt larger animals. While the boys were with the girls, they learned what plants were edible and to cook and sew, while girls learned to shoot a bow and arrow, snare a rabbit, catch a fish and build a shelter. Every person needed to know the basics of surviving with the materials available to them in preparedness for ever being lost or left alone. As previously mentioned, the Utes collected and ate nuts (i.e., acorn, pinyon, etc.), seeds (i.e., sunflower, grass, etc.), fruits, plant stalks, tubers, roots, berries, and thistles. Although gathering was done by women, men sometimes helped in the gathering of pinyon nuts (Smith 1974). In most cases gathering was not carried out by task groups, although females from an extended family sometimes joined together and gathered berries or seeds ripened from early spring to late fall (Smith 1974:65). 78

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4.2.2 Culturally Peeled Trees In addition to gathering vegetation, the cultural peeling of trees (to obtain cambium) was widely practiced by the Utes (Figure 4.3). The following paragraphs paraphrase the comprehensive research conducted by Martorano ( 1981, 1987, 1988, 1989a, 1989b) in order to gain a perspective on the utilization of inner bark. Martorano notes that tree bark and bark substances have been utilized aboriginally for a variety of functions. The four primary uses were as ( 1) a food source (both as an emergency or starvation food and as a delicacy or sweet food), (2) a raw material for constructing various objects, (3) a building material, and (4) for medicinal purposes. The inner bark and sap were used medicinally "as a drink for tuberculosis, stomach troubles, cuts, infections, rheumatism, heart problems, gonorrhea, and colds. And, the inner bark of most varieties of pine has also been used by Native Americans for food in cases of impending starvation" (Martorano 1988:10). A paper by White (1954) entitled "Scarred Trees in Western Montana," gives a detailed description of inner bark utilization and procurement methods based on information from native informants. White's information was collected from Ute informants who remembered how the inner bark was harvested. According to his informants, the tree peeling process took place as follows: 79

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1) A tree was elected for peeling; 2) bark from a vertical notch 15 20 em long was removed from the tree and inner bark was eaten; 3) if it was considered "good," an area was selected for removing a larger section of bark. At this point in the debarking process a horizontal cut was made through the outer bark with an ax; and 4) a sharpened branch or pole called a "debarking stick" was inserted under the cut and used to loosen and pry the outer bark from the tree with an upward motion. The strips of outer bark were also sometimes stripped downward from the trunk as well as upward, resulting in one or more points at both ends of the scar The inner bark was then removed from the outer bark slabs with a scraper (White 1954:5). Figure 4 3 Culturally peeled ponderosa pine tree (5LR2193) 80

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In the early 1900s, the Utes reportedly used a scraper shaped from a metal baking powder can Prior to that, a scraper was made from a mountain sheep hom (White 1954). Martorano asserts that these scars can be distinguished from other types of natural scars, such as lightning scars, which are usually long and thin, and often extend along the entire length of the tree. Scars from fires usually begin at the base of the tree and are triangular in shape with the widest edge along the bottom of the tree About one pound of illller bark could be obtained from a scar measuring 1 7 inches (43 em) wide by four feet (122 ern) long. Nutritional analysis of the illller bark (phloem) reveals that it contains "calcium, significant amounts of carbohydrates, iron, magnesium, zinc and other potentially nutritional substances" (Martorano 1989a:9). Martorano suggests that the scraping of the illller bark was completed in the vicinity of the stripped trees because the slabs of outer bark were too bulky and heavy to be taken back to the camp. Once removed from the outer bark the illller bark strips were then prepared for storage or consumption. They could be cut into small strips and rolled into balls or tied into knots and packed in green leaves to prevent drying out (White 1954). One of White's informants William Gingros, noted that "not much would be wasted as it sure was good" (White 1954:7) Finally, Martorano contends that the peeling process was undertaken primarily by women and was usually done near a campsite. The trees were peeled 81

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in the spring, usually in May, when the sap in the tree was rwming and the bark was easiest to remove (Duncan pers. conummication and Martorano 1988). Therefore, in addition to serving as an emergency measure, the peeling of trees could have also been a seasonal event. To date, a total of five culturally peeled tree sites, of probable Ute origin, have been recorded in Beaver Meadows, Horseshoe Park, Tuxedo Park, among other locations in RMNP (see Appendix B). Martorano (1981) observes that peeled Ponderosa Pine trees in Colorado have been tree-ring dated between A.D. 1793 and the 1890s, with most dates occurring between 1815 and 1875. However, dendrochronology dates for the peeled trees located in site 5LR2193 range from 1908 to 1970 (Bach 2000). The late dates for these peeled trees represent a problem since the Utes had been restricted to southwest Colorado and Utah reservations by the mid 1870s. However, individuals and small groups of Ute visited their former Front Range Mountain and eastern plains tenitories as late as the 1870s, after they were restricted to reservations in the west (see Clark 1928). As a result, it is possible that these peeled trees were made by Euroamericans imitating this same type of bark procurement or doing the peeling for other purposes. Earlier tree peeling dates (ca. 1908-1919), however, could possibly be related to Utes who revisited their former tribal tenitories after the reservation system was initiated, a practice that continued past their "confinement" to reservations. 82

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4.2.3 Hunting Smith's (1974) informants stated that deer was the preferred meat. Although, the Utes may have preferred deer or buffalo meat, a significant proportion of their diet involved smaller land mammals and fish. The Northern Utes used game drives, forcing animals into narrow areas where they were usually ambushed and killed. Yarded-elk were hunted by surrounding them in deep snow. "Sometimes a small group of hunters would stalk elk, killing them when the elk tired, floundering in deep snow" (Smith 1974-54). The following is a detailed discussion of an elk drive conducted by Northern Ute hunters: A group of men would get together to discuss when and where they would have an elk hunt and select the boss of the hunt. He was chosen on the basis of his reputation as a good hunter. In late fall when elk were fat, a stout corral was built below a low cliff, possibly ten feet high, and the edge of the cliff was disguised with green brush. Long converging wings were constructed of piles of brush at intervals, with people standing along the lines of the V, between the brush piles. (Women never participated in an elk hunt.) When an elk herd was located, hunters would drive it to the area enclosed by the wings and over the cliff. Sometimes as many as 200 elk were driven over the cliff into the enclosure, where they were killed by spears or clubs. The game belonged to whoever killed it, but, if the hunt boss had not killed very many, others would donate part of their kill to him (Smith 1974:55). Another type of game drive system involved a series of natural or constructed rock alignments and U-shaped or circular rock walls referred to as game blinds. The rock aligrunents were physical and psychological barriers used to channel animals to a specific area. Once in this confined area, hunters hiding in the rock blinds would have the opportunity to ambush the unsuspecting herd. Duncan 83

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maintains that animals will instinctively shy away from human manufactured rock structures, thus allowing hunters the ability to maneuver or channel the animals by "driving" them upslope and toward a saddle on a mountain ridge (pers. communication). The game blinds, low pits often lined with rocks, were utilized in several ways: (1) as a low spot in the saddle where a hunter could hide from the animals before attacking them, (2) as a vision quest site where a hunter could contact guardian spirits for aid in the hunt, and (3) as a place for offerings to the guardian spirit and/or to the spirit of the animal taken in the hunt (Brunswig and Duncan pers. communication). In addition, it is very probable that most game drive hunts took place in the early hours of the morning when the sun was just rising over the mountains, for a couple of reasons: ( 1) the animals were blinded by the rising sun, and not able to see all of the features and activities on the slope and having an instinctive tendency to walk towards light, they would walk right up to a waiting, crouching hunter, and also (2) the sun was/is considered a source of high spiritual power, aiding the hunters in their hunt. However, it must be recognized that because animals possess distinctive behaviors, it is conceivable that different strategies and rituals were used to hunt various types of game (i.e., elk, deer, big hom sheep, etc.). The following is Benedict and Cassells' (2000) interpretation of the Bob Lake game drive (5BL127) located in Indian Peaks Wilderness Area of the Southern Rocky Mountains: 84

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Structures near the east end of the site were used to ambush game found grazing in the streamside meadow northwest of Betty Lake. The animals were driven upslope, in the direction of prevailing ground-level winds, toward a saddle on the crest of the tundra ridge. Thirteen blinds and two natural hiding places on the bouldery knoll east of the saddle allowed hunters to intercept animals that attempted to escape eastward along the ridgecrest. Two circular blinds just west of the saddle may also have been manned, although semicircular blinds at that location probably were not. Animals that continued northward toward the Jasper Creek drainage could have been killed by hunters concealed behind the abrupt break in slope at the far end of the saddle. If all of the blinds and cairn-marked natural hiding places were utilized, the drive system would have required twenty to twenty five hunters (Benedict and Cassells 2000: 13-14 ). Rock alignment game drive sites are well known in the Southern Rocky Mountains of Colorado, including the RMNP region (e.g., Benedict 1987; Brunswig 2000a, 2001; Cassells 2000) In addition to hunting, men spent many hours fishing. Fishing was a primary source of food and protein. Commonly bare hands as well as spears and handmade hooks made of bone or wood were used for fishing in shallow water (Smith 1974:61 Stewart 1942:249). Smith ( 1974) and Stewart (1942) further report that fish not eaten immediately were split down the middle, so the backbone could be removed, and laid across two poles to dry. Dried fish were stored according to methods described below. Informants ofboth Smith (1974:64) and Stewart (1942 : 253) claim that fish and other food were cached in a variety of places, including storage platforms in coniferous trees with branches thick enough to protect it from rain and snow and in grassor bark-lined pits. Pits were dug under cliff overhangs, lined with bark, and 85

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filled with sacks of food, which were then covered with bark, grass, rocks, dirt, and more rocks. A fire was built on top to conceal the pit; however, bears occasionally found and robbed the caches (Smith 1974:67). 4.3 Technology 4.3.1 PotteryUncompahgre Brown Ware Archaeological and ethnographic evidence indicates that the Ute manufactured and utilized ceramic vessels. Brownware pottery found in western Colorado is generally regarded as Ute (Reed 1988). Finds of Ute pottery have been reported in the Rocky Mountains (e.g., Black 1982; Benedict 1985; Gooding 1981), in northwest Colorado (Creasman 1979), west central Colorado (e.g., Annand 1967; Buckles 1971 ), southwestern Colorado (Heikes 1979), and eastern Utah (Lindsay 1976). Ute pottery never appears to have been manufactured in great quantities. Relatively few Ute pottery sherds occur on sites in western Colorado, and most of these occurrences represent single vessels (Armand 1967; Reed 1984). The similarity of brown ware sherds from sites near the Uncompahgre Plateau of western Colorado led Buckles ( 1971) to define the type as Uncompahgre Brown Ware. Past research on Uncompahgre Brown Ware ceramics (Benedict 1989; Black 1982; Buckles 1971; Creasman 1979; Gooding 1981; Heikes 1979; Reed 1984, 1995) has yielded chronometric dates ranging from A.D. 1100-1750 (Buckle's argument for continuity). In temporal agreement with these dates, Uncompahgre 86

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Brown Ware sherds collected from site 5LR10216 in RMNP measured a radiocarbon age of 1720 50 BP (Brunswig 2002a) Armand ( 1967) and Buckles ( 1971) have provided excellent descriptions of Ute pottery. The vessels generally consist of jars with slightly flaring, wide necks, low shoulders, and pointed to gently rounded bases (Figure.4.4). The rounded bases may differentiate Uncompahgre Brown Ware jars from the flat-based, "flower-pot" form common to Shoshonean Intermountain Ware, although there is some overlap between the two types on a case-by-case level. The vessels were micaceous tempered and manufactured by coiling; coils were obliterated by rubbing (Buckles 1971) or by paddle and anvil (Annand 1967) Vessels were fired in a reducing atmosphere and are consequently dark gray to brown in color, thus, termed "brown wares." Most examples of Intermountain pottery in Colorado and Wyoming also tend to have a higher frequency of crushed granite temper versus the more common use of quartz or quartzite sand temper (Figure 4.5) Another characteristic of some, not all, Uncompahgre Brown Ware ceramic vessels, is patterns of fingertip or stick impressed markings (see Figure 4.4, left photo) Unquestionably Uncompahgre Brown Ware is the most diagnostic artifact in identifying Ute archaeological components, but care should be taken in its identification due to some shared traits with Shoshonean Intermountain Ware. Uncompahgre Brown Ware sherds have 87

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Figure 4.4 Uncompahgre Brown Ware pottery (ca. A.D. 1400-1700) [Wroth 2000: 113] Figure 4 5 Uncompahgre pottery sherds (5LRI0216) 88

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been recorded in several sites in the Park, including those found at Lawn Lake, Forest Canyon Pass, Cache La Poudre, Mununy Pass, Lake Helene, Bighorn Flats, and Kawuneeche Valley (see Appendix C). 4.3.2 Stone Tools Before metal was introduced the Utes made a variety of chipped and ground stone tools. Ground stone tools included round or oval manos and thin slab and deep trough metates used to grind seeds, nuts, rubers, and berries. Mortars and pestles, which were rarer, consisted of a bowl-shaped cavity pecked into a stone into which the elongate, rounded pestle fit. Mortars and pestles were used more for mashing meats, berries, and nuts than for grinding (Callaway et al. 1986). Numerous red and gray sandstone metate fragments have been documented in 27+ sites throughout RMNP (Figure 4.6) [see Appendix D]. Among the chipped stone tools were knives, unshaped stone flakes used for skinning animals, scrapers, drills, and projectile points, especially a comer-notched type. Preferred materials for chipped tools were fine-grained cherts, quartz, and obsidian. Although conunon to many Park archaeological sites, such as those located in Bighorn Flats, Mununy Pass, Thunder Lake, among others, two projectile point types, small triangular side-notched and triangular unnotched points, provide a somewhat less reliable source of evidence for Ute components (see Appendix E). The two types are known by a wide variety of terms from California to the Great Plains 89

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Figure 4 6 Sandstone metate fragments5GA2705 (top photo), 5GA2706 (bottom photo) 90

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and are broadly characteristic of many different cultural groups from ca. AD. 9001850. In the eastern Great Basin and northern Colorado Plateau, they are referred to as Desert Side-notched projectile points (dating between A.D. 1200-1700) and Cottonwood Triangular projectile points (dating between A.D. 950-1150) [Figure 4.7]. Most archaeologists working in Colorado's eastern plains, foothills, and mountains tend to simply refer to them as side-notched and unnotched points. They are common in Plains Apache (Dismal River), Upper Republican, and early historic sites not associated with the Utes throughout the north central and northeast Colorado regions and are only useful in identifying Ute components when found in association with other Ute diagnostic materials. (5LRl5) (5LR90) 0 1 2 ems Figure 4.7 Small triangular side-notched and unnotched projectile points 91

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4.4 Social and Political Organization 4.4.1 Kinship The following description of Ute kinship ties is summarized from accounts by Duncan (2000), Jorgensen ( 1972), Pettit (1996), Schroeder (1965), Smith (1974) and Stewart (1942). There is evidence for the existence of bands among the protohistoric Ute before they received horses (Schroeder 1965). Ute bands were mobile exogamous groups composed of several households that were usually related through the matriline and resided matrilocally. A household consisted of the father, mother, children, grandparents and the husbands of the daughters. In most cases, individual households would occupy separate dwellings and would be autonomous with regard to whether they desired to leave camp and move to another relative's camp. Families were held together by their respect for the headman (usually the eldest man in the family) whose status was usually derived from his hunting prowess and from his successful direction of camp movements. Bands provided a common defense against other tribes, and arbitrators mediated disputes between bands or individuals within a band. However, the political functions of Ute bands were limited; they did not form alliances nor did they punish individual crimes (Smith 1974:334). Bands readily moved to new locations and did not own land. A man might live with another band but he would still retain membership in the band of his mother. These close family ties fostered common ownership of food and supplies. 92

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The hunter's game and the women's harvest was shared with the elders and others not able to provide their own livelihood. 4.4.2 Warfare Informants of Pettit ( 1996) maintain that Spanish policy, trade conditions, or aggression on the part of other tribes would result in the Utes alternately being allies or enemies of the Spanish, Navajo, Arapaho, Apache, and Comanche. When it would benefit them, the Utes would join forces with one or the other. Spanish and Indian relationships in Colorado during the late 1600's and early 1700's were generally of benefit to both peoples (Pettit 1996). The Utes, who raided and were raided frequently, had ceremonies for activities both before and after conflicts. Raids were mainly initiated for economic "booty" (i.e., buffalo furs, knives, meat, among other items), but they were also conducted for captives to trade as domestics to the Spaniards, for women who were sometimes married and adopted with the band, and to avenge the death of a warrior (Pettit 1996). 4.4.3 Burial Butler (2001) contends that with the exception of works by Nickens (1984, 1988), Smith (1974), and Stewart (1942), information on Ute burial practices is rare. Most accounts of Ute burials place them in rock crevices, usually under low rock overhangs, in natural geological "fissures," or in narrow erosion (or frost-heave) channels (Buns wig and Elinoff 2001: 12; Butler 2001; Duncan pers. communication; 93

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Nickens 1988; Smith 1974: 150-152). The following is a burial description as told by one of Smith's Northern Ute informants: Find a place where there is lots of rocks. Move these rocks and dig until there is just enough space to lay the man out straight. Wrap the body in buckskin, place it in the grave, with the head to the west then pile on poles and brush, and lots of rocks on top (Smith 1974: 150). Grave offerings usually consisted of items of a ... personal nature and included those items thought necessary for the afterlife, such as weapons, ornaments, and utilitarian implements. Food and water were often placed in the grave as well" (Nickens 1988:28). According to Butler (200 1 :2), the usual animal sacrificed in the literature for the Ute was the horse, with the number apparently related to the status and wealth of the deceased. Nickens (1988:28) maintains that "protection ofthe interment from animals was effected by covering it with rocks or other materials. A rock covering appears to have been the most common approach and is mentioned in a majority of the written accounts." As discussed with Duncan (pers. communication) and in agreement with Butler (200 1 :2), the use of rock cairns to protect and mark burials is a common Ute burial practice. The probability that the Utes constructed a certain type of rock cairn for burials in the RMNP region is further discussed below. 94

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5. Ute Ideology: Astronomy, Cosmology, Ceremonies, and Rituals Ideology: the knowledge or beliefs used by human societies to understand and cope with their existence (Kipfer 2000:250). 5.1 Astronomy and Cosmology The Great Spirit is our Father, but the earth is our Mother. She nourishes us; that which we put into the ground she returns to us, and healing plants she gives us likewise. If we are wounded, we go to our Mother and seek to lay the wounded part against her, to be healed (Conetah.1982) Unequivocally, as discussed above, Ute beliefs hold Mother Earth, in her entirety, to be sacred-with the sun, moon, and stars moving around it. The sun comes up in the east and goes down in the west. It is the sun-wise direction, and interpreted by the Utes as being the right-handed direction (Duncan and Goss pers. communication, see also Goss 2000). The Utes always did (and still do) things in the right-handed direction. For example, when approaching a sacred site, a Ute individual enters from the left and circles in the clockwise direction, orienting him/herself in a circular pattern-a sun-wise circle. As observed by Goss (2000:33), the Ute ritual life is in many ways divided into fours; ... the horizon is a circle separated into four quarters based on north, south, east, and west." He continues: As you look at the landscape in the language of the people, they have a term for the sky, and they have a term for the underworld. The traditional view was that the Earth was sort of like an island and it was surrounded by water. 95

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The underworld was sort of considered as a mirror image or a reflection of this world. Their view was the sun and the moon and the stars and the planets, of course, were going through the underworld, below the Earth, during the nighttime and then they came up again over there. So they were circling around this island Earth, if you will, and another part of that image was that the Utes, of course, were focused on the mountains, and they considered the mountains their territory (Goss 2000:33). The moon sets in the west and rises in the east. "The morning star is the messenger saying to every human being, animal, and other living creature that the light of the Great Spirit is coming and that every living thing should be ready for Him. This is the reason every living thing awakens from their sleep after they see the morning star" (Conetahl982 : 15). He continues: "After the morning star comes, the dawn grows into daylight. The half-light preceding sunrise, with darkness still covering the earth, is the time that all the night spirits and other night creatures should be heading back home to sleep for the day. Then early-in-the-morning comes, and after that sunrise" (Conetah 1982: 16). The Utes designated time according to the position of the sun: right-aftersunrise, mid-morning, before-noon, noon, little-afternoon, afternoon, towardsevening, sunset. evening which meant the end of the day, and the dusk which became darkness. At night the Utes relied on the movement of the stars to tell time: before-midnight, midnight, after-midnight, and the towards-morning again. Certain stars told the Utes of the coming of fall and that winter was soon to come. The movement of certain stars also told them when winter was over and that spring would soon come (Conetah 1982) 96

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The knowledge of the movement of the sun, the moon, and the stars gave the Utes an insight as to where they belonged in the vast creation of Sinawaf Likewise, most ceremonies and rituals required performance at special times, for example, calendrical rituals, such as spring and fall equinoxes or the winter and summer solstices, at sacred sites within the sacred landscape. 5.2 Ceremonies and Rituals Animals and birds have always played a large part in ceremonies of the Utes, and some ceremonies were dedicated to these animals. One of the oldest traditional ceremonies belonging to the Utes is the Bear Dance-mama-kwa-nhkap. The Utes have a variety of narratives about the origin of the Bear Dance, but they all retain the same meaning and center around a young hunter who meets a bear just coming out of hibernation. The bear told him never to hunt bears, and that if he would do the Bear Dance as the bear described, the Utes would always be successful hunters. This dance involved the entire community, celebrating the coming of spring, with the bear coming out of hibernation ; the awakening of spirits; winter returning to its home in the north; and the return of summer from the south, both summer and winter being guardians of the world ( Conetah 1982 ). The Bear Dance was not performed according to a rigid set of rules. It lasted from four to ten days, with couples dancing in a large area. The dance was the woman's choice. The couples would dance back and forth, three steps forward, two steps back, until exhausted. The Bear Dance continues to be performed even today. 97

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However, the focus of the ceremony has changed from hope for good hunting to concern for the well-being of the Utes and others (Duncan 2000:219). Another ceremony that has survived over the years is the mid-summer fasting ceremony-Tah-gu-wau-ne, meaning "standing in thirst"-also known as the Sun Dance. Though the ceremony is for men only, the entire family participates. The Sun Dance today remains a test of a man's spiritual and physical endurance (Duncan 2000:219). For three or four days and nights participants fast and drink no water. They dance all day long under the scorching summer sun and sleep on the dance ground. Drummers beat the drums and family and friends stay near to offer emotional support. The dance is used to make an adjustment in spiritual balance, to renew or replenish spiritual powers. Men may dance for spiritual cleansing, or health purposes, or for someone else who is in bad health, for spirits, or for relatives who have moved to the spirit world (Duncan pers. communication). Religion, song, and dance are inseparable in Ute life. The Circle Dance, War Dance, Shield Dance Dog Dance, Tea Dance, Lame Dance, Double Dance, Square Dance, and Coyote Dance are all of a social nature and a more recent protohistoric/early historic origin than the important annual Bear Dance and Sun Dance. The more recent dances require a larger gathering of neighboring tribes, friends, and relatives, as an opportunity to socialize, for feasts games, family visits, and meetings to discuss family and tribal problems and triumphs (Pettit 1990:85). 98

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5.3 Vision Questing Members of many Native American tribes sought healing power, success in battle, or a guardian-spirit by fasting in isolated and remote places, such as mountaintops, buttes, or mountain ridges. Many of the sites had, therefore, excellent views of the surrounding landscape, be it a mountain the Plains, a river valley, or a lake. This was the "vision quest." This prevalent practice of Native Americans took place (and still takes place) within the context of a rich spirituality a strong and empowering attitude toward life and the earth which supports it. All of the principal historic and protohistoric Colorado tribes (e g., Apache, Comanche Shoshone, Ute, Cheyenne, and Arapaho) pursued the vision to a greater or lesser extent (Benedict 1985:2). Of the seven Ute bands studied by Stewart (1942), only the Tabiwache (Tabeguache or Uncompahgre) Ute are listed as having sought guardian spirits and shamanistic power by fasting on mountains. However recent discussions with Clifford Duncan, a YampatikaTabiwache Ute elder, have revealed that the Y ampatika and Parasunuch Ute, as well, practiced the vision quest in very similar ways to that of the Tabiwache. When asked to consider the cultural significance of the landscape, it is still common for the Northern Utes to think first of sites for vision questing. Many of the Northern Utes had sought visions by this once-imperative method Fasting took from two to four days in a wilderness location uncontaminated by the human sights 99

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and smells that spirit powers find offensive. Duncan maintains that the vision and its search dominated Ute religious thought (pers. communication). The following paragraphs summarize discussions with Clifford Duncan and James Goss, and an extensive review of Ute literature. While certain aspects of Ute beliefs cannot be revealed because of the secret powers they hold and their esoteric nature, these findings shed light on Ute cosmology and religion. Northern Utes had a basic belief that all living things required some supernatural force in order to exist This supernatural power, which was impersonal, was not sought but came with life. In the Ute camps and on journeys from place to place the Utes knew there were evil forces, which caused sickness accidents, bad weather, and other things harmful to their bodies and minds. In order to protect themselves from the evil influences, the Utes communicated with spiritual powers. Likewise, they relied on the natural powers of the sun moon stars, earth water, plants, and animals. As discussed above, central to the religion of the Ute was "Power" (Puwa) The person possessing special Power was a Puwagudt or shaman. They played an important role in Ute religion, as well as one of a healer a curer of illness. However the position of Puwagudt is a matter of debate. While Callaway et al. (1986), Duncan (pers. communication), Jorgensen (1964), Smith (1974), and others suggest that the position of Puwagudt was shared by men and women, Conetah (1982), Fowler and Fowler (1971) and Pettit (1990), among others claim that the 100

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role of Puwagudt was entrusted to only men. This matter is not to be taken lightly. One need only consider the issues surrounding gender in archaeology (i.e., division of labor, decision-making, social status and competition, etc., see also Willey 1992) to understand the importance of clarifying who fulfilled the role of Puwagudt for the Northern Utes. However, through extensive literature research and discussions with Clifford Duncan, the author of this study is in agreement with those who believe that the role of Puwagudt was shared by men and women. This research revealed that young girls and boys, and young women never possessed the power to heal. While men, young boys, and certain elderly women were allowed to touch eagle feathers, young girls and young women were not allowed to touch them. The belief was that if a woman touched the feathers, it degraded them, and they no longer possessed their spiritual powers. Moreover, it lowered the man's resistance to being killed. Some elderly women, on the other hand, referred to individually as "old lady" or "grandma" did possess healing spiritual powers and used eagle feathers for healing (as further discussed below). In addition, young boys who were "destined" to become Puwagudt and showed "signs" at an early age of possessing healing abilities were taught by Puwagudt elders of their curing ways. These Puwagudt "apprentices" gained their power at an early age through visionary encounters (i.e., dreams, visions, etc.), in which an animal, bird, or a small dwarf called Pitukupi'' would reveal methods for cures. song and dance patterns, and social rules (Jorgensen 1972; Pettit 1990). 101

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Visionary encounters with Pitukupi, also referred to as "little people," is a conunon ritual practice among the Utes. According to Clifford Duncan (pers. conununication): Little people live in the earth as a spiritual existence, underneath the ground. Their homeland is the high country-the mountains. Some live in caves but most of them live in the highest places of the mountains, under natural rock formations and human manufactured stone circles. The little people are our guardian spirits and in order to become acquainted with them we make an offering. Then they know us, and in return, when I do my prayers, songs, rituals and ceremonies, I ask them to help me. They become my helpersmy personal guardian spirits. Dreams were taken seriously by the Utes, both as a source of individual or shamanistic power, and as a foretelling of what will happen (Smith 1974: 166). The wisdom and knowledge gained through visionary dreams were obtained from physical and mental hardship. Since these hardships could not be experienced in their homes, Puwagudt or select Ute individuals made long solitary journeys, often to very high and remote areas such as mountaintops and ridges, in order to find the given Power. After reaching the mountain's sununit, and through the processes of fasting and offerings, the spirits would allow an individual entry into the sacred, but only if deemed worthy. Offerings to the spirits included anything that was sacred to the Puwagudt, such as, a plant, tobacco, eagle feathers, small arrowheads, etc. Arrowheads were symbolic of cutting away the evil that is actually attached to a sick person's body. Again, these "access points" or "portals" to the sacred were revealed to only the petitioner through dreams and visions. 102

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When you reach the top you are struck by the wholeness of nature: you can see far in every direction and you realize how much more you know about the world than the people down below by having gained a new perspective from which to view the landscape. These high solitary sentinels put the Vision Seeker closer to the Great Spirit and allowed him to see farther than he had seen before. Looking down, with the wind blowing his mind clear of thoughts he could feel an unidentifiable presence there (Powers 1982:49). After attaining the Power, a primary responsibility of a Puwagudt was to rid the body ofthe evil-the disease. Disease was not a condition of the body, but an entity, something that took possession of the person to do them evil. The individual who was sick and suffering informed the Puwagudt, who would sit up all night consoling that person and taWlting the evil spirits that rested in his/her body. They used various animal or bird powers in the form of skins, bones, feathers, and various plants for their healing rituals. Eagle feathers were and remain very sacred. Duncan contends that one of the reasons that eagles had high spiritual value is because "they flew down and ate the Pitukupi. Therefore, the eagles were closer to the Pitukupi they were actually with them, but were not friends" (pers. conununication). Sometimes healing of a sick person required the participation of more than one Puwagudt, often calling for a female Puwagudt : When grandpa doctored a really sick person, he went to the old lady. He said, "You watch out for me. I am going to doctor this person and you watch what is going on and help me." So while he doctored the sick person, the old lady sat in her home, in the dark with an eagle feather in her hand. She possessed a special relationship with that feather. Her mind was on the sick person. The spirit jumped out of the sick person's body and boWlced around. Sometimes it went out of the house and it bounced against the trees 103

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because it did not know where to go-it no longer had a body. Then the old lady saw that spirit and reached out with the feather and caught it, like a ball player with a mitt. She caught the spirit with the eagle feather and flipped it back to grandpa, who put it back into the sick person's body. Then the sick person came back to life. They both possessed that healing power-a man and a woman (Dtmcan pers. communication). Dtmcan maintains that the process of healing involved two parts: ( 1) the body, and (2) the spirit. He continues: Before you are born into the world, the spirit enters the body through the mother. Before that, you are just a body. When that spirit leaves the body, your body drops and you die. The entrance into the body is in the soft part of the skull. When you feel a baby's head there is a soft spot on top where the spirit enters. The Puwagudt will shoot that spirit from outside the body through that spot on top of the head. It is the doctoring of the spirit within the body, not the body and then the spirit (Dtmcan pers. communication). It took many generations for the Puwagudt to acquire a complete knowledge of the herbs and plants used for healing, obtaining powers, and warding away evil spirits. They discovered through visions and by their own experiments on themselves or other persons what was good for them and what was not. They also observed sick animals, paying close attention to which plants were eaten as cures for their illnesses (Dtmcan pers. commtmication). Through these processes and the use of visions, chants, drums, and rattles, the Puwagudt determined the ailment and, therefore, what curative plant should be given. Treatments included sage leaves used for colds, pine pitch for wounds and sores, a powdered obsidian and sage tea mixture for sore eyes, grass to stop bleeding, and teas from various plants for stomachaches (Pettit 1990:83). 104

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From where the Puwagudt derived their Power is not told to anybody but to those who believe in the Power Ethnographers and archaeologists might challenge and analyze the product used by them, but they cannot find the Power behind it. Only the Puwagudt knew where to go and which plants, bones, feathers, or other things they had to gather to make their Power work. This is what Goss (2000) refers to as the "one who knows the way"-the Puwagudt. The Power they obtained was for the good of the People only. However, according to Conetah (1982: 17), "Once, when a man with Power thought that nobody was watching, he started to use the Power in his own selfish way-bad medicine was born. The Power of bad medicine can be derived only from the dead, animals or human beings." Ethnographic resources in the Park considered the most sacred by the Northern Utes and Ute Puwagudt are ( 1) specific geological features such as sacred mountains, valleys, rivers, among others, and (2) specific sites, such as archaeological stone feature sites, used by the Puwagudt and other individuals for vision questing, or for other ceremonial and ritual practices. Many of these stone features are found above treeline with a panoramic view of the various mountaintops and valleys encompassing RMNP. The Northern Utes would return to these isolated overlooks throughout their lives, to fast and wait for the visitation, or re-visitation, of their particular guardian spirits While there are differing-points-of view on the actual practice ofvision questing among Native Americans, an essential component is isolation from the familiar cultural world. 105

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6. Ute Sacred Sites-Archaeological Stone Features The SAIP/UNC field surveys (1998-2001) have identified dozens of stone features, ranging from rock cairns (in various shapes and sizes), ceremonial stone circles with stones radiating from a central cairn, U-shaped and crescent shaped stone walls (interpreted as vision quests and/or fasting beds), circular walls (often referred to as blinds), and rock alignments (game drives, and perhaps, astronomical alignments) [see Appendix F]. Most are located on remote mountaintops, ridges, and along ancient trails. As documented below, many of the stone features were most likely produced by late prehistoric or protohistoric Ute groups for a combination of ritual and economic purposes. All of the following site descriptions are taken directly from the Master Site Catalogue Roc/..y Mountain National Park Systemwide Archeological Inventmy Program Surveys, University of Northern Colorado (Brunswig 2002b ), site records on file with the Colorado Office of Archaeology and Historic Preservation, or from an article titled Shamans, Spirit Power, and Cultural Landscapes in Mountains Territories: Ute Archaeology and Culture in Rocky Mountain National Park (Brunswig and Elinoff 2001 ). 106

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6.1 Rock Cairns Rock cairns, or hwnan-manufactured rock piles, are a very common feature in the Southern Rocky Mountains (Figure 6.1). If they are sufficiently old, they may be associated with prehistoric artifacts, eroded down, covered in lichen growth, and partly buried. Cairns are believed to have served a nwnber of purposes for Native Americans during prehistoric, protohistoric as well as historic times. They may have served as monuments, marking special events such as battle sites or places of death of certain individuals, as trail markers, shrines where offerings were periodically left and rituals conducted, places of burial for ordinary or special individuals, and as elements of astronomical observatories and calendar sites (Gulliford 2000: 81, 90-91 ). According to Clifford Duncan: Tall rock cairns (ca. I+ meters in height) may have been geared toward animals to appear as if a man was there, so the animals would shy away from that particular place. Low flat cairns (under 50 em in height) were meant more for the individual. These were constructed symbolically to tie in with another site or a trail. A rock cairn can be constructed for both reasons, it is a matter of where it was located on the landscape, or if it was visible from another point across the valley. They may have been used as a sense of direction or as a place for spiritual work (Duncan pers. communication). Rock cairns constructed for offerings appear to be a common practice among the Northern Utes. As discussed with Clifford Duncan, offerings were used to get acquainted with a new place, landscape, or trail that the Utes had never experienced before. Duncan suggests, "The first time it is going to be real tiring like going over 107

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Figure 6.1 Rock cairns (5LR7095) -low flat cairn (top photo) small cairn (bottom photo) 108

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a hill because the land itself does not know you. The trees, plants, and animals do not recognize you, so you make an offering, and the next time you go through this particular place, they will know you. Sometimes rock cairns were constructed and used to hold the offerings" (pers. communication) Rock cairns were sometimes constructed with an interior large hollow space or cavity. These may have been used by Puwagudt to place offerings. Duncan maintains that "if there was a feast, the Puwagudt, before they themselves ate, took some of the food outside and put it down so that the spirits could eat before they did. The Puwagudt made the offerings in a special place-it could have been on a flat rock, or inside a rock structure, or on a natural rock formation" (pers. communication) Site 5LR 10227 is a hollowed rock cairn structure which may have been used as a place for offerings as described by Duncan (Figure 6 2, below). Figure 6.2 Hollowed rock cairn structure (5LR10227) 109

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A unique and large rock feature complex site (5LR7095) includes all of the known sub-types and configurations of cairns docwnented in the Park. The site consists of multiple clusters and alignments of large to small rock cairns (a minimum nwnber of five cairn clusters and cairn alignments with 122+ individual cairns), a semi-circular rock wall (a possible vision quest feature), stone circles, rock wall alignments, and more recent rock outlined symbols and letters (i.e., "God is", "DPU", "JB", PH", a cross and star, a crescent, a Yin Yang symbol, and a peace symbol) [Figure 6.3]. The site is located along an east-west trending tundra ridgeline dominated by a 3767 m high knoll on Trail Ridge. The Ute Trail runs through the physical center of the site and then divides into two branches. One branch descends to the Colorado River (Kawuneeche) valley and the other branch runs to the north into the Poudre River valley and east down the Fall River valley While some of the stone features are obviously historic in origin, many others are probably prehistoric or protohistoric Native American. Global Positioning System mapping and documentation of site 5LR7095 in late summer of 2001 resulted in the recording of 122 cairns in at least four clusters or alignments, with a dozen or so more that were noted but not recorded due to insufficient time (Bnmswig and Elinoff 2001:11 ). A preliminary analysis of cairn types suggests the existence of at least four cairn classes: ( 1) small to medium size 110

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Figure 6.3 Rock symbols (5LR7095) Peace sign (top photo), Cross & Star of David (bottom photo) Ill

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(up to 7 min height) trail cairns (occurring along trail alignments), (2) small to medium size cairns, sometimes with hollows in their lower base, situated in alignments or part of larger clusters with other classes of cairns, (3) medium to large cairns (1-3 m in diameter and up to 1.5 m in height) with peaked profiles, and ( 4) medium to large cairns ( 1-4 m in diameter and up to 1 m in height with a domed, or flattened, top). Some of the cairns, based on lichen growth or lack of lichen growth, surface weathering patterns, or evidence of fresh construction (uneroded stacks), are relatively recent, while based on the same criteria, many are believed to be early historic or prehistoric in origin (see Brunswig and Elinoff2001: 11). According to Brunswig and Elinoff (200 1:12-13 ), Trail Ridge site 5LR 7095, given the previous mentioned traits of Ute burials, is a natural location for a special burial place (cemetery) for several reasons. First, the site's geology is a tundra boulder fell field, created by thousands of years of frost heaving. Granite bedrock has been fractured into hundreds of thousands of rocks ranging from small cobbles to medium sized boulders (ca .. 05 to 1 m in length). The creation of "patterned" ground in the form of stone nets and frost-heave fissures also creates places for graves since the V -shaped crevices only have to be excavated of their loose stone fill, the body placed inside, and the crevice re-filled with a resulting above surface cairn to mark the burial. Second, the Ute believe that certain locations and forms of topography, such as mountaintops, rivers, and lakes, have strong spiritual significance due to ( 1) their role in mythology, (2) the belief that powerful 112

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spirits inhabit them, and (3) their location at the boundary separating the living and spirit worlds, which is particularly attenuated and subject to shamanic contact (as discussed above). Moreover, a large number of cairns at site 5LR7095 are believed to represent burials, possibly of important people (i.e., Puwagudt, leaders, elders, among others), that accumulated over the many generations when the Park region was part of traditional Ute summer hunting territory (Duncan pers. communication, see also Brunswig and Elinoff 2001 : 11 ). 6.2 Stone Circles While most stone circles are considered to mark former conical tent (tipi) foundations, a few others are not so clearly remnants of domestic architecture. Three particular examples are a stone circle on Trail Ridge, a second on Bighorn Flats, and a circular feature documented on a glacial moraine bench in the Glacier Creek valley. The Trail Ridge site (5LR7090) is a largely buried stone ring, 5 min diameter, embedded in an alpine tundra saddle (Figure 6.4). It is located a short distance (ca. 40 m) from the Ute Trail and has a central feature, consisting of a central cairn with three small boulder alignments radiating outward. One alignment points toward Longs Peak (the Ute sacred Beaver Mountain) [Figure 6.5], a second aligns with the rock feature complex (Figure 6.6), and the third is in general alignment with the vision quest site (5LR9822) [discussed below]. Its location 113

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Figure 6.4 Ceremonial stone circles5LR7090 (top photo), 5GA2706 (bottom photo). 114

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Figure 6.5 Longs Peak Ute sacred Beaver Mountain Figure 6.6 Ceremonial site-rock feature complex 5LR7095 115

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provides a clear view of the rising sun over the eastern Trail Ridge mountains and of Longs Peak to the southeast. The Bighorn Flats site (5GA2706) is situated in and around a dwarf spruce fir krununholz stand on the upper southwest slope of an alpine ridge knoll west of the Continental Divide. Documented as feature (No. 3), this stone ring is a three meter diameter circle of boulders and cobbles and believed to represent either the foundation of a former hide-covered tipi or a vision quest/ceremonial circle. The Glacier Creek site (5LR3950) is a single tiered stone ring feature situated on a moraine slope rock bench overlooking the Glacier Creek valley that is possibly a vision quest site (Figure 6. 7). It is constructed of several small boulders ( 15-30 centimeters in diameter). Lichen growth connecting sides of two of the boulders suggests at least moderate antiquity. The site presents both a view of the sun rising over the southeastern ridgeline of the valley and an unobstructed view of Longs Peak-again, considered a spiritually powerful place in Ute tradition. Similar to the stone alignments described above, the Glacier Creek site is suspected of having served as a place of vision questing and, possibly, astronomically related rituals. Consultation visits to the above stone circle sites, provided information that suggests their affiliation with Northern Ute cultural and religious practices. Clifford Duncan has described the function of stone circles as serving an important role in many Ute rituals as follows: 116

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Figure 6.7 Glacier Creek ceremonial stone circle-(5LR3950) 117

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One common ingredient in many ceremonies was stones laid upon the ground in a circle. Past ritual sites with stone circles can be found throughout original Ute homelands. These stone circles are individual ritual sites, and are still considered sacred today. They were not used in a uniform, structured manner. Each medicine man or spiritual man who practiced shamanism had its own ritual. Generally, the circles were used for rituals benefiting the immediate family or band (Duncan 2000:218). According to Duncan (2000: 218), such features "were used by the shaman for contacting the spirit within, to draw a particular animal spirit to the ritual, as a boundary to keep out evil spirits, or perhaps as a marker of the site." 6.3 U-shaped Stone Walls The primary archaeological evidence of a vision quest site is the vision quest structure. Building of a rock stmcture, generally out of rock talus or fell field boulders in the Park region, was distinctive to the individual-there were no defined regulations. Thus structures vary depending upon individual requirements, season, materials available, and the instructions from a Puwagudt (Duncan pers communication). Though subject to great variation, favored forms of vision quest structures were the oval circular pits or depressions and U-shaped or crescent shaped rock structures. These ranged from a single tier of rocks to several successive built-up tiers of loose stone walls. The inside of the structure was just big enough to accommodate one individual with an inside length of about four to six feet. In almost all cases, the long axis is east and west, with the opening toward the east. The rock structures are referred to as vision quest sites, dream beds, fasting 118

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beds, or prayer seats. They tend to be located in higher relief elevation mountain terrain. SAIPIUNC field surveys have resulted in the documentation of seven possible vision quest features in the Park region (see Appendix F). A well-known and documented site is 5GA1095. This prehistoric and protohistoric site, first recorded by Benedict (1987: l-27) is located on a high alpine knoll overlooking Milner Pass and consists of several prehistoric cairns a U-shaped stone wall fasting bed measuring 2m in length and 1.2 m wide (open to the east) and three chert and quartzite flakes (Figure 6.8). It is interesting to note that Benedict also suggested several cairns and alignments found in the vicinity of the fasting bed feature that directly overlooks Milner Pass and the northeast headwaters branch of the Colorado River were part of a former game drive system (Bnmswig 2001 ). 5LR9822 is another probable vision quest site located on a high tundra mountain knoll overlooking Forest Canyon (Figure 6.9). This prehistoric site includes a semi-circular rock wall thought to have served as a game blind (facing down slope), three rock cairns (at least two of which may be historic based on their condition), aU-shaped stone wall feature (interpreted as a vision quest/fasting bed), and an oval configuration of granite rocks that, on appearance and based on lichen growth, appears to be quite old. The latter feature is believed to represent a heavily 119

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Figure 6.8 Vision quest site-rock fasting bed (5GA1095) Figure 6.9 Vision quest site-rock fasting bed (5LR9822) 120

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eroded marker or ritual cairn or even possibly a small prehistoric grave. The only artifact recovered from the site was a single chert flake lacking cortex (Brunswig 2001). In the late swnmer of 2001, five other vision quest features were documented on Trail Ridge as part of the extensive 5LR 7095 stone feature complex site. At the eastern edge of the site at the upper margins of a ridge slope are three side-by-side U-shaped depressions created by the excavation of rock talus (Figure 6.1 0) All three features open to the east to southeast and provide an excellent view of the eastern tundra ridges of Trail Ridge, the rising sun over those ridges, and the 4346-meter high Longs Peak (to the southeast) [Brunswig and Elinoff2001]. The two remaining vision quest features, both U-shaped depressions excavated from boulder field talus and open to the north-northeast not east, are located on the north side of the site's main (cluster 1) stone feature concentration ridge knoll (Figure 6.1 0). All of the U-shaped vision quest features compare well with others known to have been constructed by Numic and non-Numic tribal groups in the western United States and the Central and Southern Rockies (see Conner 1982; Fredlund 1969; Gulliford 2000: 81-86; Nobakov and Loendorf 1994: 96-104, Figures 3.15, 3.16, 3.22, 3.25, and 3.27). 121

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Figure 6 10 Vision quest site rock fasting beds located on the eastern edge (top photo) and northern side (bottom photo) of site 5LR7095. 122

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6.4 Crescent Shaped Rock Walls In late summer of 200 I, Bruns wig and Elinoff (200 I: 15) documented a crescent shaped rock wall feature as part of the Trail Ridge stone feature complex (5LR7095). It is also directly associated with a cluster oflarger and smaller rock cairns centered on a large dome (flattened) top cairn. Designated Feature 36, the crescent-shaped wall is 2.4 m long and .30m in height and is open to the northwest (Figure 6.11 ). Its function is unknown, but its partly buried stones suggest a prehistoric age. However, because of its association with the cairn cluster, it appears to have had a ritual function. Another suggestion is that it served as an actual or ritual game blind. A very similar crescent-shaped feature on a ridge slope at the Flattop Mountain Game Drive (5LR6) (elevation-3643 m), was test-excavated by SAIP/UNC archaeologists in the sununer of 200 I. Benedict identified the feature (No. 56) [1996 : Figure 33] as a hunting blind, used to ambush game as they were being driven up the south-facing ridge slope on Flattop Mountain. The Flattop blind appears to be older than the Trail Ridge example but its close similarity in form and construction suggest a possible cultural relationship. The use of stone walls for game blinds was documented by Omar Stewart (1942:247) from Ute informants in 193 7 and a similar feature was identified by Ute informants near the Ute Trail in western Colorado (see Gulliford 2000:127). 123

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Figure 6.11 Vision quest site-crescent shaped rock wall (5LR7095) 6.5 Rock Alignments Rock alignments are well known from game drive sites in the Park and elsewhere in the Southern Rocky Mountains (Figure 6.12) [Benedict 1987, Brunswig 2000a, 200 I; Cassells 2000]. Typically, rock alignments (single to double tiered lines of rock) found in association with other drive features are interpreted as having served a physical and psychological barrier used to help maneuver game into ambush areas or kill zones (Brunswig and Elinoff 200 I, see also Bruns wig 2000b ). In addition SAIPIUNC archaeological crews have documented dozens of historic rock alignments marking trail margins or former paths at cabin, ranch, and tourist lodge sites (see Brunswig 1999, 2000a, 2001 and 2002a). 1 2 4

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Figure 6.12 Rock alignment (5LR15) Occasionally, however, short rock alignments occur in contexts that are not so easily explained. Short ( 1-5 m) rock alignments are occasionally found as isolated features on tundra ridges or within larger stone feature complexes, such as documented at 5LR7095 and 5LR9850. Some appear to be recent, but others embedded in tundra soils are older, in some cases, much older. One possible explanation for some alignments is their use as astronomical markers for lunar, solar, and star constellation positions and change of season calendars (see Brunswig 125

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and Elinoff 2001 ). Others may point to natural topographic or cultural feature sites of ritual or mythological significance. Although these explanations are somewhat speculative, it is reasonable to expect such features, as well as others described in this study, to have once functioned as part of a symbolic sacred landscape. 6.6 Discussion and Conclusions The rock cairn, stone circle, U-shaped and crescent shaped rock wall, and rock aligrunent sites in the RMNP region appear to be sacred places where the Northern Utes fasted to obtain healing power, success in battle, and communicated with guardian spirits. Some of these rock feature (i.e., U-shaped, crescent shaped or oval rock wall) sites located along ancient trails, mountaintops, and ridges fit a composite model reconstructed from ethnographic accounts and oral narratives of the vision quest. They are high places, remote from secular influences, yet accessible from campsites in the valleys below. They offer a commanding view in all directions, and their mountaintops and ridges have a majestic beauty and spiritual character (Figure 6.13). In addition to serving as vision quest sites, Ute constructed stone circles may also have been astronomical observatories. As suggested by Goss: We've just begun to realize that these are sort of observatories and probably had to do with ceremonies during solstices and the equinoxes. The way they are set up, the orientations are the same as the observatories and the pyramids the Aztecs and the Mayan had in Mexico. But you see up here they didn't have to build the pyramids and the observatories, they had the mountains. All you do is get where you can look out on the horizon and you 126

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Figure 6.13 Scenic view of RMNP 127

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can mark the points on the horizon, mark the solstices and the equinoxes, and you can read the solar calendar right on the horizon, and you focus on sacred moWltains at a particular time of the year (Goss 2000:32). Again, as mentioned above, most Ute ceremonies and rituals require performance at special times, for example, calendrical rituals, such as the spring and fall equinoxes or the winter and sununer solstices. Sacred places of the Northern Utes, which are visited during these special times and at other times, are found in a variety of types: (l) vision quest sites, such as rock fasting beds, (2) burial areas and cemeteries, (3) sites of ceremonial structures, such as stone circles, ( 4) sweatlodges, (5) gathering areas where sacred plants, stones, and other natural materials are available, ( 6) places for offerings to spiritual beings and animals, such as rock cairns, and (7) geological features that have sacred (usually mythic) meaning (i e., moWitains, rivers, etc.). Furthermore, through consultations, field surveys in RMNP, and an extensive literature review, it is possible to describe the Nmthern Ute religion of ancient historic and historic times in terms of a number of core features, which include: (1) mythic accoWits explaining cultural origins and cultural development as distinctive peoples, (2) a special sense of the sacred that is centered in natural time and natural geography, (3) individuals, referred to as Puwagudt who teach, cure, and lead their people in the conduct of their ritual life, ( 4) conununication with sacred spirits and powers through dreams and visions, (5) a belief in dreams and visions as the principal sources of religious knowledge, (6) a belief that while all aspects of 128

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nature are potentially sacred, there are certain times and geographical locations which together possess great sacredness, and (7) a major goal of religious life is gaining the spiritual power and understanding necessary for a successful life, by entering into the sacred at certain times and sacred places. From this view, sacred sites and sacred landscapes function as fundamental ingredients of ritual in Northern Ute religion. Sacred sites within the sacred landscape are joined with the sacredness of the seasons, the sun, the moon, the stars, to form a complex set of sacred transitions customarily celebrated in numerous rituals. Of course all known religious beliefs possess some sense of the sacred. For example, Durk.heim ( 1954:48) has defined the sacred as follows: A religion is a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that is to say, things set apart and forbidden-beliefs and practices which unite into one single moral community called a Church, all those adhere to them. This division of the world into two domains, the one containing all that is sacred, the other all that is profane, is a distinctive trait of most religious traditions. However, Native American notions of the sacred may diverge somewhat from Durk.heim's definition given above Among Native Americans the sacred is more founded on the idea that it is an embedded attribute of all phenomena Accordingly, Brunswig and Elinoff suggest that Northern Ute sacred landscapes were perhaps '"integrated in terms of the 'sacred and the profane."' They continue, "In some cases, ritual features occurred in the same locations as economically utilitarian 129

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hunting features such as game blinds, reinforcing the concept of a seamless cultural landscape incorporating spiritual and socio-economic aspects of Ute culture. Shamanic ritual (vision quest) sites, astronomical rock alignments, and sacred cairns, served to appease powerful spirits, focus spiritual power for the success of the hunt, and appease (and celebrate) the spirits of the game animals taken in the hunt" (Brunswig and Elinoff 2001: 18). Sacred sites serve to identify fundamental symbols and patterns of the Northern Utes. They are places of communication with the spirits, portals where people enter the sacred. Thus, they are a link between the world of humans and the sacred, where spiritual power can be attained. Moreover, sacred sites also project an image of the social order of the less visible hwnan relationships. They create an organization. These sacred symbolic systems, when superimposed on geography, give it significance and intelligibility. Sacred sites for the Northern Utes are natural maps that provide direction to life and shape to the world They give order to both geographic and social space, and by ordering space they order all that exists within it. And finally, although it appears that the docwnented archaeological stone feature sites in RMNP are sacred without reference to Native American oral tradition, no authoritative conclusions can be formed. Without oral traditions we would know very little about the past of the Northern Rocky Mountain Ute. As underscored in this thesis, oral traditions and the archaeological record both provide 130

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important historical knowledge about the ancient past. While oral traditions and archaeological data have limitations in and of themselves, putting them together as well as with all the available relevant information to archaeologists, the knowledge of a past event is greatly extended. This corroborative process, the implementation of a multidisciplinary approach to archaeological research, will more richly reveal the ancestry and ancient history ofNorth America. 131

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7. Conclusions: Implications for the Archaeological, Ethnographic, and Ethnohistoric Research of the RMNPRegion This study has demonstrated that the symbolic sacred landscape of the Northern Utes provides a framework for integrating many different forms of information and different aspects of human life. Identifying the historical specificity, through oral traditions, of the landscape idea has opened up conceptual avenues for an insightful kind of landscape archaeology. This approach will still require that we identify and plot traces of a past activity on the landscape; but the uses to which these traces will be put will have to go beyond the 1960s, '70s, and even '80s reconstruction of economic regimes and speculate as to how the land may have been perceived by past people Although, the Northern Rocky Mountain Utes are gone from Colorado, archaeological, ethnographic, and ethnohistoric evidence of the Utes' past is continually being sought and discovered in the valleys and mountain ridges of their homeland. Collapsed aspen-pole wickiups stand on a bench in the Southern Rocky Mountains of northern Colorado. Large ponderosa pine trees bear the scars of bark removal by Utes who gathered the inner bark for food and other purposes. Small triangular side-notched and unnotched projectile points and fragments of Uncompahgre Brown Ware pottery provide evidence of technology used by Ute 132

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men and women during ancient historic and historic times. Charcoal from hearths shows where the Utes camped. Culturally constructed stone features, in various shapes and sizes, profess to the ritual and ceremonial activities practiced by the Utes. These artifacts and features, the cultural and ethnographic resources of the Northern Utes whose ancestors lived in Colorado for hundreds and possibly thousands of years, inform us about the past. Specific sites and locales in RMNP live on in collective memories and oral narratives ofNorthern Utes; as a cultural and ritual connection to a homeland that existed before the Park and a cultural and ritual practice that dates from the beginnings of their time. The Utes who live on the Uintah-Ouray, Ute Mountain Ute, and Southern Ute Indian Reservations look to the future while preserving many of their important values and traditions. Brett (2002) and the author of this thesis have observed that the Northern Utes have expressed a desire to come to Colorado from Utah to visit their homeland. Brett contends that this is a matter of reestablishing contact with a part of their ancestral territory, long denied them, that was of importance. They all identified with the region in a cultural or historical sense, as part of a sacred landscape, as part of a definition of who they are as a people (Brett 2002:50). A staggering number of oral narratives, not yet told to archaeologists, must be heard in order to gain a better understanding of the relationship between oral traditions and the archaeological record. Researchers working in areas with a 133

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known ethnographic presence, such as RMNP, should make every effort to be familiar with the written as well as the oral record. In oral societies, oral tradition gives intimate accounts of their history that are otherwise apprehended only from an outsider's point of view, from the etic perspective. It cannot be emphasized enough that such oral narratives are irreplaceable, not only because information would otherwise be lost, but because they are sources from the ernie perspective. Oral traditions, as narrated from an insider's view, provide a rich context for the anchoring of social identity. It is equally important to recognize that the Northern Ute (and other Native American) elders of today are the last remaining generation whose grandparents and parents lived during the protohistoric periods of the RMNP and other regions throughout North America. These tribal elders are growing older with each passing year, and although their memories and narratives live on with each succeeding generation, the gap widens between their firsthand experiences and those secondthird-fourth-hand experiences of their children. Although it is argued in this study, as well as in others, that oral traditions have great historical depth and have survived over hundreds and possibly thousands of years, scholars have only recently begun to recognize and record these orally transmitted events as having any significant historical value. Furthermore, it has been brought to the author's attention that fewer and fewer Native American children are learning and transmitting the oral traditions that exemplify their social identity-who they are as a people. Tribal 134

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historians, elders, leaders, among other tribal members, are making ardent moves to educate their children and to work collaboratively with archaeologists, ethnographers, and ethnohistorians, in order that North America learns of its rich ancestry and ancient history. It is imperative that archaeologists recognize the potential loss of this invaluable historical source to the discipline of archaeology but more importantly to humankind As an integral part of North America's culture history, these memories and narratives need to be understood, respected, and preserved-not only because they are cultural patrimony, but because they enrich us all. A final message by Clifford Duncan: If we have certain places that are protected and persevered, this could be a teaching mechanism, not only for visitors to RMNP, but also for Native Americans. If we Indian people are going to survive, today, the only thing that is uniting us, that is keeping us together, is our tradition. Tradition does not have guidelines. It is the way we do things. It determines our identity, who we are as a people Figure 7.1 Clifford Duncan and Louise Elinoff 135

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Appendix A: Site Descriptions -Wickiup Sites 5LR615 Survey Area: Weinmeister Site Description: Aspen deadfall logs leaned against dead, standing central aspen with bark still present at base. Aspen trees also used around base for cribbing. Doo1way faces south-southeast. Only sides are detectable-a well-utilized door threshold, consisting of 1) a single log facing SW, and 2) a 2-log side facing 22w Structure has to be more recent than central standing aspen tree or than most recent aspen pole on site. There is no evidence of exterior covering for poles. 5LR2115 Survey Area: Aspenglen Site Description: Three wickiups made of aspen. Wickiup No. 1 on north facing under 5 degree slope some 20 meters from the southern edge of a meadow. Wickiup No. 1 was standing (leaning against a Ponderosa Pine) when first discovered in spring of 1995; the wickiup collapsed in June / July due to high winds. Two small charcoal samples taken but not dated. Wikciups Nos. l and 2 are due south and on top of a flat area on the end of a moraine (?) some 10 meters above Wickiup No. 1 Wickiups 2 and 3 are inferred to be the remains of wickiups based on location and layout of logs on surface. 5LR2180 Survey Area: Horseshoe Park Site Description: Collapsed wickiup made of ca. 70 aspen poles is located on a flat area on the otherwise north sloping side of a ridge separating Hoseshoe Park from Hidden Valley. Elevation is at 8710 feet (2657 meters). Soil is a dark brown sandy loam on granitic bedrock. A soil depth of probably no more than 30 em is estimated. Poles are ca. 3-4 meters in length and collapse area is ca. 4 by 4 meters in size. Collapse is slightly to the northeast which is consistent with collapse caused by winds out of the west. A single granitic cobble ca. 30-40 em in size was noted under several poles in what might have been the center of the wickiup. Distribution pattern of poles suggests a door might have been located on the south/southeast side. No external hearths or charcoal were noted. 136

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5LR3857 Survey Area: Lower Beaver Meadows. Site Description: The site is believed to be one or more collapsed wickiups or, possibly, renmants of a small, collapsed aspen grove. This conclusion was drawn due to the patterned distribution of aspen poles inside a current ponderosa pine grove. The grove is located on the rolling, eroded terrain of lower Beaver Meadows on the upper terrace portion of Beaver Brook (which lies to the south). The aspen pole scatter pattern was not definitively identifiable as being like known Native American wickiup in the area. However, a simple hearth was found in the general area of the site, supporting its possible role as a wickiup camp No artifacts were noted. Overall site dimensions are 75 by 40 meters. Local plant life includes ponderosa pine trees and short grasses. 5LR3911 Survey Area: Upper Beaver Meadows. Site Description: This site is a historic short-term camp consisting of a temporary lean-to style structure, an associated wood (fire wood?) pile, and a rock cairn or disturbed hearth. The site, based on the partly weathered and eroded condition of its structure and features, is considered to represent a temporary camp dating to the late early to mid 20th Century. Its overall site dimensions are 15 X 8 meters, forming a rectangular pattern. The site is located at the base of steepest portion of lateral moraine which abruptly turns into a much gentler sloping forest covered terrain and drains northward into Beaver Meadows. The local plant life includes ponderosa pine trees and buffalo/blue grama grass. 5LR4499 Survey Area: Horseshoe Park. Site Description: Largely intact aspen pole wickiup in ponderosa pine forest on an upper portion of glacial moraine separating Horseshoe Park from Little Horseshoe Park, the latter to the south. The site is suspected of being early Historic or protohistoric Native American in dates and its tribal affiliation is believed to be Ute. No artifacts were found in the site vicinity or in subsequent testing. The wickiup was tested with two adjacent 1 m test pits in late July, 1999. In the process of testing, the 137

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stmcture and partially disassembled, then re-assembled, in order to thoroughly document its order of construction and open part of its interior area for testing. A fully intact cobble hearth with large amounts of charcoal was discovered just below a covering of organic duff and soil, immediately inside the stmcture's upslope facing entrance. Two charcoal samples and one wood sample were submitted for radiocarbon dating The two charcoal dates from the hearth proved problematic with modern to very late dates and appear to be contaminated. A 1.2 em diameter branch tip from one of the aspen poles was also radiocarbon dated and returned a more likely mid-191h Century date of 150 BP Radiocarbon sample information of the above can be summarized as: sample 1-charred wood from the hearth consisting of branch fragments from 1 to 1.25 em in diameter: 60+40 BP (Beta-132960); charred wood from hearth consisting of sorted branch fragments ranging from .01 to 7 em in diameter: modern (Beta-132961); wood cellulose from 1.75 em diameter branch tip on wickiup pole: 150 BP (Beta-132962) 5LR4503 Survey Area: Horseshoe Park. Site Description: This site is a now partly collapsed free-standing pole wickiup believed to be historic Native American (Ute?) in affiliation. The aspen pole structure is situated near the crest of a ponderosa pine forested lateral moraine separating upper-central Horseshoe Park from Little Horseshoe Park to the south. 5LR4509 Survey Area: Horseshoe Park. Site Description: The site consists of a largely collapsed, once-free standing, wickiup and a single lithic flake, both believed to represent a short-term proto-historic or early historic Native American camp. The site is located on a lightly ponderosa pine forested lateral moraine bench on the southern margins of upper-central Horseshoe Park. 5LR4511 Survey Area : Horseshoe Park. Site Description: The site is a small, collapsed wickiup shelter believed to be early historic Native American in origin. The structure is located near the crest of a 138

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ponderosa pine forested, lateral moraine dividing Little Horseshoe Park (south) from Horseshoe Park (to the north). 5LR4513 Survey Area: Horseshoe Park. Site Description: The site is a small collapsed wickiup shelter believed to be early historic Native American in origin It is located just below the crest (north) of a lateral moraine in ponderosa pine forest dividing Little Horseshoe Park (south) from upper-central Horseshoe Park. 5LR4548 Survey Area: Moraine Park Site Description: The site is a protohistoric to historic Native American wickiup, partly fallen down. No artifacts were noted. The site is located on a lower ridge slope in ponderosa pine forest north of the Fern Lake Trail in the upper Moraine Park area (Big Thompson River). 5LR4570 Survey Area: Emerald Mountain. Site Description: The site consists of two structures; one a suspected historic period, Native American pole wickiup and a nearby "copy-cat" historic Euro American kid's wickiup. The large wickiup is partly collapsed and leaning against a ponderosa pine tree. Both structures are located in ponderosa pine forest a short distance from the East Portal trail pass below Emerald Mountain that leads between the Wind River and Glacier Creek valleys. 5LR6962 Survey Area: Hollowell Park. Site Description: A site with historic Native American and Euro American components. The Native American component consists of a collapsed pole wickiup and associated small stone (tipi) ring The historic component consists of a simple rock-lined hearth with fragments of eroded charcoal. The hearth, however may also 139

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be originally Native American in nature and simply was re-used by a later Euro American visitor. The site is located at on a lower lateral moraine slope in scattered ponderosa pine forest south ( 150 m) of Mill Creek in lower Hollowell Park. 5LR7009 Survey Area: Glacier Creek Basin. Site Description: This historic, Native American site is a largely collapsed and heavily weathered aspen pole wickiup. Its date is unknown, but may be early to mid 191h Century. The structure is located in dense lodge pole pine forest 70 m south of Glacier Creek. 140

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Appendix B: Site Description -Culturally Peeled Trees 5LR2193 Survey Area: Glacier Creek Site Description: Tree 1 is about 50 em in diameter (Fig. 5). The scar (peeled area) is on the west-facing side of the tree and measures 12 em high by 35 em wide, with the bottom of the scar 60 em above the present ground surface. Carved in the lower part of the scar to a depth of about a centimeter are the letters "WL". Numerous axe cuts can be found within the scar area. The depth of the outer bark to the scar is about em. A dendro core sample form the scar was taken in the upper right comer of the scar, about 80 em above the ground surface. The non-cultural core used to establish the baseline dendro date for dating cultural core was taken from the north side of the tree about 100 em above the surface. Dendrochronological dates: 1950, or 1890 for the scar. Tree 2 is located about 4 meters south of the ditt road leading to Park Service Cabin HS 697; Tree 1 is located about 10 meters to the southwest of Tree 2. This tree is also about 50 em in diameter. The scar is also on the west-facing side of the tree and measures 45 em high by 25 em wide, with the bottom of the scar 40 em above the present ground surface. The scar is surrounded by a rectangle cut in the bark with an axe to a depth of a few centimeters but not through the bark. The depth from the outer bark to the scar is about 4 em A dendro core sample from the scar was taken in the upper left comer of the scar, about 85 em above the ground surface. The non cultural core was taken from the north side of the tree about 115 em above the surface. Dendrochronological dates: 1930. Tree 3 is located about 20 meters south of Tree 1 and about 15 meters west of the creek This tree is also about 50 em in diameter. The peeled area is also on the west side of the tree and measures about 100 em in height by 35 em wide, with the bottom of the scar 70 em above the present ground surface. Two additional small irregularly shaped vertical scars (15 x 5 em and 28 x 12 em) can be found on the south side of the tree at the same height as the main scar. Martorano ( 1989:1 0) notes that trees were often tested for quality by cutting a 6 to 8 inch ( 15 to 20 em) long area fro sampling. The upper part of the scar has the word "WOMBL Y" cut in the bark with an axe to a dept of a centimeter. The center of the scar also contains the vertical carvings less than a half a centimeter in depth reading: "W?NMG" and "??TLG". These letters are contained withing a vertically carved rectangle ca. I 0 x 20 e m in size, with an upside down triangle along the bottom edge with the letters "MY". The 141

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depth from the other bark to the scar is about 4 em. The core sample from the scar was taken near the center of the scar, about 120 em above the ground surface. The non-cultural core was taken from the south side of the tree between the small v ertical scars at an elevation of about 115 em above the surface. Dendrochronological dates: 1931, 1950, or 1892 Given the ages of trees 1 and 4, the author suggests that the core may not have been correctly plotted, and that 1890 is a more likely date. Tree 4 is located about 1000 meters west of the other trees and about 20 meters east of the Bear Lake Road. The ponderosa pine tree is about 28 inches in diameter and the scar faces west and is 88 em high by 28 em wide. The depth from the outer bark to the scar is about 4 em. The bottom 4 em of the scar were buried beneath the present ground surface as erosion/deposition from a culvert under the road has contributed to burying the bottom of the tree. Although the bottom of the scar is very close to the ground (not the usual pattern) the scar other wise has all the characteristics of a culturally peeled tree The peeling from close to the ground may be a result of the fact that the tree has a pronounce curve of the trunk about 200 em above ground surface. Although the usual practice seems to have been removal of the bark from below (Martorano 1989a: 10-11), the bark on this tree may have been removed from above due to the distorted trunk. However, no evidence of axe marks were found anywhere in or near the scar. A core sample was taken from within the scar about 55 em above ground surface Two non cultural cores through the bark were taken on the south side of the tree. However, internal rotting was found about 10 em into the tree. The non-cultural sample used in this analysis was taken about 100 em above ground surface and directly above the scar. Dendrochronological date: 1890. 5LR3848 Survey Area: Lower Beaver Meadows. Site Description: The site consists of a single historic artifact (a tin can) and a suspected culturally peeled tree which could have been produced by visiting Ute or other Indian groups in the late 18th through late 191h centuries. Inclusive site dimensions are 1 by 1 meter. The site is located on the south side of highway 34 in a rolling hill ridge knoll and swa1e terrain in eastern Beaver Meadows Local plant life includes ponderosa pine trees and short grasses (blue grama and buffalo grass) 142

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5LR4488 Survey Area: Horseshoe Park. Site Description: This isolated find consists of a single culturally peeled tree suspected of historic Native American cultural affiliation. The tree is located in lower Horseshoe Park on a moderately steep, southwest-facing slope with scattered ponderosa pine, overlooking Fall River. 5LR4490 Survey Area: Horseshoe Park. Site Description: This isolated find consists of a single culturally peeled tree suspected of historic Native American cultural affiliation. It may possibly be of natural (lightning) origin also, but the scar appears too regular to be natural. The IF is located on a grassy T 1 terrace slope with scattered ponderosa pine, oriented southeast on the north side of Fall River in lower Horseshoe Park 5LR7096 Survey Area: Wild Basin Site Description: One large peeled Ponderosa tree was located in the Aliens Park USGS Quad in the Wild Basin Area. The tree is about 26 inches in diameter The scar, which measures 150 em tall by 38 em wide, is on the southwest facing side of the tree. A single 15 em long axe cut is located on the bottom of the scar (typical initial removal method) The axe cut is about 15 em above present ground surface Numerous more recent axe cuts are present throughout the peeled area; the letter "J" has been cut into the peeled tree. An attempt was made to dendrochronologically date the scar, but the interior of the tree has rotted resulting in an increment core of insufficient size for dating The inferred function: Ponderosa pine is known to have been peeled by protohistoric Ute for use as food and medicine. 143

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Appendix C: Site Descriptions-Uncompahgre Brown Ware 5GA2705 Sutvey Area: Bighorn Flats Site Description: This large multi-component prehistoric and historic site that consists primarily of two major, prehistoric activity areas and a more generalized scatter of artifacts, the former being generally located in flatter areas on the wind protected sides of dwarf spruce and fir krummholtz stands. The overall site area is a general polygon measuring 150 meters by 75 meters. The two main concentrations contained the following artifacts: Concentration l-a total of thirty-one chert, jasper, and quartzite secondary and tertiary flakes; Concentration 2a small Kremmling chert mid-Late Ceramic side-notched projectile point (ca. 950-350 BP), four chert utilized flake tools, sixteen proto historic-early historic Uncompahgre Brown potsherds (ca. 1100-150 BP), and fifty-four chert, jasper, and quartzite secondary and tertiary flakes. Prehistoric artifacts recovered in a generalized scatter outside the two concentrations included the following: a Kremmling chert McKean (Middle Archaic) corner and basal notched Hanna projectile point (ca. 4500-3000 BP), two red sandstone metate fragments, a retouched, jasper end scraper, a orthoquartzite serrated flake knife, a jasper flake knife with edge retouch, a crystal quartz scraper, a chert biface tool tip, two utilized flake tools, and eleven chert, jasper, and quartzite secondary and tertiary flakes. Lithic materials are dominated by Middle Park (Krenunling chert, Table Mountain jasper, and Dakota orthoquartzite) sources. Three featW'es were documented at the site, including a recent, 75 em diameter, rock-lined hearth (feature 1) and a three-meter diameter semi-circle (feature 2) of small boulders and cobbles with one end forming a four-meter long north-south alignment. The second feature is judged to be prehistoric in origin since its stones are deeply embedded in the soil, overgrown with alpine grasses and mosses, and have substantial lichen cover. The third and final feature (3) is 1 meter diameter rock-lined, rectangular hearth placed in the center of the feature 2 stone semi-circle. The hearth is composed of stones that appear to have once been part of the prehistoric feature. The site is situated on an alpine ridge at and inunediately above the sub-alpine /alpine ecotone. The primary local vegetation consists of dwarf Engelmann spruce (Picea engelmanii) and dwarf subalpine fir (Abies lasocarpa), arctic willow (Salix arctica) and snow willow (Salix reticulate). Grasses consist of alpine bluegrass (Poa alpine) and skyline bluegrass (Poa cusickii). Conunon cushion plants and herbaceous forbs in many open or partially protected areas include alpine avens (Acomastylis rossii), alpine bistort (Bistorta vivipara), dwarf clover (Trifolium nanum), alpine forget-me-not (Eritrichum aretioides), arctic gentian (Gentianodes algida), Rocky Mountain sedge (Carex 144

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scopulorum), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), moss campion (Silene acaulis), alpine phlox (Phlox pulvenata), alpine sandwort (Lidia obtusiloba), and alpine sage (Artemisia scopulomm). Finally, more protected areas often have Colorado columbine (Aguilegia coerulea), thistle (Cirsum scopulorum), and yarrow (Achillea lenulosa). 5LR318 Survey Area: Lawn Lake Site Description: This site was recorded by Mary Y elm (Y 14-289) in 1935 and the information is sketchy. The site is located 1/8 mile north of Trail Ridge Road on a slope facing South; with a legal location of: T5N, R74W, Sec 16-CountyLarimer. Artifacts include : a lithic scatter with few flakes, chips (rough and shapeless) and ceramic sherds. 5LR319 Survey Area: Fall River and Forest Canyon Site Description: This site was first recorded by Mary Yelm (-288) in 1935 and revisited and re-recorded in 1995 by Nykamp prior to planned rehabilitation. The site extends down the east bank of the Roaring River some 80 meters, and within a swale; on a small lobe to the west; north to bench; east to timbered sbpe; and south to historic lake bed. Artifacts include : Metate fragment of fine grained grey sandstone 15 x 15 x 4 em thick (not collected); Woodland comer-notched projectile point of fine grained grey quartzite with pink mottling, one tang missing; Two sherds of Uncompahgre Brown Ware; Four grey quartzite thinning flakes; Three white chert flakes, on from surface of a biface; Three small flakes of red chert; One flake of petrified wood; One flake of very fine grained salmon colored chert. Hearth: Charcoal was collected from the surface just below an unlined hearth with a charcoal stain 30 em. in length by 3 to 4 em thick, ca. 10 em. below surface. Hearth in eroded east facing side wall of Roaring River outlet channel of Lawn Lake Dam before it collapsed; hearth not excavated and was stabilized with rocks to reduce further erosion. Y elm ( 1935) reported projectile points and "Late Prehistoric" ceramics from the site. The recovery of the Woodland comer-notched point and the Uncompahgre Brown Ware sherds supports a multi-component site. However, soils are shallow, ca. 20-30 em., and the components may be both vertically and horizontally stratified Biopedoturbation and freeze-thaw cycles at this high altitude (ca. 11,000 feet) may make the interpretatirn of excavated 145

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evidence somewhat difficult. Inferred function: CampsiteLate Paleo to Late Prehistoric (emphasis added). 5LR94 Survey Area: Lake Helene/Upper Mill Creek Site Description: This prehistoric site is located on the upper portion of the present Bear Lake to Lake Irene trail in eastern Rocky Mountain National Park. The site was originally recorded by Wil Husted in his 1962 Master's thesis as an open camp with assorted lithics ( 1962: 30, 1 00). The site locality was revisited by UNC archeologists in early August of 2001 as part of a survey of the Lake Helene trail. The basal portion of an Early Archaic side-notched projectile point made of white to light brown Krenunling chert and a single brown Table Mountain jasper re-tooling flake were found in the Lake Helene trail at the site location Also, a major camp site (5LR1 0221) with lithic tools, lithic debitage, Late Archaic and Early Ceramic diagnostic projectile points, metate grinding stone fragments, and two small protohistoric Uncompahgre Brown potsherds (Ute) were discovered a short distance upslope and west of 5LR94. Both sites are located at what are considered to base camp locales for hunting areas at the upslope Flattop Game Drive (5LR6) to the southwest and around Lake Helene to the west. Benedict (1996: 24-26), in his monograph on game drives in Rocky Mountain National Park, notes the existence of a northern Flattop to upper Mill Creek trail (the Timberline Spring trail) that crossed in the general vicinity of the two sites documented and used by early Euro-American settlers in the late 1800's. It is considered very likely that the Flattop-Upper Mill Creek was part of the known Native American Big Trail identified by Arapaho visitors to the park in 1914 (see Toll 1963: 11, 29-30). It is also apparent that the present eastern slope Bear Lake-Flattop Mountain trail is a more recent historic route created by early settlers and the National Park Service from the mid-1870's through the present day (Benedict 1996: 24-25). The site is located in a lightly sloping bench in thinning upper sub-alpine forest dominated by shorter to dwarf Engelmann spruce (Picea engelmanii) and dwarf subalpine fir (Abies lasocarpa). Conunon shrubs and herbaceous species include cinquefoil (Pentaphylloides floribunda) whortleberry (Vaccinium scopariurn), broad-leaved arnica (Arnica latifolia), blue gentian (Pneurnonathe affinis), needle-grass (Stipa lettermanii), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), and lesser wintergreen (Pyrola minor). 5LR9826 Survey Area: Upper Poudre River / Chapin Creek. 146

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Site Description: This extensive multi-component site consists of historic and prehistoric artifacts and features. The site is an extensive open camp area situated on a series of terrace rellUlant knolls and low benches inunediately south ofthe confluence of Chapin Creek and the Cache La Poudre River. The total site area is large, 450 x 275 m2 or ca. 30.5 acres. The site is located adjacent to the junction of the Milner and Chapin Pass trails, 5.5 km north of the Chapin Pass trial head. Six primary artifact clusters were identified and the present Chapin Creek trail cuts through five of them (clusters l, 3, 4, 5 and 6). There is no doubt serious disturbance and artifact collection has taken place at the site. Not only are two campgrounds and the two trails located on or adjacent to the site's artifact concentrations, but its containing terrace bench rellUlants relatively flat, well exposed, and offer direct access to water and extensive views in three valley directions. Artifact concentrations were recorded as loci by the UNC archaeology survey teams and can be described as follows: 1) Locus 1 was a ground stone (one metate fragment) and lithic scatter concentration located near the Chapin Creek trail, 2) locus 2 consisted of two quartzite secondary stage manufacturing flakes on an isolated terrace knoll with dense grass cover, 3) locus 3 contained a diffuse scatter of chert and quartzite flakes and a distinct concentration of potential lithic raw material associated with a hearth and possibly non-random scatter of cobbles, 4) locus 4 is a north-south trending terrace paralleling Chapin Creek with a scatter of chert, chalcedony, and quartzite flakes and a Windy Ridge orthoquartzite Late Mountain Paleo indian (Fredrick/Lusk/ Angostura type variation) point (9700-7550 BP) found on the terrace slope, 5) locus 5 was on the highest tetTace bench and contained a single narrow cord-marked Middle Ceramic sherd ( 1100-700 BP), seven small blackish-brown Uncompahgre Brown (or Intermountain) sherds (ca. 1000-150 BP), and an Early Ceramic period comer notched projectile point ( 1900-1100 BP), and 6) locus 6 was situated on a T 1 terrace bench and contained a diffuse scatter of chert, chalcedony, quartzite, and jasper flakes (secondary through tertiary manufacturing stages) and a largely buried cobble feature, believed to represent a former hearth. Historic artifacts and features included early to mid 201h Century hearths, rusted metal and glass fragments, and a single Prince Albert tobacco can. Local vegetation includes buffalo, blue grama, and wheat grasses, pussy toes, wild strawberries, fringe gentian, willow, bog birch, stonecrop, yarrow, marsh marigolds, American bistort and lodgepole pine. 5LR10216 Survey Area: Mununy Pass Site Description: Site 5LR10216 has both prehistoric and historic components. It is a southeast-facing rock shelter made of eroded granite bedrock and massive boulders 147

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with an opening width of 15 meters and an average front to back depth of 3 to 7 meters. The maximum entrance height is 4 meters. It has a small, adjacent, 20 by 10 meter, open bench area bordered by a 3 meter diameter granite boulder opposite the rock shelter opening. Additional open areas are located southeast and east of the rock shelter along with protective dwarf spruce and fir krummholz stands. A series of small lakes and streams are located down slope and southeast of the rock shelter and a small spring/seep tuns downhill immediately to the northeast of the rock shelter. The rock shelter, situated part-way up on the western mountain slope of the valley, provides an excellent view of the Mummy Pass Valley and the Mummy Pass trail that runs north northeast to south southwest through the valley connecting Mummy Pass and the Hague Creek Valley to the southwest with a series of Poudre River tributary stream valleys to the northeast. It also provides excellent shelter from prevailing northerly and westerly winds. Cultural features recorded within the rock shelter included two rock-lined hearths, feature 1 (50 em diameter) and feature 2 (75 em diameter), and a low, loose 3 meter long masonry rock wall in the far northeast corner of the shelter. One hearth (feature I) has no charcoal and appears to have been in disuse for a substantial period of time. It is believed to be prehistoric or early historic Native American in origin. The second hearth (Feature 2) appears more recent and contains eroded charcoal in its center. Prehistoric artifacts recovered from the site included Dakota orthoquartzite projectile point tip (with a probable Late Archaic Period origin, ca. 3000-1900 BP), a Kremmling chert bifacially flaked scraper/knife/chopper, a Kremmling chert knife/scraper, a Kremmling chert utilized flake tool, seven Kremmling chert secondary and tertiary flakes, and a tapered, tubular sandstone atlatl weight (ground flat on one side). The most significant prehistoric artifacts recovered from the site were three Uncompahgre Brownware pot sherds (including one rim sherd). Radiocarbon dates for Uncompahgre Brownware pottery, primarily from Western Colorado, generally range between ca. 950-150 BP (Buckles 1971; Reed 1995). In North Central Colorado, carbon extracted from the surface of a Brownware sherd from the high altitude Caribou Lake site (5GA22) was radiocarbon-dated to 665 BP (Benedict 1989: 6, 8). Thermoluminescence dates of three punctuate Brownware sherds from Caribou Lake, including the radiocarbon dated sherd cited above, yielded dates of320 BP, 450 BP, and 210 BP with a 14% uncertainty factor and an average of 325 BP (Benedict 1989: 6). Later ( 1995-96) excavations at the Caribou Lake site by Pitblado recovered additional Uncompahgre Brownware sherds in stratum 5 where hearth charcoal was radiocarbon-dated at 595 BP and 625 BP for an average date of 610 BP (Pitblado 2000: 136). In the fall of 2001, carbon-residue from the 5LR1 0216 rock shelter sherds was sent to Beta Analytic radiocarbon laboratory for AMS (high resolution) radiocarbon dating. The resulting conventional radiocarbon date (Beta-161360) on the residue was 200 BP (AD 1750) and the highest probability two-sigma (95.4%) calibrated date 148

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range was AD 1720 to 1820. Historic artifacts included a brown bottle neck and lip sherd and base (same bottle) (ca. 1900-1940), several solder-dot sanitary cans (not collected) and eleven sherds of off-white porcelain plate sherds with blue flower patterns (also ca 1900-1940). There seems to be good soil depth in the northeast comer of the shelter where the Ute pottery and some of the lithics were found. A pin flag depth probe indicated that accumulated soil in that part of the rock shelter extended ca. 15 em below the modem surface. The site is located in the extreme upper subalpine to alpine ecosystem zone where predominant plant species include scattered krummholz stands of dwarf spruce and fir shrubs, arctic willow (Salix arctica) and snow willow (Salix reticulate), grasses such as alpine bluegrass (Poa alpine) and skyline bluegrass (Poa cusicldi). Common cushion plants and herbaceous forbs in many open or partially protected areas include alpine avens (Acomastylis rossii), alpine bistort (Bistorta vivipara), dwarf clover (Trifolium nanum), alpine forget-me-not (Eritrichum aretioides) arctic gentian (Gentianodes algida), Rocky Mountain sedge (Carex scopulorum), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), moss campion (Sil e n e acaulis), alpine phlox (Phlox pulvenata), alpine sandwort (Lidia obtusiloba) and alpine sage (Artemisia scopulorum). More protected areas often have Colorado columbine (Aguilegia coerulea ), thistle ( Cirsum scopulorum ) and yarrow (Achillea lenulosa). 5LR10221 Survey Area: Lake Helene Site Description: This multi-component prehistoric camp site on located below the north flank of Flattop Mountain in an opening in upper subalpine Engelmann Spruce Forest. The site is crossed by the Lake Helene Trail. It was initially reported by Jack Melton of Estes Park who recovered an obsidian flake and a projectile point from within the trail depression in August of 2000. That projectile point is a jasper Middle Archaic Hanna type dated at various regional sites to ca. 4500-3000 BP (Tate 1999: 118-151 ). A small black obsidian tool retouch flake was also recovered. A UNC archeology crew surveyed the site in late August 2001 and located numerous artifacts in the site area. In particular prehistoric artifacts were located in an open grassy area surrounded by subalpine dwarf spruce-fir krummholtz. They consisted of a triangular comer-notched Early Ceramic projectile point (ca 1900-950 BP) made of a brownish gray quartzite, a Late Archaic comer-notched projectile point (ca. 3000-1900 BP) made of yellow brown chert. a brown quartzite biface tool fragment, a possible spoke shave made of light brown quartzite, two small Uncompahgre Brownware (Ute) sherds (ca. 950-150 BP), and six fragments of Lyons sandstone metate Flake debitage consisted of thirty-one chert jasper and quartzite flakes from secondary 149

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through tertiary manufacturing/re-tooling stages. Most of the artifacts were found within the trail cut after having eroded out of the trail cut bank. Artifacts are continually being trampled by heavy foot traffic. The site is located in the subalpine fir ecological zone and local vegetation includes mid-sized to dwarf Engelmann spruce (Picea engelmanii) with the most conunon shrub and herbaceous species including cinquefoil (Pentaphylloides floribunda), whortleberry (Vaccinium scoparium), broad-leaved arnica (Arnica latifolia), blue gentian (Pneumonathe affinis), needle-grass (Stipa lettermanii), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), and lesser wintergreen (Pyrola minor) 5LR10241 Survey Area: Kawuneeche North Site Description: The prehistoric and historic site was first visited, but only informally documented, in 2000 by UNC archeologists Due to an extended stay in the area in 2001, the site was re-visited, re-surveyed, and a complete set of survey forms and site map (not accomplished the previous year) produced. It is located on a low, eroded, grass-covered terminal moraine/terrace knoll inunediately north ofthe Poudre Pass divide and west of Poudre Pass Creek. Several prehistoric artifacts were described in the 2000 survey year, but not collected due to the fact that the site was just within U.S. Forest Service (Arapaho National Forest) boundaries and, while agency to agency permission to survey sites on Rocky Mountain National Park/National Forest boundaries had been granted, the survey team had been uncertain about the Forest Service's position on survey documentation and artifact collection. That policy, as determined prior to the start of the 2001 survey year and based on agency to agency cooperation protocols, was established as including complete collection of surface artifacts and full survey documentation, the standard operating procedure of the current Rocky Mountain National Park Systemwide Archeological Inventory Program. The site, as documented in both 2000 and 200 1 surveys, covers an area of features and artifact scatters measuring 120 by 125 meters. The majority of artifacts were prehistoric. The 2000 survey reported the presence of two partial projectile points (from the Early Archaic [ca. 6500-4500 BP] and Early Ceramic [ca. 1900-950 BP] periods, respectively) and several fragmentary brown to black pottery sherds (field-assessed as likely being Ute-associated Uncompahgre Brown ceramics [ca. 1100-150 BP]). The projectile points and pottery were left in place in 2000 and a search for them in 2001 failed to produce any trace of the artifacts. However, it should be noted that both the 2000 and 2001 survey teams observed National Forest visitors walking the site in both years and, in 2001, had a visitor volunteer the information that the site had long been a rich source for 150

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"arrowhead collecting". Formally documented and collected prehistoric artifacts from the 2001 survey included four chert and jasper utilized flake tools, a chert flake scraper, an expanding base drill, and thirty-two chert, jasper, and quartzite secondary and tertiary flakes. The only historic artifact was a plastic Boy Scout uniform button dated to ca. 1960-1970 and rusted, sardine can, dated to ca. 1950. In addition to the artifacts, two cobble hearths (3 feet and 1.5 feet diameters) were noted at the eastern edge of the knoll overlooking Poudre Pass Creek. Both had traces of charcoal in their centers and, despite modest burial of their construction stones, were believed to be historic in origin The site is located in the mid to upper subalpine zone where the predominant vegetation includes Engelmann Spruce forest and shrub and herbaceous species such as bluegrass (Poa sp.), Colorado blue columbine (Aguilegia caerulea), Thurber's fescue (Festuca thurberi), golden banner (Thermopsis divaricarpa), mountain parsley (Pseudocymopterius montanus), slender wheatgrass (Vicia Americana), yarrow (Achillea lanulosa), cinquefoil (Pentaphylloides floribunda), whortleberry (Vaccinium scoparium), broad-leaved arnica (Arnica latifolia), blue gentian (Pneumonathe affinis), needle-grass (Stipa lettermanii), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), and lesser wintergreen (Pyrola minor). 151

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Appendix D: Site Descriptions -Sandstone Metate Fragments 5GA0018 Swvey Area: Specimen Mountain Site Description: This is a re-evaluation of a site reported by Wil Husted in 1962 as an open camp with lithic debitage It is located on southern portion of a subalpine saddle about 90 m south of site 5GA 17, north of Bighorn Lake and west of Milner Pass. Husted reported the recovery of a projectile point fragment, now identified as an Mt Albion/Early Archaic type and a flake scraper (1962: 30, 99, 105). Re-swvey of the site by UNC archeologists found the site to measure 140 meters by 30 meters and consisted of a thin and widely spread lithic scatter and one sandstone metate fragment. Lithic artifacts collected from the site included a reddish brown Dakota orthoquartzite utilized flake knife, a light brown Kremmling chert utilized blade tool, two local rhyolite porphyry utilized flake tools, a light red sandstone metate fragment, five secondary gray rhyolite flakes, six white and light to dark brown Kremmling chert secondary flakes, and one gray mottled Kremmling chert secondary flake. A hiking trail runs through the center of the site, but due to the proximity of Bighorn sheep lambing grounds, the trail is closed part of the year, so visitation to the site area appears to have been kept to a minimum. The site is located in the Engelmann Spruce-Subalpine Fir Ecosystem, a transitional, mixed zone of scattered krummholz stands of dwarf spruce and fir. Common shrubs and herbaceous species include cinquefoil (Pentaphylloides tloribunda) whortleberry (Vaccinium scoparium) broad leaved arnica (Arnica latifolia), blue gentian (Pneumonathe affinis) needle-grass (Stipa lettermanii), elk sedge (Carex geyeri) and lesser wintergreen (Pyrola minor) 5GA744 Survey Area: Kawuneeche South Site Description: This re-evaluated site, with both prehistoric and historic components, is located on T2 and T3 terraces above and immediately east of the Colorado River in lodge pole pine forest. The site was previously recorded as an open camp with a small concentration of lithic tool debris but without diagnostic artifacts. The overall site area as documented in the 2001 swvey, consists of an elongated linear outline of mainly small prehistoric and historic artifact clusters and stone ring features measuring ca. 1 72 meters by 16 meters. Two major artifact concentrations designated 1 and 2, were noted and mapped. Heavy duff/ground cover in much of the site area, however, obscures the actual site boundaries. The majority of prehistoric 152

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artifacts are lithic flakes with a smaller amount of actual stone tools or tool fragments. Among the lithic tools recovered from the site were an expanding Late Paleoindian or Early Archaic projectile point base of brown chert with veins and white inclusions (concentration 2), a light brown Kremmling chert graver (concentration 2), a light brown Kremmling chert thumbnail scrape (concentration 2), a retouched flake knife made of brown Table Mountain jasper (concentration 2), a utilized flake knife made of Table Mountain jasper (concentration I), a flake chopper made of reddish brown Table Mountain jasper (concentration 1 ), a biface tool fragment made of reddish brown Table Mountain jasper (concentration 1 ) a biface tool fragment made of white Kremmling chert (concentration 2), a bifacially retouched scraper made of medium dark gray Kremmling chert (concentration I), and a bifacially worked sandstone metate fragment (concentration 1 ). A total of 106 secondary and tertiary manufacturing and re-tooling stage flakes were recovered. The majority were either Kremmling chert or Table Mountain jasper, both relatively local materials from nearby Middle Park Historic artifacts included a broken ceramic mug (several sherds), scrap metal, a tin can, bottle glass, metal bottle caps. The site was crossed length-wise (north to south) by the Colorado River Trail and was located entirely in lodge pole pine forest. Predominant vegetation consisted of lodge pole pine (Pinus contorta) and assorted shrubs, grasses and forbs, including common juniper (Juniperus communis), kinnikinnik (Arctostaphylos uva-ursi), sticky laurel (Ceanothus velutina), blue grama (Bouteloua gracilis), dwatf mistletoe (Oxytropis defleca), Wyoming paintbrush (Castilleja linariaefolia), and wintergreen (Orthilia secunda). 5GA2508 Survey Area: Continental Divide. Site Description: This prehistoric site is located 1.25 km southwest of the Flattop Mountain and Tonahutu trail junction along the continental divide. Its prehistoric component consists four lithic scatter concentrations. Area one is situated on a moderate ridge slope overlooking the margins of an alpine peneplain. A second is located 30 m upslope of the first scatter. The third is located on east and northeast of the first two scatters on a small "out jutting" knoll, overlooking a small alpine pond to the east-northeast. Artifacts in area 3 included a biface (projectile point) tip and a complete comer-notched, Late Archaic point (ca BP). The last scatter concentration four was located north of the other three on an upper portion of the ridge slope in a rugged, fell field. It included a light scatter of lithic flakes 153

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and ground stone (sandstone metate fragments). Local vegetation consists of alpine grasses and forbs. 5GA2533 Survey Area: Specimen Mountain/Milner Pass Site Description: This prehistoric and historic site is located on a low terrace overlooking the western headwaters branch of the Colorado River immediately west of the Grand Ditch Camp service rood and 150m south of Poudre Pass. The historic component includes structural remains and historic artifacts associated with the construction of the Grand Ditch (1890-1936). Historic artifacts, dating from ca. 1900-1930, noted during survey, included older dot cans, purple bottle glass, shoe leather, stove parts. The site's prehistoric component an open camp, consisted of a chert scraper, a sandstone metate fragment, a silicified wood side-scraper, and an exhausted lithic core A partially intact historic dam and bolt bridge were also found at the site. Faint evidence of several. partly buried two-track roads were also evident on the site Local subalpine vegetation includes dwarf fir, alpine grasses, willow and yarrow. 5GA2705 Survey Area: Bighorn Flats Site Description: This large multi-component prehistoric and historic site that consists primarily of two major, prehistoric activity areas and a more generalized scatter of artifacts, the former being generally located in flatter areas on the wild protected sides of dwarf spruce and fir krummholtz stands. The overall site area is a general polygon measuring 150 meters by 75 meters. The two main concentrations contained the following artifacts: Concentration 1-a total of thirty-one chert, jasper and quartzite secondary and tertiary flakes; Concentration 2-a small Kremmling chert mid-Late Ceramic side-notched projectile point (ca. 950-350 BP), four chert utilized flake tools, sixteen protohistoric-early historic Uncompahgre Brown potsherds (ca. 1100-150 BP), and fifty-four chert jasper, and quartzite secondary and tertiary flakes. Prehistoric artifacts recovered in a generalized scatter outside the two concentrations included the following: a Kremmling chert McKean (Middle Arc haic) comer and basal notched Hanna projectile point (ca. 4500-3000 BP) two red sandstone metate fragments a retouched, jasper end scraper, a orthoquartzite 154

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serrated flake knife, a jasper flake knife with edge retouch, a crystal quartz scraper, a chert biface tool tip, two utilized flake tools, and eleven chert, jasper, and quartzite secondary and tertiary flakes. Lithic materials are dominated by Middle Park (Kremmling chert, Table Mountain jasper, and Dakota orthoquartzite) sources. Three features were documented at the site, including a recent, 75 em diameter, rock-lined hearth (feature 1) and a three-meter diameter semi-circle (feature 2) of small boulders and cobbles with one end forming a four-meter long north-south alignment. The second feature is judged to be prehistoric in origin since its stones are deeply embedded in the soil, overgrown with alpine grasses and mosses, and have substantial lichen cover. The third and final feature (3) is 1 meter diameter rock-lined, rectangular hearth placed in the center of the feature 2 stone semi-circle. The hearth is composed of stones that appear to have once been part of the prehistoric feature. The site is situated on an alpine ridge at and immediately above the sub-alpine/alpine ecotone. The primary local vegetation consists of dwarf Engelmann spruce (Picea engelmanii) and dwarf subalpine fir (Abies lasocarpa), arctic willow (Salix arctica) and snow willow (Salix reticulate). Grasses consist of alpine bluegrass (Poa alpine) and skyline bluegrass (Poa cusickii). Common cushiJn plants and herbaceous forbs in many open or partially protected areas include alpine avens (Acomastylis rossii), alpine bistort (Bistorta vivipara), dwarf clover (Trifolium nanum), alpine forget-me-not (Eritrichum aretioides), arctic gentian (Gentianodes algida), Rocky Mountain sedge (Carex scopulorum), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), moss campion (Silene acaulis), alpine phlox (Phlox pulvenata), alpine sand wort (Lidia obtusiloba), and alpine sage (Artemisia scopulorum). Finally, more protected areas often have Colorado columbine (Aguilegia coerulea), thistle (Cirsum scopulorum), and yarrow (Achillea lenulosa). 5GA2706 Survey Area: Bighorn Flats Site Description: This prehistoric site is situated in and around a dwarf spruce-fir krununholz stand on the upper southwest slope of an alpine ridge knoll west of the Continental Divide. The site's three main attifact concentrations and other more scattered artifacts cover a polygon area of ca. 70 by 30 meters. Artifacts mapped and collected within the three concentrations consisted of the following : Concentration 1-a chert, side-notched, Early Archaic projectile point (ca. 6500-4500 BP), three red sandstone metate fragments, a chert flake end-scraper, a chert blade knife, a chert utilized flake tool, and twenty-three chert, jasper, and quartzite secondary and tertiary flakes; Concentration 2-a jasper bifacially flaked knife, a jasper biface knife tip, a 155

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jasper flake graver, a chert biface knife or projectile point tip, the lower two-thirds of a purplish-gray chert biface knife or projectile point, and six chert and jasper secondary flakes; and Concentration 3-triangular comer-notched rounded base, Early Archaic/Mount Albion projectile point (ca. 6500-4500 BP) made of brown chert and a chert secondary flake and a jasper tertiary flake. In addition to the prehistoric artifacts, four features were documented and mapped at the site. Three were small rock-lined hearths (features 1, 2 and 4), varying between .75 and I meter in diameter. No evidence of charcoal was present and all were found with their rocks embedded from 3-5 em in the tundra soil. The final feature (feature 3) was a three-meter diameter circle of boulders and cobbles, believed to represent the foundation of a former hide-covered tipi or vision quest/ceremonial circle. The site is located in the upper sub-alpine/alpine ecotone where the predominant vegetation is dwarf Engelmann spruce (Picea engelmanii) and dwarf subalpine fir (Abies lasocarpa) arctic willow (Salix arctica) and snow willow (Salix reticulate). Grasses consist of alpine bluegrass (Poa alpine) and skyline bluegrass (Poa cusickii). Common cushion plants and herbaceous forbs in many open or partially protected areas include alpine avens (Acomastylis rossii), alpine bistort (Bistorta vivipara), dwarf clover (Trifolium nanurn), alpine forget-me-not (Eritrichum aretioides), arctic gentian (Gentianodes algida), Rocky Mountain sedge (Carex scopulorum), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), moss campion (Silene acaulis), alpine phlox (Phlox pulvenata), alpine sandwort (Lidia obtusiloba), and alpine sage (Artemisia scopulorum). Finally, more protected areas often have Colorado columbine (Aguilegia coerulea), thistle (Cirsum scopulorum), and yarrow (Achillea lenulosa 5GA2710 Survey Area: Continental Divide South. Site Description: This prehistoric isolated find is a single red sandstone metate fragment located on open tundra immediately southeast of the termination of the Eureka Ditch on Bighorn Flats. The present Tonahutu Creek trail is located 206 meters to the southwest. The local tundra vegetation consists of scattered shrubs in some areas such as arctic willow (Salix arctica) and snow willow (Salix reticulate). Area grasses consist of alpine bluegrass (Poa alpine) and skyline bluegrass (Po a cusickii). Common cushion plants and herbaceous forbs located in open or partially protected areas include alpine avens (Acomastylis rossii), alpine bistort (Bistorta vivipara), dwarf clover (Trifolium nanum), alpine forget-me-not (Eritrichum aretioides), arctic gentian (Gentianodes algida), Rocky Mountain sedge (Carex scopulorum), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), moss campion (Silene acaulis), alpine phlox (Phlox pulvenata), alpine sandwort (Lidia obtusiloba), and alpine sage (Artemisia 156

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scopulonun). More protected areas often have Colorado columbine (Aguilegia coerulea), thistle (Cirsum scopulorum), and yarrow (Achillea lenulosa). 5GA2712 Survey Area: Continental Divide South. Site Description: The prehistoric site consists of a series of five lithic concentrations and generalized lithic artifacts over an area measuring 300 meters by 100 meters and running along a northwest to southeast trending ridge between two headwater tributaries of Tonahutu Creek. The site is situated along the route of the present Tonahutu Creel trail and the prehistoric/historic Big Trail of the Utes and Arapahoe. A total of fom1een diagnostic projectile points or point fragments were recovered from the site representing the Late Paleo indian period (ca. 9500-7500 BP), Early Archaic period (ca. 6500-4500 BP), Middle Archaic period (ca. 4500-3000 BP, Late Archaic period (ca. 30001900 BP), and Early Ceramic period (ca. 1900-1000 BP). More than a hundred of a complete range of non-diagnostic, formal and informal lithic tools, gravers, awls, blade and flake knives, and drills were also recovered. Several fragments of metate grinding stones were recovered along with several hundred tool manufacturing and re-tooling debitage flakes. Artifacts located within the four lithic concentrations can be described as follows: Concentration 1-a chert utilized flake scraper, two utilized flake (one chert, one jasper) tools, two jasper blade knives, a jasper flake knife, jasper graver/awl, a chert end-scraper, a chert edge retouched side-scraper, and one hundred thirty-three chert, jasper, and quartzite secondary and tertiary flakes; Concentration 2-a concave-base, Late Paleoindian chert projectile point with parallel-oblique flaking pattern (ca. 9000-7 500 BP), a small, stemmed Late Paleoindian projectile point (ca. 9500-7500 BP) made of a brown silicified ostracod coquina, a Late Archaic quartzite projectile point tip (ca. 30001900 BP), a chert, serrated and comer-notched, Early Ceramic projectile point (ca. 1900-950 BP), four sandstone metate fragments, a chert biface knife, a jasper biface tool fragment, a chert, edge-retouched blade knife fragment, a chert awl, a chert flake scraper, two Dakota orthoquartzite utilized flake tools, and fifteen chert, andesite, jasper and quartzite secondary flakes. a jasper biface knife tip, sixteen chert and jasper, mainly edge retouched, utilized flake tools, three chert and jasper biface knife fragments, a chert bifacially flaked knife/graver, a chert split cobble scraper, and fifty-one chert, jasper, and quartzite secondary and tet1iary flakes; Concentration 3-a chert, Early Archaic (Mount Albion) projectile point base (ca. 6500-4500 BP), 157

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seven jasper utilized flake tools, a jasper awl, and twenty-seven chert and jasper secondary and tertiary flakes; and Concentration 4-a chert Late Paleoindian projectile point base (ca. 9500-7500 BP), a jasper Late Paleoindian projectile point base (ca 9500-7500 BP), a clear crystal quartz Early Archaic projectile point base (ca. 65004500 BP), a chert Early Archaic (Mt. Albion) comer-notched projectile point (ca. 6500-4500 BP), two quartzite side-notched McKean/Middle Archaic Mallory projectile points (ca. 4500-3000 BP), a Dakota orthoquartzite, Late Archaic projectile point tip (ca. 3000-1900 BP), two chert Early Ceramic comer-notched projectile points ( 1900-950 BP), a jasper tool fragment, a chert, retouched utilized flake tool a Dakota orthoquartzite biface tool fragment, a jasper knife/scraper fragment, three jasper and chert biface tool fragments, a chert, prismatic core scraper, two (chert and jasper) scrapers, a chert biface tool, a bifacially-worked sandstone metate fragment, a jasper biface knife tip, and a Dakota orthoquartzite, bifaced, unnotched knife/projectile point. Artifacts collected outside the five main concentrations included the following: a jasper, serrated unifacial knife / chopper, a jasper biface knife, a petrified wood, edge retouched, end-scraper, ten chert and quartzite scrapers, four chert and jasper edge-retouched flake knife/scrapers, three chert and jasper gravers, two jasper awls, four jasper blade knives, six flake knives, seven chert utilized flake tools, and three hundred twenty-three secondary and tertiary chert, jasper, and quartzite flakes. The site is located in a generally exposed terrain of open tundra interspersed with scattered knunmholz stands in the upper subalpine/alpine ecotone. The primary plant species include dwarf Engelmann spruce (Picea engelmanii) and dwarf subalpine fir (Abies lasocarpa), arctic willow (Salix arctica) and snow willow (Salix reticulate). Grasses consist of alpine bluegrass (Poa alpine) and skyline bluegrass (Poa cusickii). Common cushion plants and herbaceous forbs in many open or partially protected areas include alpine avens (Acomastylis rossii), alpine bistort (Bistorta vivipara), dwarf clover (Trifolium nanum), alpine forget-me not (Eritrichum aretioides), arctic gentian (Gentianodes algida), Rocky Mountain sedge (Carex scopulorum), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), moss campion (Silene acaulis), alpine phlox (Phlox pulvenata), alpine sandwort (Lidia obtusiloba), and alpine sage (Artemisia scopulorum). Finally more protected areas often have Colorado columbine (Aguilegia coerulea), thistle (Cirsum scopulorum), and yarrow (Achillea lenulosa). 5GA2715 Survey Area: Continental Divide South. 158

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Site Description: This site is a prehistoric open camp with a small lithic scatter covering an area of 15 by 10 meters. It is located on a tundra ridge slope bench in the upper subalpine/alpine ecotone inunediately east of a small dwarf spruce-fir krummholz stand. Several other prehistoric camps are located on the same ridge and immediate area. The site overlooks a small closed lake basin to the southwest and is situated along the route of the present Tonahutu Creel trail and the prehistoric/historic Big Trail of the Utes and Arapahoe Artifacts documented at the site include a large sandstone metate fragment and four chert and jasper secondary flakes. Local vegetation consists of dwarf Engelmann spruce (Picea engelmanii), dwarf subalpine fir (Abies lasocarpa), arctic willow (Salix arctica) and snow willow (Salix reticulate). Area grasses are alpine bluegrass (Poa alpine) and skyline bluegrass (Poa cusickii). Common cushion plants and herbaceous forbs in open or partially protected areas include alpine avens (Acomastylis rossii), alpine bistort (Bistorta vivipara), dwarf clover (Trifolium nanum), alpine forget-me-not (Eritrichum aretioides), arctic gentian (Gentianodes algida), Rocky Mountain sedge (Carex scopulorum), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), moss campion (Silene acaulis), alpine phlox (Phlox pulvenata), alpine sandwort (Lidia obtusiloba), and alpine sage (Artemisia scopulorum). Finally, more protected areas often have Colorado columbine (Aguilegia coerulea), thistle (Cirsum scopulorum), and yarrow (Achillea lenulosa). 5GA2716 Survey Area: Continental Divide South. Site Description: This prehistoric, open camp consists of a scatter of lithic tools and manufacturing/tool re-furbishment debitage is situated on a gently sloping subalpine alpine ecotone ridge. The site overlooks a small closed lake basin to the southwest and is situated along the route of the present Tonahutu Creel trail and the prehistoric/historic Big Trail of the Utes and Arapahoe. The total site area measures 55 by 15 meters. One grouping of flakes foru1d at the site was interpreted as a probable collector's pile created by park visitors. Artifacts documented and collected from the site included a sandstone metate fragment, a jasper biface tool tip, two jasper utilized flake tools, and sixty-six jasper, chert, and quartzite flakes. The site's local plant species include dwarf Engelmann spruce (Picea engelmanii), dwarf subalpine fir (Abies lasocarpa), arctic willow (Salix arctica) and snow willow (Salix reticulate). Area grasses are alpine bluegrass (Poa alpine) and skyline bluegrass (Poa cusickii). Common cushion plants and herbaceous forbs in open or partially protected areas include alpine avens (Acomastylis rossii), alpine bistort (Bistorta vivipara), dwarf clover (Trifolium nanum), alpine forget-me-not (Eritrichum aretioides), arctic gentian (Gentianodes algida), Rocky Moru1tain sedge (Carex scopulorum) elk sedge (Carex 159

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geyeri), moss campion (Silene acaulis), alpine phlox (Phlox pulvenata), alpine sandwort (Lidia obtusiloba), and alpine sage (Artemisia scopulorum). Finally, more protected areas often have Colorado columbine (Aguilegia coerulea), thistle (Cirsum scopulorum), and yarrow (Achillea lenulosa). 5GA2721 Survey Area: Continental Divide South. Site Description: This site is a large, prehistoric open camp and rock shelter with an extensive lithic scatter over an area of 200 by 250 meters. Two other prehistoric sites, 5GA2508 and 5GA2722, are located within a radius of 430 meters. The site's terrain can be described as a broken, alpine tundra mountain slope littered with large, angular boulders. A small, low rock shelter made of large boulders is located in the east central area of the lithic scatter The south-facing shelter has a five meter wide opening, a maximum entrance height of 1.25 meters, and a maximum depth of 2.5 meters. A protected open area in front of the shelter had a sandstone metate fragment along with several lithic tool manufacturing and re-furbishment flakes. Artifacts at the site tended to be concentrated in relatively level area over the sloping (7 -15) landscape and were found eroding small erosion cuts in the tundra soil. In places where erosion profiles were observed, soil depth ranged from I 0-20 em, suggesting a possibility limited stratified cultural deposits. Artifacts from the rock shelter area included, as noted above, a single, sandstone metate fragment and twenty chert and jasper secondaty and tertiary flakes. The bulk of the site's artifacts came from a more generalized scatter, with the exception of two small flake concentrations. Those artifacts included the lower quarter of a Dakota orthoquartzite Late Paleoindian (James Allen type), concave-base projectile point (ca. 9000-7500 BP), a comer notched, Early Archaic/Mt. Albion (ca. 6500-4500 BP) projectile point, two chert scrapers, a chert serrated flake knife, a chert core graver, two chert, bifacially-flaked knives, two (jasper and chert) core choppers, a silicified wood biface tool fragment, a chert scraper/knife, four chert and jasper, utilized flake knife/scrapers, a silicified wood, edge retouched, flake knife, a lunate, chert flake scraper / knife, a chert discoid scrape, six sandstone metate fragments, and one hundred seventy-one chert, jasper, quartzite, and silicified wood secondary and tertiary flakes. The camp was located in the alpine tundra ecosystem where the predominant vegetation included alpine bluegrass (Poa alpine) and skyline bluegrass (Poa cusickii), cushion plants and herbaceous forbs in open or partially protected areas, such as alpine avens (Acomastylis rossii), alpine bistort (Bistorta vivipara), dwarf clover (Trifolium nanum), alpine forget-me-not (Eritrichum aretioides), arctic gentian (Gentianodes algida), Rocky Mountain sedge (Carex scopulorum), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), moss 160

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campion (Silene acaulis), alpine phlox (Phlox pulvenata), alpine sandwort (Lidia obtusiloba), and alpine sage (Artemisia scopulorum) More protected areas often have Colorado columbine (Aguilegia coerulea), thistle (Cirsum scopulorum), and yarrow (Achillea lenulosa). 5GA2724 Survey Area: Continental Divide South. Site Description: This site is a prehistoric open camp in a protected saddle between a small alpine ridge knoll and a small drainage swale. Camp artifacts consist of a scatter of lithic tools and manufacturing/refurbislunent debitage that cover an elongated polygon area measuring 30 by 50 meters. The south end of the site is located immediately (north) of the modern-day Tonahutu Creek trail. The Tonahutu trail is believed likely to have been part of a prehistoric and early historic trail corridor known by the Arapahoe and Ute as the Big Trail which crossed the Continental Divide from Bear Lake, over Flattop Mountain, and down the western, descending ridge lines of the Tonahutu Creek valley. Documented site artifacts included a quartzite, Early Archaic, side-notched projectile point (ca. 6500-4500 BP), an agatized chert or jasper Mid-Archaic (McKean Complex) Duncan projectile point (ca. 4500-3000 BP), a Late Archaic projectile point (ca. 3000-1900 BP), jasper, edge retouched, flake scraper, a quartzite flake knife, a chert flake scraper, a jasper biface knife fragment, a sandstone metate fragment, and seventeen chert, jasper, and quartzite secondary and tertiary flakes. The site is located in the alpine tundra ecosystem where the predominant vegetation includes alpine bluegrass (Poa alpine) and skyline bluegrass (Poa cusickii), cushion plants and herbaceous forbs in open or partially protected areas such as alpine avens (Acomastylis rossii), alpine bistort (Bistorta vivipara), dwarf clover (Trifolium nanum), alpine forget-me-not (Eritrichum aretioides), arctic gentian (Gentianodes algida), Rocky Mountain sedge (Carex scopulorum), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), moss campion (Silene acaulis) alpine phlox (Phlox pulvenata), alpine sandwort (Lidia obtusiloba), and alpine sage (Artemisia scopulorum). More protected areas often have Colorado columbine (Aguilegia coerulea), thistle (Cirsum scopulorum), and yarrow (Achillea lenulosa). 5GA2728 Survey Area: Shadow Mountain. Site Description: This site with both prehistoric and historic components is located at the southern end of a lodge pole pine forested mountain ridge overlooking the 161

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Colorado River to the southwest. Prehistoric artifacts included a single gray, sandstone metate fragment and two chert secondary flakes. A small (40 em diameter) cobble-lined hearth associated with the flakes is also believed to be prehistoric in origin. The historic component is represented by a single, heavily rusted, solder dot can (ca. 1890-1920) located 30 feet north, and up slope, of the hearth and flakes. Local vegetation consists of lodge pole pine (Pinus contorta) and assorted shrubs, grasses and forbs. including conunon juniper (Juniperus conunllllis). kinnikinnik (Arctostaphylos uva-ursi), sticky laurel (Ceanothus velutina), blue grama (Bouteloua gracilis), dwarf mistletoe (Oxytropis defleca), Wyoming paintbrush (Castilleja linariaefolia), and wintergreen (Orthilia secunda). 5LR90 Survey Area: Specimen Mountain. Site Description: This prehistoric site, first documented by Husted in 1962, was reevaluated by a UNC archaeological survey crew in August 2000. Wil Husted (1962: 105-106, 109) had earlier described the site as a prehistoric open camp. His collected point types (on later assessment) included Early Archaic (Mount Albion type) points (ca. 6500-4500 BP) and a McKean (Middle Archaic) point (ca. 45003000 BP), along with a recovered mano. It is located on Specimen Mountain 1km from the Milner Pass Trail Head and situated between the Crater Rim Overlook Trail and the closed [posted] portion of Specimen Mountain. Most of the site's collected and mapped artifacts were located on the steep south-southeast facing slope and many, if not most, transported there through colluvial redeposition. All stages of lithic production were present. Artifacts were mainly evident where the vegetation mat had been eroded. The site most likely represents a stone tool manufacturing/ hide preparation/processing locality. Noted and collected artifacts included hundreds of flakes, a cord marked pottery sherd from the Middle Ceramic Period (ca. 1100-650 BP) and eight recovered projectile points. Non diagnostic artifacts included a red sandstone metate fragment, a drill base, a graver, and three bifacially flaked tools. The projectile points recovered in the 2000 UNC survey of the site included one Early Archaic Mt. Albion side-notched point (6500-4500 BP), a generalized Early Archaic point base (7500-4500 BP), an Early( or Late) Archaic side notched point (7500-2000 BP), four Early Ceramic comer notched points (1900-1000 BP), and a Middle/ Late Ceramic side notched point (1000-200 BP). The site is in fair condition, although natural erosion and slope wash are evident and it is considered likely that artifact collecting has taken place in the past. It is 162

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located on open alpine tundra on a partially protected southeastern to eastern mountain ridge slope. SLR349 SUIVey Area: Kawuneeche South (East Inlet Survey / Boulder-Grand Pass) Site Description: This prehistoric site, known as the Boulder-Grand Pass site, was re located and re-evaluated by UNC archeologists in 2001. An earlier Husted ( 1962: 31, 101) reference to the site noted it was a prehistoric lithic scatter, but no diagnostic artifacts were noted as having been recorded. However, Benedict and Olson (1978: Figure 65e) provide a photo of an Early Mount Albion projectile point from the RMNP Museum in a 1978 monograph on the Mount Albion Complex (ca. 6500-4500 BP). In 2001, UNC crew members recovered seven ground sandstone metate fragments, but were unable to locate other artifacts. The site is located in alpine tundra where the dominant plant species are scattered shrubs such as arctic willow (Salix arctica) and snow willow (Salix reticulate). Local grasses consist of alpine bluegrass (Poa alpine) and skyline bluegrass (Poa cusickii). Common cushion plants and herbaceous forbs in many open or partially protected areas include alpine avens (Acomastylis rossii), alpine bistort (Bistorta vivipara). dwarf clover (Trifolium nanum), alpine forget-me-not (Eritrichum aretioides), arctic gentian (Gentianodes algida), Rocky Mountain sedge (Carex scopulorum), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), moss campion (Silene acaulis), alpine phlox (Phlox pulvenata), alpine sandwort (Lidia obtusiloba), and alpine sage (Artemisia scopulorum). More protected areas often have Colorado columbine (Aguilegia coerulea), thistle (Cirsum scopulorum), and yarrow (Achillea lenulosa). SLR3875 SUIVey Area: Upper Beaver Meadows. Site Description: The site is an isolated find of a single prehistoric sandstone metate fragment. The artifact was recovered 4 meters east of a hiking trail in Upper Beaver Meadows. The trail originates at a small parking area on the north side, just off the main access road (30 meters away from the find). Local plant life includes buffalo/blue grama grass, ponderosa pine trees, and mountain shrubs. 163

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5LR4493 Survey Area: Horseshoe Park. Site Description: This prehistoric Native American isolated find consists of a single grinding stone (metate) fragment made of Lyons sandstone from the eastern Front Range foothills. The artifact was found on a relatively steep (10'), grassy, meadow hill slope with mountain mahogany shrubs in lower Horseshoe Park. 5LR4505 Survey Area: Horseshoe Park. Site Description: An isolated find of a single metate fragment of Lyons sandstone, believed to be prehistoric Native American in origin. It was found along the margins of a lateral moraine in Hidden Creek valley in scattered ponderosa pine forest (with scattered aspen stands) adjacent to upper Horseshoe Park. 5LR7023 Survey Area: McGregor Ranch. Site Description: This site contains both prehistoric, Native American, and historic, Euro American, components. Both components are scattered within a cluster of large boulders in ponderosa pine forest at the foot of a large ridge overlooking (to southwest) the Black Canyon valley on MacGregor Ranch. Prehistoric artifacts included four sandstone metate fragments and a single lanceolate, chert biface tool. Historic artifacts, dating to the late 191h or early 20th Centuries, consisted of square iron nails and purple glass. 5LR7113 164

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Survey Area: Continental Divide Site Description: This prehistoric site is an extensive lithic and ground stone scatter of 60 chert quartzite, and rhyolite secondary and tertiary stage manufacturing flakes, nine sandstone metate fragments, four bifacially flaked tools (three of chert and one of rhyolite) a chert flake knife, a chert side/end scraper, one utilized chert flake tool, and a quartzite projectile point base The point is an Early Archaic (Mt Albion Complex-ca 6500-4000 BP) type The site also includes two deflated likely prehistoric hearths and a rock cairn The site is located on a subalpine knoll immediately west of Forest Canyon Pass and overlooking Milner Pass (1.658 km to the southwest) and the headwaters of the northeast flowing Cache La Poudre River. A section of the Ute Trail passes 40 m east of the eastern margins of the site It is located within an area of several small dwarf spruce-fir krummholz stands. SLR9816 Survey Area: Continental Divide Site Description: A prehistoric open camp and lithic scatter site that consis1S of two secondary chert flakes, a chert knife/end scraper, and two sandstone metate fragments. The site is located 2 06 km from the Gore Range Overlook along the Ute Trail and sits on a small subalpine finger ridge 50 m south of that trail. Vegetation at the site locality includes alpine sorrel wheatgrass and dwarf spruce fir krummholz stands. SLR9839 Survey Area: Discovered on re-survey of local area during Mount Chapin Ponds Testing Program. Site Description: This prehistoric site is located on an alpine bench and pond basin at the lower, southwest slope of Mount Chapin, 150m south of the Mount Chapin Trail. The site's artifacts were scattered in small area in a saddle between two small ponds on the bench. Its associated artifacts included a bifilcially flaked chert knife scraper, a Kremmling chert flake knife, a crystal quartz scraper, an obsidian biface thinning flake, and a sandstone metate fragment (possibly Lyons Sandstone). 165

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Vegetation surrounding the site includes dwarf spruce-fir krummholz, alpine bluegrass and stonecrop. 5LR9847 Survey Area: Specimen Mountain/Milner Pass. Site Description: This prehistoric site of multiple lithic and ground stone tools, tool debitage, and a possibly prehistoric hearth is located in and around a series of krununholz stands on the southeastern slope of Specimen Mountain some 175 m northeast of the Crater Rim overlook. The site overlooks the upper Cache La Poudre Valley to the southeast and it occupies an open 20-30 mountain slope with a series of small swale depressions. Some of the artifacts were found inside a swale depression near the krununholz and may have been eroded into the depression from its adjacent edges. A sandstone metate fragment and assorted game processing tools suggest the presence of a series of short-term, successive camps in a location where the krununholz and swale terrain provided temporary shelter from the wind. Numerous game trails were noted all along the mountain slope in the site vicinity. The small (.6 m diameter), partly buried rock-lined hearth was located on the down slope (east) side of a small krununholz stand where many of the artifacts were also found. The hearth, although originally suspected of being prehistoric in date (based on its partly buried condition and heavy erosion of its stones), appears to have been re-used in recent decades since only moderately eroded charcoal is located on its margins. Prehistoric artifacts found in the site area can be characterized as occurring in four lithic scatter concentrations. These can be described as follows: Concentration 1-nine secondary manufacturing stage flakes consisting of local jasper (3), andesite porphyry (2), rhyolite (1), and andesite (3), a local andesite flake scraper/knife, local brown jasper blade knife, a non-local gray quartzite flake knife/scraper, a Kremmling chert flake scraper, a Kremmling chert retouched scraper, and a Lyons sandstone metate fragment; Concentration 2-seven secondary stage manufacturing flakes that included two local andesite flakes, a local fused obsidian/welded tuff flake, four Kremmling chert flakes, a white chert utilized flake knife, and a brown quartzite chopper; Concentration :>-only two tools, a dark brown local andesite chopper and a non-local tan chert utilized flake scraper; am Concentration 4-10 primary and secondary flakes, including one of local obsidian, five of rhyolite porphyry, three of a local dark brown andesite, and one flake of non-local Kremmling chert. Tools from the concentration included a local dark brown andesite flake scraper, a white chert biface knife tip, a banded chert graver, 166

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a Kremmling chert flake scraper, and a Krerrunling chert utilized flake knife Surveyors collected a variety of volcanic lithic materials (andesites, welded tuff, rhyolite) in the same area as the artifacts, providing evidence that they were both quarried and made into expedient tools at the site Local mountain slope vegetation consists of scattered dwarf spruce-fir krummholz stands, alpine wheatgrass and stonecrop. 5LR10213 Survey Area: Mummy Pass Site Description : This site, with both prehistoric and historic components, is located on the Mummy Pass Trail in Mummy Pass Valley 800 meters northeast of that pass. It is situated on a lightly sloping, southeast-facing mountain slope with mixed upper subalpine and alpine vegetation within dwarf spruce fir krummholtz along its north and south margins. A small lake is located 65 meters to the southwest. The prehistoric component, covering an area of 65 by 25 meters, consists of an open camp, lithic scatter with a jasper Early Archaic (Mount Albion Complex) side to comer-notched projectile point (ca. 6500-4500 BP) two chert Early Ceramic comer-notched projectile points (ca 1900-950 BP), a chert biface tool tip, a bifacially retouched, prismatic blade tool made of white crystal quartz. six chert and quartzite utilized flake tools, a chert utilized blade tool, three sandstone metate fragments, and sixty-seven chert, jasper, crystal quartz and quartzite secondary and tertiary manufacturing / re tooling stage flakes Two cobble-lined historic hearths (each ca. 2 feet in diameter) and one possible "scattered" prehistoric hearth of fire-cracked cobbles and small boulders (over a one meter diameter area) were observed. Two flake and tool concentrations were observed and their artifacts mapped in place. The site is located in the extreme upper subalpine to alpine ecosystem zone where predominant plant species include scattered krummholz stands of dwarf spruce and fir shrubs, arctic willow (Salix arctica) and snow willow (Salix reticulate), grasses such as alpine bluegrass (Poa alpine) and skyline bluegrass (Poa cusickii). Common cushion plants and herbaceous forbs in many open or partially protected areas include alpine avens (Acomastylis rossii), alpine bistort (Bistorta vivipara), dwarf clover (Trifolium nanum), alpine forget-me-not (Eritrichum aretioides) arctic gentian (Gentianodes algida), Rocky Mountain sedge (Carex scopulorum) elk sedge (Carex geyeri), moss campion (Silene acaulis), alpine phlox (Phlox pulvenata), alpine sandwort (Lidia obtusiloba) and alpine sage (Artemisia scopulorum). More protected areas often have Colorado columbine (Aguilegia coerulea), thistle (Cirsum scopulorum), and yarrow (Achillea lenulosa) 167

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SLR10214 Survey Area: Mummy Pass Site Description: This prehistoric lithic scatter marks a former chronologically successive series of open, ephemeral camps on a southeast facing mountain slope bench on the western side of Mummy Pass Valley. Small lakes are located nearby at the foot of the mountain slope and Mummy Pass is located 755 meters to the southwest. Prehistoric artifacts were found over a 30 by 50 meter area, often concentrated in small open area in an around dwarf spruce-fir krummholtz patches and large granite boulders. The site location provides good shelter from the wind and an excellent view of the valley below. Two projectile point fragments (one a chert Middle Archaic Duncan point base, ca. 4500-3000 BP and a quartzite Late Archaic tip, ca. 3000-1900 BP) were found near the base of a large boulder. Other artifacts collected at the site included a chert biface base, a chert scraper, a quartzite drill, a combination chert graver with a lower retouched knife edge, eight utilized chert, jasper and quartzite flake tools, a sandstone metate fragment, and fourteen chert and jasper secondary and tertiary manufacturing stage flakes. The site is located in the extreme upper subalpine to alpine ecosystem zone where predominant plant species include scattered krummholz stands of dwarf spruce and fir slnubs, arctic willow (Salix arctica) and snow willow (Salix reticulate), grasses such as alpine bluegrass (Poa alpine) and skyline bluegrass (Poa cusickii). Common cushion plants and herbaceous forbs in many open or partially protected areas include alpine avens (Acomastylis rossii), alpine bistort (Bistorta vivipara), dwarf clover (Trifolium nanum), alpine forget-me-not (Eritrichum aretioides), arctic gentian (Gentianodes algida), Rocky Mountain sedge (Carex scopulorum), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), moss campion (Silene acaulis), alpine phlox (Phlox pulvenata), alpine sandwort (Lidia obtusiloba), and alpine sage (Artemisia scopulorum). More protected areas often have Colorado columbine (Aguilegia coerulea), thistle (Cirsum scopulorum), and yarrow (Achillea lenulosa). SLR10221 Survey Area: Lake Helene Site Description: This multi-component prehistoric camp site on located below the north flank of Flattop Mountain in an opening in upper subalpine Engelmann Spruce Forest. The site is crossed by the Lake Helene Trail. It was initially reported by Jack Melton of Estes Park who recovered an obsidian flake and a projectile point from within the trail depression in August of 2000. That projectile point is a jasper Middle 168

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Archaic Hanna type, dated at various regional sites to ca. 4500-3000 BP (Tate 1999: 118-151 ). A small black obsidian tool retouch flake was also recovered. A UNC archeology crew surveyed the site in late August 2001 and located numerous artifacts in the site area. In particular, prehistoric artifacts were located in an open grassy area surrounded by subalpine dwarf spruce-fir krummholtz. They consisted of a triangular comer-notched Early Ceramic projectile point (ca. 1900-950 BP) made of a brownish gray quartzite, a Late Archaic comer-notched projectile point (ca. 3000-1900 BP) made of yellow brown chert, a brown quartzite biface tool fragment, a possible spoke shave made of light brown quartzite, two small Uncompahgre Brownware (Ute) sherds (ca. 950-150 BP), and six fragments of Lyons sandstone metate. Flake debitage consisted of thirty-one chert, jasper and quartzite flakes from secondary through tertiary manufacturing/re-tooling stages. Most of the artifacts were found within the trail cut after having eroded out of the trail cut bank. Artifacts are continually being trampled by heavy foot traffic. The site is located in the subalpine fir ecological zone and local vegetation includes mid-sized to dwarf Engelmann spruce (Picea engelmanii) with the most conunon shrub and herbaceous species including cinquefoil (Pentaphylloides floribunda), whortleberry (Vaccinium scoparium), broad-leaved arnica (Arnica latifolia), blue gentian (Pneumonathe affinis), needle-grass (Stipa lettermanii), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), and lesser wintergreen (Pyrola minor). 5LR10226 Survey Area: Longs Peak (Battle Mountain) Site Description: This is a prehistoric isolated find of four, fire-blackened sandstone metate fragments located on an alpine mountain slope 220 meters south of Granite Pass and 80 meters west of the Longs Peak trail. The IF is located in alpine tundra where the predominant plant species are alpine bluegrass (Poa alpine) and skyline bluegrass (Poa cusickii), common cushion plants and herbaceous forbs such as alpine avens (Acomastylis rossii), alpine bistort (Bistorta vivipara), dwarf clover (Trifolium nanum), alpine forget-me-not (Eritrichum aretioides), arctic gentian (Gentianodes algida), Rocky Monntain sedge (Carex scopulorum), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), moss campion (Silene acaulis), alpine phlox (Phlox pulvenata), alpine sandwort (Lidia obtusiloba), and alpine sage (Artemisia scopulorum). More protected areas have Colorado columbine (Aguilegia coerulea), thistle (Cirsum scopulorum), and yarrow (Achillea lenulosa). 169

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Appendix E: Site DescriptionsSmall Triangular Side-notched and Unnotched Projectile Points SBLSO Survey Area: Thunder Lake. Site Description: This re-evaluated site was previously described as being located (Husted-see below) just east of a small Alpine pond and stream near the edge of cliffs north of Thunder Lake in Wild Basin at an elevation of 3414 m. The site is a prehistoric Native American open camp in a sheltered locale with a cultural inventory consisting of a lithic scatter and a single triangular unnotched point (Mid to Late Ceramic in date). A small (1.75 meter diameter) stone ring is the only architectural feature noted. The site was originally recorded by William Husted in his 1962 M.A. thesis (1962: 28, 98-99, 104-1 07) and later re-investigated by a UNC survey team in the summer of 1999. 5GA2705 Survey Area: Bighorn Flats Site Description: This large multi-component prehistoric and historic site that consists primarily of two major, prehistoric activity areas and a more generalized scatter of artifacts, the former being generally located in flatter areas on the wind protected sides of dwarf spruce and fir knurunholtz stands. The overall site area is a general polygon measuring 150 meters by 75 meters. The two main concentrations contained the following artifacts: Concentration 1-a total of thirty-one chert, jasper, and quartzite secondary and tertiary flakes; Concentration 2a small Kremmling chert mid-Late Ceramic side-notched projectile point (ca. 950-350 BP), four chert utilized flake tools, sixteen proto historic-early historic Uncompahgre Brown potsherds (ca. 1100-150 BP), and fifty-four chert, jasper, and quartzite secondary and tertiary flakes. Prehistoric artifacts recovered in a generalized scatter outside the two concentrations included the following: a Kremmling chert McKean (Middle Archaic) corner and basal notched Hanna projectile point (ca. 4500-3000 BP), two red sandstone metate fragments, a retouched, jasper end scraper, a orthoquartzite serrated flake knife, a jasper flake knife with edge retouch, a crystal quartz scraper, a chert biface tool tip, two utilized flake tools, and eleven chert, jasper, and quartzite secondary and tertiary flakes. Lithic materials are dominated by Middle Park (Kremmling chert, Table Mountain jasper, and Dakota orthoquartzite) sources. Three features were documented at the site, including a recent, 75 em diameter, rock-lined hearth (feature 170

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1) and a three-meter diameter semi-circle (feature 2) of small boulders and cobbles with one end forming a four-meter long north-south alignment. The second feature is judged to be prehistoric in origin since its stones are deeply embedded in the soil overgrown with alpine grasses and mosses, and have substantial lichen cover The third and final feature (3) is 1 meter diameter rock-lined, rectangular hearth placed in the center of the feature 2 stone semi-circle. The hearth is composed of stones that appear to have once been part of the prehistoric feature. The site is situated on an alpine ridge at and immediately above the sub-alpine / alpine ecotone. The primary local vegetation consists of dwarf Engelmann spruce (Picea engelmanii) and dwarf subalpine fir (Abies lasocarpa), arctic willow (Salix arctica) and snow willow (Salix reticulate). Grasses consist of alpine bluegrass (Poa alpine) and skyline bluegrass (Poa cusickii). Common cushion plants and herbaceous forbs in many open or partially protected areas include alpine avens (Acomastylis rossii) alpine bistort (Bistorta vivipara) dwarf clover {Trifolium nanum) alpine forget-me-not (Eritrichum aretioides), arctic gentian (Gentianodes algida). Rocky MoW1tain sedge (Carex scopulorum), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), moss campion (Silene acaulis), alpine phlox (Phlox pulvenata), alpine sandwort (Lidia obtusiloba) and alpine sage (Artemisia scopulorum). Finally, more protected areas often have Colorado columbine (Aguilegia coerulea) thistle (Cirsum scopulorum), and yarrow (Achillea lenulosa) 5LR319 Survey Area: Fall River and Forest Canyon Site Description: This site was first recorded by Mary Yelm (Y14-288) in 1935 and revisited and re-recorded in 1995 by Nykamp prior to planned rehabilitation. The site extends down the east bank of the Roaring River some 80 meters. and within a swale; on a small lobe to the west; north to bench; east to timbered slope; and south to historic lake bed. Artifacts include: Metate fragment of fine grained grey sandstone 15 x 15 x 4 em thick (not collected); Woodland comer-notched projectile point of fine grained grey quartzite with pink mottling, one tang missing; Two sherds of Uncompahgre Brown Ware; Four grey quartzite thinning flakes; Three white chert flakes, on from surface of a biface; Three small flakes of red chert; One flake of petrified wood; One flake of very fine grained salmon colored chert Hearth: Charcoal was collected from the surface just below an unlined hearth with a charcoal stain 30 em in length by 3 to 4 em thick ca. 10 em. below surface. Hearth in eroded east facing side wall of Roaring River outlet channel of Lawn Lake Dam before it collapsed; hearth not excavated and was stabilized with rocks to reduce further erosion. Y elm ( 1935) reported projectile points and "Late 171

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Prehistoric" ceramics from the site. The recovery of the Woodland comer-notched point and the Uncompahgre Brown Ware sherds supports a site. However, soils are shallow, ca. 2(}30 em., and the components may be both vertically and horizontally stratified. Biopedoturbation and freeze-thaw cycles at this high altitude (ca. 11,000 feet) may make the interpretation of excavated evidence somewhat difficult. Inferred function: Campsite Late Paleo to Late Prehistoric (emphasis added). 5LR611 Survey Area: Glacier Creek Site Description: This site recorded by Emily Buehler in 1981, with an elevation of 7960 ft or 2612 m, is located near Tuxedo Park and extends along the north shore of Glacier Creek, parallel to the creek, and is about 0.25 miles long. A total of 34 complete flakes, 16 flake fragments, 2 rock rings (also referred to as hearths), and a glass bead had been located. At the western end of the site a broken unnotched projectile point was located. Recorded as possible campsite with lithic scatter, and may also be a multi-component site. The cultural affiliation was originally recorded as unknown, and then re-recorded as possible Ute affiliation. 5LR1094 Survey Area: Chapin Creek Trail Site Description: This site recorded by Judy Rosen in 1987, with an elevation of 10,040 ft or 3060 m, is reached via the Chapin Creek TraiL located approximately 7 miles up the Old Fall River Road in the northern section ofRMNP. The site itself is located approximately 3 miles north of the trailhead on the Chapin Creek Trial. This site has been recorded as possible Protohistoric Ute cultural affiliation with a time period between A.D 1600 and 1800. However, it is suggested that a finely worked scraper found at this site, may precede the Protohistoric period, indicating a multi component site. Other debitage found at this site includes: l end scraper of gray chert (distinctive in its finely "finished" appearance), l red chert asynunetrical notched projectile point with tip and edges missing, and 20 flakes of red, white and gray chert. This site is located on a level terrain in a subalpine meadow along the creek. 172

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5LR7112 SUIVey Area: Continental Divide. Site Description: This prehistoric site, located in a subalpine saddle between two Forest Canyon mountain knolls, includes 24 chert and quartzite flakes, a chert flake scraper, and two projectile point bases. One base is a comer-notched Early Archaic (ca. 6500-4000 BP) type and the other is designated a probable Middle/Late Ceramic (Late Prehistoric Period-ca. 1000-350 BP) UIUlotched triangular type made of a deep brown chert. The site is located 1.545 km west southwest of the Gore Range Overlook on Trail Ridge Road, immediately off the Ute Trail in Forest Canyon Pass. The site is just 15m north of the traiL A segment of the now-abandoned Old Fall River Road is located only 30 m west of the site. Local vegetation consists of scattered dwarf spruce-fir krummholz stands and alpine sorrel, bluegrass and wheatgrass. 5LR9878 Survey Area: Mummy Pass Site Description: The site is a prehistoric open camp located in a modem camp site next to the Mummy Pass trail and 43 m northwest of Mwnmy Pass Creek. The site measures 30 x 15 meters and is situated on the southern edge and west end of a large grassy meadow. Prehistoric artifacts documented at the site included a jasper, Middle/Late Ceramic unnotched, triangular projectile point/hafted knife (ca. 950-450 BP), a chert biface knife tip, a quartzite chopper/scraper, a chert utilized flake tool, and fourteen chert and quru1zite secondary and tertiary flakes. The site is located in a mixed mountain meadow/lower subalpine ecosystem where the predominant plant species are Engelmann Spruce (Picea engelmanii) and the common shrubs and herbaceous species include cinquefoil (Pentaphylloides floribunda), whortleberry (Vaccinium scoparium), broad-leaved arnica (Arnica latifolia), blue gentian (Pneumonathe affinis), needle-grass (Stipa lettermanii), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), lesser wintergreen (Pyrola minor), Canada blue grass (Critesion jubatum), cheatgrass (Anisantha tectorum), blue grama (Bouteloua gracilis), mountain muhly (Muhlenbergia montana), and needle-and-thread (Stipa comata). 173

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Appendix F: Site Description Archaeological Stone Features 5GA1095 Survey Area: Continental Divide South. Site Description: This prehistoric site was first recorded in 1987 by James Benedict (see Benedict 1987: 1-27). It is located 1.9 km from the Mount Ida trailhead at Milner Pass and consists of several prehistoric cairns, a U-shape stone walled fasting, or vision quest, bed, and three chert and quartzite flakes. Benedict also suggested several cairns and aligrunents found in the vicinity of the fasting bed feature, that directly overlooks Milner Pass and the northeast headwaters branch of the Colorado River, were part of a former game drive This latter identification, however, will require additional field investigation to support its validity. Alpine tundra vegetation surrounding the site includes alpine sorrel, stonecrop and alpine bluegrass. 5GA2706 Survey Area: Bighorn Flats Site Description: This prehistoric site is situated in and around a dwarf krununholz stand on the upper southwest slope of an alpine ridge knoll west of the Continental Divide The site's three main artifact concentrations and other more scattered artifacts cover a polygon area of ca. 70 by 30 meters. Artifacts mapped and collected within the three concentrations consisted of the following: Concentration 1-a chert, side-notched, Early Archaic projectile point (ca. 6500. 4500 BP), three red sandstone metate fragments, a chert flake end-scraper, a chert blade knife, a chert utilized flake tool, and twenty-three chert, jasper, and quartzite secondary and tertiary flakes; Concentration 2-a jasper bifacially flaked knife, a jasper biface knife tip, a jasper flake graver, a chert biface knife or projectile point tip, the lower two-thirds of a purplish-gray chert biface knife or projectile point, and six chert and jasper secondary flakes; and Concentration 3-triangular comer notched, rounded base, Early Archaic/Mount Albion projectile point (ca. 65@4500 BP) made of brown chert and a chert secondary flake and a jasper tertiary flake. In addition to the prehistoric artifacts, four features were documented and mapped at the site. Three were small rock-lined hearths (features 1, 2 and 4), varying between 75 and 1 meter in diameter. No evidence of charcoal was present and all were found with their rocks embedded from 3-5 em in the tundra soil. The final feature 174

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(feature 3) was a three-meter diameter circle of boulders and cobbles, believed to represent the foundation of a former hide-covered tipi or vision quest/ ceremonial circle The site is located in the upper sub-alpine/alpine ecotone where the predominant vegetation is dwarf Engelmann spruce (Picea engelmanii) and dwarf subalpine fir (Abies lasocarpa), arctic willow (Salix arctica) and snow willow (Salix reticulate). Grasses consist of alpine bluegrass (Poa alpine) and skyline bluegrass (Poa cusickii). Common cushion plants and herbaceous forbs in rnmy open or partially protected areas include alpine avens (Acomastylis rossii) alpine bistort (Bistorta vivipara), dwarf clover (Trifolium nanum), alpine forget-me-not (Eritrichum aretioides), arctic gentian (Gentianodes algida), Rocky Mountain sedge (Carex scopulorum), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), moss campion (Silene acaulis), alpine phlox (Phlox pulvenata), alpine sandwort (Lidia obtusiloba), and alpine sage (Artemisia scopulorum) Finally. more protected areas often have Colorado columbine (Aguilegia coerulea), thistle (Cirsum scopulorum), and yarrow (Achillea lenulosa). 5LR3950 Site Description: The site is a ring of large stones, in places stacked to a two-tiered height. A mid-late 20th century date is suggested for the feature, based on the condition of its stones, particularly those balanced in the second-tier that indicate a relatively recent time of construction with little time for them to be disturbed. No artifacts were evident. It is suspected the site could represent a modem Native American or "New Age" vision quest site. Given its condition, it could still be in occasional use. The site is located 35 meters west of a gravel road on top of a large rock outcrop overlooking the Glacier Creek Valley. Overall site dimensions are 3 X 3 meters, forming a circular pattern. Local plant life includes ponderosa pine trees and juniper trees. 5LR7090 Survey Area: Upper Trail Ridge West. Site Description: The protohistoric / early historic site is located on an alpine saddle 338m southwest west of Tundra Curves on Trail Ridge Road Trail Ridge road was cut through the saddle and the site is located just northwest (ca. 20m) ofthe road and ca. 40 m southwest of a now closed section of the Ute Trail. The site is a partly buried prehistoric or early historic stone ring with a central cairn and two (or three) rock alignments radiating out from the central cairn One alignment appears to point 175

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to Longs Peak, a second to the cairn complex (5LR7095) at Lava Cliffs, and third to a vision quest site on a high mountain knoll across Forest Canyon to the southwest. An August 2000 consultation visit with a Ute elder resulted in its probable identification as a shaman's ritual feature. The stone ring measures 5 m in diameter and sits on an 8 saddle slope. Local alpine vegetation consists of alpine sorrel, bluegrass, and wheat grass. 5LR7095 Survey Area: Upper Trail Ridge West. Site Description: A prehistoric and protohistoric/early historic rock feature complex consisting of multiple clusters and alignments of large to small rock cairns (a minimum number of five cairn clusters and cairn alignments with 22+ individual cairns), a semi-circular rock wall (vision quest feature), stone rings, at least one identifiable rock wall alignment, and rock outlined symbols, letters and word groups ("God is", "DPU", "JB", PH", a cross and star, a crescent, a Yin Yang symbol, and a peace symbol).The linear alignment is located on the top of the Lava Cliffs 85m north of Trail Ridge Road. The site area forms a rough triangle on a summit ridge measuring ca. 313 m (northwest to southeast east) by 287 1 , (northwest to south southeast) by 269m (southwest to northeast east), or a ca. 14.5 acres Some of the features are obviously historic while many, perhaps most, are prehistoric or early historic Native American in origin. The Native American features, based on consultation with a Ute elder in August of 2000 and through information from a background study of such features in other areas of the Rocky Mountains, are representative of symbolic complexes that combine various shamanic, ceremonial, astronomical, human burial, group ceremonial, game hunting, and migratory travel elements. The Ute trail goes through the physical center of the site and divides into the main part of that trail that descends to the Colorado River (Kawuneeche) valley and another branch that runs north and northeast across the divide to the Fall River, Cache La Poudre, and Chapin Creek valleys. There is good evidence of several cairns considered to be Native American as having been disturbed in the past. The very rocky, fell field terrain ofthe site (at an elevation of3766 m) has small clumps of alpine tundra vegetation including alpine sorrel and bluegrass. 5LR7100 Survey Area: Continental Divide. 176

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Site Description: This linear alignment of five rock cairns, based on its condition is believed to be prehistoric or early historic in origin and appears to mark the Ute Trail as it descends from a high promontory of Trail Ridge toward Forest Canyon Pass The cairn alignment is visible for a distance of 300m along an east-west segment of the Ute Trail and its western end is 170m east ofthe Gore Range Overlook parking area on Trail Ridge Road. Alpine tundra vegetation along the alignment includes alpine sorrel, bluegrass and wheatgrass. 5LR9822 Survey Area: Continental Divide Site Description : This prehistoric site includes a semi-circular rock wall thought to have served as a game blind (facing down slope) three rock cairns (at least two of which may be historic in date-based on their condition), a U-shaped stone wall feature (interpreted as a vision quest/fasting bed), an oval configuration of granite rocks that, on appearance and based on lichen growth, appears to be quite old. The feature is believed to represent a heavily eroded marker or ritual cairn or even possibly a small prehistoric grave. The only artifact recovered from the site was a single tertiary manufacturing stage chert flake The site is located on a high tundra mountain knoll, 2.531 m southwest of Gore Range Overlook (on Trail Ridge Road) and across from Forest Canyon Pass Local tundra vegetation includes alpine sorrel, American bistort, willow stonecrop and wheatgrass. 5LR9840 Survey Area: Specimen Mountain/Miler Pass. Site Description: This prehistoric isolated find is a granite rock-wall feature with an internal pit located adjacent to a steep mountain ridge cliff directly on top of the continental divide on Specimen Mountain. It is situated ca. 2.482 km southeast of the Poudre Pass Ranger Station The feature, measuring 1.4 m in diameter and with a depth of 7 m, is believed is be of ancient origin, based on the presence of heavy lichen growth on its stones. Part of the surrounding rock wall has collapsed into the pit, partially filling it. The feature is believed to have served as an pit or, more likely, a Big Hom sheep hunting blind were the animals could have been driven up the steep mountainside and over its rim near the feature location. Very little vegetation surrounds the site, but what exists consists of typical alpine tundra plants such as alpine bluegrass stonecrop and wheatgrass. 177

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5LR9850 Survey Area: Specimen Mountain/Milner Pass. Site Description: This site is an extensive, linear (southwest to northeast) array of stone features interpreted as representing a combination of Euro-American tourist activities (cairn construction), National Park Service constructions of cairn trail markers, and prehistoric and early historic Native American rock features. All are situated immediately east of the Specimen Mountain trail for a distance of ca. 105 m along a steep cliff directly atop and just east of the continental divide on Specimen Mountain. Rock features include letter initials outlined in rocks, sheltered, round to rectangular rock walled pits (6), linear rock alignments (2), and both small and large rock cairns (a minimum number of 18). The rock walled pits (game blinds?) may be Native American in origin but appear to have altered by later tmrists and hikers. It appears that the pit walls have been recently increased in height and some pit depressions possibly deepened. One of the rock walled pit features is the largest and, possibly more recent, with its diameter of ca. 4.5 m. One feature (No. 24) of the site incorporates the current Specimen Mountain trail and small cairns along part of its length at the site. Those trail cairns extend far beyond the site from the base of the mountain ridge (to the south) to the Specimen Mountain summit where the site is located. The site is located on the Specimen Mountain trail ca. 751 m north of the Crater Rim overlook at an elevation of 3740 m. Although the site is covered in a fell field boulders, it does have sparse alpine tundra vegetation including alpine bluegrass, wheatgrass, and stonecrop. SLR10227 Survey Area: Longs Peak (Battle Mountain) Site Description: This prehistoric isolated find is located on an upper, southwest facing slope of an alpine tundra ridge line overlooking Jim's Grove (to the south southeast) and 1.365 km east of Granite Pass. The feature is a one meter high and 1.3 meter diameter cairn of vertically angled granite slabs with a single flat slab forming 178

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a horizontal "table" at the top. The slabs are heavily weathered and covered with 1012 em diameter lichen patches. A 30 by 40 em opening on the southwest face of the feature opens into a hollow space in its center, suggesting it may have once served as a "cache box" or a place to deposit ritual offerings. The feature s base stones are well embedded in the sod and covered with lichen, suggesting considerable age. The feature is located in alpine tundra where the predominant plant species are alpine bluegrass (Poa alpine) and skyline bluegrass (Poa cusickii), common cushion plants and herbaceous forbs such as alpine avens (Acomastylis rossii), alpine bistort (Bistorta vivipara), dwarf clover (Trifolium nanum), alpine forget-me-not (Eritrichum aretioides), arctic gentian (Gentianodes algida), Rocky Mountain sedge (Carex scopulorum), elk sedge (Carex geyeri), moss campion (Silene acaulis), alpine phlox (Phlox pulvenata), alpine sandwort (Lidia obtusiloba), and alpine sage (Artemisia scopulorum). More protected areas have Colorado columbine (Aguilegia coerulea), thistle (Cirsum scopulorum), and yarrow (Achillea lenulosa). 5BL7640 Survey Area: Wild Basin. Site Description: The site is a linear aligrunent of three small rock cairns whose eroded condition suggested a possible prehistoric Native American affiliation and use as some fonn of landmark or trail marker. The cairns are situated on exposed bedrock on an upper ridge slope overlooking Wild Basin and Hunter's Creek to the south. 179

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Heikes, Walt 1979 A Preliminary Report on a Forked-Stick Structure. Manuscript on file Office of Archaeology and Historic Preservation, Denver, Colorado. Hoffman, Alice 1996 Reliability and Validity in Oral History. In Oral History: An Interdisciplinary Anthology, edited by O.K. Dunaway and W.K. Baum, pp. 8798. Alimira Press, New York. Hughes, C.J. 1985 The Vision Quest and Vision Quest Structures on the Northern Plains. Unpublished B.A. Honors Thesis, Department of Anthropology, University of Alberta, Edmonton. Hulkrantz, Ake 1986 Mythology and Religious Concepts. In Handbook of American Indians: Great Basin, Volume 11, edited by W.L. D' Azevedo, pp. 630-639. Smithsonian Institution, Washington D.C. Husted, Wilfred M. 1968a Wyoming. In The Northwestern Plains: A Symposium, edited by W.W. CaldwelJ and S.W. Conner, pp. 63-68. The Center for Indian Studies, Rocky Mountain College, Billings, Montana. 1968b The Western Macrotradition: Mountain-Plains Division. Paper presented at the 26th Plains Conference, Lincoln, Nebraska. 1969 Bighorn Canyon Archaeology. In Publications in Salvage Archaeology, vol. 12. Smithsonian Institution, River Basin Surveys, Lincoln, Nebraska. 1995 The Western Macrotradition Twenty-seven Years Later. Archaeology in Montana 36(1):37-92. 2001 Archaeology in the Middle Rocky Mountains: Some Observations and Concerns Paper presented at the Fifth Biennial Rocky Mountain Anthropology Conference Waterton Lakes National Park, Alberta, Canada. Johnson, Ralph C. 1972 A Study ofNorth Park Tipis. Southwestern Lore 37(4):93-100. Jorgensen, Joseph G. 1964 The Ethnohistory and Acculturation of the Northern Ute. Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Indiana University, Bloomington Indian. 187

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