Citation
Eben Smith

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Title:
Eben Smith Western mining man
Creator:
Forsyth, David M
Place of Publication:
Denver, CO
Publisher:
University of Colorado Denver
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
xviii, 328 leaves : ; 28 cm

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Capitalists and financiers -- Biography -- Colorado ( lcsh )
Mines and mineral resources -- Colorado ( lcsh )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 273-328).
Thesis:
History
General Note:
Department of History
Statement of Responsibility:
by David M. Forsyth.

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Source Institution:
|University of Colorado Denver
Holding Location:
|Auraria Library
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
54013343 ( OCLC )
ocm54013343

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Full Text
EBEN SMITH: WESTERN MINING MAN
by
David M. Forsyth
B.A., University of Colorado at Denver, 2001
A thesis submitted to the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
History
2003
"T
- ..
i


2003 by David M. Forsyth
All rights reserved.


This thesis for the Master of Arts
degree by
David M. Forsyth
has been approved
by
Rebecca Hunt


Forsyth, David M. (M.A., History)
Eben Smith: Biography of A Western Mining Tycoon and Capitalist
Thesis directed by Professor Thomas J. Noel
ABSTRACT
Eben Smith was just one of many when he first went to California following
the 1849 gold rush, but his career there and in Colorado after the 1859 gold rush
would change that. His success made him stand out from the many as one of the few
who actually achieved his dream of finding riches. As a mine manager and mine
investor in Colorado, where he mined from 1860 to his death in 1906, he assisted in
developing numerous mines in Gilpin County, Boulder, Aspen, Leadville, and Cripple
Creek. His work in these mines brought him into contact with many of the notable
men in Colorado mining, including Jerome Chaffee, David Moffat, Horace Tabor,
and Winfield Scott Stratton. As a trusted mine manager he helped make fortunes for
men such as these, in addition to making a fortune himself.
Eben Smiths success in mining brought him success in other areas as well,
notably in Colorado politics, where he served in a number of elected positions. He
also assisted, quite willingly, in combating the rise of unions and a labor movement,
which were successfully crushed in Colorados hard rock mines. For the most part,
IV


though, he preferred to stay behind the scenes and make the mines produce while
leaving the public side of the business to the Moffats and Chaffees and Tabors.
Because of this attitude, and the fact that he was only a mine manager instead of a
major owner, he remains virtually unknown more than ninety-five years after his
death. Yet, there are numerous landmarks of his life in Colorado still to be seen,
including many of his houses, his sons restored City Park mansion, his impressive
tomb in Fairmount Cemetery, and a large collection of his papers at the Denver Public
Library. This is Eben Smiths story.
This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidates thesis. I recommend
its publication.
V


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First of all, I wish to thank my family for putting up with my many stories of
Eben Smith that I felt I had to share, and for supporting me throughout this.
At the University of Colorado at Denver I wish to thank Tom Noel, Jim
Whiteside and Rebecca Hunt for their help with this thesis, and the rest of the faculty
along with them for their help throughout my college career.
Jay Fell at CU-Denver and Duane Smith at Fort Lewis gave me many
suggestions and advice, which I appreciate very much. Thanks also to Jim Prochaska
and the volunteers at the Gilpin History Museum in Central City for their wonderful
help in digging out pictures and papers for me to look at there. Also, thanks to Roger
and Kim Ward, owners of Eben Smiths house in Palmer Lake, for the use of their
pictures and their help.
Thanks to the staff of the Denver Public Librarys Western History
Department for bringing down box after box of Eben Smiths papers for me to go
through.


CONTENTS
Figures.............................................ix
Introduction........................................xi
CHAPTER
ONE: BEGINNINGS OF A MINING MAN......................1
TWO: A MINING MAN IN CENTRAL CITY...................7
THREE: BOULDER AND BUST.............................23
FOUR: COMEBACK OF A MINING MAN......................35
FIVE: THE VICTOR OF THE CRIPPLE CREEK DISTRICT......59
SIX: AN EXPANDING EMPIRE............................77
SEVEN: TROUBLE IN LEADVILLE........................101
EIGHT: TROUBLE AT THE VICTOR.......................119
NINE: THE EMPIRE BEGINS TO DECLINE.................130
TEN: WORKED OUT IN COLORADO........................148
ELEVEN: THE MINING MAN RETURNS TO CALIFORNIA.......169
TWELVE: MAKING MUSIC AND STRINGING WIRES...........197
THIRTEEN: FRUSTRATION..............................220
FOURTEEN: BROKEN IS THE GOLDEN BOWL................229
vii


FIFTEEN: THE SMITH FAMILY
246
SIXTEEN: THE DEAN OF MINING MEN...................265
NOTES..................................................273
BIBLIOGRAPHY...........................................317
viii


FIGURES
Fig. 2.1. Eben Smith..........................................................21
Fig. 2.2. Emily Smith.........................................................21
Fig. 2.3. The Smiths house on Casey Avenue in Central City...................22
Fig. 2.4. Jerome Chaffee......................................................22
Fig. 3.1. Eben Smith in the late 1870s or early 1880s.........................33
Fig. 3.2. The Smiths house on Walnut Street in Boulder.......................34
Fig. 4.1. Eben Smith in 1891..................................................55
Fig. 4.2. An old and young David H. Moffat....................................56
Fig. 4.3. The Smiths house on Seventh Avenue in Leadville....................57
Fig. 4.4. Henry W. Smith......................................................57
Fig. 4.5. The Smiths house on Main Street in Aspen...........................58
Fig. 5.1. The Smiths house at 951 Logan Street in Denver.....................76
Fig. 5.2. Robert Womack.......................................................76
Fig. 6.1. The main building of the Victor Mine in 1896........................98
Fig. 6.2. Sixth level station, Victor.........................................99
Fig. 6.3. Eighth level stope, Victor..........................................99
Fig. 6.4. Dinner in dry house, Victor.........................................99
Fig. 6.5. Frank and Josephine Smiths house on High Street in Denver.........100
Fig. 6.6. The Carnahans house on High Street in Denver......................100
Fig. 11.1. Eben Smith in the early 1900s....................................193
Fig. 11.2. Emily Smith in the early 1900s...................................194
Fig. 11.3. Estamere in Palmer Lake..........................................194
Fig. 11.4. Eben Smith with grandchildren Harold and Doris Carnahan on the steps of
Estamere, probably in 1901...................................................195
IX


Fig. 11.5. A riding party gathering on the steps of Estamere in 1901. Cora Carnahan
is to the left of the picture, wearing the white hat........................196
Fig. 12.1. The console of the big organ...................................216
Fig. 12.2. A Shetland pony posing in the largest pipe.......................216
Fig. 12.3. Frank and Josephine Smiths house on York Street.................217
Fig. 12.4. Frank L. Smith...................................................218
Fig. 12.5. Josephine Hill Smith.............................................218
Fig. 12.6. Frank and Josephine Smiths children.............................219
Fig. 14.1. Lemuel Smith at the time of his fathers death...................244
Fig. 14.2. Lemuels wife Nellie.............................................245
Fig. 14.3. Their daughter Fay...............................................245
Fig. 15.1. Lt. Eben LeRoy Smith.............................................261
Fig. 15.2. Melvin Hill Smith................................................261
Fig. 15.3. The Eben Smith Mausoleum.........................................262
Fig. 15.3. Emily Emmy Wilson..............................................263
Fig. 15.5. The Smith Mansion before restoration.............................264
Fig. 15.6. The restored Smith Mansion.......................................264


INTRODUCTION
With apologies to Walt Disney, it all started with a house. I can still
remember the Sunday afternoon that my father, brother and I set out to find a house
that I had seen on a recent school field trip to the Denver Museum of Natural History.
The only things that I could remember for sure about the house was that it had round
dormer windows in the roof and that it was on the way to the museum. For some
reason the house fascinated me and I wanted to take a closer look at it than the one I
had gotten as we had driven past it earlier. It did not take us that long to find the
house, which I learned from a sign on the fence was called the Smith Mansion. I
snapped a couple of pictures of it and we were on our way back home, much to the
pleasure of my dad and brother.
Over the next few months I visited the Denver Public Library a number of
times to find out whatever I could about the house and its history. I even went so far
as to write to the then-owner of the house, attorney L. Douglas Hoyt. The highlight of
my research came when, in March of 1990, Hoyt invited me for a personal tour of the
house, which he had converted to offices. I was finally able to see the inside of the
house that I had read so much about, and it was just as interesting as the outside. I
was even allowed to take a few pictures with my trusty disc camera. Several years
XI


later I would wish that I had taken better pictures and had asked more questions, but
since I was only twelve years old at the time I suppose I can be forgiven for not doing
so at the time.
As I researched the history of the house 1 also came to know the very
interesting people that had been associated with it. Frank L. Smith, and not his father,
built the house in 1902 for his family (there will be more on the controversy of who
actually built the house later on). Frank was the son of a prominent Colorado mining
man, and was himself quite wealthy from his involvement in ore hauling in Leadville
and the Denver Mine and Smelter Supply Company. He was married to Josephine
Hill, the daughter of another prominent and wealthy Colorado mining man, and they
had three sons. I also learned that the house had a very tragic history, with violent
deaths plaguing at least two of the families who lived in the house.
Through Frank and the house I also came to know Franks father, Eben Smith.
Smith was one of the most respected mining men in Colorado during his life. He first
came to Colorado in 1860 with Jerome Chaffee, and for the rest of his life he was
involved in mining in the state. He was so involved in mining that one short article
on his life said that the name of the fabulously rich mines which he discovered or
developed. .read like chapter headings in the romance of the West. In addition to
being Chaffees business partner Smith also became associated with David Moffat,
and has often been described as Moffats right-hand man. Smith and Moffat would
xn


remain business partners until Ebens death put an end to their business relationship.1
Most people who know about the mining history of Colorado have at least
heard of Eben Smith, but few know much, if anything, about him. As a general
manager, and as a person, he preferred to stay in the background. He was not very
extravagant in his private life, and as a result he did not capture the attention that men
like Horace Tabor or David Moffat have had. I think that Smith preferred it that way.
He was much more concerned by the output of the mines that he was in charge of than
he was by being in the public eye. He was perfectly content to leave the role of public
promoter to his partners while he ran the mines.
Although men like Chaffee and Moffat were seen as the financial brains of the
Smith-Chaffee and Smith-Moffat mining operations while Eben was the mining
expert, he was in fact just as much involved in the financial side of the business as he
was in the mining side. The same could not be said for Chaffee and Moffat. The two
men had little mining knowledge, and they relied on Smith for that part of their
business ventures.
Eben Smiths career spanned the first forty-six years of mining in Colorado, in
addition to seven or eight years before that in California. During his life many
credited him with playing a large part in making the mining industry what it became
in Colorado, and that if it were not for him the state might not have developed as well
as it did. For all of this glory attached to him it is surprising at how little has been
Xlll


written about him. His name is often mentioned in articles or books, but almost as a
footnote. Just as in life, in history the Chaffees and the Moffats and the Tabors are
the centers of attention. Were it not for Eben Smith they would not have achieved
that position, though. It is my goal to elevate Eben Smith above footnote status with
this story of what I think is his fascinating life.
When it comes to biographies of those who were involved in mining there is a
definite focus on those who struck it rich, men such as David Moffat, Horace Tabor,
Leland Stanford, the Guggenheims, and others like them. What is very clear from
biographies of these men is that more often than not they made their fortune by
investing in mines. Steven Mehls, in his biography of David Moffat, wrote that
Moffat took the more prestigious but in some ways rather risky route of the mining
financier and promoter. The same was true of Leland Stanford, who invested in
mines but left the day to day operations to others. Horace Tabor first made his
fortune by grubstaking the discoverers of the Little Pittsburgh Mine in Leadville. J. J.
Hagerman also made his fortune investing in mines in Michigan and then in Cripple
Creek. The Guggenheims, already rich from Meyer Guggenheims numerous
business ventures, built their great fortune, according to biographer John Davis, from
investing in mines in Leadville and Cripple Creek among other places, as well as
smelters in Colorado and Mexico.2
For these men mining was a means to an end. In all of these cases these men
XIV


used the fortunes they made in mining to pursue their other, and to them, more
important, interests. In Moffats case this was to build railroads and promote
Colorado. Leland Stanford and J. J. Hagerman also used their mining riches to build
railroads. Tabor put his money to more artistic pursuits, building his famed opera
houses in Leadville and Denver, in addition to the Tabor Block in Denver. The
Guggenheims used their fortune to establish a number of charitable foundations.3
At the other end of the spectrum, and found far less often in biographies, are
those men who actually went out and dug in the dirt. Some made it, some did not.
One who did not was Arthur Hill, who went to Alaska in 1898 and Arizona in 1899 to
pan for gold. His biographer, John Moring, described Hill as notional, given the
many interests he had in life. Hill later found success as an actor and police officer in
San Diego. Another example of another man who went out and dug in the dirt was
Winfield Scott Stratton, whose story biographer Frank Waters told in 1937. Arriving
in Colorado in the late 1860s, Stratton spent seventeen years prospecting all over the
state of Colorado, continuously coming up empty handed. Stratton became so
obsessed with finding a mine that even gave up a promising career as a carpenter.
Unlike Hill, Stratton finally achieved his dream when he discovered the famous
Independence Mine in Cripple Creek in 1891, soon becoming a millionaire.4
In between these two extremes fall men like Eben Smith. Starting out at the
bottom ranks with Hill and Stratton, Smith soon worked his up to the ranks of Moffat
XV


and Tabor. Smiths career can best be compared with that of his fellow Colorado
pioneer Henry Teller. Arriving in Central City in 1861, Teller started out as a small-
time lawyer who worked his way up to United States Senator and Secretary of the
Interior under Chester A. Arthur. By the time of his death Teller was a well-respected
man in Colorado. Eben Smith started out much the same way, though he took care of
the small-time part of his career in California, arriving in Central City already well
off. Just as Teller rose through the ranks of Colorado politics, Smith rose through the
ranks of mining, though he never left behind his days of digging in the dirt. For Eben
Smith, mining was the ultimate goal. He was above all a mining man.5
It may sound trite, but history needs people. The Declaration of Independence
did not write itself, the office of the presidency cannot govern without an occupant,
and mines cannot mine themselves. Biographies serve their purpose by telling the
stories of the very necessary human elements of history. For the mines to give up
their riches they needed people to invest money for supplies and workers. Men like
Horace Tabor, J. J. Hagerman, David Moffat, and Jerome Chaffee supplied the
capital. They needed men like Eben Smith, though, to coax the mines into producing,
and this is where he fits into the story.
There have been a number of changes in the way history is written from the
fields earliest days to now. At first, the emphasis was on the story, with little or no
analysis. In mining biographies, this type of histoiy is found in Frank Waters
XVI


biography of Winfield Scott Stratton. Waters tells the story of Strattons life, and
simply leaves it at that. Another, and more recent example, is John Morings book on
Arthur Hill, which once again is simply the story of Hills life with little else. After
the uncritical, or narrative history, came a number of changes, including Marxist
history, quantitative history, ethnic history, and gender history. The biographies that I
am familiar with, which are mostly presidential biographies in addition to the
biographies of miners mentioned here, were largely unaffected by these changes.
Today the emphasis has shifted to social history, which found its way into
numerous biographies. Gone from these histories are the stories of the great and
heroic men, replaced by analysis of the impact these men have had, both good and
bad, on society. Although not a biography, Elizabeth Jamesons book on the labor
strikes in Cripple Creek looks at the mine owners and managers through the eyes of a
labor historian. One example of this shift, as far as biographies of miners goes, is
Steven Mehls book about David Moffat. Mehls criticizes Moffat, justifiably so, for
his business practices, many of which would be illegal today. Another example of
this type, with a more favorable take on the subject, is John Davis book on the
Guggenheims. Davis used the story of how the Guggenheims, who he called a group
of extraordinary people, made their fortune to emphasize the many charitable
organizations the family supports. Duane Smiths biographies of Horace Tabor and
Henry Teller are in the same vein as Davis book on the Guggenheims.
XVII


Historian John Tosh wrote that anyone undertaking a serious study of a
persons life can hardly escape some identification with the subject and will
inevitably look at the period to some extent through that persons eyes, which leads
many to charge biographers with bias in favor of their subjects. However, there are
many historians, myself included, who think it is necessary to understand a person in
their own times, rather than judging them too heavily by the standards of today. An
old quote in history is that the past is like a foreign country, they do things
differently there. Eben Smiths highly critical view of organized labor is a good
example of this. While not in line with a New Left historians way of thinking, for
a mine manager during the 1894 Cripple Creek strike it was the norm. By
occasionally looking at the life and times of Eben Smith through the eyes of Eben
Smith rather than the eyes of a Marxist, ethnic, or social historian, I believe researcher
and reader can gain a better understanding of the man and his place in history.6
In all, about 120,000 people arrived in California after James Marshall, an
employee of John Sutter, discovered gold near Sacramento on January 24, 1948. My
purpose here is to tell the life story of Eben Smith, one of those 120,000, who
achieved the success of which many of them only dreamed.7
xviii


CHAPTER ONE
BEGINNINGS OF A MINING MAN
One of the few times after 1890 that Eben Smith described his early life was in
response to a letter from J. S. Clinton, a man from Grand Rapids, Michigan, who
claimed that Eben owed him $32. Smith wrote that he had heard of a gutter snipe by
my name in that country, and that the mans bills had been given to him at various
times in all parts of the world, but that he was not the man in question. To prove to
Clinton that he had never been to Grand Rapids, Smith wrote an extremely short
description of his life, saying I left Pennsylvania when I was 19 years old, went to
California, remained there until 1859, returned to Pennsylvania, came to Colorado in
1860 and have lived here ever since. While short and to the point, this
autobiography left out a great many details.'
Ebenezer Smith was bom in Erie, Pennsylvania on December 17, 1831 to
William and Mary Smith. His family was of sturdy Scotch-Irish ancestry, and they
had settled in Pennsylvania near the end of the 18th century. There were at least three
other boys in the Smith family, Mark, Henry, and S. D., and at least three girls,
Nancy, Jennie and Emily Elizabeth. Smith inherited little from his parents save a
vigorous physique and strong mental powers... He was educated in public schools
I


and then in a private academy at Waterford, Pennsylvania. He also received training
as a ships carpenter during his years in Pennsylvania, training that would often come
in handy during his mining career.2
News of the discovery of gold in California in 1849 started the gold rush to
that state, and the Smiths of Pennsylvania were not immune to it. Sometime in 1850
young Eben Smith decided to go to California and try his hand at mining. Although
he said he left Pennsylvania at the age of nineteen, he may have left as early as
October 1850, two months before his nineteenth birthday, or as late as October 1851.
He went to California by vessel by way of the isthmus, and arrived in San Francisco
some time in 1851, though there again is confusion as to whether it was January or
December of 1851 depending on when he actually left Pennsylvania. Confusion
reigns when it comes to Smiths early years in California as there are no specific dates
that pinpoint his actions in the state with any degree of accuracy.3
Eben Smith may have settled in Grass Valley in Nevada County after leaving
San Francisco. His first mining activities in the state came when he followed placer
mining in Sierra County for a short time. He then built a hotel at the French Corral in
Nevada County. This may have been the Union Hotel, which was run by an E. W.
Smith. In 1856 the hotel had been thoroughly renovated, and permanent and
transient boarders would find the table spread with the best provisions the market
affords. The bar was fully stocked, and the rooms were under the superintendence
2


of a competent lady..This competent lady might have been Smiths wife, as he
had married in 1852.4
George W. Jordan was an Iowa resident who also had the urge to head to
California after the gold rush. In 1852 he packed up his wife Caroline, three sons,
daughter, and brother-in-law and left Iowa for California. Unfortunately George
became ill and died on the banks of the Green River, where he was buried. Abram
Vance Clark, the brother-in-law, then took over the care of the family and got them to
California. Once there they settled at Damascus, originally known as Damascus
Diggings or Strong Diggings, located at the headwaters of the American River and
north of Michigan Bluff. Clark was an assayer and chemist, and he attracted some
attention in his day after he got into an altercation and killed his man, who was
probably some sort of servant. Forced to leave California, Clark went to Montana and
founded the town of Bannack. It was there that he fell down a mine shaft and broke
his leg, but rather than take the time to let his leg heal he took a shotgun and blew his
brains out.5
The widowed Caroline Jordan set up a boarding house in Damascus at which a
young miner named Eben Smith took his meals. At the time he was most likely
following placer mining in Sierra County. The relationship between Smith and
Caroline Jordan grew, and by the end of 1852 she had become Mrs. Smith. For some
reason the two decided to not be married in Damascus. Instead, they went to
3


Georgetown in Eldorado County and were married there.6
At the time that he started eating at Carolines boarding house Smith was
employed at the nearby Texas Quartz Mill. According to his stepson, Fletcher Jordan,
Smiths training as a ships carpenter gave him a natural aptitude for all work about a
mill, and he was an efficient amalgamator and soon became a master of the mineral
treating processes. Although he appeared to be an ordinary sort of fellow, his
natural ability rendered him useful and popular and he got on well. Smith
prospered at the mill, and soon bought a half interest in it.7
After spending a year mining in various parts of Placer County, Smith went to
Iowa Hill, also in Placer County. There he formed a partnership with William
McMertie and William Walsh to engage in mining and building a quartz mill. Smith
was superintendent of construction and one-half owner of what was then the largest
milling plant in California. When finished and in operation the mill employed more
than 300 men. One year later Eben Smith and R. A. McClellan bought the entire
property, including the Pioneer Ledge and Mammoth lode, from which he had already
made a great deal of money. They worked the property until May of 1859, at which
time Smith sold his interest to McClellan at an advantage. By then Eben and
Caroline had two sons of their own, twins Samuel and Lemuel, who were bom in
1857 or 1858. After selling the mill Smith packed up his family and went first to
Dubuque, Iowa, and then to St. Joseph, Missouri to visit his brother, S.D., who was
4


then a doctor there. Smith originally planned to return to California after a short visit
home, but his visit to St. Joseph changed his plans.8
While visiting his brother in St. Joseph, Eben Smith one day stopped into the
banking house of Lee and Chaffee to conduct some business. He was quite a
conversationalist, and in the bank he struck up a conversation about mining with one
of the banks owners, Jerome Chaffee. Chaffee was bom on his fathers farm near
Lockport, New York, on April 17, 1825. For the first seventeen years of his life he
lived there, working at the farm in the summers and attending public school in the
winters. In addition to studying at school he supplemented his knowledge with
hard study at home. When he was seventeen his parents moved to a farm near
Adrian, Michigan, where Chaffee attended an academy. Then, at nineteen, he moved
to Indiana, where he taught school and clerked in a store.9
Two years later Chaffee returned to Adrian, clerking in a store before
becoming bookkeeper at a bank. He rose rapidly in the bank, and when it failed after
a few years Chaffee served as Receiver to take care of the banks unfinished business.
In 1857 Chaffee moved to St. Joseph, Missouri, where he helped start the Eilwood
Town Company, which built the town across the Missouri River from St. Joseph. In
1859, while living in Eilwood, Chaffees wife died, leaving him with an infant
daughter, Fannie. Working with the Eilwood Town Company did not bring Chaffee
the financial success that he hoped for, and when he met Eben Smith that day in the
5


bank he was looking for a change.10
Mining was the subject that Smith liked to talk about the most, and he found a
willing listener in Chaffee. Reports of gold in Colorado started circulating as early as
1858, but it was not until July 7 or 8 that a few stubborn holdouts led by William
Green Russell discovered the precious metal a few miles from the confluence of the
South Platte and Cherry Creek in Little Dry Creek. News of the discovery attracted a
great deal of attention in the Missouri River Valley area, which had been hit hard by
the nationwide commercial depression in 1857. Soon after meeting Chaffee, Smith
heard more about Colorado from John Gregory, William Green Russell, John Lyons
and Dick Millsap, and he decided that rather than return to California he would go to
Colorado.11
6


CHAPTER TWO
A MINING MAN IN CENTRAL CITY
The reports on mining in Colorado that he had been hearing convinced Eben
Smith that a small stamp mill would be a welcome and necessary addition to the
mining activities in the state. His new friend Chaffee was always awake to the
possibilities in a money making way, and he was excited when Smith told him what
could be done with a mill in the region. Just how the two came to form their
partnership is open to some question. Some sources suggested that S. D. Smith
persuaded his brother to take Chaffee on as a partner even though he had no mining or
milling experience. Others suggest that Smith himself talked Chaffee into joining
him, or that Chaffee may have been the one doing the convincing.1
After forming their partnership early in 1860 Smith and Chaffee had a twelve-
stamp quartz mill built at Leavenworth, Kansas. Fletcher Jordan believed that
Chaffee put up most of the money for the construction of the mill, but he and Eben
Smith were equal partners from the very beginning. Once the mill was complete they
had it shipped across the plains to Colorado, where Chaffee arrived first in February
1860. Smith arrived on May 26, I860.2
Once the two men were in Colorado they decided to erect the mill in Lake
7


Gulch in Gilpin County, southeast of Central City. Soon the Smith and Chaffee
Stamp Mill was in full operation and kept very busy. The huge amount of business
was due to the fact that it was the first stamp mill in the entire state. Smith managed
the mill, and at that time he was the only man in Colorado who had the experience in
the modem process of milling for the extraction of gold. Chaffee paid very little
attention to the mill, instead focusing on the financial aspects of their business
dealings, leaving the mill to the more expert knowledge of his partner. At first they
milled ore from the Clay County Mine, but they quickly started handling the ore from
other mines as well. The mill was so successful that at the time of Chaffees death in
1886 the Denver Republican said that the mill materially assisted in the development
of the mines of Gilpin County. It gave the miners renewed hope, and added a great
impetus to the industry.3
Milling, however, was not the only business of Smith and Chaffee. They were
also interested in mining, and they owned several lodes, many of which they bought
in order to keep their mill running. The two bought claims five and six on the Bobtail
lode, and took a great deal of gold from them. They also developed the Gregory
Mine. In 1863 they sold the mill for $250,000, which Fletcher Jordan described as a
large profit over what it had originally cost them to build it. In comparison, before the
day of the railroads George Hearst paid $31,000 in freight to send an eighty stamp
mill into the Black Hills. Smith and Chaffees much smaller mill would have cost
8


much less to ship, and less to build. The two men continued to work the Bobtail and
Gregory lodes for about a year, then sold them as well. Smith and Chaffee then
repurchased the properties and consolidated them into what would become the
Bobtail Lode and Tunnel. After selling the Bobtail and Gregory lodes, Smith and
Chaffee bought 200 feet of the Notaway vein in 1864 for $32,000. They ignored it at
the time, though, because, as Smith later explained it, we were engaged in mining in
various parts of the country, particularly Clear Creek County, where we engaged in
mining for silver, which we thought more profitable than gold mining at that time.4
Three years after their arrival in Colorado Eben and Caroline had a daughter,
Nellie, who was bom in Denver in 1863. Soon after her birth the Smiths marriage
began to fall apart. In 1864, following their divorce, Caroline Smith, her three
children with Eben, and her children from her first marriage, went to Galesburg,
Illinois. Smith gave his wife a house in Galesburg, and transferred $25,000 in
government bonds to her. The interest from these bonds afforded her a comfortable
living for herself and family, and the family stayed in Galesburg while the children
were still in school. Once all of the children were out of school Caroline returned to
California and settled in Oakland, where she died on May 22, 1891 at the age of 65.3
Not content to simply be a mining and milling man Smith decided to go into
banking as well. In 1865 he, along with Chaffee and others, bought the banking
house of Clark, Gruber and Company in Denver. The men then reorganized this as
9


the First National Bank of Denver. Chaffee was elected as the first president while
Smith was elected as one of the directors. Outside of actually helping found the bank
Eben Smiths biggest contribution to the business came when he built the banks new
home, the National Block, located at F (now Fifteenth) and Blake Streets. Built at a
cost of $45,000, the building house the First National Bank and three store fronts.
Originally the building was leased to the bank for $2,500 a year, but the Board of
Directors purchased the building outright in 1866.6
The creation of the First National Bank also introduced Smith to a new
associate in his mining ventures. David Moffat was a clerk in the Clark, Gruber and
Company bank when Smith and Chaffee took it over. Bom in Orange County, New
York, on July 22, 1839, by the age of twelve Moffat was working as a messenger at
the New York Exchange Bank, where he became an assistant cashier by sixteen. At
that time an older brother of his was working at a bank in Des Moines, Iowa, and he
urged David to come there. He did, and found work as a messenger on the stage line
that ran from Des Moines to Omaha. In Omaha he caught the attention of Benjamin
F. Allen, a local banker, who, in 1856, made him cashier of his bank. The bank failed
in 1859 and Moffat became responsible for winding up the banks affairs, making
sure to pay every dollar owed to the depositors.7
Moffat bought and sold lots in Omaha for a short time after the banks failure,
though he had to transact business through other people since he was still not of legal
10


age. It was while doing this that the news of gold in Colorado attracted his attention.
He formed a partnership with C. C. Woolworth, another man from St. Joseph, in order
to set up a book and stationery store in Denver to supply the miners passing through
the town. Woolworth stayed in St. Joseph and forwarded supplies to Moffat in
Denver. The store was first located on Eleventh Street below Larimer, but later
moved to Larimer between Fourteenth and Fifteenth. A post office also was
established in the store, and Moffat served as Assistant Postmaster. During the four
years of the Civil War he held the position of Adjutant General of Colorado under
territorial governor John Evans. In 1867 he became cashier of the First National Bank
in Denver, though he hung on to his interest in the book and stationery store until
1870.8
Eben Smiths start in Colorado politics happened less than a year after his
arrival in Central City. On March 1, 1861, a meeting was held in Central City, the
goal of which was to combine the Lake Gulch and Quincy mining districts. As an
eligible voter Smith attended the meeting, and he was in favor of the combination.
Several of the men present were chosen to serve in various positions, and Smith was
one of three men chosen to serve on a committee that would demand the books from
the officers of the Lake Gulch and Quincy districts. On April 8, 1861, Smith and his
fellow committee members bonded themselves for $500 each in order to keep all of
the books and papers from the two districts.9
II


In October 1865 Smith was elected as Gilpin Countys delegate to the Union
State Convention, which was the next step in his political career. The goal of the
convention was to reaffirm the Colorado Territorys support for the government of the
United States. Although little was heard from Eben in the newspaper reports of the
convention, his silence did not spare him from criticism. Four resolutions were
included in the final eighteen adopted by the convention that were known as the Sand
Creek Platform. Resolution 10 condemned attacks on the Colorado soldiers that had
taken part in the Sand Creek massacre the previous November. Resolution 11 said
that the members who were present at the convention would not support any person
for political office who sympathized with the Indians. Resolution 12 again reaffirmed
support for the soldiers, and Resolution 13 called for more attacks against the Indians
like the one that had taken place at Sand Creek.10
Fifty-five members of the convention voted in support of these resolutions.
The remaining eighteen members, including Smith, voted against them. The Rocky
Mountain News was highly critical of these eighteen men. It said that the October 24
meeting, at which the resolutions were presented, was a true index of the popular
feeling, and that those who were opposed to the Sand Creek resolutions will find, if
they take half the pains to ascertain the will of the people that they have taken to
choke it down, that the masses are packed against them. To their credit Smith and
the others who voted with him did not seem to particularly care what the masses
12


thought and voted accordingly.11
Jerome Chaffees political career also started in 1865. That year the people of
Colorado organized a state government under an enabling act passed by Congress.
The state legislature chose Chaffee and John Evans as Colorados two senators, but
unfortunately for them President Andrew Johnson vetoed the bill admitting Colorado
as a state. Congress again passed the bill at the start of the 1867-1868 session, but
Johnson again vetoed it since Senators Chaffee and Evans did not support Johnsons
reconstruction plan for the South.12
Smith returned to Central City after the end of the Union State Convention
and carried on with business as usual. The entire board of directors of the First
National Bank of Denver, including Smith, were unanimously re-elected on January
9, 1866. However, he did not remain in a leadership position with the bank for long
after that. In July he sold all of his stock in the bank to Fred Z. Solomon. The
banking bug had bitten Smith, though, and he was not content to stay out of the
banking business. In October 1866 he bought all of the First National Banks interest
in the Central City banking house of George T. Clark and Company. Even though he
no longer owned stock in the First National Bank of Denver Smith would remain
associated with the bank and maintain accounts there for the rest of his life.13
In addition to being re-elected as a director of the bank in January of 1866,
Eben also found himself appointed as one of the fifteen members of a committee put
13


together in order to respond to a bill presented to Congress by Senator John Sherman
of Ohio on the sale of mineral lands. Sherman thought that the United States should
sell the mineral lands that it held title to rather than retain them while people worked
them. He believed that no one would make improvements to land that they did not
own and that the government could take from them at any time. Senator Sherman
thought that the land should be sold for $5 an acre, and that by doing so the federal
government would encourage settlement and make it easier for miners to buy mineral
lands. The committee was supposed to report back on the following Saturday, but no
report ever was printed. It is not hard to guess, though, that Eben would have
supported the bill. This was the latest, but certainly not the last, public position that
Smith held in Colorado.14
In addition to running a bank and serving on the committee Smith still was
able to pay attention to his mining ventures. Throughout his life he would have the
ability to be involved in numerous different business ventures at the same time
without seeming to lose track of any of them. In February 1866 he became involved
in the building of the Narranganset Works on the Gregory Lode. The Smith-Chaffee
owned Narranganset Company owned four hundred feet of the lode, and one of the
shafts went 350 deep. Newspaper reporters from the Rocky Mountain News who
toured the mine were amazed by what they saw. As the reporters described
descending into the mine, they saw different shafts that had been opened leading from
14


the main shaft, and reported that the miners had found a vein of very fine ore. A
second shaft off the main one had also opened a valuable source of ore, leading the
reporters to write that the mine was now in the best possible condition for taking out
large amounts of very valuable ores. The reporters thought that the Narranganset
Works were the model of the mountains and that the mine superintendent, Eben
Smith, may well feel proud of the thorough, systematic arrangement he has
perfected. By March of 1866 the Narranganset Works had paid out $7,500 worth of
gold in only two weeks. Smith gave credit to the Keith Desulphurizing Process
combined with the Lyon Smelting process for the success of the mine.15
The year 1866 proved to be important to Eben Smith for yet another reason.
That year he married Emily Louise Rundel. Emily was bom in Rochester, New York
on May 13, 1836. She came west with her family in the early days, arriving in
Central City at about the same time as Eben in 1860. By late 1866 the two were
married, and shortly after the wedding they traveled to New York, possibly so that
Smith could meet his new wifes extended family. When the Rocky Mountain News
announced his return to Colorado in August he was referred to as one of Colorados
headest men. Around the time that he married Emily he built a new home at 108
Casey Avenue in Central City. The Gothic style house, most likely built from a
Downing Kit that was popular at the time, cost $15,000. The first floor of the
house included a large hall, a living room with a bay window and fireplace, and a
15


dining room with double-paned conservatory windows. Four bedrooms were on the
second floor, with the master bedroom also having a bay window.16
By 1867 the Smith-Chaffee mining operations had expanded to Georgetown,
where the two became interested in the furnace of Dr. Johnson, which was able to
produce a button of silver from eight ounces of ore that weighed four ounces, two and
a half pennyweights. The Georgetown mines were producing at least a ton of silver a
month according to some, and the Rocky Mountain News reported that no one,
except he that has seen a test of the ores from the mines in the vicinity of
Georgetown, can possibly believe in their astounding richness. In June 1867 Smith,
Chaffee, and Fox Diefendorfer, bought 1,400 feet of the Anglo Saxon lode from J. T.
Harris, T. J. Campbell and Dr. Darnell for $50,000 cash in hand. In addition to
mining Smith and his associates also built a smelter on the property.17
Eben Smith also took another step in his political career in 1867. In July of
that year he was nominated as a councilman for Gilpin County, the same month that
he and Emily had their first child, a daughter named Kate May. There were six
candidates to fill three seats, and Smith came in sixth with 836 votes. It would be
nearly ten years before he would run for political office again. His loss did not slow
him down, though, and in November of 1867 a reporter from the Rocky Mountain
News saw 97 ounces of ore in his hands, an impressive sight to the reporter. Smith
also had to report that his mill was only working half time due to a lack of water.18
16


Over the next few years Smith and Chaffee, along with their associates such as
Fox Diefendorfer, continued their mining activities in Gilpin and Clear Creek
Counties. Tragedy struck the Smith family for the first time in August of 1868 when
Kate May died at the age of one year and one month in Central City on the 24th.
Proving just how important Eben had become by then, the Central City Register went
on at length about another little angel that hath taken to itself wings and flown
away to the bright and shining shore. The writer of the article told Eben and Emily
to remember that though her body lies in the cold ground, her spirit is basking in
bright sunshine... Other obituaries for children in Central City at this time were not
nearly as emotional. Two days after her death, the Smiths held Kates funeral at the
house on Casey. It would be two years before Eben and Emily had another child,
when their daughter, Cora Isabel, was bom on March 27, 1870. A year later their last
child, Frank Leroy, was bom on May 26, 1871. Just a few days after the birth of his
son Smith and Chaffees luck in mining continued when, on June 1, they struck a
fine looking vein of first-class ore on the Notaway Lode that was four inches wide
and getting wider as the work progressed.19
Chaffees political career made progress in 1870 when he was elected as the
Colorado Territorys delegate to Congress, receiving 1,300 more votes than
Democratic challenger G. W. Miller. The people of Colorado re-elected him in 1872.
Smith, a life-long Republican, used all of his influence to help the cause of his friend
17


and business partner. Congressman Chaffee worked continuously and persistently
during his time in Congress to get Colorado admitted as state.20
In 1873 Smith became involved in silver mines near Lincoln and Bross
Mountains, near Georgetown. Dozens of old miners from Gilpin, Clear Creek and
Boulder crowded the Denver, South Park and Pacific Railway line in the summer of
1873 as they made their way to these mountains to try their luck. Much of the ore was
in a lime formation, and was thought to be very rich near the surface based on the
discoveries that had already been made. The town of Quartzville, located at the foot
of Lincoln and Brass Mountains, was the closest town to the mines. The Rocky
Mountain News reported that about 100 houses, stores, and a saloon were built in
Quartzville during the 1872 season. The town also had its own steam crushing and
sampling works, built by Jerome Chaffee, Eben Smith and Dr. Morrison. Professor
Burlingame, the former Colorado territorial assayer, ran the works, which were
described as a grand thing for the miners since they were able to get their ore
crushed and weighed so close to the mines. Smiths magic touch extended to other
areas besides mining in 1873. When on a fishing expedition to Middle Park with
Central City Postmaster James D. Wood, William Aitcheson, and W. H. Ganson the
men caught more fish than they could possibly use and returned home with 150
pounds of fish, the result of about two hours fishing by the party.21
On February 5, 1874 Smith found himself appointed by President Ulysses S.
18


Grant and confirmed by the Senate as the seventh postmaster of Central City,
replacing James D. Wood. He served in this position until December 4, 1876, when
Joseph D. Updegraff replaced him. Smith most likely gave up his duties as
postmaster because he was elected as Gilpin Countys representative to the state
legislature in the fall of 1876, though he would not take office until the fall of 1877.
The year was active one for the Smith family as well. In August Ebens son Frank
was run over by a wooden wagon on Eureka Street in Central City as the little
fellow was trying to jump onto the wagon for a ride. Luckily the wagon was empty
and his injuries were not serious.22
Jerome Chaffee also moved up in his political career in 1876. That year
Colorado became a state, and it became necessary to elect two new senators. The
state legislature chose Chaffee and Henry Teller. Although normally senators were
elected to six-year terms, in the case of a new state one senator was required to serve a
shorter term. Chaffee and Teller drew straws, and Chaffee drew the long one, which
required him to serve the shorter two year term. Despite his shortened term Chaffee
devoted his abilities and spent his money liberally in advancing the interests of the
State.23
Within six months of his election to the state legislature Smiths time in
Central City came to an end. The Smith-Chaffee mining interests had moved on to
Boulder, and it was from Boulder that Smith would represent the people of Gilpin
19


County during the second session of the Colorado General Assembly from 1877 to
1878. Unfortunately no records exist of this session, either in the form of legislative
journals or daily reports of the session in the Rocky Mountain News, both of which
were kept for the first and later sessions. As a result no records of Smiths service in
that body exist. After completing his one term in office Smith returned to Boulder,
and once there he devoted his full attention to mining. It would not be long, though,
before the call to political office came again.
20


Fig. 2.1. Eben Smith
Eben and Emily Smith, probably around the time of their marriage in 1866.
(Gilpin History Museum)
21


Fig. 2.3. The Smiths house on Casey Avenue in Central City.
(Photo by the Author)
Fig. 2.4. Jerome Chaffee.
(Denver Republican)24
22


CHAPTER THREE
BOULDER AND BUST
Samuel Conger, a prospector and miner, originally discovered silver ore in the
early 1860s in what would be the Caribou district near Boulder in the early 1860s.
Conger did not pursue his discovery at the time, though, because the area was too far
away from any other mining camps to be profitable. This changed in 1869, but the
story of how the change came about is a bit confusing. In 1882 one of the original
owners of the claim said that when another mine showed Conger some silver ore from
Nevada he remembered seeing the same type of rock near Boulder. According to this
story Conger and six other men went back to the area and started up Caribou Hill until
the float ore that they were following disappeared, and there they sunk a shaft.1
A different version of the story is that in 1869 Conger showed a sample of the
ore that he discovered to William Martin, George Lytle, Hugh McCammon, John
Pickel, and Samuel and Harvey Mishler (the same six men who went with him in the
previous story). The seven men worked out an agreement, and Martin and Lytle, who
were both experienced miners, started working their way from Central City towards
the area where Conger said he had found the ore. Before long the two men found
pieces of float ore and followed it to the top of a large hill. The two men then
23


discovered rich silver lodes, with Martin discovering the Caribou and Lytle
discovering the Poor Man, which Conger supposedly named after taking his financial
condition into consideration.2
Although the group tried to keep their discovery secret, before long word got
out about their find and their fellow miners came rushing in. By June 1870 a huge
flood of miners raced into Caribou, and before long a town was built as if by magic
on the site of the original seven mens cabin. During that summer these miners
discovered a number of other important mines in the area, including the Comstock,
Sherman, Spencer and Idaho. The amount of ore being taken out of the Caribou
created a great deal of interest among speculators, and in September 1870 the western
half of the property was sold to Abel Breed and Benjamin Cutter for $50,000. The
two men bonded the eastern half for $75,000, but the Caribou Company retained
ownership of that part. Under Breed and Cutter the western half of the mine
underwent further development, and between October and December of 1870 they
sold eighty-eight tons of ore to the Boston-Colorado Smelting Works in Black Hawk
for $9,000.3
Not liking to pay to have his ore handled, Breed built a mill at the Caribou so
that the ore could be processed right there rather than having to be shipped to Black
Hawk or Central City. The mill was operational by 1872. Conditions were so rosy
that in the spring of 1873 Breed sold the mine to a Dutch company, Mining Company
24


Nederland, for $3 million, but it took some time for the company to start working the
mine. This was due to the fact that they spent all of their money just to buy it, and
Breed had stripped the mine of all the available ore when he knew that the sale was
going to take place. By the end of the year, though, the new owners thought paying
ore was in sight. Just as things were starting to go well for the company they ran into
trouble with the men in charge of the mine, resulting in the closure of the mine in
December 1875. Many felt that the mine ultimately failed because of the rascality
and incapacity of a lot of kid-gloved gentry who were in charge of the property.4
Almost as soon as the mine closed 150 miners liens were filed against the
property, including one by Jerome Chaffee for $47,933. By March 1876 the Mining
Company Nederland was in bankruptcy and the companys assets, including the
Caribou Mine and the mill, went up for auction. When the sale finally happened in
the summer of 1876 the winning bid was by Chaffee for $70,000. There were
questions raised by the fact that Chaffee had been involved in the original lawsuits
that forced the sale of the property, some accused him of butchering the mine and
attempting to demoralize the Dutch stockholders, and there were rumors that he had
been involved in Breeds earlier sale of the mine for more than it was worth. Chaffee
denied the charges, but he was never able to clear himself completely of suspicion.
Chaffees partner in buying the mine was David Moffat, and the first move the two
men made was to appoint Eben Smith as superintendent of the mine.5
25


The Caribou was never completely inactive during the financial troubles that
plagued the Mining Company Nederland, but when Chaffee, Moffat and Smith took
over they had to do a great deal of much needed work. The biggest problem in need
of an immediate solution was the problem of rising water, common in the mining
business. Smith wrote to Moffat shortly after taking over that the bottom of the main
shaft looked promising for ore, but the vein was not yet settled and from what he
could see beneath the water the rock looked to be low grade.6
Chaffee reopened the mill at the Caribou in 1877 and did what he could to
clear up the final liens against the property with the money earned from the property
during the winter of 1875-1876. By 1878 the mine was in a position to be prosperous
for the first time in many years, a reflection of the mining practices of Smith and
Chaffee. By the next year the mine had become a steady producer. The main shaft
was sunk to a depth of 740 feet, with a total of seven shafts and thirteen levels, all of
which were connected by winzes. A two-compartment bucket was operating in the
shaft, and a Knowles double-action pump helped to drain the water from the mine.
The hoisting house enclosed the main shaft along with one other, a blacksmith shop,
air compressor, sorting floor, tramway cars, and the offices. There were also
buildings and machinery over two of the other shafts. With the mine in good shape
Chaffee and Moffat decided that the best way to make a profit was to do as Breed had
done and sell the mine. In April 1879 they sold the mine for $900,000 and the mill
26


for $100,000 to the Caribou Consolidated Mining Company of New York. Eben
Smith stayed on as general manager.7
On July 22, 1879, state geologist J. Alden Smith wrote to Eben to get some
information about work at the Caribou. Smith answered the question on Aldens
letter because he did not have time to do it any other way. The information that J.
Alden Smith wanted concerned salaries. In response to the question of how much he
paid good miners per day Smith answered $2.50 for 10 hours. Engineers earned $3
for twelve hours, mine captains were paid $2.75, and brakesmen were paid $2.50.
Smith was also running both eight- and twelve-hour shifts at the mine. This letter
was a rare look at Smiths personnel policies.8
The operations of the Caribou suffered a severe setback when fire destroyed
the shaft house and machinery on September 14, 1879. Although there was insurance
on the property the $10,000 that it paid was not nearly enough to cover the damage.
Never one to let a setback like this discourage him the iron nerved Smith
immediately started rebuilding the shaft house and replacing the destroyed machinery,
but the stock of the mine still dropped from $6.50 to $4.25 a share. On a visit to
Central City in December of that year he reported that the burned buildings were
rebuilt, including a new shaft house that cost $35,000, and that he expected to resume
paying dividends the first part of 1880. Trouble continued to plague the mine,
though, as Robert G. Dun, who was then president of Dun and Company (later Dun
27


and Bradstreet), claimed that the Caribou had encroached onto adjoining mining
property that he owned. A series of lawsuits followed in late 1879 and early 1880,
with Dun suing the Caribou Consolidated and the Caribou Consolidated suing Dun.
Gilbert Lehmer, another mine owner, also caused legal troubles for the Caribou
because he believed Caribou miners were stealing his ore. The Colorado Supreme
Court finally threw out that case, but the trouble with Dun lingered on.9
Rumors began circulating in early 1880 that a merger between the two
companies would solve the issues between Dun and the Caribou. According to Smith
the Caribou would quickly go broke if the situation continued as it then was. With
this knowledge the officers of the Caribou Company went to Dun and his attorney,
future president Chester A. Arthur, to talk about consolidation. After intense
negotiations the consolidation was agreed to on June 25, 1880. The Caribou merged
with three mines that were owned by Dun, the No Name, Spencer and Columbia. The
new company kept the name Caribou Consolidated Mining Company and hired Eben
Smith as superintendent and general manager.10
At the time of the merger Smith and his family were living in Nederland. He
Lemuel, his 22-year-old son from his first marriage, who was then working as an
assayer, rejoined the family around this time. For the rest of his life Smith would do
whatever he could to make sure that his immediate family found employment in his
business interests. In fact, his ex-wifes son, Fletcher Jordan, found work during the
28


winter of 1866-1867 at the Smith-Chaffee Narragansett Mill in Central City, and later
at the smelter the men built in Georgetown. Deciding that he did not need to live so
close to the mine Smith left Nederland for Boulder by July 1880, buying the A. R.
Stewart House at 1902 Walnut. He had the house completely overhauled and refitted,
and the Boulder County Herald said that when finished it will be a handsome place.
The following December he had a beautiful and expensive fence put up around the
house, adding to its already handsome appearance.11
Mining was not Smiths only concern in Boulder County during his time there.
Shortly after his arrival Governor John Routt appointed him a County Commissioner.
He was then re-elected in 1878 and was made Chairman of the Board of County
Commissioners. One example of the many issues that Smith had to deal with as a
County Commissioner was a court house for Boulder County. On October 27, 1879
the board was considering a proposal from Charles Van Fleet to rent or lease Van
Fleet Hall to Boulder County until May 1, 1880, and then for two years after that at
whatever price the county commissioners decided on. Smith moved that Van Fleet
Hall be rented for $1 until May 1, and for two years after that at $200 per year. The
other commissioners apparently accepted his plan and Boulder County found itself
with a court house.12
Smith decided not to run for a third term as a commissioner. His decision was
most likely influenced by a law recently passed by the Colorado legislature requiring
29


all County Commissioners to post a bond of $25,000 or else face a fine of $500 every
time they tried to do their jobs. Many felt that the law had been passed because of
pressure from people in Leadville, where commissioners who were objectionable to
the politicians had been elected. The Rocky Mountain News referred to the men of
the General Assembly as these smart Alecks for passing the law, and reported that
J. B. Thomson, County Commissioner for Longmont, sent a letter to Smith saying that
he had received his bond for his signature and that he had filed itin the stove.
Smith said that he did not feel like giving such an enormous bond, and the Rocky
Mountain News feared that on July 1, 1881, there would be no legal county
commissioners left in the state. This would be the last elected office that Smith
would hold, but it certainly was not the end of his political involvement.13
By May of 1881 there were eighty-three men employed at the Caribou, and
they were digging ore on the 860-foot level of the mine. The mill at the Caribou was
running at full capacity nearly every day. The mine was actually producing more ore
than the mill could handle, so Smith was designing improvements that would allow
the mill to increase capacity. The mill was also treating ore from the No Name mine,
which was owned by the Caribou Consolidated as well. The mine was a grand
success due to the business-like way Smith, who was well known as one of the
best mining men in Colorado, had been running it for the last five years.14
Five years at the Caribou was enough for Smith, and in addition to leaving
30


office as a county commissioner he also left his job as superintendent of the Caribou
Consolidated in 1881. After leaving that job he helped to incorporate the Boulder,
Middle Park and Grand River Railroad Company while he was still living in Boulder.
The new railroad went from Boulder to Sunshine Canyon, then to Nederland and
Middle Park, and then finally into Routt County. As the railroad was being planned
many thought that nothing would come of it, but people quickly began to change their
minds as construction made progress. The Rocky Mountain News believed that the
railroad would make Boulder a second to Golden in the possession of smelters and
that the railroad would be of more importance to this city than any road that could
possibly be built.15
It was during this time that Smith lost his fortune. A later letter from David
Moffat suggests that Smith lost his money in the stock market. At the time, in 1902,
Smith was organizing a stock deal in New York. This prompted Moffat to write to
Eben that, I should think that your past early life would have taught you that was
another mans game you are playing in, and that he hoped Eben would get out
alive. In his later years Smith loved to invest in stocks, which was already a long-
standing habit of his by the 1890s, suggesting that he may have started his love affair
with the stock market early in life.16
After Smith lost his fortune Moffat eventually came to his rescue, making him
general manager of his mining interests in Leadville. One miner who claimed to have
31


known Smith during his time in Boulder wrote to him in 1906 asking for some
money. Smith wrote back with an answer of no, prompting the man, named Osborn,
to write back, saying that Smith had been a good man once, but David Moffat set
you on your feet. Leadville would have to wait, though, for Eben Smith to make a
short stop in Aspen. He left Boulder in 1882 with $5,000 from the sale of his house
and went to take charge of one of Horace Tabors new mines in Aspen.17
32


Fig. 3.1. Eben Smith in the late 1870s or early 1880s.
(Colorado Historical Society)18
33


Fig. 3.2. The Smiths house on Walnut Street in Boulder.
(Photo by the author)
34


CHAPTER FOUR
COMEBACK OF A MINING MAN
Horace Tabor and Jerome Chaffee joined forces in 1881 to buy the Tam
OShanter group of mines, including the Montezuma, in Ashcroft, near Aspen. The
price of the property was $100,000, and Tabor hired mining experts to examine the
mine before buying. After receiving their report he made a deal that allowed him to
put $5,000 down with the rest payable after ninety days if the property justified the
purchase. Work began almost immediately, and a rich ore vein was soon discovered.
A thrilled Tabor finalized the deal in September 1881. A town soon grew up around
the mines, and when the news was released that James B. Grant, a well-known
smelter man from Leadville, was going to join Tabor in building a smelter the value
of the mine increased dramatically. Tabor further helped the value when he planned
to start building a road to the mine in 1882.'
Unfortunately for Tabor the Tam OShanter was hit with a lawsuit in January
1882. Samuel Bruckman, a local mining and real estate broker, claimed to have not
been given the share of the mine that he was promised for financing the original
discoverers of it, which tied up the sale of the property to Tabor. Tabor put the
$95,000 that he still owed on the mine into escrow in order to protect it. Then the
35


original discoverers of the mine, James Chaney and Nicholas Atkinson, filed their
own lawsuit to get the mine back. The entire issue was not settled until the Colorado
Supreme Court decided in favor of Tabor in 1888.2
While all of these lawsuits were still being sorted out Tabor continued to work
the Tam OShanter. In mid-August 1882 he arrived in Ashcroft accompanied by his
expert, Eben Smith, for another inspection. The Rocky Mountain Sun reported on
August 19 that the testimony was in and Tabor ran no risk in developing the
mine. Eben Smith was hired as general manager of the mines, and by the end of
August he was building a house for himself and his family in the upper part of the
Ashcroft town site. Jumping right into his work, he also gave a contract to W. H.
Coxhead for a road to the Tam OShanter, which was to be completed in thirty days.3
By September 2 there were forty men employed full time working on the road
to the Tam 0Shanter, earning $3.50 for a nine-hour day. At the mine Smith was
working a full force of experienced miners, and the Sun reported that things are
looking better. Smith was in his new house by October 21, and he was also getting
the mine ready to work all through winter. Five carloads of provisions had arrived
from Denver, bunk and boarding houses had been built, and 300 cords of wood had
been delivered. A total of twenty-five men were to be employed at the mine during
the winter of 1882-1883. The Leadville Daily Herald wrote that we predict that
under the able management of Prof. Eben Smith these mines will show something
36


wonderful by next spring. Their prediction seemed to be coming true when it was
reported at the beginning of December that there was 2,000 tons of mineral on the
dump at the Tam OShanter. Smith said that all that Ashcroft needed was a smelter,
and that if one is started he will supply all the ore necessary to run it.4
Unfortunately for Smith, whose work at the mine met with the approval of
those who watched mining matters, the mine refused to co-operate with his efforts. In
addition to trouble with actually getting ore out of the mine there was a strike by Non-
Comish miners against a Cornish foreman in the spring of 1883. Whether Tabor
dismissed Smith or he left on his own is not clear, but after less than a year he was
gone from the Tam OShanter and replaced by John Tabor. He too was unsuccessful,
and work on the Tam OShanter stopped in 1884.5
Following his failure at the Tam OShanter Smith left Aspen and went to Red
Cliff. After spending a few months in that city he arrived in Leadville in 1884 to take
charge of Moffats mining interests there, where he finally began to rebuild his
fortune. His management of the Maid of Erin, Henriett, and Louisville mines, among
others, was described in typically glowing terms, and Smith was given credit for being
the first to unwater the wet mines of Leadville.6
The Maid of Erin silver mine was discovered in 1877 by John McCombe and
William and Joseph Pierce. Two years later McCombe sold one-half of his interest in
the mine to Horace Tabor for $43,000 while retaining the other half. Chaffee, Moffat,
37


and Senator James G. Blaine of Maine also joined Tabor in his ownership of the Maid
and the Henriett. O. A. Harker managed the Maid, and probably the Henriett, until
Smith arrived in 1884. Once he was on the scene he took charge of the mines from
his office at 320 Harrison Avenue and quickly went to work improving them. In
addition to the Maid and Henriett Smith was also the general manager of the
Louisville Mine in Leadville. By July 1886 the ore shoots that he opened at the
Louisville were improving every day and the mine was one of the most promising in
the Leadville district.7
Smith employed a man by the name of J. J. Brown as superintendent at the
Louisville in 1886. That year Brown married Margaret Maggie Tobin, who would
later gain fame as Molly Brown. In order to help support his wife Brown left the
Louisville and became superintendent of the Maid and Henriett. One of the many
legends connected with the Brown family concerned an accident that happened after
Maggie placed a metal box full of money that J. J. left in the house inside the stove
for safekeeping. Over the years the amount of money involved has risen dramatically,
but one fact has stayed the same. J. J. returned home one cold night, and without
checking inside the stove lit it and accidentally destroyed all of the money. J. J.
reportedly comforted his wife by telling her that one day they would have far more
money than what he destroyed, and he would eventually take a job at another mine
owned by Eben Smith that would make this pledge come true.8
38


Jerome Chaffee last came to Colorado on February 9 in order to inspect the
new strikes in the Maid and Henriett, and it was obvious that his health was failing.
Smith and others tried to convince Chaffee not to go to Leadville, but he did anyway.
His condition did not improve, and on February 24 he decided to travel to New York
to be with his daughter and grandchildren. Chaffee died there on March 9 from
severe laryngitis. Chaffees only surviving daughter was married to Ulysses S. Grant,
Jr., son of the former president. It became Grants responsibility to settle the estate of
his father-in-law, the worth of which the closest estimate at the time of his death put
at millions, though the true worth could not be figured exactly since it was based on
income from the many mines in which he had interests in. As part of settling the
estate U. S. Grant, Jr., traveled to Leadville, accompanied by Eben Smith and David
Moffat.9
Although Smiths return to wealth propelled him back into high society he did
not neglect his mining duties. The Carbonate Chronicle reported in 1887 that Smith
had ordered a 150 horsepower hoister for the Maid of Erin. The Carbonate Chronicle
said that the plant would be one of the finest in the district when placed in working
order. That same year his wife Emily hosted an event to help raise money for the
Y.M.C.A. in Leadville, and in July she gave a reception for Josephine and Annie
Watson, two girls who had been guests of daughter Cora for three weeks. Society
turned out en masse for the elegant affair, with the gentlemen in dark suits and
39


the ladies in gowns of the latest fashions.10
One of the biggest problems with the Leadville mines was water, and the
pumps at the Maid of Erin, Henriett and Louisville were kept running constantly in
order to prevent the water levels in the mines from rising. Smith ran into the same
problem when he leased the Castle View Mine in 1888. In order to solve the drainage
problem at that mine he began driving a drift from it to the Maid and Henriett, whose
larger pumps were capable of handling the water from the Castle View. The Evening
Chronicle thought it probable that all three mines would become large producers
under Smiths able management.11
At about this time Smith also took over management of the Wolftone Lease,
which was near the Maid and Henriett properties. His management of this property
showed an unwearied persistence and implicit confidence in the capabilities and
possibilities of a piece of ground. Nearly $250,000 was spent on development and
machinery before ore was even struck at the Wolftone. The shaft was to a depth of
700 feet before the miners found the best looking body of lead carbonate ore ever
found in the Wolftone workings. Smith himself was quite pleased with how this mine
turned out, which proved to him that hard work and money could turn just about
anything around. This way of thinking would come back to haunt him in the future.12
Eben Smiths success at even difficult properties like the Wolftone led to him
being called one of Leadvilles influential men by 1889. That year he attended a
40


meeting, the members of which wrote a report praying for restrictions on lead
imported from Mexico. The men at the meeting, whose mines produced large
amounts of lead, found a friend in Henry Teller, the United States Senator from
Colorado, who made sure that the report got the attention its authors wanted for it. In
the end they were successful. Although nothing was ever said Smiths influence
surely must have been felt at the meeting.13
In October of the same year Smith, C. C. Parsons, J. Y. Marshall and W. F.
Patrick were in charge of a group that wanted to start a new political party. The men
believed that politics in Colorado had become too corrupt. As evidence, they shared
their beliefs that the bosses of the parties in Colorado conducted things to benefit
their selfish interests, that the central committees of the parties determined the
outcomes of elections in advance, that the parties had driven the state into debt, and
that taxes were too high, among other things. To counter these evils they formed the
Independent Party of Lake County for the purpose of electing good and pure men.
The new party had its first test in 1890 when it came time to nominate someone for
governor of Colorado. The Republicans nominated John Routt, the Democrats
nominated Judge Caldwell Yeaman, and the Prohibitionists nominated John A. Ellett.
Smiths new Independent Party nominated the one man they felt best represented
their interests, John G. Coy, a rancher from Larimer County. Routt won and Smith
seems to have lost interest in the Independent Party after that, returning to his
41


Republican roots for the time being.14
The Smiths liked to stay fashionable, even on matters such as New Years
Day. For many years the tradition was to hold an open house on New Years, but the
custom was quickly being replaced by giving dinner parties instead. On New Years
Day 1890 Eben and Emily, assisted by their daughter Cora, gave a most delightful
dinner party... Among those present was their future son-in-law, Charles Carnahan.
That same year the Smiths sold their Leadville house at 214 West Sixth Avenue and
moved to Aspen since the Moffat mining interests had also made their return to the
area. Even though Smith was living in Aspen in 1890, his business in Leadville was
not done.15
In 1891 Smith started one of the biggest mining companies that he would ever
be involved with in Leadville. That year Smith, who stayed at the Hotel Kitchen in
Leadville during this time, along with John F. Campion, A. V. Hunter, G. W.
Trimble, and Charles Cavender, started the Ibex Mining Company. The most
important holding of the company was the Little Jonny, on the northeast side of
Breece Hill, but it also owned the Uncle Sam, Archer and Titan lodes in addition to
the older Glengary and Queen consolidations. The Little Jonny was discovered at
about the same time as the Matchless, Horace Tabors famous mine, but it is not
known for sure who discovered it. By the time Smith and his associates bought it and
made it part of Ibex it was known to hold large deposits of gold ore. The men hired
42


J. J. Brown as superintendent of the Ibex, and he started sinking Shaft Number One.16
Sinking a shaft on the Little Jonny was not an easy job. In order to do this the
workers had to go through several beds of quicksand, and in order to keep the shaft
from caving in they had to drive in heavy timbers endways. The entire process was
very expensive, but miners soon hit a valuable ore vein, and, in 1893, ore running $25
a ton in gold was finally being shipped from the mine at the rate of 150 tons per day.
At that rate it would produce $1,368,750 in gold a year, which would have been a
greater yield than that of any other gold property in the United States. The owners
rewarded J. J. Brown for his efforts with 12,500 shares of stock out of the 100,000
that were available, making the Brown family very rich. The Little Jonny soon
became one of the richest gold mines in Lake County, and by 1916 the mine had a
marvelous record of millions in gold. As late as August 1898 Smith was still
sending dividends from this mine to Maggie Brown.17
In Aspen in 1890 Smith-Moffat had two major holdings. One was the
Franklin Mining Company, which operated the Franklin, Dr. Franklin, and Milinee
mines. The Franklin was worked as early as 1868. In October of that year it was
reported that Mr. Gorton (whether he was the owner of the mine or just working it is
not known) was putting up a new furnace near the Franklin, and that 300 tons of ore
had already been taken out of the mine. By July of 1885 things must not have been as
prosperous at the mines, as it was being reported that the owners would continue
43


working the properties despite the difficulties they had encountered.18
Smith began receiving reports about the Franklin from D. R. C. Brown in
1887, but it was not until the 1890s that he became heavily involved with its
management. Under the ownership of David Moffat and management of Eben Smith
the mine improved. By 1892 the shaft at the Franklin was down 600 feet, and the
mines produced 20 tons of first class silver ore per day. As had been the case with
the mines in Leadville water also proved to be a problem in the Aspen mines. In
order to solve the problem Smith and Moffat started the Aspen Deep Mining and
Drainage Company, their other big holding in Aspen. They organized this company
for the purpose of draining the Enterprise, Aspen Mining and Smelting Company, and
the Franklin, as well as mining. In addition the company also owned the Big Chief,
Little Chief and Homestake Mines. As late as 1901 operations continued in the Deep
Mining shaft, though progress had been slowed due to an unusual flow of water.
Smith was wealthy enough by this time to build a large house at 320 West Main
Street in Aspen.19
Sometime in 1891, probably early in the year, Smith and A. V. Bohn leased
the Penrose lode in Leadville from Fred G. Bulkley. Their work on the Penrose lode
must have been successful as the two were seeking an extension of the lease in July.
Negotiations did not go as smoothly as Smith and Bohn would have liked, and on July
20 Bulkley wrote to Smith saying that the fact that you cannot have everything your
44


way is not a good reason for losing your temper and throwing discredit upon my
statements as to the possible extension of the Penrose lease. The difficulties were
most likely based on the amount of royalty on ore that the lessees would pay, which
was a common cause of disagreement in the mining leases that Smith, either as a
lessee or lessor, was involved in. Whatever the difficulties between Smith and
Bulkley, they ironed them out by September and Smith and Bohn signed a new five-
year lease on the Penrose. They agreed to pay ten percent of all returns on iron ores
and twenty-five percent on all other ores. Work was so successful that Bulkley
extended the lease on November 14, 1894 to September 14, 1901.20
Smith was also in charge, to some extent, of inspecting properties that Moffat
was interested in during this time. In March 1892 he wrote to Moffat that he believed
Aspen would be a better camp than Leadville ever was. He thought that the
particular property he was looking at then, owned by a man named Roeder, was a
good investment, but he wanted to keep Moffats involvement with it secret in order
to keep the price down. If Moffats interest became known Smith thought that every
mothers son of them who had bonds on the mine would want full payment.
Throughout the rest of his career with Moffat, Smith would be particularly interested
in keeping their involvement with mining properties secret in order to keep the price
of the land down.21
The following May Smith was looking at a property owned by a man named
45


Roudebush. On May 13 he wrote to Moffat that he was having doubts about the
property, and by the 14th his doubts had turned into a determination to have nothing
to do with the property. He was not shy about telling Moffat when he thought a
property was bad. He wrote to Moffat that, whatever he did, dont put me into this
deal as I dont want any part of it. By this time Smith and Moffat were so well
known that they were being offered dozens of mines by people who were sure they
had found the next big one. Many of the properties that Smith was investigating may
have been the mines that were offered to them in these letters.22
A typical example of one of these came in December 1890 when Charles P.
Flinn offered Smith and Moffat the chance to become involved with the Holy Moses
Mine in Creede, Colorado. Flinn must have tried to get the two involved in the mine
for some time before then because, on December 21, he wrote to Smith saying that
you have been so busy elsewhere that you could not give this property the attention
you desire... Flinn sent two more letters in December, writing that the Holy Moses
was producing gold, silver and lead. The last heard from Flinn on the Holy Moses
was on January 9, 1891, when he wrote that he had great hopes for the Ethel vein of
the mine, but if it dont amount to anything, the sponge might as well be thrown
up.23
Eben Smith often traveled between Aspen and Leadville, where he still had
charge of the Smith-Moffat mines, during these years. He had another house in
46


Leadville in 1892, this one at 120 West Seventh. His son Lemuel was in town
working as an engineer, most likely for his father. His son Frank was also in
Leadville, living at 120 West Seventh, and working at his new job as a partner in the
Reynolds Brother's ore hauling business. W. O. and Lincoln A. Reynolds agreed to
sell Frank a one-third interest in their ore hauling business for $2,250 in exchange for
Eben giving them a long-term contract for hauling ore from the Franklin and the
Aspen Deep Mining and Drainage Company. The $2,250 was paid out of Franks
profits, and it was paid off at a rate of several hundred dollars per month.24
Franks involvement in Reynolds and Smith Ore Hauling and Heavy Teaming
seemed to be the catalyst for an unsigned and undated letter, probably written in 1892,
that Smith got his hands on. How Smith got the letter is not clear, but the writer
accused Smith of a number of dishonest business dealings. The letter writer believed
that the profits Frank received from the ore hauling business were much larger than
the investment would indicate, suggesting that bills were rendered for ore hauling
that was never performed. In addition, the writer said that Frank had taken a salary of
$125 a month from the Franklin and Aspen Deep Mining and Drainage Company
from December 1, 1890 to July 1, 1891, for which he did not render any services
other than entering the Companys office for not to exceed one hour on average of
three times per week. The writer of the letter then turned his wraith on Eben,
accusing him of buying personal items from different stores and charging them to the
47


mines, of having different companies pay to build his house in Aspen, and of
diverting a car of coal from the Aspen mines to his house and never paying for it.
Nothing happened as a result of the letter, but Smith was concerned enough by it to
hold on to it.25
Smith and Moffat took charge of the abandoned La Plata Smelter in Leadville
in 1892 and formed the Bi-Metallic Smelter to treat sulphides, and copper and iron
pyrites. The main purpose of the Bi-Metallic was really to treat the ore from the
Smith-Moffat mines. During the 1890s Smith became increasingly distrustful of
many of the smelters that were handling his ores, and the Bi-Metallic was his first
effort at treating his ores at his own smelter. Philip Argali was hired to run the Bi-
Metallic, but having his own smelter treat his own ores did not seem to solve Eben
Smiths troubles with them. For the rest of his life Smith or his secretary would be in
almost constant disagreement with Argali over how valuable the ore actually was.26
Smith and Moffat also became owners of two other mining companies in
Leadville in 1892. They incorporated the Grey Eagle and Pocahontas Mining
Company on July 11,1892, although the two men actually bought the mine the
previous September. The property encompassed the Crown Point, Bonus and Little
Rooster mines with leases on the Penrose, Orion, Starr and Alice lodes in addition to
the two properties that gave the company its name. The Grey Eagle and Pocahontas
was the first deep mining operation in Leadville, which miners avoided before then
48


because of the threat of water. Fortunately, according to some, there were men with
courage such as Eben Smith and his brother Henry who were willing to engage in
these kinds of operations. Henry W. Smith was bom in Erie County, Pennsylvania in
1848, and up until the 1880s spent most of his life working there. Seeing his
brothers success in mining, Henry joined him in Colorado in 1887 and started
working on the Henriett and Louisville properties. When the Grey Eagle and
Pocahontas company was incorporated Eben gave his brother the job of manager.27
The mines prospered under Henrys leadership. By August 1, 1892, the
company had shipped 1,000 tons of carbonate ore and 2,500 tons of argentiferous ore,
earning $48,447. Miners under Henry also uncovered a rich ore chute in the Penrose,
which was predicted to yield 500 to 1,000 ounces of silver per ton. The Grey Eagle
and Pocahontas was an impressive operation with a large hoist, three station pumps
and a condenser, though in late 1893 these were not needed as the water level in the
mines had gone down a great deal. Encouraged by their success here Smith and
Moffat organized the Gazelle Mining Company on December 10, 1892, and took hold
of the Dillon, Elk, O. Z. and Bismarck lodes. The Gazelle eventually became a
subsidiary of the Grey Eagle and Pocahontas.28
Activity continued pretty much as usual for Smith-Moffats mining interests
through 1892 and into 1893, but all of that changed in June of 1893. As early as 1864
Smith and Chaffee pretty much ignored gold mining in the belief that silver would be
49


much more profitable. As long as the United States government was interested in
coining silver this plan worked for them and the thousands of other silver miners in
the country. They were all quite saddened to learn, then, that the Sherman Silver
Purchase Act was repealed on June 27, 1893. The Sherman Silver Purchase Act was
passed by Congress and approved by President Benjamin Harrison in 1890. From
1792 to 1837 silver and gold were coined at a ratio of 15 to 1, meaning that a silver
dollar weighed 15 times the weight of a gold dollar to reflect the different values of
gold and silver. This resulted in the country actually being on a silver standard for
those years, but that changed when, in 1837, Congress changed the ratio to 16 to 1.
With this change silver became more valuable in the market, and the country
gradually shifted to a gold standard. This practice continued until 1873, when
Congress again revised the coinage laws, at which time they dropped the coinage of
silver altogether, just at a time when silver production was beginning to increase.
Before long advocates of currency inflation began to talk about the crime of 73.
Congress passed two laws in response to this, the Bland-Allison Act in 1873, and the
Sherman Silver Purchase Act in 1890, to allow for limited coinage of silver.29
In 1893 a British banking house failed, causing many British investors selling
their American holdings in exchange for gold. Shortly after Grover Cleveland was
inaugurated as president in 1893 the United States gold reserves fell below $100
million. In order to stop this drain Cleveland wanted the Sherman Act repealed since
50


it allowed for silver certificates to be redeemable in gold. He got what he wanted, and
within two days of the repeal the price of silver dropped from 82 cents per ounce to
62 cents per ounce. The repeal of the law was a huge blow to the economy of
Colorado, and the Smith-Moffat mines, with the exception of the gold-producing
Little Jonny, felt the full impact of it.30
In an interview with the Leadville Evening Chronicle on June 27 David
Moffat said that the properties he controlled employed about 2,000 men, who were
then responsible for the support of five times as many people. Moffat said that the
loss to him caused by the repeal of the Sherman Silver Purchase Act was trifling, in
comparison to those people... He hoped that the workers would take a cut in pay
since he could not afford to pay them $3 per day with the price of silver so low, but
the next day Smith closed all of the Smith-Moffat mines in Leadville. Business
failures around the country, combined with the fluctuation in silver prices, led to
uncertain conditions, and it was again stressed that the only way for the mines to stay
in business was for the miners to take a cut in pay. The smelters soon closed too, with
the Bi-Metallic finally closing on July l.31
Supporters of silver decided to hold a convention in Coliseum Hall in Denver
on July 11 and 12 under the direction of the Colorado State Silver League. Eben
Smith attended as one of the twenty-four delegates from Leadville. On the first day of
the convention the thunderous cheers from delegates were heard for blocks in
51


every direction. In all delegates from thirty-nine counties attended, including
Governor Davis H. Waite. Charles S. Thomas was chosen as Chairman of the
convention, and the meeting was called to attention. George G. Merrick opened the
convention with a speech, saying that when the pioneers came into the West they
had an implied contract that every ounce of silver they dug from the mountains would
be coined at the rates then established by law. Merrick went on to say that the
contract had been violated. Most of the speeches at the convention followed a
similar pattern, with Charles S. Thomas saying in the afternoon session of July 11 that
silver was the money of God. Although nothing was heard from Smith during the
convention, he was chosen as a vice-president during the July 11 afternoon session.32
At the July 12 session of the convention the delegates unanimously adopted an
address to the people of the United States. The statement said that the House of
Representatives was convinced to repeal the Sherman Act by venal presidential
patronage, supplementing false and incendiary utterances by the gold press,
aggravated by daily circular assaults upon the law by Eastern money brokers. The
Senate was turned in favor of repeal by the panic that resulted from the mints in India
ceasing to use silver. At the time 15,000 miners were reported idle in Colorado, and
the delegates wrote that 4,000 more would be out of work if the smelters shut down.
If the panic continued railroads, stone quarries and the lead industries would soon fall.
The delegates argued that this clearly showed how silver mining supported all other
52


industries in the country.33
The delegates then addressed themselves to the South in the statement,
reminding them that Colorados two Republican senators voted against their partys
wishes in 1891, saving southerners from the humiliation and horrors of being
subjected to the electoral will of your former slaves. We saved you then. You can
save us now. They also appealed to the Eastern creditors of Colorado, threatening
that if silver collapsed Colorado would be unable to pay its debts. The Rocky
Mountain News reported that, following the reading of the address, thousands of men
leapt to their feet and thundered a mighty Aye in approval. .. The members also
chosen delegates to similar conventions in St. Louis, Chicago and St. Paul, though
Smith was not among them. Quiet at the convention he also quietly left and returned
to Leadville.34
Conditions improved enough in August that the smelters were starting to
reopen, with the Bi-Metallic reopening on the 19th. Mining resumed during late
August and early September, though the Smith-Moffat mines were not among those
that reopened. A group of mine managers, including Smith, attended a meeting with
the workers on September 2, 1893, at which it was agreed to resume mining with a
sliding wage scale based on the price of silver. Two weeks later another meeting was
held, also attended by Smith, at which the scale was agreed on. If the price of silver
averaged less than 83 1/2 cents for a month the miners would be paid $2.50. If the
53


price was above that they would be paid $3. It was also agreed that there would be no
discrimination against the Knights of Labor at any of the Leadville mines. By early
November the Smith-Moffat mines were back at work.35
By this time the Smith-Moffat mining interests had spread to the new mining
district of Cripple Creek, increasing Ebens responsibilities. Smith would continue to
serve as general manager of the Leadville and Aspen mines while holding the same
position in Cripple Creek. He did not move to Cripple Creek to take charge of the
mines, though, as he had done with his moves to Boulder, Leadville and Aspen. In
1893 he began construction on a new house at 951 Logan Street in Denver, and
moved into a rented house at 1151 Corona Street in Denver, leaving Leadville and
Aspen behind for the new mining metropolis of the Cripple Creek district.36
54


Fig. 4.1. Eben Smith in 1891.
(Gilpin History Museum)
55


Fig. 4.2. David H. Moffat.
(Denver Post)37
56


Fig. 4.3. The Smiths house on Seventh Avenue in Leadville.
(Photo by the author)
Fig. 4.4. Henry W. Smith.
(Mines and Mining Men)38
57


Fig. 4.5. The Smiths house on Main Street in Aspen.
(Denver Public Library)
58


CHAPTER FIVE
THE VICTOR OF THE CRIPPLE CREEK DISTRICT
The Victor Mine, on the northern slope of Bull Hill near Cripple Creek, was
discovered some time before 1872. In March of that year the Rocky Mountain News
reported that it was being worked with flattering success, but it did not report who
was working the mine at that time. As it turned out the success was not as flattering
as reported, because by 1881 the Victor was being described as a mine that had not
been worked for many years. That year a new company was formed and work began
on the Victor once more. The previous owners dug a 110-foot cross-cut tunnel in
addition to sinking two 30-foot shafts and a 60-foot shaft before abandoning the mine.
Another 750 feet of surface scratching was done, which amounted to half the length
of the claim. In all the mine paid out about $5,000 before work was stopped.1
The company that began work on the Victor in 1881 cleaned out the previous
workings and started working the mine within a few days of taking over. They
planned to drift to the east from the point where the cross-cut tunnel crossed the lode,
which was about 100 feet below the surface and 150 feet from the western end of the
claim. From there the men planned to sink a shaft to meet the tunnel that was running
from the nearby Pickwick lode, which would help to ventilate the mine. Whether or
59


not this company was successful at working the Victor is unknown, but the fact that
the mine did not attract much attention suggests that it was less than the success the
1881 company hoped it would be. In fact, the name of the company and the people
involved with it is not even known.2
For most involved in mining in Colorado the Cripple Creek area did not attract
much attention before the 1890s. Only one man, Robert Womack, prospected in the
area before then. Womack was an unkempt and frequently hard-drinking
ranchhand, but he was convinced that there was gold in the hills around Cripple
Creek. Womack was so insistent in his belief that he prospected in the area for twelve
years before finally finding gold in Poverty Gulch in 1891. He soon became known
as the father of Cripple Creek, but by then Womack was too poor to develop his
claim, selling it for $500. Within a short time of Womacks discovery miners from
all over Colorado began rushing into Cripple Creek, among them were Winfield Scott
Stratton, James Bums, Warren Woods and his sons Frank and Harry, and members of
the Guggenheim family.3
Two more well known Colorado mining men, Eben Smith and David Moffat,
joined the rush. In 1892, probably in January or February, they paid $65,000 for the
Victor Mine. Smith and Moffat immediately began work at the mine, with Eben
serving as general manager of the property. At the time he was still living in
Leadville and Aspen, so much of his work for the mine was done through the written
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word. C. H. Aldrich was put in charge of the mine, and by May 4 he was able to
report to Smith that the Victor is looking fine. Pleased with their success at the
Victor, Smith and Moffat decided to buy more mining properties around Cripple
Creek.4
On June 15, 1892, Eben Smith and L. D. Roudebush signed an agreement
organizing the Anaconda Gold Mining Company. Moffat served as president of the
new company, while Smith served in the then familiar position of general manager.
The two men organized the company for the purpose of purchasing and controlling all
the mines on Gold Hill that were owned by the Anaconda, Work, Coronado and Lone
Star companies. By 1895 the Anaconda Gold Mining Company owned 150 acres of
land, and the value of the ore from the mine ran from $1 to $50 a ton. The ore was
taken out of the mine by a mule tramway capable of hauling ten to fifteen cars per
trip. In addition there was a power house, engine, boilers, compressors, an air drill
and a blacksmith shop at the mine, showing just what the involvement of Smith and
Moffat could do for a mining property. The company was capitalized at $5,000,000
with 1,000,000 shares at $5 a piece. Smith and Moffat controlled 400,000 shares
between them. The Anaconda certainly seemed to be a success for the Smith-Moffat
interests, but the Victor remained the crown jewel of their mine holdings.5
While the Cripple Creek mines were getting underway Smith decided to move
to Denver. Some later historians have been critical of Smith and his fellow mine
61


managers for not living near their mines, but in Ebens case it may have seemed like a
practical decision for him to live in Denver. Eben Smiths thinking was almost
always practical and business-like, and with the Smith-Moffat mines spread from
Aspen to Cripple Creek, Denver would have been a convenient mid-point.
In 1893 Eben and Emily Smith moved into a rented house at 1151 Corona
Street in Denver while their house at 951 Logan Street was built. Smith hired the
architectural firm of Varian and Stoner, who designed a 17-room mansion for the
Smiths. On the first floor there was an elaborately furnished library, hall, dining
room, large drawing room and a kitchen furnished with all the most convenient and
modem arrangements. The bedrooms and bathrooms were on the second and third
floors, all tastefully decorated. There were two staircases that ran from the top to
the bottom of the house. The outside of the house was finished in cream-colored
Roman tile with buff brick trimmings. With his move to Denver it also became
necessary for Smith to open an office in the city. He moved into rooms four and five
of the Tabor Block and hired Robert H. Reid as his private secretary. At about the
time of his move to Denver Smith also began to wear dentures, signifying that 1893
was indeed a year of change for Eben and Emily Smith.6
The year was also one of change for Eben and Emilys children. On April 12,
their daughter Cora finally married Charles Tingley Carnahan. He was bom in Cadiz,
Ohio in 1861. He arrived in Leadville in 1881, and by 1890 he knew the Smiths well
62


enough to attend their New Years Day dinner. At the time of his marriage to Cora,
Carnahan was most likely given a job at the Smith-Moffat mines in Leadville, though
he may have already been working for them before that. The couple moved into
Ebens old house at 124 West Seventh, and their first child, Harold Smith Carnahan,
was bom on January 27, 1894.7
The Smiths son Frank married in 1893 as well. He married Josephine Bonita
Hill, daughter of another prominent Colorado miner, in Denver on December 19.
Josephines father, Charles L. Hill, was bom on August 21, 1829, near Portland,
Maine. In 1860, he came to Colorado where he settled in Gilpin County. He was not
as successful there as he would have liked so he moved on to Alma and Oro City.
When the great strike was made at Cripple Creek Hill went there, where he became
connected with the Guggenheims and made a fortune. After his arrival in Colorado
Charles Hill married a woman by the name of Josephine, and their only child,
Josephine, was bom in 1870 in Leadville. She spent time in both Leadville and
Pueblo while growing up, and when she was introduced into Denver society in the
1890s her beauty and magnetism were talked about on every hand as she carried
society by storm. Josephine became very popular and had numerous admirers, but
one in particular, Denver District Court Judge George W. Allens son Harry, caught
her attention. The announcement of Harry and Josephines engagement was the
event of the season, and it was thought that it would be only a short time before the
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two were married. Something went wrong, though, and the engagement was called
off. Josephine then shocked her friends and astounded society by marrying Frank
Smith.8
Following their marriage Frank and Josie, as she was called, moved into
Ebens old house on Seventh in Leadville with his sister and her husband. Frank and
Josie had their first child on October 26, 1894, a boy named Eben LeRoy. Frank was
still a partner in Reynolds and Smith Ore Hauling, and for the time being the
Carnahans and the Smiths were well settled in Leadville. Meanwhile, in Denver, on
March 26 Eben notified the Colorado Telephone Company that he was moving into
his new house on Logan Street.9
The Victor and the Anaconda were not Eben Smiths chief concern in the
silver crisis of 1893, and as gold producing mines they were not affected by the
problems that followed repeal of the Sherman Silver Purchase Act. Once the issues
that arose from that had settled down at the Smith-Moffat mines in Leadville Eben
probably was hoping that 1894 would prove to be a much quieter year for his mining
interests. Regrettably for him that was not to be the case.
The year got off to a good enough start. One of the major problems facing all
of the Cripple Creek area mines, including the Victor and Anaconda, was the
difficulty of shipping ore to the smelters. No railroads came to the district so ore had
to be hauled by wagon, which was very expensive. In order to correct this problem
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Smith and Moffat decided to build a narrow gauge railroad that would connect up
with the Denver and Rio Grande line in Florence. The railroad covered a total of
forty miles between Florence and Cripple Creek, and cost $850,000 to build. It was
bonded for $1,000,000 and by 1895 was earning $60,000 a year on the bonds, with an
additional 15% per annum on the stock. The Florence and Cripple Creek Railroad
finally made it into the Cripple Creek district on May 26, 1894, but by then there had
already been a major labor strike in the area.10
Union activity started in Cripple Creek as early as 1892. That year the
Fremont Carpenters Number 506, a short-lived union, and the Miners and
Prospectors Protective Association started. The Cripple Creek Carpenters Number
298 operated from 1893 to 1894, and the miners at what would become the town of
Anaconda formed a union in 1893. Despite this union activity no one from Cripple
Creek was present when organizers founded the Western Federation of Miners at a
convention in Butte, Montana in 1893. It did not take long, though, for the WFM to
become involved in forming a union in Colorado. Miners at Altman asked Alexander
McIntosh, the Colorado WFM organizer, to help them start a union, which he gladly
did. The Free Coinage Miners Local Number 19 was founded on April 20, 1893.
Before long more than 300 miners joined the union, and within two months locals
were organized in Cripple Creek, Victor and Anaconda.11
Wages and hours were the two most important concerns that the unions
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addressed. Wages ranged from $2.50 to $3 a day, and shifts ranged from eight to ten
hours at the Cripple Creek mines. A number of mine owners, described by Elizabeth
Jameson as more working-class type owners such as Stratton, Bums, and Doyle, ran
nine-hour shifts at their mines. The Smith-Moffat mines ran ten-hour shifts, and
were among the most intransigent. As soon as Free Coinage Miners Local Number
19 started the number of hours worked by the miners became an issue.12
Three days before the Free Coinage union was formed H. E. Locke,
superintendent of the Isabella Mine, which was next to the Victor, announced that he
was increasing the work day from eight to ten hours, with one hour for lunch. The
miners refused to work the new hours, and none of them reported to work on the
Monday following the announcement. Locke, after receiving instructions from
Isabella owner J. J. Hagerman, relented and went back to an eight-hour day. The fuse
was lit, though, and neither side was willing to put it out. Mine owners met in order
to figure out a uniform shift schedule while the WFM began working towards an
eight-hour day at all of the mines.13
The union attacked first, asking Frank T. Sanders, manager of the Bums Mine,
to adopt an eight-hour schedule in December 1893. Sanders refused the offer, and on
December 26 the work force at the Bums was called out by more than 200 miners
who met at the shaft house. The mine owners struck back, announcing in January
1894 that they would enforce a ten-hour day beginning February 1. As each day
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passed the tension in the camp became thicker and thicker, especially when one
anxious mine manager, A. D. Jones of the Pharmacist, put the notice about the new
hours up on January 17, three days early. The tension finally reached a breaking point
on January 20 when a group of miners ran H. E. Locke and one of his deputies out of
the camp. Two days before the February 1 deadline the miners agreed to compromise
if the mines that worked eight-hour shifts agreed not to extend the hours worked.
Mine owners did not respond, and on February 2 the miners gave management ten
days to meet the $3 for an eight-hour shift demand. At about this time Eben Smith
sent a note to Hoskins, who may have been the superintendent of the Victor at the
time, that a notice about labor would be sent to the mine to be posted, and that in
case any of our men go out to pay them off and not give them any more work.
Rather than give in to the miners demands the mine owners announced that they
would close the mines on February 7. That day the union struck all mines working
more than an eight-hour shift.14
In reality the strike was relatively small as fewer than half of the working
mines in the Cripple Creek district, and less than one-fourth of the 800 miners who
had joined the WFM were on strike. Management of a few of the mines, such as the
Kismet and Santa Rita, quickly settled with the striking miners. James Bums, one of
the owners of the Portland Mine, negotiated a deal with the union that allowed miners
working nine hours to be paid $3.25 while those who worked eight hours would be
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paid $3. Winfield Scott Strattons Independence adopted the eight-hour day by March
19, and the Portland adopted it within a few weeks. Other mining companies, though,
including Smith-Moffat, were not the least bit interested in settling with the union.15
Bela Buell, an old friend of Smiths from Central City, wrote to Eben on
March 9, saying I congratulate you on the stand you have taken so far. Buell
thought that the strikers should be forced to go east to work on farms for four or five
years. Once they had done that he thought that perhaps then they will appreciate a
good thing. Many mine owners, at least in the early days of the strike, felt similarly
sympathetic towards Smith and his fellow mine owners who were affected by the
strike.16
On March 14 Smith and Moffat, Hagerman, William Lennox, and Edward De
La Vergne, and a number of other mine owners, went to court to get an injunction
against the striking miners. A district judge ordered the strikers to not interfere in any
way with the operation of the mines. Following the ruling the Victor and Anaconda,
along with De La Vergnes Summit and Raven, tried to open. The attempt was a
disaster, as no more than five men showed up to work at each mine. The
superintendent of the Victor asked the Cripple Creek sheriff, M. F. Bowers, to send
deputies to protect mine. Bowers deputized six men, but they were intercepted and
disarmed by a group of miners near Altman.17
That same night Sheriff Bowers asked Governor Davis H. Waite to send
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troops to Cripple Creek. Waite sent three companies, and Bowers swore in an
additional fifty deputies. The troops, under the command of Brigadier General E. J.
Brooks arrived in Cripple Creek on March 18, but they were recalled by Waite on
March 20 after Waite became convinced that they were not needed to maintain order
in the district. On April 1 the striking miners and mine owners met to try to reach an
agreement. The owners, led by J. J. Hagerman, offered $2.75 for an eight-hour shift
with a 20-minute lunch break, but the miners voted unanimously to reject the offer.
By then only seven mines were effected by the strike, and some local businesses were
urging the holdouts to give in to the miners demands.18
In early May some mine owners offered to buy arms for El Paso County and
pay for deputies to open the seven closed mines. Smith and Hagerman bought 100
rifles and 10,000 rounds of ammunition during the war at Cripple Creek..., but
Smith refused to let them be used and kept them locked up during the strike. In a
letter to Charles A. Keith at the Anaconda Smith wrote that guns sent there would be
very likely to fall into the hands of the strikers as did the 125 sent down from
Leadville. He also refused to allow Hagerman to use the guns on raids as late as July
1894 in case they were needed elsewhere.19
In mid-May Bowers deputized around 1,200 men and sent almost 200 of them
to occupy the closed mines. The striking miners thought that Bowers was getting
ready to attack them so they built a fort on Bull Hill and settled in. On May 17 a
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number of mine owners in the Cripple Creek district, fearing the miners in their fort
on Bull Hill, asked the El Paso County Board of Commissioners to send forces to
protect the mines. On May 24 between 150 and 200 of Bowerss deputies started
marching towards Victor, and the miners on Bull Hill marched down to meet them.
The miners gathered near the mines on Battle Mountain and seized the Strong Mine.
They ordered the superintendent, foreman and engineer to come out, but instead the
three men went down into the shaft. The shaft house was blown up and the three men
were trapped in the mine for almost twenty-six hours until the striking miners rescued
them. Seeing this the deputies retreated along the Florence and Cripple Creek tracks
and spent the night there. The next day about 300 of the strikers set out to attack the
deputies, and an advance party of them ran into an outpost set up by the deputies.
Shots were fired and one man from each side was killed. The deputy killed was a
man named Rabideau, the same deputy to H. E. Locke who had been run out of town
with him in January. Herman Crawley was the striker who was killed. Six striking
miners were arrested and taken to Colorado Springs. It was then that the strikers
rescued the three men trapped in the Strong shaft, after which they held them hostage
in exchange for the six prisoners.20
After the shootings pressure for a settlement increased, and Governor Waite
asked the strikers to lay down their arms on May 26. He also declared that Bowerss
deputies were illegal since many of them came from outside El Paso County, and
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Colorado law required deputies to live in the county where they were deputized. That
same day a committee from Colorado Springs went to Bull Hill at the request of
Hagerman to try to negotiate a settlement and arrange an exchange of prisoners. The
exchange took place and the six jailed strikers were traded for the three hostages. On
May 30 the miners met with Waite and gave him the power to negotiate for them.
Sympathy of many in the mining business was still with Smith and the other mine
owners. On May 31 Simeon C. Jordan, another son of Ebens first wife, wrote to him
that we sympathize with you people and hope youll kill the last one of those rebels
as I term them.21
Smith was in the Cripple Creek district on May 28 to survey the situation, and
he did not like what he saw. The next day he wrote to J. J. Hagerman that the only
thing to do was get writs for those who had broken the law, and then recruit a
sufficient force to serve them since the Sheriff was as usual sitting around with his
thumb in his mouth. The next day Smith wrote to Hagerman that the Rouse and
Fremont miners had gone out on strike, and that the Fremont miners were likely to try
to reach Cripple Creek over the Florence and Cripple Creek Railroad. In case the
miners tried this, Smith ordered a man named Johnson at the railroad to delay them
until he could send out an engine to destroy one of the bridges, at the very least
delaying them if not preventing them from getting to Cripple Creek altogether.22
As late as June 1 there was still a feeling that the strike was likely to continue
71


as John F. Campion telegrammed to Eben Smith that the Knights of Labor pledged to
support the striking Cripple Creek miners. Waite and union organizer John
Calderwood met with Hagerman, who agreed to the miners demands, on June 2.
Hagerman backed out of the deal, though, when other mine owners put pressure on
him to not sign the agreement. Two days later Hagerman and Moffat met with Waite
in Denver and again agreed to the $3 for an eight-hour day, and this time both signed
the agreement. Even then there were those who were unhappy with the way the strike
was settled. Franklin Ballou, vice-president and general manager of Smith-Moffats
Bi-Metallic Smelter, wrote to Smith on June 5 that the settlement of the strike would
have been better for the future of mining in this state if those scamps had been
brought to terms by force. J. Watson told Smith in a letter that he wanted to see
about 50 of them knocked into eternity.23
The trouble did not end even though Moffat and Hagerman signed the
agreement effectively ending the strike Bowers and his deputies were still on the
prowl, and on June 4 Waite had to call out the state militia in order to try to stop the
deputies from marching on Bull Hill. Weather kept the militia from reaching the
Cripple Creek district until June 7, by which time Bowers and his deputies had
already exchanged shots with some of the strikers. The deputies only retreated from
their positions when General Brooks threatened to fire on them. Rather than disband,
though, they continued on to Altman, then went on to arrest several people in Cripple
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Creek and take charge of the Independence Mine. It was only after a meeting on June
10 between prominent mine owners, militia officers and county officials that the
deputies disbanded and the mines were turned over to their proper owners after the
military guaranteed protection for the mines and mine owners.24
There was still trouble, though, as late as July. William Trevorrow, who
worked for Smith at Cripple Creek, reported that his wife had received a number of
disturbing letters. Smith wrote back saying that, in regard to the letters, there are a
great many mortifying things occurring to all of us at present. He went on to write
that some irresponsible tramp who did not know what else to do and had heard that
Moffat was the cause of all this trouble had broken all of the windows in the First
National Bank of Denver building on July 8. Smith then told Trevorrow that, if it was
necessary to keep a standing army at the mines in order to keep them open, it was
better that they stay closed. The only consolation Smith saw was the chance to elect a
decent governor in the next election.25
The Victor finally reopened in August 1894 after being closed since February.
Criminal charges from the strike began to be filed in June 1894 and continued for a
while after that. Attorney J. E. Rockwell wrote to Smith on August 1 that no one
would be persecuted, but everyone who had taken a hand in blowing up the
Strong, attempting to assassinate Sam McDonald, robbing the Victor mine, or
committing violent crimes will be prosecuted to the limit. In the end those who were
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charged with and convicted of any crimes were either pardoned or had their
convictions overturned.26
The last lingering remnants of the strike may have been disposed of by July
1894, but the trouble at the Victor was far from over. In September, one month after
the mines reopened, there were reports that the returning miners were stealing ore
from the Smith-Moffat mines in Cripple Creek. Smith wrote to Charles Keith at the
Anaconda, instructing him to build a change house at the Victor and require all men
to change their clothes at the end of their shift. Smith said that the honest man will
not object and the thieves we do not care to employ. Apparently this plan did not
work at the Victor because in April 1895 Smith hired Pinkertons Detective Agency
to find out who was stealing the ore.27
The Pinkerton operative, known only by the initials W. B. S., wrote to Smith
on April 27 that a third party claims there is a systematic scheme on foot to rob the
Victor Mine... In February alone eleven sacks of ore were stolen from the mine.
Several people were supposed to have been involved in the plot, including the
assayers in the camp who would buy the ore and not tell anyone where it came from.
W. B. S. was soon passing himself off as a mining expert hired by Smith, and by May
8 his attention focused on a miner named Andy Malloy. By May 16, though, Smith
had written to W. B. S. to drop the investigation since he was going to get a new crew
at the mine that he could trust. The case was dropped, and there were no further
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complaints from Smith about stolen ore at the Victor for the time being.28
In December 1894 Smith hired Pinkertons Detective Agency to watch his
house on Logan, paying them $3 a month for their services. This may have been out
of lingering fear from the strike, or it might have been completely unrelated. In any
case he kept paying Pinkertons to watch the house through at least February 1896.
Whatever effect the strike had on his personal life, Eben Smith was not one to let the
strike interfere with his mining business, and from 1894 on the Smith-Moffat as well
as his own personal mining interests continued to grow and expand along with his
wealth.29
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Fig. 5.1. The Smiths house at 951 Logan Street in Denver.
(Denver Public Library)
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CHAPTER SIX
AN EXPANDING EMPIRE
Even as the strike in Cripple Creek was taking shape in early 1894 Eben Smith
and David Moffat were continuing to expand their mine holdings. On February 1,
1894, Smith helped to incorporate the Bon Air Mining Company in Leadville, serving
as the president of the company. The Bon Air was incorporated with 400,000 shares
of stock at $1 each, and Smith owned 128,999 of those shares. Three months after
they incorporated the company Thurlow Weed Barnes wrote to Smith from New
York, telling him that he was the sort of straightforward and competent man that I
had always hoped would come into control of this property.1
In April 1894 Smith helped to incorporate the Gold Extraction Company of
Colorado, and was elected president. The purpose of this company was to erect a 100
tons per day reduction works at the intersection of the Florence and Cripple Creek
Railroad and the Denver and Rio Grande Railroad at Florence. This location was also
near the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad, meaning that the mill was capable
of receiving ore from Cripple Creek, all other parts of Colorado, Arizona, New
Mexico, old Mexico, and every other producing camp in the Rocky Mountain
Range. The way this particular company would reduce ore was the only way to save
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the highest percentage of gold from the Cripple Creek ores, according to its founders,
and the process was already in operation in a comparatively crude way in different
parts of the United States and the South African gold fields. The advantage of the
Gold Extraction Company was that it had improvements to the process designed by
Philip Argali. According to the incorporating documents filed with the State of
Colorado the company had already received a favorable contract from the Smith-
Moffat owned Florence and Cripple Creek Railroad, and it was estimated that a
$124,000 profit would be made in the first year of operation.2
In early May 1894, while some mine owners were offering to buy arms for El
Paso County, Smith was more interested in buying mines for himself. He had Simeon
Jordan looking for mining property in the Nevada Mining District of California.
Smith was especially interested in gold mines, and Jordan had seen several
prospective properties, including one near the Pioneer Mine that Smith owned during
his years in California. Although he did not buy any of these properties, Jordan was
still hunting for mines for Smith more than two years later. Near the end of
November 1896 Jordan wrote to Smith asking him to form a company to buy mining
properties, and Jordan promised to stay with it for five years at a salary of $250 a
month. Smith does not appear to have taken him up on this offer either.3
Jordan continued to look into mining properties for the next two years for his
former stepfather. On December 1, 1896, Jordan wrote to Smith about what was
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known as the Blue Lead property in California. He thought for sure that if Smith got
involved with this particular piece of land it would eventually sell for $500,000
instead of the $150,000 that it would get with Jordans involvement alone. Smith was
at least interested in the property, but three months later Jordan had still not heard any
word from him on whether or not he was still interested in it.4
While Sheriff Bowers was swearing his 1,200 deputies in Cripple Creek, on
May 16, 1894, the less than concerned Eben Smith, David Moffat and Charles J.
Hughes incorporated the Resurrection Gold Mining Company to do business in Lake
County. Smith, Moffat, and Smiths son-in-law Charles Carnahan were to serve as
directors of the new mine, and Carnahan also assumed the duties of superintendent.
The new company issued 100,000 shares of stock at $5 each, all of which was
controlled by Moffat or the Smith family. Moffat owned 37,500 shares, Smith and
Carnahan owned 18,750 each, and Ebens daughter Cora owned the remaining 25,000
shares.5
Even though the stock market cost Eben Smith his fortune during his Boulder
days he still was fascinated by it, especially in the 1890s. This love affair with stock
was already apparent in the way the Bon Air and Resurrection companies were
organized, and just in case anyone missed the point Smith made it even clearer at a
meeting of the Board of Directors of the Victor Gold Mining Company on June 16,
1894. At the meeting he offered a resolution that the stock of the Victor be listed on
79


the New York Stock Exchange. The motion was passed, and the company applied to
be listed. The stock soon was listed and began to sell quickly, especially in France.
H. L. Horton and Company were in charge of selling the stock, and they did such a
good job of it that by December Smith became opposed to selling any more shares.
He wrote to Moffat that value of the mine had doubled and he wanted to retain the
property, but if you think it advisable to a make a new arrangement with those
people [H. L. Horton] or with others to sell the balance of the stock, I will try in some
way to accomodate [sic] my views to yours.. .6
Accommodate his views is exactly what Smith did, so much so that in January
1895 he and Emily were in New York preparing to go to London to assist in selling
the stock there. New York was one of the Smiths favorite destinations, and while
there in January he found himself studying there [sic] ways and manners. One of
the ways and manners that impressed itself upon Smith was that most New Yorkers
found it fashionable to have two sets of false teeth. So, on January 21 he wrote to
Robert Reid with a small request. Eben wanted Reid to have Dan Webb, who worked
with the two men at the Smith-Moffat General Offices in the Tabor Block, get his
second set of false teeth that were at his house and send them to him. Of course, Reid
complied with the request and Eben Smith must have been pleased to find himself
among the fashionable false teeth set in New York.7
It was thought by those selling Victor stock that Eben Smiths presence in
80


London would help sell the stock by having the man himself there to answer
questions, but for an unknown reason the trip never took place and the Smiths
returned to Colorado. David Moffat took over for his partner when he found himself
in New York in May of 1895 helping Horton to sell the Victor stock. He wrote to
Smith that he did not know what the price would be, but that it would not be lower
than what you told me I could go before I left Denver, attesting to the fact that,
although Moffat may have been the acknowledged financial brain in the operation,
Smith was not completely uninvolved in this side of the business. Stock sales in
France continued through July under the direction of H. L. Horton and Company.
Horton himself wrote to Smith, saying you cannot imagine how many dd
questions the French people ask. Talk about Yankee inquisitiveness, but it cannot be
compared with the Frenchman when it comes to trading in mines. As far as Eben
Smith was concerned the French could have asked as many dd questions as they
liked so long as they bought the stock.8
In addition to selling stock in the various mines he was interested in Smith
was interested in buying stock. The exact date is unknown, but sometime in 1893 he
purchased $ 10,000 of stock in the Battle Mountain Gold Mining Company. He sold
the stock in 1894 for $11,114.57, which he must have felt was a nice profit for the
short time he held the stock. When the final settlement was made, though, Smith ran
into problems over the commission that Hughes (this may have been Charles Hughes,
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but no first names were mentioned in the letter about the settlement) wanted.
Thinking the amount too high Smith refused to pay it, much to the dismay of William
Lennox. He wrote to Smith that if in his future business dealings he would learn to
be a little more honorable, and make good your verbal promises you would in all
probability avoid a great deal of annoyance and trouble. Smith almost always
thought the commissions he had to pay were too high. In 1902, when he was in Los
Angeles, he told business associate Dan Webb, who said Smith had agreed to a ten
percent commission, that if Webb had in fact demanded such Eben would have made
a roar that you could have heard clear across the country from here to Denver.9
Incorporating two mining companies and selling stock in a third while dealing
with a labor strike at two other mines, in addition to running several other mines,
probably would have been enough in one year for most men, but not for Eben Smith.
On September 1, 1894, Smith and Moffat bought 5,000 shares of the Baka-Contact
Gold Mining Company for $5,000. As part of their purchase they agreed to erect a
ten-stamp mill and build a wagon road to the mine, once again demonstrating how
profitable it was for a mining property to be purchased by Smith-Moffat. Then, in
November 1894, they paid $30,000 for the Santa Elena Gold Mines in Sonora,
Mexico. They incorporated a new company and 500,000 shares of stock were issued.
This purchase, which signaled a change in Smith-Moffat policy, took place after
Smith had already declined at least two other offers of mines in Mexico.10
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Full Text

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EBEN SMITH: WESTERN MINING MAN by David M. Forsyth B.A., University of Colorado at Denver, 2001 A thesis submitted to the University of Colorado at Denver in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts History 2003 "4 t-U t .:

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2003 by David M. Forsyth All rights reserved.

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This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by David M. Forsyth has been approved by Thomas J. N&t Rebecca Hunt

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Forsyth, David M. (M.A., History) Eben Smith: Biography of A Western Mining Tycoon and Capitalist Thesis directed by Professor Thomas J. Noel ABSTRACT Eben Smith was just one of many when he first went to California following the 1849 gold rush, but his career there and in Colorado after the 1859 gold rush would change that. His success made him stand out from the many as one of the few who actually achieved his dream of finding riches. As a mine manager and mine investor in Colorado, where he mined from 1860 to his death in 1906, he assisted in developing numerous mines in Gilpin County, Boulder, Aspen, Leadville, and Cripple Creek. His work in these mines brought him into contact with many of the notable men in Colorado mining, including Jerome Chaffee, David Moffat, Horace Tabor, and Winfield Scott Stratton. As a trusted mine manager he helped make fortunes for men such as these, in addition to making a fortune himself. Eben Smith's success in mining brought him success in other areas as well, notably in Colorado politics, where he served in a number of elected positions. He also assisted, quite willingly, in combating the rise of unions and a labor movement, which were successfully crushed in Colorado's hard rock mines. For the most part, iv

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though, he preferred to stay behind the scenes and make the mines produce while leaving the public side of the business to the Moffats and Chaffees and Tabors. Because of this attitude, and the fact that he was only a mine manager instead of a major owner, he remains virtually unknown more than ninety-five years after his death. Yet, there are numerous landmarks of his life in Colorado still to be seen, including many of his houses, his son's restored City Park mansion, his impressive tomb in Fairmount Cemetery, and a large collection of his papers at the Denver Public Library. This is Eben Smith's story. This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidate's thesis. I recommend its publication. Signed Thomas J. v

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First of all, I wish to thank my family for putting up with my many stories of Eben Smith that I felt I had to share, and for supporting me throughout this. At the University of Colorado at Denver I wish to thank Tom Noel, Jim Whiteside and Rebecca Hunt for their help with this thesis, and the rest of the faculty along with them for their help throughout my college career. Jay Fell at CU-Denver and Duane Smith at Fort Lewis gave me many suggestions and advice, which I appreciate very much. Thanks also to Jim Prochaska and the volunteers at the Gilpin History Museum in Central City for their wonderful help in digging out pictures and papers for me to look at there. Also, thanks to Roger and Kim Ward, owners of Eben Smith's house in Palmer Lake, for the use of their pictures and their help. Thanks to the staff of the Denver Public Library's Western History Department for bringing down box after box of Eben Smith's papers for me to go through.

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CONTENTS Figures .............................................................................................................. ix Introduction ...................................................................................................... xi CHAPTER ONE: BEGINNINGS OF A MINING MAN .................................................... 1 TWO: A MINING MAN IN CENTRAL CITY ................................................ 7 THREE: BOULDER AND BUST .................................................................. 23 FOUR: COMEBACK OF A MINING MAN ................................................ .35 FIVE: THE VICTOR OF THE CRIPPLE CREEK DISTRICT ..................... 59 SIX: AN EXPANDING EMPIRE .................................................................. 77 SEVEN: TROUBLE IN LEADVILLE ......................................................... l01 EIGHT: TROUBLE AT THE VICTOR ....................................................... 119 NINE: THE EMPIRE BEGINS TO DECLINE ............................................ 130 TEN: WORKED OUT IN COLORAD0 ..................................................... .148 ELEVEN: THE MINING MAN RETURNS TO CALIFORNIA ................. 169 TWELVE: MAKING MUSIC AND STRINGING WIRES ......................... 197 THIRTEEN: FRUSTRATION ...................................................................... 220 FOURTEEN: BROKEN IS THE GOLDEN BOWL. ................................... 229 VII

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FIFTEEN: THE SMITH FAMILY ............................................................... 246 SIXTEEN: THE DEAN OF MINING MEN ................................................ 265 NOTES ....................................................................................................................... 273 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...................................................................................................... 317 viii

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FIGURES Fig. 2.1. Eben Smith ................................................................................................... 21 Fig. 2.2. Emily Smith .................................................................................................. 21 Fig. 2.3. The Smiths' house on Casey Avenue in Central City ................................... 22 Fig. 2.4. Jerome Chaffee ............................................................................................. 22 Fig. 3.1. Eben Smith in the late 1870s or early 1880s ................................................ 33 Fig. 3.2. The Smiths' house on Walnut Street in Boulder ......................................... .34 Fig. 4.1. Eben Smith in 1891 ...................................................................................... 55 Fig. 4.2. An old and young David H. Moffat.. ............................................................ 56 Fig. 4.3. The Smiths' house on Seventh Avenue in Leadville .................................... 57 Fig. 4.4. Henry W. Smith ............................................................................................ 57 Fig. 4.5. The Smiths' house on Main Street in Aspen ................................................ 58 Fig. 5.1. The Smiths' house at 951 Logan Street in Denver ....................................... 76 Fig. 5.2. Robert Womack ............................................................................................ 76 Fig. 6.1. The main building of the Victor Mine in 1896 ............................................. 98 Fig. 6.2. Sixth level station, Victor ............................................................................. 99 Fig. 6.3. Eighth level stope, Victor ............................................................................. 99 Fig. 6.4. Dinner in dry house, Victor .......................................................................... 99 Fig. 6.5. Frank and Josephine Smith's house on High Street in Denver .................. 100 Fig. 6.6. The Carnahan's house on High Street in Denver ...................................... .100 Fig. 11.1. Eben Smith in the early 1900s .................................................................. 193 Fig. 11.2. Emily Smith in the early 1900s ................................................................. 194 Fig. 11.3. Estamere in Palmer Lake .......................................................................... 194 Fig. 11.4. Eben Smith with grandchildren Harold and Doris Carnahan on the steps of Estamere, probably in 1901 ....................................................................................... 195 IX

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Fig. 11.5. A riding party gathering on the steps of Estamere in 1901. Cora Carnahan is to the left of the picture, wearing the white hat.. .................................................... 196 Fig. 12.1. The console of the "big organ" ................................................................ .216 Fig. 12.2. A Shetland pony posing in the largest pipe .............................................. 216 Fig. 12.3. Frank and Josephine Smith's house on York Street.. ............................... 217 Fig. 12.4. FrankL. Smith .......................................................................................... 218 Fig. 12.5. Josephine Hill Smith ................................................................................. 218 Fig. 12.6. Frank and Josephine Smith's children ..................................................... .219 Fig. 14.1. Lemuel Smith at the time of his father's death ......................................... 244 Fig. 14.2. Lemuel's wife Nellie ................................................................................ 245 Fig. 14.3. Their daughter Fay .................................................................................... 245 Fig. 15.1. Lt. Eben LeRoy Smith ............................................................................. .261 Fig. 15.2. Melvin Hill Smith ..................................................................................... 261 Fig. 15.3. The Eben Smith Mausoleum .................................................................... 262 Fig. 15.3. Emily "Emmy" Wilson ............................................................................. 263 Fig. 15.5. The Smith Mansion before restoration ..................................................... 264 Fig. 15.6. The restored Smith Mansion ..................................................................... 264 X

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INTRODUCTION With apologies to Walt Disney, it all started with a house. I can still remember the Sunday afternoon that my father, brother and I set out to find a house that I had seen on a recent school field trip to the Denver Museum ofNatural History. The only things that I could remember for sure about the house was that it had round dormer windows in the roof and that it was on the way to the museum. For some reason the house fascinated me and I wanted to take a closer look at it than the one I had gotten as we had driven past it earlier. It did not take us that long to find the house, which I learned from a sign on the fence was called the Smith Mansion. I snapped a couple of pictures of it and we were on our way back home, much to the pleasure of my dad and brother. Over the next few months I visited the Denver Public Library a nurnber of times to find out whatever I could about the house and its history. I even went so far as to write to the then-owner of the house, attorney L. Douglas Hoyt. The highlight of my research came when, in March of 1990, Hoyt invited me for a personal tour of the house, which he had converted to offices. I was finally able to see the inside ofthe house that I had read so much about, and it was just as interesting as the outside. I was even allowed to take a few pictures with my trusty disc camera. Several years XI

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later I would wish that I had taken better pictures and had asked more questions, but since I was only twelve years old at the time I suppose I can be forgiven for not doing so at the time. As I researched the history of the house I also came to know the very interesting people that had been associated with it. Frank L. Smith, and not his father, built the house in 1902 for his family (there will be more on the controversy ofwho actually built the house later on). Frank was the son of a prominent Colorado mining man, and was himself quite wealthy from his involvement in ore hauling in Leadville and the Denver Mine and Smelter Supply Company. He was married to Josephine Hill, the daughter of another prominent and wealthy Colorado mining man, and they had three sons. I also learned that the house had a very tragic history, with violent deaths plaguing at least two of the families who lived in the house. Through Frank and the house I also came to know Frank's father, Eben Smith. Smith was one of the most respected mining men in Colorado during his life. He first came to Colorado in 1860 with Jerome Chaffee, and for the rest of his life he was involved in mining in the state. He was so involved in mining that one short article on his life said that "the name of the fabulously rich mines which he discovered or developed ... read like chapter headings in the romance of the West." In addition to being Chaffee's business partner Smith also became associated with David Moffat, and has often been described as Moffat's "right-hand" man. Smith and Moffat would xii

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remain business partners until Eben's death put an end to their business relationship.1 Most people who know about the mining history of Colorado have at least heard of Eben Smith, but few know much, if anything, about him. As a general manager, and as a person, he preferred to stay in the background. He was not very extravagant in his private life, and as a result he did not capture the attention that men like Horace Tabor or David Moffat have had. I think that Smith preferred it that way. He was much more concerned by the output of the mines that he was in charge of than he was by being in the public eye. He was perfectly content to leave the role of public promoter to his partners while he ran the mines. Although men like Chaffee and Moffat were seen as the financial brains of the Smith-Chaffee and Smith-Moffat mining operations while Eben was the mining expert, he was in fact just as much involved in the financial side ofthe business as he was in the mining side. The same could not be said for Chaffee and Moffat. The two men had little mining knowledge, and they relied on Smith for that part of their business ventures. Eben Smith's career spanned the first forty-six years of mining in Colorado, in addition to seven or eight years before that in California. During his life many credited him with playing a large part in making the mining industry what it became in Colorado, and that if it were not for him the state might not have developed as well as it did. For all of this glory attached to him it is surprising at how little has been xiii

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written about him. His name is often mentioned in articles or books, but almost as a footnote. Just as in life, in history the Chaffees and the Moffats and the Tabors are the centers of attention. Were it not for Eben Smith they would not have achieved that position, though. It is my goal to elevate Eben Smith above footnote status with this story of what I think is his fascinating life. When it comes to biographies ofthose who were involved in mining there is a definite focus on those who struck it rich, men such as David Moffat, Horace Tabor, Leland Stanford, the Guggenheims, and others like them. What is very clear from biographies of these men is that more often than not they made their fortune by investing in mines. Steven Mehls, in his biography of David Moffat, wrote that Moffat "took the more prestigious but in some ways rather risky route of the mining financier and promoter." The same was true of Leland Stanford, who invested in mines but left the day to day operations to others. Horace Tabor first made his fortune by grubstaking the discoverers of the Little Pittsburgh Mine in Leadville. J. J. Hagerman also made his fortune investing in mines in Michigan and then in Cripple Creek. The Guggenheims, already rich from Meyer Guggenheim's numerous business ventures, built their great fortune, according to biographer John Davis, from investing in mines in Leadville and Cripple Creek among other places, as well as smelters in Colorado and Mexico. 2 For these men mining was a means to an end. In all of these cases these men XIV

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used the fortunes they made in mining to pursue their other, and to them, more important, interests. In Moffat's case this was to build railroads and promote Colorado. Leland Stanford and J. J. Hagerman also used their mining riches to build railroads. Tabor put his money to more artistic pursuits, building his famed opera houses in Leadville and Denver, in addition to the Tabor Block in Denver. The Guggenheims used their fortune to establish a number of charitable foundations. 3 At the other end of the spectrum, and found far less often in biographies, are those men who actually went out and dug in the dirt. Some made it, some did not. One who did not was Arthur Hill, who went to Alaska in 1898 and Arizona in 1899 to pan for gold. His biographer, John Moring, described Hill as "notional," given the many interests he had in life. Hill later found success as an actor and police officer in San Diego. Another example of another man who went out and dug in the dirt was Winfield Scott Stratton, whose story biographer Frank Waters told in 1937. Arriving in Colorado in the late 1860s, Stratton spent seventeen years prospecting all over the state of Colorado, continuously coming up empty handed. Stratton became so obsessed with finding a mine that even gave up a promising career as a carpenter. Unlike Hill, Stratton finally achieved his dream when he discovered the famous Independence Mine in Cripple Creek in 1891, soon becoming a millionaire.4 In between these two extremes fall men like Eben Smith. Starting out at the bottom ranks with Hill and Stratton, Smith soon worked his up to the ranks of Moffat XV

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and Tabor. Smith's career can best be compared with that of his fellow Colorado pioneer Henry Teller. Arriving in Central City in 1861, Teller started out as a small time lawyer who worked his way up to United States Senator and Secretary of the Interior under Chester A. Arthur. By the time of his death Teller was a well-respected man in Colorado. Eben Smith started out much the same way, though he took care of the small-time part of his career in California, arriving in Central City already well off. Just as Teller rose through the ranks of Colorado politics, Smith rose through the ranks of mining, though he never left behind his days of digging in the dirt. For Eben Smith, mining was the ultimate goal. He was above all a mining man. 5 It may sound trite, but history needs people. The Declaration of Independence did not write itself, the office of the presidency cannot govern without an occupant, and mines cannot mine themselves. Biographies serve their purpose by telling the stories of the very necessary human elements of history. For the mines to give up their riches they needed people to invest money for supplies and workers. Men like Horace Tabor, J. J. Hagerman, David Moffat, and Jerome Chaffee supplied the capital. They needed men like Eben Smith, though, to coax the mines into producing, and this is where he fits into the story. There have been a number of changes in the way history is written from the field's earliest days to now. At first, the emphasis was on the story, with little or no analysis. In mining biographies, this type of history is found in Frank Waters' xvi

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biography of Winfield Scott Stratton. Waters tells the story of Stratton's life, and simply leaves it at that. Another, and more recent example, is John Moring's book on Arthur Hill, which once again is simply the story of Hill's life with little else. After the uncritical, or narrative history, came a number of changes, including Marxist history, quantitative history, ethnic history, and gender history. The biographies that I am familiar with, which are mostly presidential biographies in addition to the biographies of miners mentioned here, were largely unaffected by these changes. Today the emphasis has shifted to social history, which found its way into numerous biographies. Gone from these histories are the stories of the great and heroic men, replaced by analysis of the impact these men have had, both good and bad, on society. Although not a biography, Elizabeth Jameson's book on the labor strikes in Cripple Creek looks at the mine owners and managers through the eyes of a labor historian. One example of this shift, as far as biographies of miners goes, is Steven Mehls' book about David Moffat. Mehls criticizes Moffat, justifiably so, for his business practices, many of which would be illegal today. Another example of this type, with a more favorable take on the subject, is John Davis' book on the Guggenheims. Davis used the story of how the Guggenheims, who he called a group of extraordinary people, made their fortune to emphasize the many charitable organizations the family supports. Duane Smith's biographies of Horace Tabor and Henry Teller are in the same vein as Davis' book on the Guggenheims. xvii

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Historian John Tosh wrote that anyone undertaking a serious study of a person's life "can hardly escape some identification with the subject and will inevitably look at the period to some extent through that person's eyes," which leads many to charge biographers with bias in favor of their subjects. However, there are many historians, myself included, who think it is necessary to understand a person in their own times, rather than judging them too heavily by the standards of today. An old quote in history is that "the past is like a foreign country, they do things differently there." Eben Smith's highly critical view of organized labor is a good example of this. While not in line with a "New Left" historian's way of thinking, for a mine manager during the 1894 Cripple Creek strike it was the norm. By occasionally looking at the life and times of Eben Smith through the eyes of Eben Smith rather than the eyes of a Marxist, ethnic, or social historian, I believe researcher and reader can gain a better understanding of the man and his place in history.6 In all, about 120,000 people arrived in California after James Marshall, an employee of John Sutter, discovered gold near Sacramento on January 24, 1948. My purpose here is to tell the life story of Eben Smith, one of those 120,000, who achieved the success of which many ofthem only dreamed.7 XVIII

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CHAPTER ONE BEGINNINGS OF A MINING MAN One of the few times after 1890 that Eben Smith described his early life was in response to a letter from J. S. Clinton, a man from Grand Rapids, Michigan, who claimed that Eben owed him $32. Smith wrote that he had heard of a "gutter snipe by my name in that country," and that the man's bills had been given to him at various times "in all parts of the world," but that he was not the man in question. To prove to Clinton that he had never been to Grand Rapids, Smith wrote an extremely short description of his life, saying "I left Pennsylvania when I was 19 years old, went to California, remained there until 1859, returned to Pennsylvania, came to Colorado in 1860 and have lived here ever since." While short and to the point, this "autobiography" left out a great many details. 1 Ebenezer Smith was born in Erie, Pennsylvania on December 17, 1831 to William and Mary Smith. His family was of"sturdy Scotch-Irish ancestry," and they had settled in Pennsylvania near the end of the 18th century. There were at least three other boys in the Smith family, Mark, Henry, and S.D., and at least three girls, Nancy, Jennie and Emily Elizabeth. Smith inherited "little from his parents save a vigorous physique and strong mental powers ... He was educated in public schools

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and then in a private academy at Waterford, Pennsylvania. He also received training as a ship's carpenter during his years in Pennsylvania, training that would often come in handy during his mining career. 2 News of the discovery of gold in California in 1849 started the gold rush to that state, and the Smiths of Pennsylvania were not immune to it. Sometime in 1850 young Eben Smith decided to go to California and try his hand at mining. Although he said he left Pennsylvania at the age of nineteen, he may have left as early as October 1850, two months before his nineteenth birthday, or as late as October 1851. He went to California "by vessel by way of the isthmus," and arrived in San Francisco some time in 1851, though there again is confusion as to whether it was January or December of 1851 depending on when he actually left Pennsylvania. Confusion reigns when it comes to Smith's early years in California as there are no specific dates that pinpoint his actions in the state with any degree of accuracy. 3 Eben Smith may have settled in Grass Valley in Nevada County after leaving San Francisco. His first mining activities in the state came when he followed placer mining in Sierra County for a short time. He then built a hotel at the French Corral in Nevada County. This may have been the Union Hotel, which was run by an E. W. Smith. In 1856 the hotel had been "thoroughly renovated," and "permanent and transient boarders" would find the "table spread with the best provisions the market affords." The bar was fully stocked, and the rooms were under the "superintendence 2

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of a competent lady ... This competent lady might have been Smith's wife, as he had married in 1852.4 George W. Jordan was an Iowa resident who also had the urge to head to California after the gold rush. In 1852 he packed up his wife Caroline, three sons, daughter, and brother-in-law and left Iowa for California. Unfortunately George became ill and died on the banks of the Green River, where he was buried. Abram Vance Clark, the brother-in-law, then took over the care of the family and got them to California. Once there they settled at Damascus, originally known as Damascus Diggings or Strong Diggings, located at the headwaters of the American River and north of Michigan Bluff. Clark was an assayer and chemist, and he "attracted some attention in his day" after he got into an altercation and "killed his man," who was probably some sort of servant. Forced to leave California, Clark went to Montana and founded the town of Bannack. It was there that he fell down a mine shaft and broke his leg, but rather than take the time to let his leg heal "he took a shotgun and blew his brains out. "5 The widowed Caroline Jordan set up a boarding house in Damascus at which a young miner named Eben Smith took his meals. At the time he was most likely following placer mining in Sierra County. The relationship between Smith and Caroline Jordan grew, and by the end of 1852 she had become Mrs. Smith. For some reason the two decided to not be married in Damascus. Instead, they went to 3

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Georgetown in Eldorado County and were married there.6 At the time that he started eating at Caroline's boarding house Smith was employed at the nearby Texas Quartz Mill. According to his stepson, Fletcher Jordan, Smith's training as a ship's carpenter gave him a "natural aptitude for all work about a mill," and he was an efficient amalgamator and soon became a master of the mineral treating processes. Although he appeared to be an "ordinary sort of fellow," his "natural ability rendered him useful and popular and he got on well." Smith prospered at the mill, and soon bought a half interest in it. 7 After spending a year mining in various parts of Placer County, Smith went to Iowa Hill, also in Placer County. There he formed a partnership with William McMertie and William Walsh to engage in mining and building a quartz mill. Smith was superintendent of construction and one-half owner of what was then the largest milling plant in California. When finished and in operation the mill employed more than 300 men. One year later Eben Smith and R. A. McClellan bought the entire property, including the Pioneer Ledge and Mammoth lode, from which he had already made a great deal of money. They worked the property until May of 1859, at which time Smith sold his interest to McClellan at an "advantage." By then Eben and Caroline had two sons of their own, twins Samuel and Lemuel, who were born in 1857 or 1858. After selling the mill Smith packed up his family and went first to Dubuque, Iowa, and then to St. Joseph, Missouri to visit his brother, S.D., who was 4

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then a doctor there. Smith originally planned to return to California after a short visit home, but his visit to St. Joseph changed his plans.8 While visiting his brother in St. Joseph, Eben Smith one day stopped into the banking house of Lee and Chaffee to conduct some business. He was "quite a conversationalist," and in the bank he struck up a conversation about mining with one of the bank's owners, Jerome Chaffee. Chaffee was born on his father's farm near Lockport, New York, on April 17, 1825. For the first seventeen years of his life he lived there, working at the farm in the summers and attending public school in the winters. In addition to studying at school he "supplemented" his knowledge with "hard study at home." When he was seventeen his parents moved to a farm near Adrian, Michigan, where Chaffee attended an academy. Then, at nineteen, he moved to Indiana, where he taught school and clerked in a store.9 Two years later Chaffee returned to Adrian, clerking in a store before becoming bookkeeper at a bank. He rose rapidly in the bank, and when it failed after a few years Chaffee served as Receiver to take care of the bank's unfinished business. In 1857 Chaffee moved to St. Joseph, Missouri, where he helped start the Eilwood Town Company, which built the town across the Missouri River from St. Joseph. In 1859, while living in Eilwood, Chaffee's wife died, leaving him with an infant daughter, Fannie. Working with the Eilwood Town Company did not bring Chaffee the financial success that he hoped for, and when he met Eben Smith that day in the 5

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bank he was looking for a change. 10 Mining was the subject that Smith liked to talk about the most, and he found a willing listener in Chaffee. Reports of gold in Colorado started circulating as early as 1858, but it was not until July 7 or 8 that a few "stubborn holdouts" led by William Green Russell discovered the precious metal a few miles from the confluence of the South Platte and Cherry Creek in Little Dry Creek. News of the discovery attracted a great deal of attention in the Missouri River Valley area, which had been hit hard by the nationwide commercial depression in 1857. Soon after meeting Chaffee, Smith heard more about Colorado from John Gregory, William Green Russell, John Lyons and Dick Millsap, and he decided that rather than return to California he would go to Colorado. 11 6

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CHAPTER TWO A MINING MAN IN CENTRAL CITY The reports on mining in Colorado that he had been hearing convinced Eben Smith that a small stamp mill would be a welcome and necessary addition to the mining activities in the state. His new friend Chaffee was "always awake to the possibilities in a money making way," and he was excited when Smith told him what could be done with a mill in the region. Just how the two came to form their partnership is open to some question. Some sources suggested that S. D. Smith persuaded his brother to take Chaffee on as a partner even though he had no mining or milling experience. Others suggest that Smith himself talked Chaffee into joining him, or that Chaffee may have been the one doing the convincing. 1 After forming their partnership early in 1860 Smith and Chaffee had a twelve stamp quartz mill built at Leavenworth, Kansas. Fletcher Jordan believed that Chaffee put up most of the money for the construction of the mill, but he and Eben Smith were equal partners from the very beginning. Once the mill was complete they had it shipped across the plains to Colorado, where Chaffee arrived first in February 1860. Smith arrived on May 26, 1860.2 Once the two men were in Colorado they decided to erect the mill in Lake 7

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Gulch in Gilpin County, southeast of Central City. Soon the Smith and Chaffee Stamp Mill was in full operation and kept very busy. The huge amount of business was due to the fact that it was the first stamp mill in the entire state. Smith managed the mill, and "at that time he was the only man in Colorado who had the experience in the modem process of milling for the extraction of gold." Chaffee paid very little attention to the mill, instead focusing on the financial aspects of their business dealings, leaving the mill to the more "expert" knowledge of his partner. At first they milled ore from the Clay County Mine, but they quickly started handling the ore from other mines as well. The mill was so successful that at the time of Chaffee's death in 1886 the Denver Republican said that the mill "materially assisted in the development ofthe mines of Gilpin County. It gave the miners renewed hope, and added a great impetus to the industry. "3 Milling, however, was not the only business of Smith and Chaffee. They were also interested in mining, and they owned several lodes, many of which they bought in order to keep their mill running. The two bought claims five and six on the Bobtail lode, and took a great deal of gold from them. They also developed the Gregory Mine. In 1863 they sold the mill for $250,000, which Fletcher Jordan described as a large profit over what it had originally cost them to build it. In comparison, before the day of the railroads George Hearst paid $31 ,000 in freight to send an eighty stamp mill into the Black Hills. Smith and Chaffee's much smaller mill would have cost 8

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much less to ship, and less to build. The two men continued to work the Bobtail and Gregory lodes for about a year, then sold them as well. Smith and Chaffee then repurchased the properties and consolidated them into what would become the Bobtail Lode and Tunnel. After selling the Bobtail and Gregory lodes, Smith and Chaffee bought 200 feet of the Notaway vein in 1864 for $32,000. They ignored it at the time, though, because, as Smith later explained it, "we were engaged in mining in various parts of the country," particularly Clear Creek County, "where we engaged in mining for silver, which we thought more profitable than gold mining at that time.'.4 Three years after their arrival in Colorado Eben and Caroline had a daughter, Nellie, who was born in Denver in 1863. Soon after her birth the Smiths' marriage began to fall apart. In 1864, following their divorce, Caroline Smith, her three children with Eben, and her children from her first marriage, went to Galesburg, Illinois. Smith gave his wife a house in Galesburg, and transferred $25,000 in government bonds to her. The interest from these bonds "afforded her a comfortable living for herself and family," and the family stayed in Galesburg while the children were still in school. Once all of the children were out of school Caroline returned to California and settled in Oakland, where she died on May 22, 1891 at the age of65.5 Not content to simply be a mining and milling man Smith decided to go into banking as well. In 1865 he, along with Chaffee and others, bought the banking house of Clark, Gruber and Company in Denver. The men then reorganized this as 9

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the First National Bank of Denver. Chaffee was elected as the first president while Smith was elected as one of the directors. Outside of actually helping found the bank Eben Smith's biggest contribution to the business came when he built the bank's new home, the National Block, located at F (now Fifteenth) and Blake Streets. Built at a cost of $45,000, the building house the First National Bank and three store fronts. Originally the building was leased to the bank for $2,500 a year, but the Board of Directors purchased the building outright in 1866.6 The creation of the First National Bank also introduced Smith to a new associate in his mining ventures. David Moffat was a clerk in the Clark, Gruber and Company bank when Smith and Chaffee took it over. Born in Orange County, New York, on July 22, 1839, by the age oftwelve Moffat was working as a messenger at the New York Exchange Bank, where he became an assistant cashier by sixteen. At that time an older brother of his was working at a bank in Des Moines, Iowa, and he urged David to come there. He did, and found work as a messenger on the stage line that ran from Des Moines to Omaha. In Omaha he caught the attention of Benjamin F. Allen, a local banker, who, in 1856, made him cashier of his bank. The bank failed in 1859 and Moffat became responsible for winding up the bank's affairs, making sure to pay every dollar owed to the depositors.7 Moffat bought and sold lots in Omaha for a short time after the bank's failure, though he had to transact business through other people since he was still not of legal 10

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age. It was while doing this that the news of gold in Colorado attracted his attention. He formed a partnership with C. C. Woolworth, another man from St. Joseph, in order to set up a book and stationery store in Denver to supply the miners passing through the town. Woolworth stayed in St. Joseph and forwarded supplies to Moffat in Denver. The store was first located on Eleventh Street below Larimer, but later moved to Larimer between Fourteenth and Fifteenth. A post office also was established in the store, and Moffat served as Assistant Postmaster. During the four years of the Civil War he held the position of Adjutant General of Colorado under territorial governor John Evans. In 1867 he became cashier of the First National Bank in Denver, though he hung on to his interest in the book and stationery store until 1870.8 Eben Smith's start in Colorado politics happened less than a year after his arrival in Central City. On March 1, 1861, a meeting was held in Central City, the goal of which was to combine the Lake Gulch and Quincy mining districts. As an eligible voter Smith attended the meeting, and he was in favor of the combination. Several of the men present were chosen to serve in various positions, and Smith was one of three men chosen to serve on a committee that would demand the books from the officers of the Lake Gulch and Quincy districts. On April 8, 1861, Smith and his fellow committee members bonded themselves for $500 each in order to keep all of the books and papers from the two districts.9 II

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In October 1865 Smith was elected as Gilpin County's delegate to the Union State Convention, which was the next step in his political career. The goal of the convention was to reaffirm the Colorado Territory's support for the government of the United States. Although little was heard from Eben in the newspaper reports of the convention, his silence did not spare him from criticism. Four resolutions were included in the final eighteen adopted by the convention that were known as the Sand Creek Platform. Resolution I 0 condemned attacks on the Colorado soldiers that had taken part in the Sand Creek massacre the previous November. Resolution 11 said that the members who were present at the convention would not support any person for political office who sympathized with the Indians. Resolution 12 again reaffirmed support for the soldiers, and Resolution 13 called for more attacks against the Indians like the one that had taken place at Sand Creek.10 Fifty-five members of the convention voted in support of these resolutions. The remaining eighteen members, including Smith, voted against them. The Rocky Mountain News was highly critical of these eighteen men. It said that the October 24 meeting, at which the resolutions were presented, was a "true index of the popular feeling," and that those who were opposed to the Sand Creek resolutions "will find, if they take half the pains to ascertain the will of the people that they have taken to choke it down, that the masses are packed against them." To their credit Smith and the others who voted with him did not seem to particularly care what the masses 12

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thought and voted accordingly.11 Jerome Chaffee's political career also started in 1865. That year the people of Colorado organized a state government under an enabling act passed by Congress. The state legislature chose Chaffee and John Evans as Colorado's two senators, but unfortunately for them President Andrew Johnson vetoed the bill admitting Colorado as a state. Congress again passed the bill at the start of the 1867-1868 session, but Johnson again vetoed it since Senators Chaffee and Evans did not support Johnson's reconstruction plan for the South.12 Smith returned to Central City after the end of the Union State Convention and carried on with business as usual. The entire board of directors of the First National Bank of Denver, including Smith, were unanimously re-elected on January 9, 1866. However, he did not remain in a leadership position with the bank for long after that. In July he sold all of his stock in the bank to Fred Z. Solomon. The banking bug had bitten Smith, though, and he was not content to stay out of the banking business. In October 1866 he bought all of the First National Bank's interest in the Central City banking house of George T. Clark and Company. Even though he no longer owned stock in the First National Bank of Denver Smith would remain associated with the bank and maintain accounts there for the rest of his life.13 In addition to being re-elected as a director of the bank in January of 1866, Eben also found himself appointed as one of the fifteen members of a committee put 13

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together in order to respond to a bill presented to Congress by Senator John Sherman of Ohio on the sale of mineral lands. Sherman thought that the United States should sell the mineral lands that it held title to rather than retain them while people worked them. He believed that no one would make improvements to land that they did not own and that the government could take from them at any time. Senator Sherman thought that the land should be sold for $5 an acre, and that by doing so the federal government would encourage settlement and make it easier for miners to buy mineral lands. The committee was supposed to report back on the following Saturday, but no report ever was printed. It is not hard to guess, though, that Eben would have supported the bill. This was the latest, but certainly not the last, public position that Smith held in Colorado.14 In addition to running a bank and serving on the committee Smith still was able to pay attention to his mining ventures. Throughout his life he would have the ability to be involved in numerous different business ventures at the same time without seeming to lose track of any of them. In February 1866 he became involved in the building of the Narranganset Works on the Gregory Lode. The Smith-Chaffee owned Narranganset Company owned four hundred feet ofthe lode, and one of the shafts went 350 deep. Newspaper reporters from the Rocky Mountain News who toured the mine were amazed by what they saw. As the reporters described descending into the mine, they saw different shafts that had been opened leading from 14

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the main shaft, and reported that the miners had found "a vein of very fine" ore. A second shaft off the main one had also opened a "valuable source of ore," leading the reporters to write that the mine was "now in the best possible condition for taking out large amounts of very valuable ores." The reporters thought that the Narranganset Works were "the model of the mountains" and that the mine superintendent, Eben Smith, "may well feel proud of the thorough, systematic arrangement he has perfected." By March of 1866 the Narranganset Works had paid out $7,500 worth of gold in only two weeks. Smith gave credit to the Keith Desulphurizing Process combined with the Lyon Smelting process for the success of the mine.15 The year 1866 proved to be important to Eben Smith for yet another reason. That year he married Emily Louise Runde I. Emily was born in Rochester, New York on May 13, 1836. She came west with her family in the "early days," arriving in Central City at about the same time as Eben in 1860. By late 1866 the two were married, and shortly after the wedding they traveled to New York, possibly so that Smith could meet his new wife's extended family. When the Rocky Mountain News announced his return to Colorado in August he was referred to as one of"Colorado's headest men." Around the time that he married Emily he built a new home at 108 Casey Avenue in Central City. The Gothic style house, most likely built from a "Downing Kit" that was popular at the time, cost $15,000. The first floor of the house included a large hall, a living room with a bay window and fireplace, and a 15

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dining room with double-paned conservatory windows. Four bedrooms were on the second floor, with the master bedroom also having a bay window.16 By 1867 the Smith-Chaffee mining operations had expanded to Georgetown, where the two became interested in the furnace of Dr. Johnson, which was able to produce a button of silver from eight ounces of ore that weighed four ounces, two and a half pennyweights. The Georgetown mines were producing at least a ton of silver a month according to some, and the Rocky Mountain News reported that "no one, except he that has seen a test of the ores from the mines in the vicinity of Georgetown, can possibly believe in their astounding richness." In June 1867 Smith, Chaffee, and Fox Diefendorfer, bought 1,400 feet of the Anglo Saxon lode from J. T. Harris, T. J. Campbell and Dr. Darnell for $50,000 "cash in hand." In addition to mining Smith and his associates also built a smelter on the property.17 Eben Smith also took another step in his political career in 1867. In July of that year he was nominated as a councilman for Gilpin County, the same month that he and Emily had their first child, a daughter named Kate May. There were six candidates to fill three seats, and Smith came in sixth with 836 votes. It would be nearly ten years before he would run for political office again. His loss did not slow him down, though, and in November of 1867 a reporter from the Rocky Mountain News saw 97 ounces of ore in his hands, an impressive sight to the reporter. Smith also had to report that his mill was only working halftime due to a lack ofwater.18 16

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Over the next few years Smith and Chaffee, along with their associates such as Fox Diefendorfer, continued their mining activities in Gilpin and Clear Creek Counties. Tragedy struck the Smith family for the first time in August of 1868 when Kate May died at the age of one year and one month in Central City on the 24th. Proving just how important Eben had become by then, the Central City Register went on at length about "another little angel" that "hath taken to itself wings and flown away to the bright and shining shore." The writer of the article told Eben and Emily to "remember that though her body lies in the cold ground, her spirit is basking in bright sunshine ... Other obituaries for children in Central City at this time were not nearly as emotional. Two days after her death, the Smith's held Kate's funeral at the house on Casey. It would be two years before Eben and Emily had another child, when their daughter, Cora Isabel, was born on March 27, 1870. A year later their last child, Frank Leroy, was born on May 26, 1871. Just a few days after the birth ofhis son Smith and Chaffee's luck in mining continued when, on June 1, they struck a "fine looking vein of first-class ore" on the Notaway Lode that was four inches wide and getting wider as the work progressed.19 Chaffee's political career made progress in 1870 when he was elected as the Colorado Territory's delegate to Congress, receiving 1,300 more votes than Democratic challenger G. W. Miller. The people of Colorado re-elected him in 1872. Smith, a life-long Republican, used all of his influence to help the cause of his friend 17

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and business partner. Congressman Chaffee worked "continuously and persistently" during his time in Congress to get Colorado admitted as state.Z0 In 1873 Smith became involved in silver mines near Lincoln and Bross Mountains, near Georgetown. Dozens of old miners from Gilpin, Clear Creek and Boulder crowded the Denver, South Park and Pacific Railway line in the summer of 1873 as they made their way to these moWltains to try their luck. Much of the ore was in a lime formation, and was thought to be very rich near the surface based on the discoveries that had already been made. The town of Quartzville, located at the foot of Lincoln and Bross Mountains, was the closest town to the mines. The Rocky Mountain News reported that about 100 houses, stores, and a saloon were built in Quartzville during the 1872 season. The town also had its own steam crushing and sampling works, built by Jerome Chaffee, Eben Smith and Dr. Morrison. Professor Burlingame, the former Colorado territorial assayer, ran the works, which were described as "a grand thing for the miners" since they were able to get their ore crushed and weighed so close to the mines. Smith's "magic touch" extended to other areas besides mining in 1873. When on a fishing expedition to Middle Park with Central City Postmaster James D. Wood, William Aitcheson, and W. H. Ganson the men caught more fish than they could possibly use and returned home with 150 pom1ds of fish, "the result of about two hours fishing by the party. "21 On February 5, 1874 Smith foWld himself appointed by President Ulysses S. 18

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Grant and confirmed by the Senate as the seventh postmaster of Central City, replacing James D. Wood. He served in this position until December 4, 1876, when Joseph D. Updegraff replaced him. Smith most likely gave up his duties as postmaster because he was elected as Gilpin County's representative to the state legislature in the fall of 1876, though he would not take office until the fall of 1877. The year was active one for the Smith family as well. In August Eben's son Frank was run over by a wooden wagon on Eureka Street in Central City as the "little fellow" was trying to jump onto the wagon for a ride. Luckily the "wagon was empty and his injuries were not serious."22 Jerome Chaffee also moved up in his political career in 1876. That year Colorado became a state, and it became necessary to elect two new senators. The state legislature chose Chaffee and Henry Teller. Although normally senators were elected to six-year terms, in the case of a new state one senator was required to serve a shorter term. Chaffee and Teller drew straws, and Chaffee drew the long one, which required him to serve the shorter two year term. Despite his shortened term Chaffee "devoted his abilities and spent his money liberally in advancing the interests of the State.'m Within six month's of his election to the state legislature Smith's time in Central City came to an end. The Smith-Chaffee mining interests had moved on to Boulder, and it was from Boulder that Smith would represent the people of Gilpin 19

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County during the second session of the Colorado General Assembly from 1877 to 1878. Unfortunately no records exist of this session, either in the form of legislative journals or daily reports of the session in the Rocky Mountain News, both of which were kept for the first and later sessions. As a result no records of Smith's service in that body exist. After completing his one term in office Smith returned to Boulder, and once there he devoted his full attention to mining. It would not be long, though, before the call to political office came again. 20

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Fig. 2.1. Eben Smith Eben and Emily Smith, probably around the time of their marriage in 1866. (Gilpin History Museum) 21

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Fig. 2.3. The Smiths' house on Casey Avenue in Central City. (Photo by the Author) Fig. 2.4. Jerome Chaffee. (Denver Republican/4 22

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CHAPTER THREE BOULDER AND BUST Samuel Conger, a prospector and miner, originally discovered silver ore in the early 1860s in what would be the Caribou district near Boulder in the early 1860s. Conger did not pursue his discovery at the time, though, because the area was too far away from any other mining camps to be profitable. This changed in 1869, but the story of how the change came about is a bit confusing. In 1882 one of the original owners of the claim said that when another mine showed Conger some silver ore from Nevada he remembered seeing the same type of rock near Boulder. According to this story Conger and six other men went back to the area and started up Caribou Hill until the float ore that they were following disappeared, and there they sunk a shaft. 1 A different version of the story is that in 1869 Conger showed a sample of the ore that he discovered to William Martin, George Lytle, Hugh McCammon, John Pickel, and Samuel and Harvey Mishler (the same six men who went with him in the previous story). The seven men worked out an agreement, and Martin and Lytle, who were both experienced miners, started working their way from Central City towards the area where Conger said he had found the ore. Before long the two men found pieces of float ore and followed it to the top of a large hill. The two men then 23

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discovered rich silver lodes, with Martin discovering the Caribou and Lytle discovering the Poor Man, which Conger supposedly named after ''taking his financial condition into consideration."2 Although the group tried to keep their discovery secret, before long word got out about their find and their fellow miners came rushing in. By June 1870 a huge flood of miners raced into Caribou, and before long a town was built "as ifby magic" on the site ofthe original seven men's cabin. During that summer these miners discovered a number of other important mines in the area, including the Comstock, Sherman, Spencer and Idaho. The amount of ore being taken out of the Caribou created a great deal of interest among speculators, and in September 1870 the western half of the property was sold to Abel Breed and Benjamin Cutter for $50,000. The two men bonded the eastern half for $75,000, but the Caribou Company retained ownership of that part. Under Breed and Cutter the western half of the mine underwent further development, and between October and December of 1870 they sold eighty-eight tons of ore to the Boston-Colorado Smelting Works in Black Hawk for $9,000.3 Not liking to pay to have his ore handled, Breed built a mill at the Caribou so that the ore could be processed right there rather than having to be shipped to Black Hawk or Central City. The mill was operational by 1872. Conditions were so rosy that in the spring of 1873 Breed sold the mine to a Dutch company, Mining Company 24

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Nederland, for $3 million, but it took some time for the company to start working the mine. This was due to the fact that they spent all of their money just to buy it, and Breed had stripped the mine of all the available ore when he knew that the sale was going to take place. By the end of the year, though, the new owners thought paying ore was in sight. Just as things were starting to go well for the company they ran into trouble with the men in charge of the mine, resulting in the closure of the mine in December 1875. Many felt that the mine ultimately failed because ofthe "rascality and incapacity of a lot ofkid-gloved gentry" who were in charge ofthe property.4 Almost as soon as the mine closed 150 miners' liens were filed against the property, including one by Jerome Chaffee for $47,933. By March 1876 the Mining Company Nederland was in bankruptcy and the company's assets, including the Caribou Mine and the mill, went up for auction. When the sale finally happened in the summer of 1876 the winning bid was by Chaffee for $70,000. There were questions raised by the fact that Chaffee had been involved in the original lawsuits that forced the sale of the property, some accused him of butchering the mine and attempting to demoralize the Dutch stockholders, and there were rumors that he had been involved in Breed's earlier sale of the mine for more than it was worth. Chaffee denied the charges, but he was never able to clear himself completely of suspicion. Chaffee's partner in buying the mine was David Moffat, and the first move the two men made was to appoint Eben Smith as superintendent of the mine. 5 25

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The Caribou was never completely inactive during the financial troubles that plagued the Mining Company Nederland, but when Chaffee, Moffat and Smith took over they had to do a great deal of much needed work. The biggest problem in need of an immediate solution was the problem of rising water, common in the mining business. Smith wrote to Moffat shortly after taking over that the bottom of the main shaft looked promising for ore, but the vein was not yet settled and from what he could see beneath the water the rock looked to be low grade.6 Chaffee reopened the mill at the Caribou in 1877 and did what he could to clear up the final liens against the property with the money earned from the property during the winter of 1875-1876. By 1878 the mine was in a position to be prosperous for the first time in many years, a reflection of the "mining practices of Smith and Chaffee." By the next year the mine had become a "steady producer." The main shaft was sllllk to a depth of 7 40 feet, with a total of seven shafts and thirteen levels, all of which were connected by winzes. A two-compartment bucket was operating in the shaft, and a Knowles double-action pump helped to drain the water from the mine. The hoisting house enclosed the main shaft along with one other, a blacksmith shop, air compressor, sorting floor, tramway cars, and the offices. There were also buildings and machinery over two of the other shafts. With the mine in good shape Chaffee and Moffat decided that the best way to make a profit was to do as Breed had done and sell the mine. In April 1879 they sold the mine for $900,000 and the mill 26

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for $100,000 to the Caribou Consolidated Mining Company ofNew York. Eben Smith stayed on as general manager.7 On July 22, 1879, state geologist J. Alden Smith wrote to Eben to get some information about work at the Caribou. Smith answered the question on Alden's letter because he did not have time to do it any other way. The information that J. Alden Smith wanted concerned salaries. In response to the question of how much he paid "good miners" per day Smith answered $2.50 for 10 hours. Engineers earned $3 for twelve hours, mine captains were paid $2.75, and brakesmen were paid $2.50. Smith was also running both eightand twelve-hour shifts at the mine. This letter was a rare look at Smith's personnel policies.8 The operations of the Caribou suffered a severe setback when fire destroyed the shaft house and machinery on September 14, 1879. Although there was insurance on the property the $1 0,000 that it paid was not nearly enough to cover the damage. Never one to let a setback like this discourage him the "iron" nerved Smith immediately started rebuilding the shaft house and replacing the destroyed machinery, but the stock of the mine still dropped from $6.50 to $4.25 a share. On a visit to Central City in December of that year he reported that the burned buildings were rebuilt, including a new shaft house that cost $35,000, and that he expected to reswne paying dividends the first part of 1880. Trouble continued to plague the mine, though, as Robert G. Dun, who was then president of Dun and Company (later Dun 27

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and Bradstreet), claimed that the Caribou had encroached onto adjoining mining property that he owned. A series of lawsuits followed in late 1879 and early 1880, with Dun suing the Caribou Consolidated and the Caribou Consolidated suing Dun. Gilbert Lehmer, another mine owner, also caused legal troubles for the Caribou because he believed Caribou miners were stealing his ore. The Colorado Supreme Court finally threw out that case, but the trouble with Dun lingered on.9 Rumors began circulating in early 1880 that a merger between the two companies would solve the issues between Dun and the Caribou. According to Smith the Caribou would quickly go broke if the situation continued as it then was. With this knowledge the officers of the Caribou Company went to Dun and his attorney, future president Chester A. Arthur, to talk about consolidation. After intense negotiations the consolidation was agreed to on June 25, 1880. The Caribou merged with three mines that were owned by Dun, the No Name, Spencer and Columbia. The new company kept the name Caribou Consolidated Mining Company and hired Eben Smith as superintendent and general manager.10 At the time ofthe merger Smith and his family were living in Nederland. He Lemuel, his 22-year-old son from his first marriage, who was then working as an assayer, rejoined the family around this time. For the rest of his life Smith would do whatever he could to make sure that his immediate family found employment in his business interests. In fact, his ex-wife's son, Fletcher Jordan, found work during the 28

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winter of 1866-1867 at the Smith-Chaffee Narragansett Mill in Central City, and later at the smelter the men built in Georgetown. Deciding that he did not need to live so close to the mine Smith left Nederland for Boulder by July 1880, buying the A. R. Stewart House at 1902 Walnut. He had the house completely overhauled and refitted, and the Boulder County Herald said that "when finished it will be a handsome place." The following December he had a "beautiful and expensive fence" put up around the house, adding to its already handsome appearance. 11 Mining was not Smith's only concern in Boulder County during his time there. Shortly after his arrival Governor John Routt appointed him a County Commissioner. He was then re-elected in I878 and was made Chairman of the Board of County Commissioners. One example of the many issues that Smith had to deal with as a County Commissioner was a court house for Boulder County. On October 27, I879 the board was considering a proposal from Charles Van Fleet to rent or lease Van Fleet Hall to Boulder County until May I, I880, and then for two years after that at whatever price the county commissioners decided on. Smith moved that Van Fleet Hall be rented for $I until May I, and for two years after that at $200 per year. The other commissioners apparently accepted his plan and Boulder County found itself with a court house.12 Smith decided not to run for a third term as a commissioner. His decision was most likely influenced by a law recently passed by the Colorado legislature requiring 29

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all County Commissioners to post a bond of $25,000 or else face a fine of $500 every time they tried to do their jobs. Many felt that the law had been passed because of pressure from people in Leadville, where commissioners who were "objectionable to the politicians" had been elected. The Rocky Mountain News referred to the men of the General Assembly as "these smart Alecks" for passing the law, and reported that J. B. Thomson, County Commissioner for Longmont, sent a letter to Smith saying that he had received his bond for his signature "and that he had filed it--in the stove." Smith said that he "did not feel like giving such an enormous bond," and the Rocky Mountain News feared that on July 1, 1881, there would be no legal county commissioners left in the state. This would be the last elected office that Smith would hold, but it certainly was not the end of his political involvement. 13 By May of 1881 there were eighty-three men employed at the Caribou, and they were digging ore on the 860-foot level of the mine. The mill at the Caribou was running at full capacity nearly every day. The mine was actually producing more ore than the mill could handle, so Smith was designing improvements that would allow the mill to increase capacity. The mill was also treating ore from the No Name mine, which was owned by the Caribou Consolidated as well. The mine was a "grand success" due to the "business-like" way Smith, who was "well known as one of the best mining men in Colorado," had been running it for the last five years.14 Five years at the Caribou was enough for Smith, and in addition to leaving 30

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office as a county commissioner he also left his job as superintendent of the Caribou Consolidated in 1881. After leaving that job he helped to incorporate the Boulder, Middle Park and Grand River Railroad Company while he was still living in Boulder. The new railroad went from Boulder to Sunshine Canyon, then to Nederland and Middle Park, and then finally into Routt County. As the railroad was being planned many thought that nothing would come of it, but people quickly began to change their minds as construction made progress. The Rocky Mountain News believed that the railroad would make Boulder "a second to Golden in the possession of smelters" and that the railroad "would be of more importance to this city than any road that could possibly be built."15 It was during this time that Smith lost his fortune. A later letter from David Moffat suggests that Smith lost his money in the stock market. At the time, in 1902, Smith was organizing a stock deal in New York. This prompted Moffat to write to Eben that, "I should think that your past early life would have taught you that was another man's game you are playing in," and that he hoped Eben would "get out alive." In his later years Smith loved to invest in stocks, which was already a long standing habit of his by the 1890s, suggesting that he may have started his love affair with the stock market early in life. 16 After Smith lost his fortune Moffat eventually came to his rescue, making him general manager of his mining interests in Leadville. One miner who claimed to have 31

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known Smith during his time in Boulder wrote to him in 1906 asking for some money. Smith wrote back with an answer of no, prompting the man, named Osborn, to write back, saying that Smith had been a "good man once, but David Moffat set you on your feet." Leadville would have to wait, though, for Eben Smith to make a short stop in Aspen. He left Boulder in 1882 with $5,000 from the sale of his house and went to take charge of one of Horace Tabor's new mines in Aspen.17 32

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Fig. 3.1. Eben Smith in the late 1870s or early 1880s. (Colorado Historical Society/8 33

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Fig. 3.2. The Smiths' house on Walnut Street in Boulder. (Photo by the author) 34

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CI-JAPTER FOUR COMEBACK OF A MINING MAN Horace Tabor and Jerome Chaffee joined forces in 1881 to buy the Tam O'Shanter group of mines, including the Montezuma, in Ashcroft, near Aspen. The price of the property was $100,000, and Tabor hired mining experts to examine the mine before buying. After receiving their report he made a deal that allowed him to put $5,000 down with the rest payable after ninety days if the property justified the purchase. Work began almost immediately, and a rich ore vein was soon discovered. A thrilled Tabor finalized the deal in September 1881. A town soon grew up around the mines, and when the news was released that James B. Grant, a well-known smelter man from Leadville, was going to join Tabor in building a smelter the value of the mine increased dramatically. Tabor further helped the value when he planned to start building a road to the mine in 1882.1 Unfortunately for Tabor the Tam O'Shanter was hit with a lawsuit in January 1882. Samuel Bruckman, a local mining and real estate broker, claimed to have not been given the share of the mine that he was promised for financing the original discoverers of it, which tied up the sale of the property to Tabor. Tabor put the $95,000 that he still owed on the mine into escrow in order to protect it. Then the 35

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original discoverers of the mine, James Chaney and Nicholas Atkinson, filed their own lawsuit to get the mine back. The entire issue was not settled until the Colorado Supreme Court decided in favor of Tabor in 1888? While all of these lawsuits were still being sorted out Tabor continued to work the Tam O'Shanter. In mid-August 1882 he arrived in Ashcroft accompanied by his "expert," Eben Smith, for another inspection. The Rocky Mountain Sun reported on August 19 that the "testimony was in" and Tabor "ran no risk in developing the mine." Eben Smith was hired as general manager of the mines, and by the end of August he was building a house for himself and his family in the upper part of the Ashcroft town site. Jumping right into his work, he also gave a contract toW. H. Coxhead for a road to the Tam O'Shanter, which was to be completed in thirty days.3 By September 2 there were forty men employed full time working on the road to the Tam O'Shanter, earning $3.50 for a nine-hour day. At the mine Smith was working a full force of experienced miners, and the Sun reported that "things are looking better." Smith was in his new house by October 21, and he was also getting the mine ready to work all through winter. Five carloads of provisions had arrived from Denver, bunk and boarding houses had been built, and 300 cords of wood had been delivered. A total of twenty-five men were to be employed at the mine during the winter of 1882-1883. The Leadville Daily Herald wrote that "we predict that under the able management of Prof. Eben Smith these mines will show something 36

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wonderful by next spring." Their prediction seemed to be coming true when it was reported at the beginning of December that there was 2,000 tons of mineral on the dump at the Tam O'Shanter. Smith said that all that Ashcroft needed was a smelter, and that "if one is started he will supply all the ore necessary to run it."4 Unfortunately for Smith, whose work at the mine met with the approval of those who watched mining matters, the mine refused to co-operate with his efforts. In addition to trouble with actually getting ore out of the mine there was a strike by Non Cornish miners against a Cornish foreman in the spring of 1883. Whether Tabor dismissed Smith or he left on his own is not clear, but after less than a year he was gone from the Tam O'Shanter and replaced by John Tabor. He too was unsuccessful, and work on the Tam O'Shanter stopped in 1884.5 Following his failure at the Tam O'Shanter Smith left Aspen and went to Red Cliff. After spending a few months in that city he arrived in Leadville in 1884 to take charge of Moffat's mining interests there, where he finally began to rebuild his fortune. His management of the Maid of Erin, Henriett, and Louisville mines, among others, was described in typically glowing terms, and Smith was given credit for being the first to unwater the wet mines ofLeadville.6 The Maid of Erin silver mine was discovered in 1877 by John McCombe and William and Joseph Pierce. Two years later McCombe sold one-half of his interest in the mine to Horace Tabor for $43,000 while retaining the other half. Chaffee, Moffat, 37

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and Senator James G. Blaine of Maine also joined Tabor in his ownership of the Maid and the Henriett. 0. A. Harker managed the Maid, and probably the Henriett, until Smith arrived in 1884. Once he was on the scene he took charge of the mines from his office at 320 Harrison A venue and quickly went to work improving them. In addition to the Maid and Henriett Smith was also the general manager of the Louisville Mine in Leadville. By July 1886 the ore shoots that he opened at the Louisville were improving every day and the mine was "one of the most promising in the Leadville district."7 Smith employed a man by the name of J. J. Brown as superintendent at the Louisville in 1886. That year Brown married Margaret "Maggie" Tobin, who would later gain fame as Molly Brown. In order to help support his wife Brown left the Louisville and became superintendent of the Maid and Henriett. One of the many legends connected with the Brown family concerned an accident that happened after Maggie placed a metal box full of money that J. J. left in the house inside the stove for safekeeping. Over the years the amount of money involved has risen dramatically, but one fact has stayed the same. J. J. returned home one cold night, and without checking inside the stove lit it and accidentally destroyed all of the money. J. J. reportedly comforted his wife by telling her that one day they would have far more money than what he destroyed, and he would eventually take a job at another mine owned by Eben Smith that would make this pledge come true. 8 38

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Jerome Chaffee last came to Colorado on February 9 in order to inspect the new strikes in the Maid and Henriett, and it was obvious that his health was failing. Smith and others tried to convince Chaffee not to go to Leadville, but he did anyway. His condition did not improve, and on February 24 he decided to travel to New York to be with his daughter and grandchildren. Chaffee died there on March 9 from severe laryngitis. Chaffee's only surviving daughter was married to Ulysses S. Grant, Jr., son of the former president. It became Grant's responsibility to settle the estate of his father-in-law, the worth of which the closest estimate at the time of his death put at "millions," though the true worth could not be figured exactly since it was based on income from the many mines in which he had interests in. As part of settling the estate U.S. Grant, Jr., traveled to Leadville, accompanied by Eben Smith and David Moffat.9 Although Smith's return to wealth propelled him back into high society he did not neglect his mining duties. The Carbonate Chronicle reported in 1887 that Smith had ordered a 150 horsepower hoister for the Maid of Erin. The Carbonate Chronicle said that the plant would be "one of the finest in the district when placed in working order." That same year his wife Emily hosted an event to help raise money for the Y.M.C.A. in Leadville, and in July she gave a reception for Josephine and Annie Watson, two girls who had been guests of daughter Cora for three weeks. Society turned out "en masse" for the "elegant affair," with the gentlemen in dark suits and 39

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the ladies in "gowns of the latest fashions."10 One of the biggest problems with the Leadville mines was water, and the pumps at the Maid of Erin, Henriett and Louisville were kept running constantly in order to prevent the water levels in the mines from rising. Smith ran into the same problem when he leased the Castle View Mine in 1888. In order to solve the drainage problem at that mine he began driving a drift from it to the Maid and Henriett, whose larger pumps were capable of handling the water from the Castle View. The Evening Chronicle thought it probable that all three mines would become "large producers" under Smith's able management.11 At about this time Smith also took over management of the Wolftone Lease, which was near the Maid and Henriett properties. His management of this property showed an "unwearied persistence" and "implicit confidence in the capabilities and possibilities of a piece of ground." Nearly $250,000 was spent on development and machinery before ore was even struck at the Wolftone. The shaft was to a depth of 700 feet before the miners found the "best looking body of lead carbonate ore" ever found in the Wolftone workings. Smith himself was quite pleased with how this mine turned out, which proved to him that hard work and money could turn just about anything around. This way of thinking would come back to haunt him in the future. 12 Eben Smith's success at even difficult properties like the Wolftone led to him being called one ofLeadville's "influential men" by 1889. That year he attended a 40

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meeting, the members of which wrote a report "praying" for restrictions on lead imported from Mexico. The men at the meeting, whose mines produced large amounts of lead, found a friend in Henry Teller, the United States Senator from Colorado, who made sure that the report got the attention its authors wanted for it. In the end they were successful. Although nothing was ever said Smith's influence surely must have been felt at the meeting.13 In October of the same year Smith, C. C. Parsons, J. Y. Marshall and W. F. Patrick were in charge of a group that wanted to start a new political party. The men believed that politics in Colorado had become too corrupt. As evidence, they shared their beliefs that the "bosses" of the parties in Colorado conducted things to benefit their "selfish interests," that the central committees of the parties determined the outcomes of elections in advance, that the parties had driven the state into debt, and that taxes were too high, among other things. To counter these evils they formed the Independent Party of Lake County for the purpose of electing "good and pure men." The new party had its first test in 1890 when it came time to nominate someone for governor of Colorado. The Republicans nominated John Routt, the Democrats nominated Judge Caldwell Yeaman, and the Prohibitionists nominated John A. Ellett. Smith's new Independent Party nominated the one man they felt best represented their interests, John G. Coy, a rancher from Larimer County. Routt won and Smith seems to have lost interest in the Independent Party after that, returning to his 41

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Republican roots for the time being.14 The Smiths liked to stay fashionable, even on matters such as New Year's Day. For many years the tradition was to hold an open house on New Year's, but the custom was quickly being replaced by giving dinner parties instead. On New Year's Day 1890 Eben and Emily, assisted by their daughter Cora, "gave a most delightful dinner party ... Among those present was their future son-in-law, Charles Carnahan. That same year the Smiths sold their Leadville house at 214 West Sixth A venue and moved to Aspen since the Moffat mining interests had also made their return to the area. Even though Smith was living in Aspen in 1890, his business in Leadville was not done.15 In 1891 Smith started one of the biggest mining companies that he would ever be involved with in Leadville. That year Smith, who stayed at the Hotel Kitchen in Leadville during this time, along with John F. Campion, A. V. Hunter, G. W. Trimble, and Charles Cavender, started the Ibex Mining Company. The most important holding of the company was the Little Jonny, on the northeast side of Breece Hill, but it also owned the Uncle Sam, Archer and Titan lodes in addition to the older Glengary and Queen consolidations. The Little Jonny was discovered at about the same time as the Matchless, Horace Tabor's famous mine, but it is not known for sure who discovered it. By the time Smith and his associates bought it and made it part of Ibex it was known to hold large deposits of gold ore. The men hired 42

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J. J. Brown as superintendent of the Ibex, and he started sinking Shaft Number One.16 Sinking a shaft on the Little Jonny was not an easy job. In order to do this the workers had to go through several beds of quicksand, and in order to keep the shaft from caving in they had to drive in heavy timbers endways. The entire process was very expensive, but miners soon hit a valuable ore vein, and, in 1893, ore running $25 a ton in gold was finally being shipped from the mine at the rate of 150 tons per day. At that rate it would produce $1,368,750 in gold a year, which would have been a "greater yield than that of any other gold property in the United States." The owners rewarded J. J. Brown for his efforts with 12,500 shares of stock out ofthe 100,000 that were available, making the Brown family very rich. The Little Jonny soon became one ofthe richest gold mines in Lake County, and by 1916 the mine had a "marvelous record of millions in gold." As late as August 1898 Smith was still sending dividends from this mine to Maggie Brown.17 In Aspen in 1890 Smith-Moffat had two major holdings. One was the Franklin Mining Company, which operated the Franklin, Dr. Franklin, and Milinee mines. The Franklin was worked as early as 1868. In October ofthat year it was reported that Mr. Gorton (whether he was the owner ofthe mine or just working it is not known) was putting up a new furnace near the Franklin, and that 300 tons of ore had already been taken out ofthe mine. By July of 1885 things must not have been as prosperous at the mines, as it was being reported that the owners would continue 43

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working the properties despite the difficulties they had encountered.18 Smith began receiving reports about the Franklin from D. R. C. Brown in 1887, but it was not until the 1890s that he became heavily involved with its management. Under the ownership of David Moffat and management of Eben Smith the mine improved. By 1892 the shaft at the Franklin was down 600 feet, and the mines produced 20 tons of"first class" silver ore per day. As had been the case with the mines in Leadville water also proved to be a problem in the Aspen mines. In order to solve the problem Smith and Moffat started the Aspen Deep Mining and Drainage Company, their other big holding in Aspen. They organized this company for the purpose of draining the Enterprise, Aspen Mining and Smelting Company, and the Franklin, as well as mining. In addition the company also owned the Big Chief, Little Chief and Homestake Mines. As late as 1901 operations continued in the Deep Mining shaft, though progress had been slowed due to an "unusual flow of water." Smith was wealthy enough by this time to build a large house at 320 West Main Street in Aspen.19 Sometime in 1891, probably early in the year, Smith and A. V. Bohn leased the Penrose lode in Leadville from Fred G. Bulkley. Their work on the Penrose lode must have been successful as the two were seeking an extension of the lease in July. Negotiations did not go as smoothly as Smith and Bohn would have liked, and on July 20 Bulkley wrote to Smith saying that "the fact that you cannot have everything your 44

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way is not a good reason for losing your temper and throwing discredit upon my statements as to the possible extension of the 'Penrose' lease." The difficulties were most likely based on the amount of royalty on ore that the lessees would pay, which was a common cause of disagreement in the mining leases that Smith, either as a lessee or lessor, was involved in. Whatever the difficulties between Smith and Bulkley, they ironed them out by September and Smith and Bohn signed a new five year lease on the Penrose. They agreed to pay ten percent of all returns on iron ores and twenty-five percent on all other ores. Work was so successful that Bulkley extended the lease on November 14, 1894 to September 14, 1901.20 Smith was also in charge, to some extent, of inspecting properties that Moffat was interested in during this time. In March 1892 he wrote to Moffat that he believed Aspen would be a better camp than Leadville "ever was." He thought that the particular property he was looking at then, owned by a man named Roeder, was a good investment, but he wanted to keep Moffat's involvement with it secret in order to keep the price down. If Moffat's interest became known Smith thought that "every mother's son of them" who had bonds on the mine would want full payment. Throughout the rest of his career with Moffat, Smith would be particularly interested in keeping their involvement with mining properties secret in order to keep the price of the land down. 21 The following May Smith was looking at a property owned by a man named 45

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Roudebush. On May 13 he wrote to Moffat that he was having doubts about the property, and by the 14th his doubts had turned into a determination to have nothing to do with the property. He was not shy about telling Moffat when he thought a property was bad. He wrote to Moffat that, whatever he did, "don't put me into this deal as I don't want any part of it." By this time Smith and Moffat were so well known that they were being offered dozens of mines by people who were sure they had found the next big one. Many of the properties that Smith was investigating may have been the mines that were offered to them in these letters.22 A typical example of one of these came in December 1890 when Charles P. Flinn offered Smith and Moffat the chance to become involved with the Holy Moses Mine in Creede, Colorado. Flinn must have tried to get the two involved in the mine for some time before then because, on December 21, he wrote to Smith saying that "you have been so busy elsewhere that you could not give this property the attention you desire ... Flinn sent two more letters in December, writing that the Holy Moses was producing gold, silver and lead. The last heard from Flinn on the Holy Moses was on January 9, 1891, when he wrote that he had great hopes for the Ethel vein of the mine, "but if it don't amount to anything, the sponge might as well be thrown Eben Smith often traveled between Aspen and Leadville, where he still had charge of the Smith-Moffat mines, during these years. He had another house in 46

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Leadville in I892, this one at I20 West Seventh. His son Lemuel was in town working as an engineer, most likely for his father. His son Frank was also in Leadville, living at 120 West Seventh, and working at his new job as a partner in the Reynolds Brother's ore hauling business. W. 0. and Lincoln A. Reynolds agreed to sell Frank a one-third interest in their ore hauling business for $2,250 in exchange for Eben giving them a long-term contract for hauling ore from the Franklin and the Aspen Deep Mining and Drainage Company. The $2,250 was paid out of Frank's profits, and it was paid off at a rate of "several hundred dollars per month. "24 Frank's involvement in Reynolds and Smith Ore Hauling and Heavy Teaming seemed to be the catalyst for an unsigned and undated letter, probably written in I892, that Smith got his hands on. How Smith got the letter is not clear, but the writer accused Smith of a number of dishonest business dealings. The letter writer believed that the profits Frank received from the ore hauling business "were much larger than the investment would indicate," suggesting that bills were rendered for ore hauling that was never performed. In addition, the writer said that Frank had taken a salary of $I25 a month from the Franklin and Aspen Deep Mining and Drainage Company from December I, I890 to July I, I89I, "for which he did not render any services other than entering the Company's office for not to exceed one hour on average of three times per week." The writer of the letter then turned his wraith on Eben, accusing him of buying personal items from different stores and charging them to the 47

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mines, of having different companies pay to build his house in Aspen, and of diverting a car of coal from the Aspen mines to his house and never paying for it. Nothing happened as a result ofthe letter, but Smith was concerned enough by it to hold on to it.25 Smith and Moffat took charge of the abandoned La Plata Smelter in Leadville in 1892 and formed the Bi-Metallic Smelter to treat sulphides, and copper and iron pyrites. The main purpose of the Bi-Metallic was really to treat the ore from the Smith-Moffat mines. During the 1890s Smith became increasingly distrustful of many of the smelters that were handling his ores, and the Bi-Metallic was his first effort at treating his ores at his own smelter. Philip Argall was hired to run the Bi Metallic, but having his own smelter treat his own ores did not seem to solve Eben Smith's troubles with them. For the rest of his life Smith or his secretary would be in almost constant disagreement with Argall over how valuable the ore actually was?6 Smith and Moffat also became owners of two other mining companies in Leadville in 1892. They incorporated the Grey Eagle and Pocahontas Mining Company on July II, 1892, although the two men actually bought the mine the previous September. The property encompassed the Crown Point, Bonus and Little Rooster mines with leases on the Penrose, Orion, Starr and Alice lodes in addition to the two properties that gave the company its name. The Grey Eagle and Pocahontas was the first deep mining operation in Leadville, which miners avoided before then 48

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because of the threat of water. Fortunately, according to some, there were men with "courage" such as Eben Smith and his brother Henry who were willing to engage in these kinds of operations. Henry W. Smith was born in Erie County, Pennsylvania in 1848, and up until the 1880s spent most of his life working there. Seeing his brother's success in mining, Henry joined him in Colorado in 1887 and started working on the Henriett and Louisville properties. When the Grey Eagle and Pocahontas company was incorporated Eben gave his brother the job of manager. 27 The mines prospered under Henry's leadership. By August 1, 1892, the company had shipped 1,000 tons of carbonate ore and 2,500 tons of argentiferous ore, earning $48,44 7. Miners under Henry also uncovered a rich ore chute in the Penrose, which was predicted to yield 500 to I ,000 ounces of silver per ton. The Grey Eagle and Pocahontas was an impressive operation with a large hoist, three station pwnps and a condenser, though in late 1893 these were not needed as the water level in the mines had gone down a great deal. Encouraged by their success here Smith and Moffat organized the Gazelle Mining Company on December 10, 1892, and took hold of the Dillon, Elk, 0. Z. and Bismarck lodes. The Gazelle eventually became a subsidiary of the Grey Eagle and Pocahontas.28 Activity continued pretty much as usual for Smith-Moffat's mining interests through 1892 and into 1893, but all ofthat changed in June of 1893. As early as 1864 Smith and Chaffee pretty much ignored gold mining in the belief that silver would be 49

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much more profitable. As long as the United States government was interested in coining silver this plan worked for them and the thousands of other silver miners in the country. They were all quite saddened to learn, then, that the Sherman Silver Purchase Act was repealed on June 27, 1893. The Sherman Silver Purchase Act was passed by Congress and approved by President Benjamin Harrison in 1890. From 1792 to 183 7 silver and gold were coined at a ratio of 15 to 1, meaning that a silver dollar weighed 15 times the weight of a gold dollar to reflect the different values of gold and silver. This resulted in the country actually being on a silver standard for those years, but that changed when, in 183 7, Congress changed the ratio to 16 to 1. With this change silver became more valuable in the market, and the country gradually shifted to a gold standard. This practice continued until 1873, when Congress again revised the coinage laws, at which time they dropped the coinage of silver altogether, just at a time when silver production was beginning to increase. Before long advocates of currency inflation began to talk about the "crime of '73." Congress passed two laws in response to this, the Bland-Allison Act in 1873, and the Sherman Silver Purchase Act in 1890, to allow for limited coinage of silver.29 In 1893 a British banking house failed, causing many British investors selling their American holdings in exchange for gold. Shortly after Grover Cleveland was inaugurated as president in 1893 the United States' gold reserves fell below $100 million. In order to stop this drain Cleveland wanted the Sherman Act repealed since 50

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it allowed for silver certificates to be redeemable in gold. He got what he wanted, and within two days ofthe repeal the price of silver dropped from 82 cents per ounce to 62 cents per ounce. The repeal of the law was a huge blow to the economy of Colorado, and the Smith-Moffat mines, with the exception of the gold-producing Little Jonny, felt the full impact ofit.30 In an interview with the Leadville Evening Chronicle on June 27 David Moffat said that the properties he controlled employed about 2,000 men, who were then responsible for the support of five times as many people. Moffat said that the loss to him caused by the repeal of the Sherman Silver Purchase Act was "trifling, in comparison to those people ... He hoped that the workers would take a cut in pay since he could not afford to pay them $3 per day with the price of silver so low, but the next day Smith closed all of the Smith-Moffat mines in Leadville. Business failures around the country, combined with the fluctuation in silver prices, led to uncertain conditions, and it was again stressed that the only way for the mines to stay in business was for the miners to take a cut in pay. The smelters soon closed too, with the Bi-Metallic finally closing on July 1.31 Supporters of silver decided to hold a convention in Coliseum Hall in Denver on July 11 and 12 under the direction of the Colorado State Silver League. Eben Smith attended as one of the twenty-four delegates from Leadville. On the first day of the convention the "thunderous cheers" from delegates "were heard for blocks in 51

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every direction." In all delegates from thirty-nine counties attended, including Governor Davis H. Waite. Charles S. Thomas was chosen as Chairman of the convention, and the meeting was called to attention. George G. Merrick opened the convention with a speech, saying that when the "pioneers" came into the West "they had an implied contract that every ounce of silver they dug from the mountains would be coined at the rates then established by law." Merrick went on to say that the contract had "been violated." Most of the speeches at the convention followed a similar pattern, with Charles S. Thomas saying in the afternoon session of July II that silver was the "money of God." Although nothing was heard from Smith during the convention, he was chosen as a vice-president during the July II afternoon session.32 At the July I2 session ofthe convention the delegates unanimously adopted an address to the people of the United States. The statement said that the House of Representatives was convinced to repeal the Sherman Act by "venal presidential patronage, supplementing false and incendiary utterances by the gold press, aggravated by daily circular assaults upon the law by Eastern money brokers." The Senate was turned in favor of repeal by the panic that resulted from the mints in India ceasing to use silver. At the time I5,000 miners were reported idle in Colorado, and the delegates wrote that 4,000 more would be out of work if the smelters shut down. If the panic continued railroads, stone quarries and the lead industries would soon fall. The delegates argued that this clearly showed how silver mining supported all other 52

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industries in the country.33 The delegates then addressed themselves to the South in the statement, reminding them that Colorado's two Republican senators voted against their party's wishes in 1891, saving southerners from the "humiliation" and "horrors" of being subjected ''to the electoral will of your former slaves. We saved you then. You can save us now." They also appealed to the Eastern creditors of Colorado, threatening that if silver collapsed Colorado would be wmble to pay its debts. The Rocky Mountain News reported that, following the reading of the address, thousands of men leapt to their feet and "thundered a mighty 'Aye' in approval. .. The members also chosen delegates to similar conventions in St. Louis, Chicago and St. Paul, though Smith was not among them. Quiet at the convention he also quietly left and returned to Leadville. 34 Conditions improved enough in August that the smelters were starting to reopen, with the Bi-Metallic reopening on the 19th. Mining resumed during late August and early September, though the Smith-Moffat mines were not among those that reopened. A group of mine managers, including Smith, attended a meeting with the workers on September 2, 1893, at which it was agreed to resume mining with a sliding wage scale based on the price of silver. Two weeks later another meeting was held, also attended by Smith, at which the scale was agreed on. If the price of silver averaged less than 83 112 cents for a month the miners would be paid $2.50. If the 53

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price was above that they would be paid $3. It was also agreed that there would be no discrimination against the Knights of Labor at any of the Leadville mines. By early November the Smith-Moffat mines were back at work.35 By this time the Smith-Moffat mining interests had spread to the new mining district of Cripple Creek, increasing Eben's responsibilities. Smith would continue to serve as general manager of the Leadville and Aspen mines while holding the same position in Cripple Creek. He did not move to Cripple Creek to take charge of the mines, though, as he had done with his moves to Boulder, Leadville and Aspen. In 1893 he began construction on a new house at 951 Logan Street in Denver, and moved into a rented house at 1151 Corona Street in Denver, leaving Leadville and Aspen behind for the new mining metropolis of the Cripple Creek district. 36 54

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Fig. 4.1. Eben Smith in 1891. (Gilpin History Museum) 55

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Fig. 4.2. David H. Moffat. (Denver Post/7 56

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Fig. 4.3. The Smiths' house on Seventh Avenue in Leadville. (Photo by the author) Fig. 4.4. Henry W. Smith. (Mines and Mining Men/8 57

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Fig. 4 .5. The Smiths' house on Main Street in Aspen. (Denver Public Library) 58

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CHAPTER FIVE THE VICTOR OF THE CRIPPLE CREEK DISTRICT The Victor Mine, on the northern slope of Bull Hill near Cripple Creek, was discovered some time before 1872. In March ofthat year the Rocky Mountain News reported that it was being worked with "flattering success," but it did not report who was working the mine at that time. As it turned out the success was not as flattering as reported, because by 1881 the Victor was being described as a mine that had not been worked for many years. That year a new company was formed and work began on the Victor once more. The previous owners dug a 11 0-foot cross-cut twmel in addition to sinking two 30-foot shafts and a 60-foot shaft before abandoning the mine. Another 750 feet of"surface scratching" was done, which amounted to half the length ofthe claim. In all the mine paid out about $5,000 before work was stopped.1 The company that began work on the Victor in 1881 cleaned out the previous workings and started working the mine within a few days of taking over. They planned to drift to the east from the point where the cross-cut twmel crossed the lode, which was about 100 feet below the surface and 150 feet from the western end of the claim. From there the men planned to sink a shaft to meet the twmel that was rwming from the nearby Pickwick lode, which would help to ventilate the mine. Whether or 59

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not this company was successful at working the Victor is unknown, but the fact that the mine did not attract much attention suggests that it was less than the success the 1881 company hoped it would be. In fact, the name of the company and the people involved with it is not even known.2 For most involved in mining in Colorado the Cripple Creek area did not attract much attention before the 1890s. Only one man, Robert Womack, prospected in the area before then. Womack was an "unkempt and frequently hard-drinking ranchhand," but he was convinced that there was gold in the hills around Cripple Creek. Womack was so insistent in his belief that he prospected in the area for twelve years before finally finding gold in Poverty Gulch in 1891. He soon became known as the "father of Cripple Creek," but by then Womack was too poor to develop his claim, selling it for $500. Within a short time of Womack's discovery miners from all over Colorado began rushing into Cripple Creek, among them were Winfield Scott Stratton, James Burns, Warren Woods and his sons Frank and Harry, and members of the Guggenheim family.3 Two more well known Colorado mining men, Eben Smith and David Moffat, joined the rush. In 1892, probably in January or February, they paid $65,000 for the Victor Mine. Smith and Moffat immediately began work at the mine, with Eben serving as general manager of the property. At the time he was still living in Leadville and Aspen, so much of his work for the mine was done through the written 60

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word. C. H. Aldrich was put in charge of the mine, and by May 4 he was able to report to Smith that ''the Victor is looking fine." Pleased with their success at the Victor, Smith and Moffat decided to buy more mining properties around Cripple Creek.4 On June 15, 1892, Eben Smith and L. D. Roudebush signed an agreement organizing the Anaconda Gold Mining Company. Moffat served as president of the new company, while Smith served in the then familiar position of general manager. The two men organized the company for the purpose of purchasing and controlling all the mines on Gold Hill that were owned by the Anaconda, Work, Coronado and Lone Star companies. By 1895 the Anaconda Gold Mining Company owned 150 acres of land, and the value of the ore from the mine ran from $1 to $50 a ton. The ore was taken out of the mine by a mule tramway capable of hauling ten to fifteen cars per trip. In addition there was a power house, engine, boilers, compressors, an air drill and a blacksmith shop at the mine, showing just what the involvement of Smith and Moffat could do for a mining property. The company was capitalized at $5,000,000 with 1,000,000 shares at $5 a piece. Smith and Moffat controlled 400,000 shares between them. The Anaconda certainly seemed to be a success for the Smith-Moffat interests, but the Victor remained the crown jewel of their mine holdings.5 While the Cripple Creek mines were getting underway Smith decided to move to Denver. Some later historians have been critical of Smith and his fellow mine 61

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managers for not living near their mines, but in Eben's case it may have seemed like a practical decision for him to live in Denver. Eben Smith's thinking was almost always practical and business-like, and with the Smith-Moffat mines spread from Aspen to Cripple Creek, Denver would have been a convenient mid-point. In 1893 Eben and Emily Smith moved into a rented house at 1151 Corona Street in Denver while their house at 951 Logan Street was built. Smith hired the architectural firm of Varian and Stoner, who designed a 17-room mansion for the Smiths. On the first floor there was an "elaborately furnished library," hall, dining room, large drawing room and a kitchen "furnished with all the most convenient and modem arrangements." The bedrooms and bathrooms were on the second and third floors, all "tastefully decorated." There were two staircases that ran from the top to the bottom of the house. The outside of the house was finished in cream-colored Roman tile with buff brick trimmings. With his move to Denver it also became necessary for Smith to open an office in the city. He moved into rooms four and five of the Tabor Block and hired Robert H. Reid as his private secretary. At about the time of his move to Denver Smith also began to wear dentures, signifying that 1893 was indeed a year of change for Eben and Emily Smith.6 The year was also one of change for Eben and Emily's children. On April 12, their daughter Cora finally married Charles Tingley Carnahan. He was born in Cadiz, Ohio in 1861. He arrived in Leadville in 1881, and by 1890 he knew the Smiths well 62

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enough to attend their New Year's Day dinner. At the time of his marriage to Cora, Carnahan was most likely given a job at the Smith-Moffat mines in Leadville, though he may have already been working for them before that. The couple moved into Eben's old house at 124 West Seventh, and their first child, Harold Smith Carnahan, was born on January 27, 1894.7 The Smiths' son Frank married in 1893 as well. He married Josephine Bonita Hill, daughter of another prominent Colorado miner, in Denver on December 19. Josephine's father, Charles L. Hill, was born on August 21, 1829, near Portland, Maine. In 1860, he came to Colorado where he settled in Gilpin County. He was not as successful there as he would have liked so he moved on to Alma and Oro City. When the great strike was made at Cripple Creek Hill went there, where he became connected with the Guggenheims and made a fortune. After his arrival in Colorado Charles Hill married a woman by the name of Josephine, and their only child, Josephine, was born in 1870 in Leadville. She spent time in both Leadville and Pueblo while growing up, and when she was introduced into Denver society in the 1890s "her beauty and magnetism were talked about on every hand" as she carried society "by storm." Josephine became very popular and had numerous admirers, but one in particular, Denver District Court Judge George W. Allen's son Harry, caught her attention. The announcement of Harry and Josephine's engagement was "the event ofthe season," and it was thought that it would be only a short time before the 63

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two were married. Something went wrong, though, and the engagement was called off. Josephine then shocked her friends and astounded society by marrying Frank Smith.8 Following their marriage Frank and Josie, as she was called, moved into Eben's old house on Seventh in Leadville with his sister and her husband. Frank and Josie had their first child on October 26, 1894, a boy named Eben LeRoy. Frank was still a partner in Reynolds and Smith Ore Hauling, and for the time being the Carnahans and the Smiths were well settled in Leadville. Meanwhile, in Denver, on March 26 Eben notified the Colorado Telephone Company that he was moving into his new house on Logan Street.9 The Victor and the Anaconda were not Eben Smith's chief concern in the silver crisis of 1893, and as gold producing mines they were not affected by the problems that followed repeal of the Sherman Silver Purchase Act. Once the issues that arose from that had settled down at the Smith-Moffat mines in Leadville Eben probably was hoping that 1894 would prove to be a much quieter year for his mining interests. Regrettably for him that was not to be the case. The year got off to a good enough start. One of the major problems facing all of the Cripple Creek area mines, including the Victor and Anaconda, was the difficulty of shipping ore to the smelters. No railroads came to the district so ore had to be hauled by wagon, which was very expensive. In order to correct this problem 64

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Smith and Moffat decided to build a narrow gauge railroad that would connect up with the Denver and Rio Grande line in Florence. The railroad covered a total of forty miles between Florence and Cripple Creek, and cost $850,000 to build. It was bonded for $1,000,000 and by 1895 was earning $60,000 a year on the bonds, with an additional 15% per annum on the stock. The Florence and Cripple Creek Railroad finally made it into the Cripple Creek district on May 26, 1894, but by then there had already been a major labor strike in the area.10 Union activity started in Cripple Creek as early as 1892. That year the Fremont Carpenters Number 506, a short-lived union, and the Miners' and Prospectors' Protective Association started. The Cripple Creek Carpenters Number 298 operated from 1893 to 1894, and the miners at what would become the town of Anaconda formed a union in 1893. Despite this union activity no one from Cripple Creek was present when organizers founded the Western Federation of Miners at a convention in Butte, Montana in 1893. It did not take long, though, for the WFM to become involved in forming a union in Colorado. Miners at Altman asked Alexander Mcintosh, the Colorado WFM organizer, to help them start a union, which he gladly did. The Free Coinage Miners' Local Number 19 was founded on April 20, 1893. Before long more than 300 miners joined the union, and within two months locals were organized in Cripple Creek, Victor and Anaconda.11 Wages and hours were the two most important concerns that the unions 65

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addressed. Wages ranged from $2.50 to $3 a day, and shifts ranged from eight to ten hours at the Cripple Creek mines. A number of mine owners, described by Elizabeth Jameson as more "working-class" type owners such as Stratton, Burns, and Doyle, ran nine-hour shifts at their mines. The Smith-Moffat mines ran ten-hour shifts, and "were among the most intransigent." As soon as Free Coinage Miner's Local Number 19 started the number of hours worked by the miners became an issue. 12 Three days before the Free Coinage union was formed H. E. Locke, superintendent of the Isabella Mine, which was next to the Victor, announced that he was increasing the work day from eight to ten hours, with one hour for lunch. The miners refused to work the new hours, and none of them reported to work on the Monday following the announcement. Locke, after receiving instructions from Isabella owner J. J. Hagerman, relented and went back to an eight-hour day. The fuse was lit, though, and neither side was willing to put it out. Mine owners met in order to figure out a uniform shift schedule while the WFM began working towards an eight-hour day at all of the mines. 13 The union attacked first, asking Frank T. Sanders, manager of the Burns Mine, to adopt an eight-hour schedule in December 1893. Sanders refused the offer, and on December 26 the work force at the Burns was called out by more than 200 miners who met at the shaft house. The mine owners struck back, announcing in January 1894 that they would enforce a ten-hour day beginning February 1. As each day 66

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passed the tension in the camp became thicker and thicker, especially when one anxious mine manager, A. D. Jones of the Pharmacist, put the notice about the new hours up on January 17, three days early. The tension finally reached a breaking point on January 20 when a group of miners ran H. E. Locke and one of his deputies out of the camp. Two days before the February 1 deadline the miners agreed to compromise if the mines that worked eight-hour shifts agreed not to extend the hours worked. Mine owners did not respond, and on February 2 the miners gave management ten days to meet the $3 for an eight-hour shift demand. At about this time Eben Smith sent a note to Hoskins, who may have been the superintendent of the Victor at the time, that a notice about labor would be sent to the mine to be posted, and that "in case any of our men go out to pay them off and not give them any more work." Rather than give in to the miners' demands the mine owners announced that they would close the mines on February 7. That day the union struck all mines working more than an eight-hour shift.14 In reality the strike was relatively small as fewer than half of the working mines in the Cripple Creek district, and less than one-fourth of the 800 miners who had joined the WFM were on strike. Management of a few of the mines, such as the Kismet and Santa Rita, quickly settled with the striking miners. James Burns, one of the owners of the Portland Mine, negotiated a deal with the union that allowed miners working nine hours to be paid $3.25 while those who worked eight hours would be 67

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paid $3. Winfield Scott Stratton's Independence adopted the eight-hour day by March 19, and the Portland adopted it within a few weeks. Other mining companies, though, including Smith-Moffat, were not the least bit interested in settling with the union.15 Bela Buell, an old friend of Smith's from Central City, wrote to Eben on March 9, saying "I congratulate you on the stand you have taken so far." Buell thought that the strikers should be forced to go east to work on farms for four or five years. Once they had done that he thought that "perhaps then they will appreciate a good thing." Many mine owners, at least in the early days of the strike, felt similarly sympathetic towards Smith and his fellow mine owners who were affected by the strike.16 On March 14 Smith and Moffat, Hagerman, William Lennox, and Edward De La V ergne, and a nwnber of other mine owners, went to court to get an injunction against the striking miners. A district judge ordered the strikers to not interfere in any way with the operation of the mines. Following the ruling the Victor and Anaconda, along with De LaVergne's Summit and Raven, tried to open. The attempt was a disaster, as no more than five men showed up to work at each mine. The superintendent of the Victor asked the Cripple Creek sheriff, M. F. Bowers, to send deputies to protect mine. Bowers deputized six men, but they were intercepted and disarmed by a group of miners near Altman.17 That same night Sheriff Bowers asked Governor Davis H. Waite to send 68

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troops to Cripple Creek. Waite sent three companies, and Bowers swore in an additional fifty deputies. The troops, under the command of Brigadier General E. J. Brooks arrived in Cripple Creek on March 18, but they were recalled by Waite on March 20 after Waite became convinced that they were not needed to maintain order in the district. On April 1 the striking miners and mine owners met to try to reach an agreement. The owners, led by J. J. Hagerman, offered $2.75 for an eight-hour shift with a 20-minute lunch break, but the miners voted unanimously to reject the offer. By then only seven mines were effected by the strike, and some local businesses were urging the holdouts to give in to the miners' demands.18 In early May some mine owners offered to buy arms for El Paso County and pay for deputies to open the seven closed mines. Smith and Hagerman bought 100 rifles and 10,000 rounds of ammunition during the "war at Cripple Creek. .. ," but Smith refused to let them be used and kept them locked up during the strike. In a letter to Charles A. Keith at the Anaconda Smith wrote that guns sent there would be "very likely to fall into the hands of the strikers as did the 125 sent down from Leadville." He also refused to allow Hagerman to use the guns on raids as late as July 1894 in case they were needed elsewhere. 19 In mid-May Bowers deputized around 1,200 men and sent almost 200 of them to occupy the closed mines. The striking miners thought that Bowers was getting ready to attack them so they built a "fort" on Bull Hill and settled in. On May 17 a 69

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number of mine owners in the Cripple Creek district, fearing the miners in their fort on Bull Hill, asked the El Paso County Board of Commissioners to send forces to protect the mines. On May 24 between 150 and 200 of Bowers's deputies started marching towards Victor, and the miners on Bull Hill marched down to meet them. The miners gathered near the mines on Battle Mountain and seized the Strong Mine. They ordered the superintendent, foreman and engineer to come out, but instead the three men went down into the shaft. The shaft house was blown up and the three men were trapped in the mine for almost twenty-six hours until the striking miners rescued them. Seeing this the deputies retreated along the Florence and Cripple Creek tracks and spent the night there. The next day about 300 of the strikers set out to attack the deputies, and an advance party of them ran into an outpost set up by the deputies. Shots were fired and one man from each side was killed. The deputy killed was a man named Rabideau, the same deputy to H. E. Locke who had been run out of town with him in January. Herman Crawley was the striker who was killed. Six striking miners were arrested and taken to Colorado Springs. It was then that the strikers rescued the three men trapped in the Strong shaft, after which they held them hostage in exchange for the six prisoners.20 After the shootings pressure for a settlement increased, and Governor Waite asked the strikers to lay down their arms on May 26. He also declared that Bowers's deputies were illegal since many of them came from outside El Paso County, and 70

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Colorado law required deputies to live in the county where they were deputized. That same day a committee from Colorado Springs went to Bull Hill at the request of Hagerman to try to negotiate a settlement and arrange an exchange of prisoners. The exchange took place and the six jailed strikers were traded for the three hostages. On May 30 the miners met with Waite and gave him the power to negotiate for them. Sympathy of many in the mining business was still with Smith and the other mine owners. On May 31 Simeon C. Jordan, another son of Eben's first wife, wrote to him that "we sympathize with you people and hope you'll kill the last one of those rebels as I term them."21 Smith was in the Cripple Creek district on May 28 to survey the situation, and he did not like what he saw. The next day he wrote to J. J. Hagerman that the only thing to do was get writs for those who had broken the law, and then recruit a sufficient force to serve them since the Sheriff was "as usual sitting around with his thumb in his mouth." The next day Smith wrote to Hagerman that the Rouse and Fremont miners had gone out on strike, and that the Fremont miners were likely to try to reach Cripple Creek over the Florence and Cripple Creek Railroad. In case the miners tried this, Smith ordered a man named Johnson at the railroad to delay them until he could send out an engine to destroy one of the bridges, at the very least delaying them if not preventing them from getting to Cripple Creek altogether.22 As late as June 1 there was still a feeling that the strike was likely to continue 71

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as John F. Campion telegrammed to Eben Smith that the Knights of Labor pledged to support the striking Cripple Creek miners. Waite and union organizer John Calderwood met with Hagerman, who agreed to the miners' demands, on June 2. Hagerman backed out of the deal, though, when other mine owners put pressure on him to not sign the agreement. Two days later Hagerman and Moffat met with Waite in Denver and again agreed to the $3 for an eight-hour day, and this time both signed the agreement. Even then there were those who were unhappy with the way the strike was settled. Franklin Ballou, vice-president and general manager of Smith-Moffat's Bi-Metallic Smelter, wrote to Smith on June 5 that the settlement of the strike would have been better "for the future of mining in this state if those scamps had been brought to terms by force." J. Watson told Smith in a letter that he "wanted to see about 50 of them knocked into etemity."23 The trouble did not end even though Moffat and Hagerman signed the agreement effectively ending the strike Bowers and his deputies were still on the prowl, and on June 4 Waite had to call out the state militia in order to try to stop the deputies from marching on Bull Hill. Weather kept the militia from reaching the Cripple Creek district until June 7, by which time Bowers and his deputies had already exchanged shots with some of the strikers. The deputies only retreated from their positions when General Brooks threatened to fire on them. Rather than disband, though, they continued on to Altman, then went on to arrest several people in Cripple 72

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Creek and take charge of the Independence Mine. It was only after a meeting on June 10 between prominent mine owners, militia officers and county officials that the deputies disbanded and the mines were turned over to their proper owners after the military guaranteed protection for the mines and mine owners.24 There was still trouble, though, as late as July. William Trevorrow, who worked for Smith at Cripple Creek, reported that his wife had received a number of disturbing letters. Smith wrote back saying that, in regard to the letters, "there are a great many mortifying things occurring to all of us at present." He went on to write that "some irresponsible tramp" who did not know what else to do and had heard that Moffat "was the cause of all this trouble" had broken all of the windows in the First National Bank ofDenver building on July 8. Smith then told Trevorrow that, if it was necessary to keep a standing army at the mines in order to keep them open, it was better that they stay closed. The only consolation Smith saw was the chance to elect a "decent governor" in the next election?5 The Victor finally reopened in August 1894 after being closed since February. Criminal charges from the strike began to be filed in June 1894 and continued for a while after that. Attorney J. E. Rockwell wrote to Smith on August 1 that no one would be "persecuted," but everyone who had taken "a hand in blowing up the Strong, attempting to assassinate Sam McDonald, robbing the Victor mine, or committing violent crimes will be prosecuted to the limit." In the end those who were 73

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charged with and convicted of any crimes were either pardoned or had their convictions overturned.26 The last lingering remnants of the strike may have been disposed of by July 1894, but the trouble at the Victor was far from over. In September, one month after the mines reopened, there were reports that the returning miners were stealing ore from the Smith-Moffat mines in Cripple Creek. Smith wrote to Charles Keith at the Anaconda, instructing him to build a change house at the Victor and require all men to change their clothes at the end of their shift. Smith said that "the honest man will not object and the thieves we do not care to employ." Apparently this plan did not work at the Victor because in April1895 Smith hired Pinkerton's Detective Agency to find out who was stealing the ore. 27 The Pinkerton operative, known only by the initials W. B.S., wrote to Smith on April 27 that a "third party claims there is a systematic scheme on foot to rob the Victor Mine ... In February alone eleven sacks of ore were stolen from the mine. Several people were supposed to have been involved in the plot, including the assayers in the camp who would buy the ore and not tell anyone where it came from. W. B. S. was soon passing himself off as a mining expert hired by Smith, and by May 8 his attention focused on a miner named Andy Malloy. By May 16, though, Smith had written to W. B. S. to drop the investigation since he was going to get a new crew at the mine that he could trust. The case was dropped, and there were no further 74

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complaints from Smith about stolen ore at the Victor for the time being.28 In December 1894 Smith hired Pinkerton's Detective Agency to watch his house on Logan, paying them $3 a month for their services. This may have been out of lingering fear from the strike, or it might have been completely unrelated. In any case he kept paying Pinkerton's to watch the house through at least February 1896. Whatever effect the strike had on his personal life, Eben Smith was not one to let the strike interfere with his mining business, and from 1894 on the Smith-Moffat as well as his own personal mining interests continued to grow and expand along with his wealth.29 75

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Fig. 5.1. The Smiths' house at 951 Logan Street in Denver. (Denver Public Library) Fig. 5.2. Robert Womack. (Denver Republican/9 75

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CHAPTER SIX AN EXPANDING EMPIRE Even as the strike in Cripple Creek was taking shape in early 1894 Eben Smith and David Moffat were continuing to expand their mine holdings. On February 1, 1894, Smith helped to incorporate the Bon Air Mining Company in Leadville, serving as the president ofthe company. The Bon Air was incorporated with 400,000 shares of stock at $1 each, and Smith owned 128,999 ofthose shares. Three months after they incorporated the company Thurlow Weed Barnes wrote to Smith from New York, telling him that he was the "sort of straightforward and competent man that I had always hoped would come into control of this property."1 In April 1894 Smith helped to incorporate the Gold Extraction Company of Colorado, and was elected president. The purpose of this company was to erect a 1 00 tons per day reduction works at the intersection of the Florence and Cripple Creek Railroad and the Denver and Rio Grande Railroad at Florence. This location was also near the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad, meaning that the mill was capable of receiving ore from Cripple Creek, all other parts of Colorado, Arizona, New Mexico, old Mexico, "and every other producing camp in the Rocky Mountain Range." The way this particular company would reduce ore was the only way to save 77

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the highest percentage of gold from the Cripple Creek ores, according to its founders, and the process was already in operation in a "comparatively crude way" in different parts of the United States and the South African gold fields. The advantage of the Gold Extraction Company was that it had improvements to the process designed by Philip Argall. According to the incorporating docwnents filed with the State of Colorado the company had already received a favorable contract from the Smith Moffat owned Florence and Cripple Creek Railroad, and it was estimated that a $124,000 profit would be made in the first year of operation.2 In early May 1894, while some mine owners were offering to buy arms for El Paso County, Smith was more interested in buying mines for himself. He had Simeon Jordan looking for mining property in the Nevada Mining District of California. Smith was especially interested in gold mines, and Jordan had seen several prospective properties, including one near the Pioneer Mine that Smith owned during his years in California. Although he did not buy any of these properties, Jordan was still hunting for mines for Smith more than two years later. Near the end of November 1896 Jordan wrote to Smith asking him to form a company to buy mining properties, and Jordan promised to stay with it for five years at a salary of $250 a month. Smith does not appear to have taken him up on this offer either.3 Jordan continued to look into mining properties for the next two years for his former stepfather. On December 1, 1896, Jordan wrote to Smith about what was 78

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known as the Blue Lead property in California. He thought for sure that if Smith got involved with this particular piece of land it would eventually sell for $500,000 instead of the $I50,000 that it would get with Jordan's involvement alone. Smith was at least interested in the property, but three months later Jordan had still not heard any word from him on whether or not he was still interested in it.4 While Sheriff Bowers was swearing his I ,200 deputies in Cripple Creek, on May I6, 1894, the less than concerned Eben Smith, David Moffat and Charles J. Hughes incorporated the Resurrection Gold Mining Company to do business in Lake County. Smith, Moffat, and Smith's son-in-law Charles Carnahan were to serve as directors of the new mine, and Carnahan also assumed the duties of superintendent. The new company issued I 00,000 shares of stock at $5 each, all of which was controlled by Moffat or the Smith family. Moffat owned 37,500 shares, Smith and Carnahan owned 18,750 each, and Eben's daughter Cora owned the remaining 25,000 shares.5 Even though the stock market cost Eben Smith his fortune during his Boulder days he still was fascinated by it, especially in the 1890s. This love affair with stock was already apparent in the way the Bon Air and Resurrection companies were organized, and just in case anyone missed the point Smith made it even clearer at a meeting of the Board of Directors of the Victor Gold Mining Company on June I6, I894. At the meeting he offered a resolution that the stock of the Victor be listed on 79

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the New York Stock Exchange. The motion was passed, and the company applied to be listed. The stock soon was listed and began to sell quickly, especially in France. H. L. Horton and Company were in charge of selling the stock, and they did such a good job of it that by December Smith became opposed to selling any more shares. He wrote to Moffat that value of the mine had doubled and he wanted to "retain" the property, "but if you think it advisable to a make a new arrangement with those people [H. L. Horton] or with others to sell the balance of the stock, I will try in some way to accomodate [sic] my views to yours ... "6 Accommodate his views is exactly what Smith did, so much so that in January 1895 he and Emily were in New York preparing to go to London to assist in selling the stock there. New York was one ofthe Smiths' favorite destinations, and while there in January he found himself"studying there [sic] ways and manners." One of the ways and manners that impressed itself upon Smith was that most New Yorkers found it fashionable to have two sets of false teeth. So, on January 21 he wrote to Robert Reid with a small request. Eben wanted Reid to have Dan Webb, who worked with the two men at the Smith-Moffat General Offices in the Tabor Block, get his second set of false teeth that were at his house and send them to him. Of course, Reid complied with the request and Eben Smith must have been pleased to find himself among the fashionable false teeth set in New York.7 It was thought by those selling Victor stock that Eben Smith's presence in 80

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London would help sell the stock by having the man himself there to answer questions, but for an unknown reason the trip never took place and the Smiths returned to Colorado. David Moffat took over for his partner when he found himself in New York in May of 1895 helping Horton to sell the Victor stock. He wrote to Smith that he did not know what the price would be, but that it would not "be lower than what you told me I could go before I left Denver," attesting to the fact that, although Moffat may have been the acknowledged financial brain in the operation, Smith was not completely uninvolved in this side of the business. Stock sales in France continued through July under the direction of H. L. Horton and Company. Horton himself wrote to Smith, saying "you cannot imagine how many d---d questions the French people ask. Talk about Yankee inquisitiveness, but it cannot be compared with the Frenchman when it comes to trading in mines." As far as Eben Smith was concerned the French could have asked as many d---d questions as they liked so long as they bought the stock.8 In addition to selling stock in the various mines he was interested in Smith was interested in buying stock. The exact date is unknown, but sometime in 1893 he purchased $1 0,000 of stock in the Battle Mountain Gold Mining Company. He sold the stock in 1894 for $11,114.57, which he must have felt was a nice profit for the short time he held the stock. When the final settlement was made, though, Smith ran into problems over the commission that Hughes (this may have been Charles Hughes, 81

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but no first names were mentioned in the letter about the settlement) wanted. Thinking the amount too high Smith refused to pay it, much to the dismay of William Lennox. He wrote to Smith that if in his future business dealings he would "learn to be a little more honorable, and make good your verbal promises you would in all probability avoid a great deal of annoyance and trouble." Smith almost always thought the commissions he had to pay were too high. In 1902, when he was in Los Angeles, he told business associate Dan Webb, who said Smith had agreed to a ten percent commission, that if Webb had in fact demanded such Eben would have "made a roar that you could have heard clear across the country from here to Denver."9 Incorporating two mining companies and selling stock in a third while dealing with a labor strike at two other mines, in addition to running several other mines, probably would have been enough in one year for most men, but not for Eben Smith. On September 1, 1894, Smith and Moffat bought 5,000 shares ofthe Baka-Contact Gold Mining Company for $5,000. As part of their purchase they agreed to erect a ten-stamp mill and build a wagon road to the mine, once again demonstrating how profitable it was for a mining property to be purchased by Smith-Moffat. Then, in November 1894, they paid $30,000 for the Santa Elena Gold Mines in Sonora, Mexico. They incorporated a new company and 500,000 shares of stock were issued. This purchase, which signaled a change in Smith-Moffat policy, took place after Smith had already declined at least two other offers of mines in Mexico. 10 82

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On August 21, 1894, Smith wrote to E. C. Foster, declining a mine in Zacatecas, Mexico, telling him that the mine was "too far away from Colorado to interest me." One month later Smith and Moffat received a letter from JohnS. Crawford offering them a silver mine in Mexico. Smith answered, saying that he handled all the mining business of their concern, and that he and Moffat generally "refused to go outside Colorado ... to invest in mines." In addition, the decline of silver had led them to decide "not to touch any silver mines until something more has transpired in regard to the future of silver." What changed Smith's mind by November and led him to recommend the purchase of the Santa Elena mines is unknown, but it may have had something to do with the fact that it was a profitable gold mine instead of an unprofitable silver mine. 11 This additional activity required a great deal of Eben Smith's time and attention, but not so much that he neglected his existing mines during this period. The Victor and Anaconda were not working during much of 1894 so he did not have to pay as much attention to them. On August 24, 1894, he wrote to Lee Wood at the Smith-Moffat mine in Rico that he was sorry he had been unable to visit the camp recently, which did not look "very well for a general manager." He went on to explain, though, that "as the general manager receives no salary and has not more than a million shares of the stock he may be excused." In spite of his absence from the camps Smith still wanted to be kept posted on how the mines were doing, and he 83

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expected to be given the full details.12 Ronald Morrison was in charge of the Smith-Moffat Golden Eagle Mine in the Cripple Creek district, and throughout the summer of 1894 he kept Smith posted on how the mine was shaping up. Morrison's letters give a good idea of the kind of details Smith expected to be kept informed about. At the beginning of June Morrison reported that he had sunk the shaft six feet below the first level and found good ore, but there was too much surface water in the bottom of the shaft to do anything with it. By July the water problem was dealt with and the shaft was ninety feet below the first level. There Morrison and his crew broke into a body of ore carrying 75/100ths of gold and 27 ounces of silver and three to four percent lead. By August the mine was having trouble with the Union Smelting Company as Charles Limberg was trying to take control of the Golden Eagle. While Limberg's efforts to take over the Golden Eagle would have been important news to any mine owners, they might not have been as concerned about depths and surface water as Smith was. 13 The mine buying spree continued into 1895. In January Smith agreed to take all of the mining claims in Chaffee County that were leased to George Collins. For a total of $20,000 Smith gained control of twenty-one separate mining claims. He leased them for three years and agreed to pay ten percent royalties on any ore that he took out. The fact that Smith leased these mines on his own helps to point out a difference between him and David Moffat. Smith had no problem going out on his 84

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own to invest in a mine, while Moffat almost refused to become involved with a mining property unless Smith was with him on it. The same was not true in relation to the finances of Smith-Moffat. While Smith was content most ofthe time to let Moffat handle the financial side of the business, he had a great deal of input in that area, as when Moffat said he would not sell the Victor stock at a price that was below what Smith had instructed him to get. 14 In February Smith and Moffat signed a contract to buy 5,100 shares of stock for $10,000 in the Antlers-Park Regent Leasing Company in Creede, Colorado. This amount purchased 2,550 shares each for each of them, and by mid-April the stock was selling for $2.70 a share. Even with the injection of$10,000 from Smith and Moffat the company soon ran out of money to continue their operations, and at a July stockholders' meeting agreed to increase the capital stock from $50,000 to $100,000. Smith and Moffat agreed to buy one-half of the additional $50,000 in stock, but only after the other half of the stock sold. The increase in capital stock seemed to work, because in October the president of Antlers-Park, E. Barnett, wrote to Robert Reid that the ore on the sixth level of the mine was running from $16 to $26 of gold per ton, and that they were fast "approaching the day when we shall get rich dividends from our property."15 Not all were pleased with the involvement of Smith and Moffat in Antlers Park. 0. P. Poole, who worked for Antlers-Park and would be associated with Smith 85

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on and off for a number of years afterwards, wrote to a friend that the two mining tycoons were not that interested in the details of running a mine. Instead, they were "people who would rather have or think they had some one else to look after such details as their time is to [sic] much taken up with other larger affairs." There were others, though, who were pleased with their involvement with the property, and even offered to sell them additional property. J. S. Jennings wrote to Smith in June 1895 offering to sell him his claims below the Antlers-Park region because Jennings was "told by all that know you that you are a fair man to do business with ... "16 Apparently Jennings was not the only one who thought that way. By the end of January 1895 United Mines, also in the Cripple Creek district, was in serious trouble. E. M. Ray, who was superintendent of the mine, received a letter from J. A. Dean on January 23 about the inability of the company to pay the men who were working there. Dean wrote that he hoped Ray would be able to raise the money to pay the men who had worked at the mine and let them get out. At the time, Dean wrote, they were "quiet and orderly, but I can see that a feeling of uneasiness and dissatisfaction prevails among them."17 In an effort to save the company the directors decided to bring in Eben Smith. On April 1, 1895, United Mines was re-incorporated as the United Leasing Company and Smith was given management of the property. One month later, at a stockholders meeting, he was elected as one of the directors of the new company. Smith tried to 86

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make a success of the United, and in his mind keeping expenses down at the mine was an important objective. On June 18, 1895, he wrote to E. M. Ray to "please keep me posted from time to time how the level looks and also how the mine looks generally." He then went on to give Ray some friendly advice to reduce the pump men at the mine from four to three, and said he was also wondering what the mechanics were doing to justify their pay of $4 and $4.50 per day. He told Ray that "I have no disposition to be critical in making these inquiries, but a property like this with no income should be managed with the greatest care in regard to expenses and I trust you will bear this matter in mind." Smith's suggestions were made to appear to be friendly advice, but Ray would have been a fool to not try to carry them out.18 The following November Smith was made president of United Leasing. Despite his increasing number of titles and work at the mine Smith was no more successful at saving the mine than those who came before him. On January 13, 1896, W. H. Bryant sent a letter to Smith calling for a stockholders meeting, at which the stockholders of United Leasing resolved to suspend work on the property and forfeit their lease. The failure of the mine led to a series of lawsuits and liens against the company. On January 16, three days after the company resolved to suspend work, Thomas Armstrong filed a lien against the company for $6,984 on behalf of forty-nine men who worked there. Then, on February 6, he filed a Writ of Attachment for the same amount and on behalf of the same workers. 19 87

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The dissatisfaction did not end with Armstrong. On January 17 Robert Reid received a letter from W. C. Bowers, a stockholder in United Leasing, complaining that at the time he purchased more stock in the company it had already "practically failed." On February 10, 1896, David Moffat, who was less involved in United Leasing than Smith, received a letter from the firm of Barnie and Rue, wondering when a settlement would be reached at mine so that they could be paid the $1 ,200 they were owed. In mid-February Armstrong, pursuing the claims of the forty-nine workers against the company, wrote to Reid offering to settle the claims for ninety five cents on the dollar, which amounted to $6,984. He did not like making the offer, but wrote that he did because "there is terable [sic] hard times here and some families are in bad circumstances." A little over a week later Armstrong wrote to Moffat asking if the accounts of the miners against the company were worth anything. Men were selling their time checks for fifty cents on the dollar, and if the accounts proved to be worthless Armstrong was going to tell them to "get out of here as best they can." After this letter to Moffat the matter appears to have been dropped, and the United Leasing Company went down as one of the few, but also perhaps the biggest, failure of Eben Smith's mining career.20 Even as he struggled to save United Leasing Smith continued to take charge of other mining properties during 1895. Early in the year Smith and Moffat signed a contract to purchase all of the stock of their former ally in the 1894 strike, the Raven 88

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Gold Mining Company. The company held the Raven, Princess R, Snowy Range, Maid of Erin and Gregory Lodes (these were not the Leadville and Central City properties Smith was interested in), all in Cripple Creek. Joel Parker Whitney decided that he wanted to buy all of the property and rights, so on October 22, 1895, he signed a contract with Smith and Moffat that allowed him to do so. They sold out to Whitney for $455,000 plus stock in the company, making a nice profit without ever having to invest a dime in improvements to the Raven property.21 Offers of mines continued to pour into Smith's office as well. In May 1895 he turned down an offer of a mine in Utah from Frank Knox, writing that he and Moffat's interests in Colorado were "so very large and require all of my time and attention to keep track of them ... In August T. H. Norton offered Smith and Moffat the Plomo Mine ifthey were "not already loaded up with mines and mills ... The mine must have been of some interest to Smith because he did not immediately reject the offer as he did with the majority of the others he received. He disagreed with Norton over some of the costs that Norton quoted, particularly that it would cost three to four dollars per ton to reduce the ore to bullion. Norton wrote back that even if the costs were higher the mine would still be a paying investment and a few weeks later sent a 500 pound sack of ore for Smith to run sample tests on. By then Smith must have either tired of the exchange or decided the mine was not a good investment as Norton wrote to him in mid-November that he had not heard the results of the tests. 89

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Smith penciled a note on Norton's letter that "the tests of ore were sent to Norton" and the matter was dropped. 22 Eben Smith made one other major business move in 1895. His son Frank sold his share in Reynolds and Smith Ore Hauling and Heavy Teaming for around $2,000,000 in 1895. He and Josie and their son Eben moved to Denver, living in a house at 1740 High Street. Smith began looking around for a business that he could get his son involved in, and at the same time he was becoming increasingly frustrated with what he thought to be the high prices that the various mine supply businesses were charging his mines for supplies. So, on April 23, 1895, Eben, Frank, R. J. and John Cary, and John Y. Oliver founded the Denver Mine and Smelter Supply Company. Eben was president and Frank served as treasurer. At the time of the founding of the new company the five men bought out the Kennedy Pierce Machinery Company and used its merchandise to start their company. There were three sales departments at the Mine and Smelter Supply Company--Machinery, Supply and Assay. By 1900 the company was so successful that it opened branch offices in Salt Lake City, El Paso, and Mexico City.23 Two months after the incorporation of the company Smith wrote toW. J. Chalmers that he expected to make a "swimming card" of it. He would spare no pains, "either in time or money, to make it the largest machinery concern in this state." Smith felt assured of success because his "acquaintance with the mining 90

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people of the West, is probably more general than any other man in this section." Smith was in fact assured of success because the Denver Mine and Smelter Supply Company was to supply all of his and Moffat's mines at a "fair and reasonable rate." With the creation of this company Smith completed almost total vertical integration of his mining business. He and Moffat owned the mines, the railroad that shipped the ore, the smelters that handled the ores, and now he owned the store that would supply both the mines and the smelters.24 As he became involved in one new mining venture after another Eben Smith was still able to run the already existing Smith-Moffat mines. Smith received almost daily reports from the superintendents at his mines, and he became upset if these reports did not arrive regularly. These were not simple reports to keep the boss happy, as the Eben Smith ofthe 1890s was a man with nearly forty years of mining experience and who had already been referred to numerous times as one of the foremost mining experts in Colorado. The daily reports that Smith received were highly detailed reports, describing how far shafts had been sunk, what sort of water problems were encountered, how the veins were running, what type of equipment was being used or in need of repair, and numerous other things. Smith also received the assay reports on the ore taken out of the mines, along with bank statements and payrolls. Whatever 0. P. Poole may have thought of Smith's involvement with the Antlers-Park company, Smith expected to be kept informed, no matter how trivial an 91

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issue might seem. The letters that Smith received from Norris H. Cone at the Victor in the 1890s are a good example of the kind of information he expected to find in these reports. Cone worked at the Victor since 1894, becoming superintendent in 1895. On January 8, 1895, he reported to Smith that he was going to the end ofthe Victor claim where it joined the Little Joe claim to look for the cause of rock that had come into levels three and four of the Victor. In July 1895 he reported on the price of coal delivered to the Smith-Moffat mines, asking Smith to look into discrepancies in the price charged for that coal at the different mines, and on the depth ofthe well at the Smith-Moffat Legal Tender Mine. The next month he informed Smith that he was cutting drifts at the Granite. In October Cone let Smith know that he received his instructions on shipping out ore from the mine, which he apparently had not been doing for a little while. In January 1897 he sent a statement of expenses at the Granite mine, and told Smith that nothing had recently changed at the Victor and Legal Tender. No detail was too small as far as Smith was concemed.25 Smith did not simply read these daily reports and file them away. Instead, he wrote back with detailed instructions of his own. If the case warranted it he might even conduct "an interview" over the telephone with the superintendents, or, ifthe problem was severe enough, actually go to the mine. One issue that was very dear to Smith was keeping costs down at the mines. In June 1895 he wrote to Charles Keith 92

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at the Anaconda to have Hammond attend to billing and tagging all the ore that was shipped instead of hiring someone else to do it. He wrote that "this thing of hiring a man for every little duty we have there to perform is not the thing. The expenses at that mine by adding new men are in my judgement [sic] entirely too high."26 The smelting of ore was one issue that was particularly close to Smith's heart, and it was one issue that he followed very closely above all others. In February 1895 Reid sent a reminder from "Mr. Smith" to Charles Keith to ship high grade ore as a separate lot so that it would receive a better price than it would have when mixed in with the lower grade ores. Even with these kinds of measures Smith was in almost constant disagreement with even his own smelters on the value of the shipped ore, and often a settlement had to be made on the split between the smelter's assay and the mine's assay. As late as 1898 Smith was even disagreeing with how a mill should be built, writing that "I believe that I have a right to say that I am pretty thoroughly posted on how a mill should be constructed for producing the best results in savings and economy in running." He still thought that the stamp mill was the best there was having not seen anything in new machines to change his mind, though he did take the time to investigate any new methods of which he leamed.27 In all of their new purchases Smith and Moffat never found a mine that replaced the Victor as the pride and joy of the Smith-Moffat operations, and as such it received a great deal of attention from Smith. In the 1895 annual report of the Victor 93

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Gold Mining Company, covering August 6, 1894 to August 6, 1895, Smith was able to report that production at the mine in the year following the 1894 strike was excellent. According to him, the Victor "never looked so well as at the present time." No mine in the Cripple Creek district had as "true a vein and as great a length of ore chute as the Victor, and none has more promise of paying to a greater depth." The mine was doing so well that the company was paying $20,000 a month in dividends to the stockholders. In January 1896 Smith wrote to Reid that he was "well pleased with the Victor report and only hope they will continue to keep up the good work," though he did want to see the reports on all first class ores sent from the Victor that were missing for the month. 28 By July Smith was not nearly as pleased, and he wrote to Cone that "you must pay more attention to this property and know more about what is going on." He also instructed him to "push the output the fore part of the month as I once before suggested to you." Cone apparently listened, and Smith was able to write in the August 1896 annual report that the width of the vein increased from the one to ten inches in width that it had been the previous year to three inches to eight feet in width. The ore was not as high grade, but the quantity more than made up for that fact. Smith wrote that although small veins sometimes ran out, large ones seldom did, and the change in the Victor vein only served to strengthen his opinion "of the permanency of the mine. "29 94

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As late as 1897 Smith was still sending instructions to Cone, who by then was in charge of all the Smith-Moffat Cripple Creek properties. In early May ofthat year Smith stopped in Cripple Creek and inspected the mines. He was particularly upset with the expenses at the Victor, which were running at about $20,000 a month. Smith instructed Cone to cut these to $15,000. Even as Smith was preparing to go overseas in 1897 he was still giving instructions on how to run the mines. In a letter to Robert Reid he gave detailed instructions on how to set up a hoist at the Victor and the other Cripple Creek mines, and then instructed Reid to abandon the mines if they did not produce good ore. Just because he was overseas, or out of the state as he was many times during these years, that was no excuse as far as Smith was concerned to not continue receiving reports on his mines, and he could become very irritable if he did not receive these reports.30 As busy as Smith kept himself, often working six days a week, he still found time to enjoy a life outside of business. The vast empire that Smith-Moffat controlled usually meant that Eben had to combine business and pleasure, but this did not seem to bother him very much. In fact, he preferred it that way. Throughout most ofthe 1890s Smith, who was then in his sixties, could not stand it if he was not kept busy. Coinciding with his move to his new mansion on Logan Street in 1894 Smith bought a complete new wardrobe. In April he purchased $1 ,000 worth of new clothing, including suits, vests, shirts, ties, and even pajamas among other things, 95

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from tailor G. H. Braman. He must have felt that living in Denver society required new clothes, though there is no indication that he was a shabby dresser during his years in Central City, Boulder, Leadville and Aspen. The new clothes also may have come about simply as a result of Smith having a great deal more money than he had during his earlier years. 31 Eben and Emily spent a great deal of time with their grandchildren after the move to Denver. Frank and Josie and their son Eben moved into their house at 1740 High Street, and were soon followed by Charles and Cora and their son Harold, who moved part-time into a house three blocks away at 1440 High Street. Eben and Emily bought a high chair, a walking chair, a nursery chair and a crib from the J. G. Kilpatrick Artistic Furniture and Upholstery Company in Denver and set up a room for the children on the third floor of the Logan Street house. In 1895 a third grandchild joined the family when Doris Leonora Carnahan was born on September 15.32 Eben even found time to enjoy a good cigar, most of the time buying them from cigar stands near his office. At home he enjoyed roasts, veal and steak for dinners that were prepared by one of the Smith's maids, "colored Mary" or "fair Emma." For recreation Smith enjoyed a game of billiards or shooting. If all else failed there was plenty to read in the Smith house as well. In August 1895 Smith bought forty-eight volumes of Dickens, thirty volumes of Thackeray, thirty-two of 96

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Bulwer, twenty-four of Eliot, twenty-six of Ruskin and thirty of Dumas, spending a total of$432.72 for these books.33 Emily spent a great deal of her time in Denver working with charities, just as she had done in Leadville during her years there. She was particularly active in her support of the Old Ladies' Home, Children's Hospital, and the Home for the Aged Poor. The house on Logan Street must have been the sight of a number of charitable dinners for these organizations, just as she had hosted benefits for the Y.M.C.A. and others in Leadville. Emily was just as active in her charity as her husband was in pursuing mines. After their move to Denver, Eben and Emily also became members of St. Barnabas Episcopal Church. 34 As the Smith's became more settled in their Logan Street house Emily made sure that it was pleasant both inside and out. In October 1895 she bought two lilacs, three honey suckles and six dahlias for the grounds of the house. Seven months later she bought seventy pansy plants for the garden. The garden at Logan Street must have been quite a sight several years later as Emily continued to buy hundreds of plants for it. She especially enjoyed lilacs, and they surrounded the house as she continued to buy them throughout the time that the Smiths lived on Logan. It was good that Eben was able to find these moments of relaxation, because events were about to take another nasty turn for the Smith-Moffat mining interests.35 97

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Fig. 6.1. The main building of the Victor Mine in 1896. (Fig. 6. I and 6. 2, 6. 3, 6. 4 on following page from the Victor Gold Mining Company Annual Report, 1896/6 98

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Victor. Fig. 6.4. Dinner in dry house, Victor. 99

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Fig. 6.5. Frank and Josephine Smith's house on High Street. Fig. 6.6. The Camahans' house on High Street. (Fig. 6.5. and 6.6. Photos by the author) 100

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CHAPTER SEVEN TROUBLE IN LEADVILLE It was pretty much business as usual for the Smith-Moffat interests as 1896 began. Smith had barely settled into his new office in Room Six of the Equitable Building, which he had moved to from the Tabor Block in October 1895, before it was time to go out of town again. Early in January Smith and Moffat were in New York where they arranged to list the Victor on the Consolidated Stock Exchange, and trading started soon after. Eben and Emily had a little excitement in their lives just before they left for New York when there was a small fire on the third floor of their house. Smith instructed Reid to make sure it was fixed, but not before the Carnahan children, who were staying there, were out of their rooms as the work would disturb them.1 Just because he was out of town was no excuse for Smith to not be kept informed about what was happening at the mines. He wrote to Robert Reid thanking him for the recent letter he received from him containing statements on the mines, which was full of"interesting facts." Smith was pleased to have received the letter and said he was trusting that Reid would write to him "from time to time as new things occur." Reid did just that, sending yet another report on the Victor, which led 101

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Smith to say he was pleased with the mine and only hoped the workers there would keep up the good work. He was enjoying himself in New York immensely, and wrote to Reid that he was in no hurry to return to his "sweat-box."2 Alas, the Smiths' trip to New York had to be cut short. Late on February 4 Eben received word that his brother Henry, manager of the Smith-Moffat Leadville properties since 1892, was dying. The first thing Eben did was send a telegram to Reid instructing him to "see that his pretended wife don't get away with property Dispute her rights." On February 6 he sent another telegram to his secretary letting him know that he would leave for Denver on the seventh, and asked him to "notify my foremen everywhere." By the time Eben arrived back in Colorado Henry was dead, and it fell to him and brother Mark to settle the estate. This was somewhat difficult as Henry, according to Eben, did some very weak things in the last year of his life, particularly where women were concerned. Mark returned to Pennsylvania, where Henry owned a farm, to take care of business there. On March 2, 1896, as the estate was settled, Eben started sending monthly checks to his sisters Nancy Bassett for $50 and Emily Lyons for $25 under the directions of Henry's will. Eben not only continued these monthly payments for the rest of his life after the money from Henry's estate ran out, but also added sister Jennie Gray to the list with $25.3 While Eben was still in New York before Henry's death Reid even kept him informed of the offers of mining properties that continued to come in to the office 102

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with increasing regularity. In mid-January Reid sent a telegram to Smith informing him that N. H. Cone had the chance to buy 40,000 shares of Arvilla Tunnel Company stock for Smith. Smith wrote back to Reid that he knew "nothing whatever about Arvilla tunnel or the value of the stock or where it is located and why in the Devil I should buy it is more than I can comprehend." Cone must have made him comprehend as Smith soon found himself the proud owner of this stock. Most of the offers that arrived at Smith's office, though, were not from people who worked for him such as Cone, but instead were from total strangers. He received so many that in March 1896 he wrote to William Johnson that he wished he could get out ofthe country and "go some place where I would not be annoyed to death by fellows who want to sell me mines ... "4 Smith's increasing fame and wealth led to another kind of letter that began to appear at his office more and more during this time. These were letters from people looking for charity. Smith was known as a demanding person when it came to his mining affairs, going so far as to write to Cone in 1897 that he "was a crank on mining matters ... Given this reputation many might have expected Smith to take a similar hard stand towards those who were seeking help, but this was not the case. In Eben Smith most people found a soft touch who was ready and willing to part with his money for a good story. 5 The letters were infrequent in the early 1890s. A large majority of those that 103

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came during this period were from people who were seeking jobs, and Smith gave them one if he could. Requests for money were a little more rare, and a great deal of them were from people who wanted help in starting a mine. Others were from people who simply needed money. In September 1894 Mary Johnson, a neighbor of the Smiths on Logan Street, wrote to Smith seeking financial help. Smith agreed to pay her $3,000 for nine lots that she owned in Denver "for the purpose of helping you in your distress." As his assistance of Mary Johnson suggests, Smith liked to get something in return for his help if he could. The times when he was able to were rare, though, and more often than not all he got was sincere thanks. After 1896 these letters came in almost as frequently as those offering mining properties. 6 At the end ofMarch Smith subscribed $1,000 to help pay for the now traditional Ice Palace in Leadville. In May 1896, at which time Emily joined Eben in wearing dentures, Eben received a letter from Charles Monaghan, who was seeking donations to fund a library in Denver. Smith donated $50. That same month, on the sixth, William Curnow, a worker at the Bon Air in Leadville, was injured. He died two days later, becoming one ofthe few deaths associated with the Smith-Moffat mines. Smith wrote to a business associate that the company was not responsible in Curnow's death since he had no business being in the mine at the time that he was injured. However, on June 22, Smith received a letter from Curnow's widow. In it she told him that she had three small children to raise with no means of support, and 104

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that her husband's funeral expenses were more than she could ever afford. Her brother-in-law was working at the mine with her husband at the time of his death, and she told him that if the company would handle the expenses she wanted her husband sent home for burial. If the company would not handle the expenses then she preferred to have him buried in Leadville as she already had two children buried there. Her brother-in-law instead told the company to take the expenses out of Curnow's insurance, and then chose an expensive coffin for Curnow. Mrs. Curnow ended up with only $50 to pay a $250 funeral bill, and she wanted help from Smith.7 Smith wrote back on July 7, telling her that he believed the company had done all that it was their "duty" to do. He went on to say he regretted that the way her husband's body was handled was not in accordance with her wishes, but the company had nothing to do with it and could not help it. On July 24 Mrs. Curnow wrote back, telling Smith that "I will say there isn't much charity around your heart ... This got to Smith. On August 3 he instructed Arthur Nichols to send Mrs. Curnow the money advanced by the company to send her husband's body home, about $150.8 At almost the same time that Smith began his exchange of letters with Mrs. Curnow trouble was developing at some of the Smith-Moffat Leadville properties. Before his death Henry Smith said he heard rumors of a possible strike for $3 a day, which he said would have been fine if the price of silver justified such. As it was though, it did not. The agitation over this only got worse when, on May 23, 1896, 105

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Eben Smith and some of his fellow mine owners met with representatives from Cloud City Miner's Union Number 33. The miners were asking for $3 a day, which the managers promptly refused. The mines that were paying less than $3 a day were silver mines, and according to John Campion they could not afford to pay more due to the price of silver.9 It was at this time that Eben's brother Mark became interested in joining his brother's mining business. Thomas Cornish, working for Smith in Leadville since 1894, informed Eben that Mark could get work there in a few months before launching into the bad news. Cornish found it his regrettable duty to inform Smith that he discovered that a non-union man by the name of Gregory had been working on the Garbutt Mine for about three months. On the night of June 19, 150 men from the Little Jonny surrounded the house where Gregory was staying, demanding that he join the union or be put off the hill. Gregory apparently refused to see the error of his ways, and this incident was all that was needed. A labor strike started the same day. 10 One week before trouble erupted at the Garbutt, Smith and his fellow mine owners must have sensed that something was about to happen. On June 12 he, along with John Campion, S. W. Mudd and A. V. Bohn, founded the Colorado Mines Association. In the founding agreement the men wrote that the "quiet, peaceable and legal operation" of the mining properties that they either owned or controlled was prone to be interfered with by people who had "no legal nor equitable right to do so." 106

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The men pledged themselves, "each to each," to "decline to submit to such illegal and inequitable interference, from whatever source it may emanate." They went on to say that if the mines became too difficult to operate they would be shut down. The ink was barely dry on this agreement when it got its first test. 11 After the strike began Smith and a few of his fellow mine managers in Leadville set out to get rid of the newly elected Populist sheriff of Lake County, Michael Newman. The managers did not trust him to protect private property, and so in their opinion he had to go. The rumor in Leadville was that the interested mine managers and other businessmen hired Pinkerton's detectives in order to investigate Newman and find something that would let them remove him from office with ease. After only two months in office Newman was arrested on charges of blackmail, extortion and oppression. The charges did not hold, though, and Newman was released. Not content with the results the opposition continued their campaign against the sheriff, and he was arrested again two months later for taking a bribe. This time the charge stuck, but it did take until the end of the year for Newman to be kicked out of office and replaced by one of his deputies.12 Smith kept informed on events in Leadville to a certain extent through Charles Limberg, a business associate there. At first the biggest impact the strike had on Smith's business ventures was at the Starr Placer. He leased this property from Limberg and others in 1894, but a year later he had not done the required amount of 107

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work to it and was in danger of forfeiting the lease. From March to December 1895 Smith and Limberg went back and forth over the lease, coming to no resolution of the matter before the strike began. Miners at the Starr Placer were among those that went out, and on July 11, 1896, the Estrella Mining Company agreed to extend Smith's lease on the property since it could not be worked during the strike. Overall, though, the strike had little impact on Smith and he seemed content to ride it out. 13 It seems likely that Smith must have felt uneasy about the situation in Leadville for the rest of the summer, but he said nothing about it to those that he was in contact with through letters and telegrams during those months. In his mind, anyway, Smith had a good excuse for not paying too much attention to the situation in Leadville. The 1896 presidential election was fast approaching and he found his attention turned towards national politics and events that were taking place there. Once again Smith was about to take a short leave from his allegiance to the Republican Party. Eben Smith would never have agreed with the priorities that were listed in the phrase "God, party, country." To him there was one thing that carne after God and before party, and that was silver. As campaigning for the 1896 presidential election got under way those in the country who were in favor of coining silver were still upset over repeal of the Sherman Silver Purchase Act three years earlier. One Democratic candidate for president, William Jennings Bryan, a former Congressman from 108

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Nebraska, heard their cries and campaigned on a pledge to do something about it. In the months before the Democratic Convention Bryan traveled through the southern and western parts of the country delivering prepared speeches on the issue. When he arrived at the Democrats' convention he had already established a large base of support with these speeches. Bryan pledged at the convention that the pro-gold interests in the country would not "crucify mankind upon a cross of gold," erasing all doubt about who would get the party's nomination. The next day Bryan won on the fifth ballot, splitting the Democratic Party as the pro-gold Democrats walked out and nominated their own candidate, Senator John Palmer of Illinois. The Populists met two weeks later in St. Louis and also nominated Bryan, but named their own vice presidential candidate, former congressman Thomas Watson of Georgia. The Republicans, at their convention, nominated William McKinley, former congressman and governor of Ohio. 14 To an old silver miner like Smith, Bryan's speech must have been some of the most beautiful music his ears ever heard. He immediately jwnped on the Bryan bandwagon, telling H. L. Horton that Bryan was a "new Moses." He then took the "liberty to go into the prophesying business," predicting that if Bryan won the election nearly all of the country's problems would be solved. Smith wrote that "if silver recovers its rightful functions" all of the products of labor would increase in value, the thousands of idle men in the country would be put back to work, securities would 109

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see their value rise, and the country in general would become prosperous. Smith also saw a good future for Wall Street if Bryan won. He thought that it would resume its old activity and become a place where men of energy and means could make a living instead of "wearing its present aspect resembling a neglected graveyard where the fences have tumbled down and cattle are roaming at will dirtying on what they don't otherwise destroy."15 Smith even put a Bryan victory above selling stock in the Smith-Moffat businesses in London. H. L. Horton informed Smith that those in London who were interested in mining stocks were hoping for a McKinley victory since they preferred gold to silver, but Smith was unmoved. He had been mining silver for at least thirty two years by 1896, and one of his strongest desires was to see it make a comeback. In August he wrote toW. P. Rice that he still favored Bryan for president, and in September he wrote to C. S. Thomas that if Bryan was elected double the number of men already employed would be put to work in mining in Leadville. By the time that Smith wrote to Thomas on September 25, though, the presidential election was a little less important to him as events in Leadville had taken a violent turn.16 As the strike continued Smith shut down the pumps on the Bon Air and Penrose on August 30, 1896. With 325 ofthe 350 miners employed by Smith-Moffat in Leadville out on strike there was little point in keeping the mines open. Then, on September 21, the Coronado mine was bombed and an attack on the Emmet took 110

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place. National Guard troops arrived in Leadville the same day. The next day Thomas Shelton reported to Smith that striking miners in Leadville set some buildings on fire, and that he believed thirty men had been killed and fifty more wounded. Shelton wrote to Smith that "Leadville will be no good untill [sic] we have martial law." By October 2 soldiers were guarding the Maid of Erin and other mines in Leadville, and once again the strike faded from Smith's attention.17 The victory of William McKinley in the 1896 election was another piece of bad news as far as Smith was concerned, but it was minor with what carne next as tragedy struck his family yet again. Smith's daughter from his first marriage, Nellie, married to C. S. Jeffrey, had been living in Sacramento, California since at least 1894. In his earlier business dealings with Simeon Jordan in 1894, Jordan mentioned to Smith that he had received a letter from Nellie, which he read and destroyed. The lack of letters from his children among Smith's papers suggest that he may have adopted the same policy in regards to those letters because the remaining evidence shows that he certainly stayed in touch with his children.18 Smith received a telegram from B. F. Jeffrey and Simeon Jordan on November 7 informing him that "Nellie is very low We fear the worst." Eben and Emily left for California two days later, arriving by the 14th at the latest. Unfortunately, Eben arrived too late, as Nellie died on November 10 at the age ofthirty-three. Her funeral was held the next day at the home of her half-brother Simeon Jordan at 1310 H Street, Ill

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after which her body was sent to Oakland to be buried next to her mother in Mountain View Cemetery. On November 18 Eben sent a telegram to a business associate, former United States Senator Stephen W. Dorsey, explaining that his absence from Colorado was due to the "illness and death" of his daughter. While not certain, it would seem that Eben Smith had lost a third child by this time in addition to Nellie and Kate. No mention is made of Smith's other son from his first marriage, Samuel, after 1890, suggesting that he died before 1890.19 When the Smiths returned to Colorado in late November the situation at Leadville had not changed much. Too make matters worse, though, the Little Jonny was hit with a number of lawsuits. Smith dismissed the suits as having "no foundation ... whatever," and said that they were brought because Smith and the other owners improved the property and made it valuable. His mines faced similar lawsuits in the past, and every time they had gone to court on them they won. Smith told his old friend Dill win Parrish that the suits were only a way of "blackmailing something" out of mine owners on a trumped up charge. Smith was not as dismissive of the lawsuits to Thomas W. Goad, who was in charge of selling Little Jonny stock in England. Although confident that the owners would win the suits, he was afraid that the English would not understand the situation and as a result the price of the stock would fall. In the end he and the other owners of the Little Jonny were apparently successful in defending the property from the lawsuits.20 112

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Sales of Resurrection stock started by this time as well. Smith believed that the mine was still two to three years from being fully opened, and told Goad that the costs would be high. That was the only reason that Smith agreed to sell stock in the Resurrection. He wrote that he thought "very highly of this property and was it not for the great length of time it will take to open it up I should be opposed to selling any part of it. .. Smith was probably afraid that the trouble with the Little Jonny stock would also mean trouble for Resurrection stock, but he need not have worried. What ended up causing trouble for the Resurrection stock was the enormous amount of money required to turn the mine into a working property. The stock did not sell as a result of this, but time would prove Smith correct as far as the profitability of the mine was concemed.21 Eben Smith was not shy about expanding his mining activities in Leadville in the face of the strike. As early as May he and Charles Limberg became concerned that the mine bordering the Starr Placer, owned by A. V. Bohn and a man named Schlessinger, encroached onto Starr property. It took some time, but early in September Smith forced a settlement with Bohn. Although the settlement, details of which are unknown, cost Smith some, Limberg was pleased with it because Bohn and Schlessinger were displaying "porcine proclivities" by "harvesting" where Smith was "sowing." On December 12 Eben Smith, Moffat, Sylvester Smith and Lafayette Campbell hired E. H. Crawford to develop the Home Again claim in Leadville. The 113

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men leased the Home Again, part of what was known as the Home claims in downtown Leadville, some time before they hired Crawford. As with all of the other mining properties he was interested in, Smith had great hopes for the Home Again. Strike or no strike, Smith was a miner and that was what he intended to do.22 The situation in Leadville was stable enough that Smith felt comfortable leaving on an extended vacation through the South in December 1896. While traveling Smith counted on Robert Reid to keep him informed about his business interests, and also took the time to keep Reid informed of how the trip was progressing. The first stop for Eben and Emily was Galveston, Texas on December 23. Smith wrote to Reid that the people in Galveston were mostly old time Southerners. They raised a lot of cattle, but according to Smith they were "small and of an inferior graid [sic] about on a par with everything else they undertake." He saw nothing wrong with Galveston, though, that "an injection of some yankee [sic] enterprise" would not fix.23 December 26 found the Smiths in New Orleans. While there he received a letter from one of his cousins, George Nelson, who was seeking money to start a chicken farm. Smith wrote to Reid that he had no confidence in the chicken industry, but Nelson's letter appealed to his sympathy. He sent his cousin $1,000 and "a whole lot of valuable advice which if heeded will make him rich." The letter from Nelson was about the only pleasant thing that Smith found in New Orleans. After touring the 114

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city on December 26 he "told Mrs. S. they did not have the yellow fever near often enough and not half severe enough," and that Ben Butler, the Civil War general in charge of New Orleans after it was captured by the Northern army, should have lived a thousand years since that was about how long it would have taken to regenerate the people ofthe city.24 It appears that Smith had seen nothing quite so disgusting in all of his life as the city of New Orleans. He went on to tell Reid that the streets in the city were more filthy than anywhere else in America, and that the common people were the most "dirtyest [sic], Godforsaken looking beings I ever saw huddled together." Smith even was disappointed in what he heard were supposed to be the most beautiful ladies in the South. The only ones that Smith saw had "no arses," and in his opinion "a double barreled shot gun would make any of them a pair of drawers." What Smith saw shook his very opinion of the United States as he wrote to Reid that he damned the South and all the people in it. 25 Eben Smith's descriptions ofNew Orleans were very entertaining to the people in his office in Denver. Reid wrote back to Smith that he was sorry the ladies were not built on as broad a scale as Smith would have liked, but that due to the warm weather in the South he thought there would be no "great demand for double-barrelled guns to use for the purpose you mention." N. H. Cone, in closing his letter that gave a detailed account of how all ofthe Smith-Moffat Cripple Creek mines were operating, 115

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told Smith that he must have had the wrong glasses on when looking at the ladies. Cone wrote that he thought the glasses Smith was wearing "must be far sighted and if you will get a pair of near sighted glasses the legs will look better." It was rare that men like Cone and Reid had these playful moments with their boss, and they made the most of it. 26 In late December Eben and Emily arrived in St. Augustine, Florida, where they stayed into January 1897. Eben found Florida to be a fairly pleasant part of the South, though Emily complained some about the heat. But, not being near his businesses was beginning to bother him. At sixty-five years old Smith was completely uninterested in taking it easy, and he did not know how much longer he would be able to endure "loafing." He wrote to Reid that "the seat of my breaches is getting thin and my hip bones are sore." There was one benefit to his loafing, he told Reid, as he felt very rested since he was "not being compelled to listen to a lot of people who were etemaly [sic] after something without giving anything in return." After a few days in Florida Eben and Emily headed to Richmond, Virginia. 27 Smith did not find Richmond as objectionable as New Orleans, but it was also not as pleasant as Florida. As part of their sight-seeing the Smiths visited the Civil War battlefield of Seven Pines. Smith wrote to Moffat ofhis amazement at the way the battlefield was preserved, particularly when he ran into an old soldier there who told him he had bought and kept it, making his money from showing tourists around. 116

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Smith thought that the government should be responsible for the maintenance of the property. The Smiths had enough ofthe South, though, and Eben reported to Moffat that they would soon be in New York. He also wrote that he hoped to "hear from you all as they say down here. "28 Shortly after his arrival in New York Smith had lunch with "some ofthe richest Jew Bankers in New York," who told him that mines were going to be the next great "speculation feature" in New York and Boston. Sensing that this was good news for the Victor Smith wrote to Moffat that he wanted William H. Brevoort made president of the Victor Mine. Brevoort was employed at the Victor Exchange Office at 66 Broadway in New York, and Smith thought it made good sense to have a man with connections in that city to be in charge of the mine in order to make it move attractive to eastern investors. Moffat agreed to Smith's request, but Brevoort was president in name only. He had no real decision making power at the mine, and it continued to be under Smith's firm control.29 When the Smiths returned to Colorado in February the strike in Leadville was starting to wind down. Having had enough of the union's antics, on February 9 he instructed another business partner, John Canning, not to hire any union men to work on the Smith-Moffat leases in Leadville. Eleven days later he wrote toN. H. Cone urging him to give a job to any "soldier boys" who applied for one. These instructions came as a direct result of the fact that the union boycotted the soldiers 117

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because of their service during the Leadville strike. Once the strike ended the Smith Moffat mines slowly started returning to work, but Charles Carnahan informed a committee of the Colorado legislature that output at the Smith-Moffat Leadville mines effected by the strike could be as much as 2,000 tons less than it was before the strike. As late as April 11 the pumps on the Smith-Moffat downtown properties in Leadville were still not restarted, and Smith was in no hurry to do so. The end of the strike could not have come at a better time, though, because the crown jewel of the Smith-Moffat mines was about to start causing trouble of its own.30 118

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CHAPTER EIGHT TROUBLE AT THE VICTOR On March 8, 1897 Eben Smith wrote to William Brevoort in New York that he was shutting off the dividends from the Victor. Only six months earlier Smith told H. L. Horton that he thought the Victor would be paying dividends "indefinitely," and it looked at the time as if he might be right as up until then the mine was paying dividends of $20,000 a month. The reason Smith gave for stopping the payments was that the money was needed to pay for an air compressor to run machinery at the mine in addition to other improvements. Smith was careful to make clear to Brevoort that "the fact that we do this does not materially lessen the value of the property or its prospects." 1 Nine days later trouble at the Victor continued. Officers of the Phil Sheridan Mining and Milling Company in Cripple Creek brought accusations that the Victor tunnel had crossed onto their property. One ofthose who were interested in the Phil Sheridan was Horace Tabor, and on March 17 Smith wrote to Cone, permitting him to admit Eben's old boss from the Tam O'Shanter to the Victor tunnel. Tabor was hoping that the Phil Sheridan might restore his lost fortune, but it did not work out that way. The Phil Sheridan turned out to be no help at all to Tabor as Smith-Moffat 119

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won the lawsuit brought by the company and gained control of the property, renaming it the Venture Gold Mining Company.2 In April, as work continued on the improvements at the Victor, Smith started selling stock in the Granite, another mine that he bought without the participation of David Moffat. Smith was one of the most well known mining men in the West, but his name alone was not enough to sell the stock. He soon told Moffat that he wanted him to appear to be one of the owners of the mine. Moffat wrote back telling Smith that he understood why he wanted that, and that if asked if he was one of the owners he would not deny it. Smith's difficulty in selling the stock on his reputation alone was only the beginning of a great deal of trouble that would plague the Granite.3 Job seekers continued to write to Smith during this time. Usually he did what he could to find the men who were writing to him a job, but occasionally someone wrote to him that he thought unfit. E. J. Sweet wrote to Smith in March 1897 seeking a job as an engineer on the Florence and Cripple Creek Railroad. He thought Sweet was too old for the work, and he told A. C. Ridgeway, superintendent of the Florence and Cripple Creek, such. Sweet's case was the "old story repeated having been an old friend of mine in years gone by and I having shown a disposition to aid him there is no limit to the demands for further aid." Smith could talk tough, but more often than not his soft side came through and in the end Sweet was given a less demanding job on the railroad.4 120

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Eben Smith's fame also allowed a number of his old friends to find him, much to his delight. Dillwin Parrish, to whom Smith had written about the lawsuits against the Little Jonny in November 1896, was one ofthese. The two started corresponding, and in the process revealed a bit more about Smith's past. The two apparently knew each other many years before in New York. On March 24, 1897, Parrish wrote to Smith that it had been many years since they met, but he hoped Eben remembered the Fisher days in New York when the Fisher offices were at 22 William Street. Parrish hoped that Smith remembered the "many incidents connected" with the Fisher offices as well as the "social and other events up town of the evenings of those days." Eben did remember, and the memories seemed to be happy ones for him. There is no indication in the letters between the two about when the Fisher days were, but the letters do show that New York City had a long history as one of Eben Smith's favorite places.5 While all of this was going on Eben and Emily continued to improve their surroundings on Logan Street. Emily had a passion for buying jewelry that was almost as strong as Eben's passion for buying mines. She bought numerous necklaces, rings, and broaches among other things, buying most of them from the Bohm-Bristol Company in Denver. She did not show any preference for material, though, as the jewelry was made from all varieties of precious gems, gold, pearls, or even silver. The Smiths also bought household items, such as spoons, forks, and cut 121

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glass from Bohm-Bristol. Emily bought plenty of clothes and household goods from the Daniels and Fisher Dry Goods Company, one of her favorite stores. Eben and Emily also bought a large number of toys and clothes from Daniels and Fisher for their grandchildren. Eben continued to add to the book collection on Logan Street when, on April 1, 1897, he ordered a number of books on Japan from J. B. Millet Company.6 Eben Smith enjoyed his finery, but business was still his chief concern. On April 8, 1897, Stephen Dorsey, in a letter to Smith, suggested that Smith should go to London to assist in selling the stock of the Florence and Cripple Creek Railroad and the Gold Reduction Works of Colorado. The idea struck him as a good one. On May 5 he wrote to William Brevoort that he was getting ready to leave for London, and that he would "be mortified to death if we do not succeed in doing some business after reaching there ... He was concerned, though, about what to wear. He was having a new tuxedo coat and overcoat made, and he told Brevoort that he had a nice "mixed gray" suit that would be a good "boss" suit for both the trip and doing business in London. Brevoort approved of his employer's choice of clothing and could think of nothing to add to the wardrobe. 7 As Smith continued his preparations for the trip he fired off a flurry of instructions to his people at the Smith-Moffat mines. Son Lemuel started working in Cripple Creek the previous September, when Eben told Cone "I want you to say to 122

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Lem that it is my wish he braces up and goes to work and stops making a fool of himself," showing that his alcoholism was beginning to take a toll. On May 14 Eben instructed J. L. Hughes in Leadville, where Lem went after leaving Cripple Creek, to have Lem "run the engine if he is fit to go to work." The next day was when he instructed Cone to cut expenses at the Victor, which had still not resumed paying dividends, from $20,000 to $15,000 a month. Smith also collected a number of letters from different people introducing him in London, such as the one from John Searles, which stated that Smith was in London for the "purpose of interesting English capital in some very valuable properties in Cripple Creek and Florence. "8 One of the final instructions that Smith gave to David Moffat before leaving was to buy the property that their Gold Standard tunnel in Cripple Creek encroached on. He wanted someone else to buy the property for them, though, because there was "already such a hue and cry about our various operations." What happened at the Gold Standard was actually fairly common in mining, with one mine's shaft crossing onto another mining company's property. As far back as Smith's days at the Caribou this was the cause ofthe majority of lawsuits that the Smith-Moffat mines were involved in. As the two men became wealthier it simply became easier for them to buy the property that their mine shafts intruded upon rather than deal with the lawsuits. He also ordered the pumps on the down town properties in Leadville restarted, much to the dismay of Moffat who saw nothing in it for Smith-Moffat 123

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except one quarter of a $50,000 loss.9 The Smiths arrived in Paris, after a short stop at Liverpool to shake off their sea legs, on May 20. Even when across the Atlantic Smith expected to receive reports on the mines, and he found plenty to object to in those that greeted him in Paris. In particular he thought the expenditures at the Victor were far too high. He also admitted to Robert Reid that he regretted starting the pumps in Leadville again. Not taking the time to indulge in recriminations over this move, Eben and Emily arrived in London on May 30, but not before letting Reid know that Eben expected him to write at least once a week with news of the mining properties. 10 Emily was saying by then that this trip had been her last sea voyage except one, which would be the return horne. Eben wrote to Reid that he heard women say that about having babies and then go on to have more, so he was taking her declaration lightly. The Smiths had managed to arrive in London just as Queen Victoria's jubilee was getting underway, much to the dismay of Eben, who did not like crowds. They were going to try to get tickets to the "show," as he called it, but if unsuccessful they would go to Paris after a week or ten days in London. He had no complaints about their rooms in the city, which he said were fit for the queen herself. Smith could not afford to get too sidetracked by these concerns, because the trip was, after all, work related. To that end he met with a Mr. Parrish (this may have been Dillwin Parrish, but no first name was ever mentioned by Smith) who introduced him 124

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to the leading men of the Gold and Silver Exploration Company. In the same letter filling Reid in on these latest developments in business affairs he also asked his secretary to start sending his daughter Cora $50 a month as Carnahan was not making any money and she was running short of pin money.11 The Smiths arrived in Paris once again on June 13 and spent a few days there. Apparently he and Emily were not seeing eye to eye about what to do on the trip, as Eben wrote to Reid that if a man was planning on going into the tourist business he should either go without his wife or the two should go on separate trips. By June 18 the two were back in London as Eben decided that Parrish was the right man to do business with. Arrangements were made, and a meeting was set up for July 8 with men from the Gold and Silver Exploration Company. His hopes were dashed at the meeting, as he informed Moffat in a letter that day, when the men insisted that an expert examine the railroad and mill properties, at the expense of Smith and Moffat, and that they be given full control of the property. At hearing this proposition Smith put on his hat and told them good bye. 12 The meeting was certainly a setback to the Smith-Moffat plans, but Eben did not let it rob him of his time in Europe. In mid-July he wrote to Reid that he was having a good time and "not sitting around like a bump on a log." Emily and another lady were soon going to take a trip to Scotland and Ireland, and Eben planned to join them. By mid-August the Smiths were back in Paris, which was a city that Eben was 125

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very "fond" of and that he one day hoped to spend more time exploring. Emily had "gotten down off her high horse" and was acting "quite rational," so all in all Eben was enjoying himself. On August 11 he informed Reid that they would be leaving London on September 4 and arriving in New York by September 10, where they would stay a day or two. After that they were going to Erie, Pennsylvania to visit Eben's family for about a week, and from there they would return to Denver. 13 The Smiths arrived in New York on schedule, which Eben let Reid know on September 11. He also asked his secretary, as he had done many times during the trip, to "remember me to all the boys." After a few days in New York he and Emily stopped in Erie, and from there it was on to Denver. They were home by the beginning of October. 14 While Smith was in London Robert Reid handled most of the day to day operations of the Smith-Moffat mines. Late in June Reid informed N.H. Cone that the mines would be joining an association, run by Pinkerton detectives, to stop the theft of ore, which again became a major problem. The previous September David Moffat received a letter from a man, identifying himself only asP. W. T., stating that $25,000 of ore was stolen from the Victor during the preceding twelve to fourteen months by the foreman and timekeeper. Reid's boss taught him well, though, and he told fellow mine owner James Bums that rather than pay $100 a month to the association for each of the Smith-Moffat properties he wanted to pay $100 a month 126

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for all of them since some of the mines had no ore worth stealing. Reid even found himself being asked about Eben Smith during the boss's absence when John Ha.tjeres, one of the European brokers of the Smith-Moffat stocks, wrote asking about Smith. Reid was pleased to inform Ha.tjeres that Smith and Moffat had been business partners for the past twenty years, thereby confirming his reputation as a mining expert.15 Eben Smith's return to Colorado also signaled the end of a great deal of his Leadville mining interests. In the fall of 1897 Smith and Moffat withdrew from the Leadville Pumping Association. Smith believed that the dowrttowrt properties the two owrted were nearly worked out, and since that was the case there was no point in continuing to pay to pump them. The company also abandoned all of their leases in the dowrttowrt area, including the Home Again, worked for less than a year by E. H. Crawford. Charles Limberg told Smith that he regretted "exceedingly" his decision to do such, but he went along with it. Smith did leave all the machinery that Smith Moffat erected on these properties, agreeing to sell or rent it for the right price. Smith would come to regret this decision, but at the time, considering the opinion of his experts, it seemed like the right thing to do. He still had faith in the Resurrection, the Maid of Erin, the Henriett and the Little Jonny and continued to work those Leadville mines without interruption.16 Brokers handling the Victor, Florence and Cripple Creek, Reduction Works 127

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and other Smith-Moffat stocks continued to rely on Eben's involvement to help sell the stock. Moffat received a letter dated November 3, 1897, from one of these brokers, Frank Gardner, saying that Smith's continued "co-operation will be very gratifying if not absolutely essential." Gardner, H. L. Horton and John Harjeres could not have found a more enthusiastic supporter for selling stock than Eben Smith. After getting over his initial reluctance in December 1894 to sell any addition stock in the Victor, Smith never looked back. He did what he could to promote the properties, but after 1897 that promotion was done from the United States as Smith did not travel to Europe againY For some reason Smith became interested in November 1897 in what the accident rate at his Cripple Creek mines were. On November 30 T. B. Dean, another Smith-Moffat employee in Cripple Creek, sent Eben a report on accidents at three of the mines, covering a little over one year, from September 24, 1896 to November 28, 1897. At the Victor during that time one man was killed and thirty-six injured. The other two mines in the report had no deaths, but thirty-six men were injured at the Golden Cycle and twelve were injured at the Granite. The reason for this sudden interest is unclear, as the only previous and one later report of deaths in the Smith Moffat mines were in the face of accidents. What he did with the report also remains a mystery. Smith never again asked for or received a similar report.18 The year ended on a high note for the Smith-Moffat mines. After two major 128

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strikes in the last three years the labor situation in Cripple Creek and Leadville appeared to be stable for the time being, which was a welcome relief. The Smith Moffat empire continued to expand with two mining purchases near the end of the year. On November 10 Smith bought the rights to the Atlanta lode from Louis H. Jackson for $1, followed by the Galena claim on Red Mountain in Cripple Creek, purchased from Robert Reid for $1 on December 18. The best news of all for the Smith-Moffat interests came when the Victor resumed paying dividends in December, once again making the stock attractive to investors. All in all it had been an eventful year for Eben Smith, which was just fine for a man who could not stand to not be busy.19 129

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CHAPTER NINE THE EMPIRE BEGINS TO DECLINE Smith-Moffat's withdrawal from the Leadville Pumping Association was the beginning of a slow decline for their mines in Colorado. It would take several more years for what was essentially the end to arrive, but the withdrawal signaled the fact that a number of the Smith-Moffat properties were, in Eben's opinion, beginning to be worked out. Smith would use all of his mining expertise, gained over more than forty-five years in the business, to delay the inevitable, but there was nothing he could do to stop it. Even with the end at hand, though, there was still plenty of money to be made and new mines in other parts of the country to discover. In January Eben informed Melvin Smith, a relative in Pennsylvania (possibly a cousin, but the exact relationship is not known), that he was having a house built for his sister Nancy in Union City and that he wanted Melvin to oversee construction. He agreed to pay $2,500 total, but the house was to cost only $2,000 in order to allow for $500 in cost overruns. Nancy and her architect designed a $2,500 house so Eben wanted Melvin to go over the plans and find ways to reduce the costs. While Melvin tried to do this Nancy insisted on the $2,500 design and by the end of February Eben gave in, telling Melvin that "there is nothing like pleasing the women in matters of 130

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this kind." Eben did urge him to try to keep the final cost under $3,000.1 The year 1898 beganjust as the year 1897 ended for Smith's business interests, with concerns over selling stock as one of his major concerns. In February William Brevoort, president of the Victor Gold Mining Company, traveled to France in order to sell Victor stock. Selling this stock never went smoothly, and this trip was no exception. Already rumors of war between the United States and Spain were circulating in France, two months before war actually came. On Valentine's Day 1898 Brevoort wrote to Smith that in France everyone was saying "'damn the bulldozing arrogant Americans,"' a sentiment that did not bode well for the sale of American mining stocks. The French were particularly upset with this threat of war, in Brevoort's opinion, as the "frog eaters" owned "lots of Spanish bonds." A war between the United States and Spain would do nothing to help the value of these bonds, a fact that put the French in a sour mood.2 Brevoort had another mission during his time in France as well. Smith had owned the Granite Mine in Cripple Creek for almost a year, and he decided that what was good for the Victor was good for the Granite. As part of Smith's instructions Brevoort was told to begin selling Granite stock in France. Brevoort wrote to Smith near the end of March that if war was declared the issue of Granite stock would be dead. At the time the men had less than one month to issue and sell all of the Granite stock if they wanted to avoid the complications ofwar.3 131

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As Brevoort worked to sell Victor and Granite stock the United States and Spain moved closer and closer towards war over the status of Cuba. He was successful to some extent as a number of French citizens became owners of Victor stock, but the Granite was not as fortunate. When the United States declared war on Spain on April 25, 1898, retroactive to April 21, the stock selling ceased. A couple of years later Brevoort would even admit that the 1898 sales were disappointing at best. Once again events beyond his control wrecked Eben Smith's dreams of selling Colorado mining stocks in Europe.4 Although Smith was deeply disappointed over the latest setback in stock sales he did not let it slow him down. Eben and Emily welcomed another grandchild to the family when Frank and Josie had their second son, Melvin Hill Smith, on May 13, 1898. The Smiths also continued to enhance their social standing in Denver as the war with Spain wore on. Eben already owned a phaeton carriage as well as a surrey, but by 1898 these two modes of transportation were not as fashionable. On May 20, 1898, he bought a new Baronial Brougham carriage with an extension front and rubber wheels from A. T. Demarest and Company in Denver. The carriage was trimmed in a green coat and cloth, was painted green with a carmine stripe, and on each side was the monogram E. S. The new carriage cost Smith $1 ,485. In order to pull his fine new carriage Smith had a choice of three horses, Mary, Ben and Sci, in his carriage house on Logan Street. Two years later Smith bought a French vis-a-vis 132

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from A. T. Demarest for the Carnahans, painted in the same colors and with the monogram C. T. C. 5 Smith's charitable feelings, particularly towards his family, continued as well. On May 10, 1898, he received a letter from Mrs. Simeon C. Jordan, wife ofhis former stepson, about their daughter. Mrs. Jordan was desperate to get the girl out of Cripple Creek, where the Jordans were then living, because she had curvature of the spine and severe abscesses in her head, conditions that necessitated her seeing a doctor as soon as possible. Smith sent Mrs. Jordan $250, and she wrote back on June 13 that she could not "find words to express my gratitude to you for your kindness. But please except [sic] my heartfelt thanks." Even though the Jordans had not been a part of Eben's family for more than thirty years he was still willing to help them, as he was with most of the total strangers who wrote to him.6 Financial support had to be extended towards Eben Smith's mines in 1898, solidifying a trend that would cause him a great deal of pain in the future. Smith loaned a great deal of money to the Gold Standard Mining and Tunneling Company in 1894 and 1895, but the rest ofhis mines were able to pay their own ways for the most part. This changed, though, when he loaned $1 ,000 to the Granite Gold Mining Company on July 2 and $3,000 to the Gold Knob Mining Company on July 14. These were some of the first, though certainly not the last, of the many loans that Smith would have to make in order to keep his various enterprises afloat in the coming 133

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Not everyone writing to Smith was seeking charity or looking to sell him a mme. There were those who had other, perhaps less noble, purposes in mind. In June Smith-Moffat received a letter from J. S. McGinnis and Company. McGinnis wanted the men to help him "secure a place" in the town of Goldfield for a saloon, which had a "brilliant" outlook for such a business. Smith enjoyed a drink now and then, so he may have been inclined to help McGinnis. It is unclear, though, if Smith-Moffat assisted McGinnis in his quest, but a little more than a year later the Gold Knob Mining Company did donate two lots in Goldfield to help build the Methodist Episcopal Church. Whether the outlook for heavenly salvation was as brilliant as that of the saloon in the eyes of Goldfield's residents or not, Smith did his part to help.8 Offers of mines continued to surge into Smith's office in the Equitable Building. In July he received one from W. S. Walker, asking if he and his partners wished to "take hold one of the Biggest Properties in the San Juan." Walker went on to explain in fairly typical terms for these kinds of letters that Smith and Moffat could get the property for cheap and that it would be one of the best producers ever. As with almost all ofthe other similar letters the offer was declined.9 When Smith regained his fortune in the late 1880s he also decided that "he and his children were going to live comfortably for the rest of their lives." As part of this plan he decided in the summer of 1898 to find a country house where the family 134

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could spend summers. His search led him to Estamere, a house in Palmer Lake, Colorado. On July 1, 1898, he paid $45,000 for the house at an auction. Smith planned a series of extensive improvements at the house to be carried out before he and his family took up residence.10 The original owner of Estamere was Dr. William Fenley Thompson, a dentist who trained at Belvue Medical School in New York City and in London. He started his dental practice in London, then moved it to San Francisco before finally settling in Denver in 1882. During the summer of 1882 Thompson paid a visit to Colorado Springs, and quickly fell in love with the area. He found an area near the town where he wanted to build a home one day, though construction did not start on the house that would be known as Estamere until 1897. The design of the house used a nwnber of architectural styles, including turrets, gables, dormer windows, conical and mansard roofs, irregular rooms and a nwnber of unique fireplaces. Rooms in the house included a billiard room, smoking room, reception room, dining room and a nwnber of bedrooms, in addition to a solariwn on the third floor. Thompson supposedly spent $75,000 on building the house and landscaping the six and a half acres around it. Thompson went on to serve as the first mayor of Palmer Lake as well as postmaster among other things, but by the time the house was completed in 1890 he was in serious financial trouble, admitting that fall that he was bankrupt. A few days later Thompson disappeared, followed by his wife and three daughters. He reportedly died 135

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in Durango, Mexico on November 16, 1892, but there were those who thought that he faked his death in order to escape his financial problems. In 1894 the house was turned over to E. H. Rollins and Sons, an investment company in Denver, and it was from them that Smith bought the house at auction four years later.11 Frank took charge for his father of the improvements at Estamere. The biggest change that Eben made to the house was the addition of the northeast wing. lbrough the end of July, at least, Frank oversaw the work at the house, approving the bills before sending them on to Robert Reid for payment. There is no indication that Eben and his family spent any time that summer at Estamere.12 With stock sales in Europe completely shut off as a result of the war with Spain, which lasted from April to August 1898, little was heard from William Brevoort. Apparently the American market for Victor and Granite stock was next to non-existent and Smith paid very little attention to it. The majority of stockholders in the Victor were French, leading to the annual report for the company being printed in French and English. When these stockholders would write to Smith, he even had to find a translator to tell him what their letters were about. With this market unavailable Smith turned his attention to other stock market matters. By May 1898 he was serving as a member of the board of directors of the Denver Stock Exchange. He also was paying more attention to buying stock. In 1898 he invested in the Golden Circle Railroad Company, which operated in Cripple Creek, buying $22,800 in stock 136

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and $22,800 in bonds. As with all other business ventures that Smith invested in, he hoped that the Golden Circle would be a moneymaker for him. 13 Not having to deal with selling stock freed Smith to inspect his mining properties as well. In July he traveled to Leadville, where his first stop, on the 27th, was the Resurrection. There he found large quantities of low grade ore, and he made a note to himself that he thought it "advisable to consentrate [sic} ore before marketing." The next day he visited the Bi-Metallic Smelter and "found all pretty snug and prosperous." He seemed to be well pleased overall with the operations in Leadville.14 Smith was also fairly happy with Norris Cone's management of the Cripple Creek properties as he pretty much left him alone to run them by 1898. That did not mean, though, that he was not still interested in them. He expected and received reports from Cone on how the mines were shaping up, such as when Cone wrote to him on September 19 that they struck water at the Victor, but that he plugged it up as best he could and was working on the stations on levels eleven and twelve of the mine. He occasionally had to send reminders to Cone, such as when he wrote to him on November 29 to keep expenses down at the Granite and Anaconda, but he knew he had a good man in Cone and was happy to let him do his work. Smith even found time to take part in one of his favorite sports, duck hunting. In late September he visited Lone Tree Lake, but he never got a shot off as there were no ducks on the lake. 137

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He wrote in his Excelsior pocket diary that he "came home disgusted."15 At the end of 1898 a major change in Smith-Moffat policy occurred as they completely dropped their opposition to prospecting and mining outside of Colorado. The condition of their Colorado mines probably had a lot to do with this change, since with all of his mining experience it is likely that Smith realized that the company's Colorado mines were nearing the end of their run. Whatever the reason, in December Smith left for Oregon to look for gold properties.16 On his way to Oregon Smith passed through Utah, and what he saw there impressed him. It impressed him so much, in fact, that he hired A. J. Underwood to look into a number of properties there. Within a year Smith-Moffat became owners of the Carisa and Spy mines in Utah. He continued on to Oregon, where he signed leases on the Granville and Hunkadora mines. He also bought a mine near Placer, Oregon, which would eventually become one of the biggest Smith-Moffat properties outside of Colorado. Smith was so impressed by this mine that he quickly renamed it the Victor JWlior, over the opposition of Frank Sutherland, the man who would be the superintendent of it.17 After his return to Colorado, Smith's attention stayed focused on his new mines in Utah and Oregon. As soon as work at the Victor JW1ior was started Smith took out a liability insurance policy on the workers at the mine. It was good that he had done so because on April 13 the foreman at the mine was injured. For the most 138

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part, though, he allowed Underwood at the Carisa and Spy in Utah and Sutherland at the Victor Junior to have charge of the mines. As with the Cripple Creek mines, though, he expected to be kept informed on work at the properties. 18 Smith also turned his attention to personal matters as well. Some time in 1898 Smith was either given or bought an Excelsior Diary. In addition to making notes about his days spent duck hunting, Smith also tried to keep track of some of his financial affairs in the diary. On JanJ.IMY 10 he took the time to write out what he paid the family's servants. Emma and Bettie, the maids, received $25 a month. There were also four other servants in the Smith household by then, though their positions are unknown. Harmon and Cook each received $75 a month, Susan received $50 a month, and one additional servant whose name is illegible received $40 a month. The next day he turned to matters that were much more important to him than the salary of his servants--his mining ventures. He made notes to himself to check what money he put into Mexico and Utah and whether he received any notes for the money. Smith must have been fearful that his age was beginning to interfere with his ability to keep track of his business, because ordinarily he would not have made such notes. His fears were groundless, though, and he soon stopped using the diary altogether. 19 The freedom that having trusted men in charge of his mines gave to Eben Smith allowed him to continue exploring for other mines. On March 1, 1899, he agreed to pay Robert Berry $400 a month to work the Puma Vista and Romeo Two, 139

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Three, Four, Five, Six and Seven lodes. Berry recently leased the claims, but needed money to work them. Smith agreed to furnish this money, but only after Berry assigned an interest in the claims to him. Further, Berry would get no money out of the lodes until Smith was reimbursed. Smith often made arrangements such as this, financing work on a mining claim for another person in exchange for a percentage of the returns. This was simply another way that Smith handled the many people who wrote to him for financial assistance, in these cases to operate mining claims that came into their possession. He was more than willing to help them out, but he also saw no reason why he should not make a little money out of the deal as well.20 In April 1899 Smith began another financial relationship that would continue for the rest of his life. On April 13 Smith sent $150,000 of United States three percent bonds to the Central Trust Company ofNew York to hold for him. This was the first in a long list of transactions that Smith would conduct through the Central Trust Company, which after 1899 would be where most of his bank accounts were located. Though he maintained at least one account at the First National Bank of Denver from 1865 on, after 1899 that account would never be as large as the one that he maintained at Central Trust.21 Eben Smith continued to serve as president of the Denver Mine and Smelter Supply Company, and when the branch office opened in Mexico City in 1898 he became president of the Mexico Mine and Smelter Supply Company as well. In May 140

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1899 Frank, who was still treasurer of the company, paid a visit to Mexico City in order to inspect operations there. His wife Josephine and son Eben accompanied him on the trip. Guillermo Bushnell, who worked in the Mexico division, was especially pleased to see them and proudly reported their visit to Eben. Frank and Josie welcomed another addition to their family in 1899 as well, with the birth of their third and final son, Frank Leonard Smith.22 On the whole things were looking well for Eben Smith and the Smith-Moffat mines in May 1899, but this was about to change as one ofthe more mysterious episodes of his life began to take place. Early in June Smith received a copy of a letter that his wife sent from a hotel in Glenwood Springs which, if he was reading it correctly, suggested that Eben admitted to being intimate with Mrs. Grace Ripley of Colorado Springs after the time of her marriage to Mr. Ripley. Apparently Emily was writing letters before going to Glenwood Springs in May, the nature of which is unknown as they have not survived, but Eben wrote to lawyer John Deweese that he thought he stopped it by telling Emily that she was putting herself in an embarrassing position with these letters. He was "astounded" to learn of this latest letter from Emily, and Eben emphatically denied it, telling Deweese that he was innocent of all charges and had had nothing to do with Mrs. Ripley since her marriage.23 The situation as revealed in the letter to Deweese was very complicated. Ripley was apparently planning to divorce his wife, and was preparing to name Smith 141

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as the co-respondent in the case. As part of this, according to Eben, he was going to try to prove things by Emily that she never testified to under oath. Eben told Deweese that Ripley's attempt would end in failure if he was forced to go to the stand. The letter to Deweese is not even in Eben's handwriting, which is interesting given the very personal content of it. Eben had high moral expectations for his family, and one would think that he held himself to those standards. It is also difficult to imagine him, at this stage of his life, thinking about anything but his business interests as they were his first love. There was more to come of the Mrs. Ripley business in a few months time, but something else of greater magnitude was about to take place?4 Smith received a rude shock when Norris H. Cone died unexpectedly on June 15, 1899, only a short time after he marrying for the first time. Under Cone's management the Victor alone produced more than $2,000,000 in ore and paid out $1,155,000 in dividends, and his death was a huge blow to the Victor and all of the other Smith-Moffat Cripple Creek mines under his control. Despite Smith's faith in his abilities, before his death Cone was running into some very serious problems at the Victor mine. The previous November, after reporting that the new drills were installed on levels eleven and twelve of the mine, Cone told Smith that he was having trouble locating the new vein that they had been following in the mine. At the time he thought it had either gone perpendicular or had crossed with the old vein. Six months later, on May 1, 1899, the news was no better as Cone was still having trouble finding 142

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the vein. His death freed Cone from having to worry about this latest unsettling development. Eben Smith personally took over all of the Cripple Creek mines, but Cone's death was only a sign of things to come.25 That summer Eben and his family set out for Estamere, the first summer that they spent there. Eben took the train into Denver daily in order to attend to his business, and to buy supplies for the house. Nearly every day he shipped milk, meat, and numerous other kinds of food, in addition to furniture and household goods to Estamere on the Denver and Rio Grande Railroad. He also made sure that the gardener was well equipped, so he bought a 19" lawn mower with grass catcher, a lawn shear, pruning shears, pruning saw and a weeder. The house was already landscaped with trees, flowerbeds, snowball bushes, and Emily's favorite, lilacs. The house was a pleasant escape for the family, and one that Eben Smith was happy to get to with everything that was going on?6 After Cone's death Smith was running the Cripple Creek mines "with a view to bettering the conditions." Moffat was particularly pleased by this development as he thought Cone had not "properly" attended to Smith-Moffat affairs for some time. Moffat did nothing about this, and after seeing Cone shortly after his marriage in New York, done some "pleasant things" for him. Smith had his work cut out for him stepping into Cone's shoes. The Gold Knob, Arvilla, and the Victor were all losing money by the time of Cone's death. In order to stop hemorrhaging money at these 143

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mines Smith closed them until work could be done or matters arranged in order to make them more profitable. The Golden Cycle was also closed until the smelters could be reopened. At the Anaconda Smith got rid of the old men who were working in the mine, and put a new man from Leadville, who he described as a "cracker jack," in charge of the mine. Smith wrote to Moffat that he thought the Anaconda was "in a fair way to come out all right." Ore was being taken out of the Roxana that looked "quite promising," which was perhaps the best news of all as far as the Cripple Creek mines went. In Leadville the miners were just starting to take ore out of the Resurrection at the rate of 100 tons per day.27 More bad news came on October 21 when Smith learned that he and his experts were badly mistaken when they withdrew from the Leadville Pumping Association and let their leases on the Home Again and other downtown properties lapse in 1897. A new ore body, thought to be "one ofthe largest and most valuable ever. .in Colorado," had been opened on the property. Smith, David Moffat and John Campion viewed those who invested in the Home Company after they withdrew as people investing in a "forlorn hope." With the discovery of the new ore, the Rocky Mountain News talked about the "lack of foresight" Smith and his associates showed, one of the few times a major newspaper was critical of the man, though the criticism was somewhat tongue-in-cheek. Privately Smith must have kicked himself for making such a bad decision, but he never said anything about it publicly.28 144

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The bad news at the Victor continued at the end of October. The lost vein was still lost, and the mine was still not officially reopened. The biggest fear was that the vein had shifted onto the property of the neighboring Isabella Mine. The news got even worse two weeks later. On November 14 five men were working on the fourteenth level of the mine when they got a dose of powder smoke. By the time that F. T. Osgood wrote to Robert Reid informing him of the accident later that day two men, Thomas Jones and Robert Conners, were already reported dead. A third man was expected to die, while two others were reportedly very ill. Osgood thought it amazing that all of the men were well enough to go home immediately after the incident, instead of being "overcome at once as is always the case."29 That same day Eben Smith wrote to Lee Wood, now in charge of the Gold Knob at Goldfield, giving more details of what happened. Jones was seen as late as seven o'clock that night going to a dance with his wife. By eleven o'clock he was dead. William Dodsworth, the man who Osgood thought dead, was in fact okay and probably going to survive. The two other men, French and Fairbanks, could not be located, so their condition was unknown though rumors were already circulating that they were in fact dead. It must have been with some relief that Smith was able to report to Wood that "the men that are sick do not hold the Company responsible in any manner." Smith's sense of relief must have grown even more when he learned that French and Fairbanks recovered.30 145

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Six days after the powder smoke incident at the Victor, Smith left for Mexico City in order to look over a number of potential mining properties. On November 1 Smith hired Edward Thomas to find veins containing gold, silver and copper in Sonora, Mexico, adjoining states in Mexico, and the territory of Arizona. Smith expected to be gone for about three weeks, and he wrote to Lee Wood at Goldfield to "keep things humming while I am absent, and be ready to render a good account of yourself when I return." Even with the Smith-Moffat mines in poor condition Eben still wanted to be kept informed about what was happening with them31 As Smith continued to search for new mines he began to sound more and more like those who wrote to him over the years offering the greatest mine ever discovered. On November 27 he wrote to Thomas Goad from Mexico that he expected to get an option on a mine in British Columbia. The shaft of the mine was down 210 feet. At seventy feet the vein was seven feet wide and the ore was running $35 per ton; at 125 feet the vein was twelve feet wide with ore running $50 per ton; at 210 feet the vein was twenty-one feet wide with ore running from $70 to $120 per ton. Smith wrote to Goad that these figures sounded like "a great big fairy tale, and may turn out so, but as our source of information is very reliable and of the best, it only remains to be seen whether the people themselves are being deceived." He expected to have the option within a few days and would then have the mine inspected. It must have turned to be a big fairy tale because Smith never mentioned the mine in British Columbia again.32 146

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Apparently displeased with what he found in Mexico, Smith returned to Colorado and the bleak situation that he faced at most of his mines. He ended the year on a high note, though, when Smith, his attorney TysonS. Dines, Robert Reid and his brother W. D. Reid, and 0. P. Poole incorporated the Denver-Galena Zinc Mining Company for the purpose of mining zinc in Colorado, Kansas and Missouri. It would be one of the last new companies he would help incorporate in Denver as the rest of his time was spent winding up the affairs of the old ones. 33 147

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CHAPTER TEN WORKED OUT IN COLORADO Work at the Victor was still not officially resumed as 1899 turned into 1900. Men continued to hunt for the lost vein, the one that only four years earlier Eben Smith assured investors was unlikely to pinch out, but they were unable to locate it in the mine. It looked as if the end of a number of the Smith-Moffat properties in Colorado had finally arrived, and it fell to Smith to wind up the business of those properties. He already started this the previous year when, on September 11, he leased all of the Maid of Erin property in Leadville to his son Frank and his business associates. 1 Before the new year arrived the Mrs. Ripley business again reared its ugly head. Samuel Berry, a lawyer in Denver, wrote to Smith on December 7, informing him that Mrs. Ripley hired him to right a wrong done to her by her lawyer. A letter to Barry dated January 12, 1900, but unsigned, detailed what took place in the months following Smith's earlier letter to John Deweese. In May 1899, before Emily wrote her letter from Glenwood Springs, Mrs. Ripley's lawyer, whose name is unknown, received $450 that was to be paid to Mrs. Ripley when she delivered certain letters to him. These might have been the earlier letters that Emily sent before Eben thought he 148

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stopped her the first time. Mrs. Ripley was paid $350 of this in May, followed by another $50 in June. Then, in September, the lawyer made a contract of settlement with Mrs. Ripley for $2,250. That day he gave her $1,505, and another $20 the next day. This money did not include trips to Florence and Colorado Springs that he paid for, and the amount the lawyer charged her for attending to her brother's divorce case. All of the money paid to her lawyer, who may have been Deweese, was paid to him by Smith.Z When Mrs. Ripley contacted Berry she showed him a receipt to Smith dated August 16, 1899 in addition to "other papers." She claimed that her lawyer swindled her in the matter ofthe paper, which must have been the contract of settlement, and that she had not received the $2,500 listed in the paper. In fact, she told Berry, her lawyer received much more money than that. Berry was asking Smith to disclose the terms of his agreement with Mrs. Ripley, and if they supported her charges he would file suit against the lawyer. Mrs. Ripley was insisting that he do so, and said that Smith and George RossLewin, who was then cashier at the First National Bank of Denver and an associate of Smith and Moffat in a number of mining ventures, would back up her story. By January 8, 1900, Berry had still not heard from Smith and wrote to him that day asking him to please comply with his earlier request, as he was forced to go ahead with the case anyway. The January 12 letter to Berry mentioned earlier was written in response to this request.3 149

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The entire situation involving Mrs. Ripley is very mysterious, and there are a great many questions. On the surface, it certainly looks as if Smith may have indeed had an affair with the woman before she became Mrs. Ripley. However, Eben's June 1899letter to Deweese makes it sound as ifEmily's earlier letters may have been on another subject entirely as he seemed genuinely surprised by the charge that he had admitted to the affair. The undated January 12, 1900 letter leads to even more questions. Although probably from a lawyer, it may also have been from Eben which asks questions such as why Eben was chosen to get back certain letters from her, why he made a contract of settlement with her, and why he would have been hired to attend to her brother's divorce. While possible that Emily Smith may have been right and her husband was having an affair with Mrs. Ripley, given his strict moral code it is also just as possible that Eben may have in fact been helping someone else cover up an embarrassing situation that involved Mrs. Ripley. Eben's family were the only people for whom he would go to such lengths, and the one person who leaps to mind is his son Frank. Eight years later events would reveal that Frank was not yet finished sowing his wild oats, suggesting that he may have been even more interested in doing so in 1899. Unfortunately Eben did not communicate any further information about the Ripley business with anyone after Samuel Berry, and any guess as to what may have actually happened is pure speculation. It remains the one truly mysterious business venture of Eben Smith. !50

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Turning his attention to more comfortable business matters during the rest of January, Smith and David Moffat sold the Gold Knob Mining Company for $132,500.99. The proceeds from the sale were divided six ways. Moffat and Sylvester Smith each received $34,012.89. Smith received $34,015.08. The estate of Norris Cone was paid $14,577.73, A. B. Heath was paid $14,576.64, and L. H. Rockwell, the wife of Smith's late attorney J. E. Rockwell, received $13,576.76. At least one mine was no longer going to cause headaches for Smith.4 At the same time Smith was looking to sell the Resurrection. W. W. Allen wanted to buy an option on the mine, and he told Smith on January 20 that he would determine in the shortest possible time whether he could handle the property or not. If he was unable to, he would return the option. Eben was interested in Allen's proposition, but negotiations stalled over the price, and several months later the mine was still in Smith-Moffat hands, much to their relief as it would tum out. 5 In February Smith again took up the matter of the Victor Mine. On the second he wrote to Moffat that he wanted to sell the Victor to the Isabella Mining Company, onto whose property it was feared the Victor vein had drifted. Smith thought that this sale would give the French and Eastern stockholders "a better show for their money." Such a sale would pay off the $125,000 debt of the company in addition to paying Smith $2.50 to $3 a share, which he saw as a good price "in view of the fact that there is not a pound of ore in sight in the mine ... He told Moffat that he did not know if 151

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there would in truth be any more ore at all. The prospect of no more income from the Victor did not scare him too much, and when the University of Colorado ran into serious financial difficulties in 1900, Smith was more than happy to loan the school $5,000, which would be paid back with interest, to help them out.6 The plan for the Victor came to nothing when Smith informed Robert Reid on February 23 that Williams of the Isabella was not willing to pay more than fifty cents per share, and that Moffat was unwilling to sell for such a low price. Much to Smith's consternation Moffat was actually ready and willing to spend more money in order to try to find the vein again, but that plan was put off for the time being. Already Moffat and Smith were cooking up a scheme to solve the financial woes of the Victor Gold Mining Company.7 While all of this was going on Eben and Emily were planning a trip to California. Emily's sister Sarah Rundel, who started living with the Smiths around this time, joined them on the trip. As was usual before leaving on a trip he fired off a last round of instructions for his mines. Of particular interest to him was the Granite, where they were having trouble with the hoist. On February 8 he instructed Robert Reid to give up work on the hoist if new, better equipment could be gotten. Above all he told Reid to "keep me fully posted about all the various matters in which I am interested. "8 By February 11 the Smith party was in Oregon, where Eben stopped to inspect 152

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the Victor Junior. He was generally pleased with what he saw, but he wrote to Reid that "it is pretty hard to determine at this time how the Victor Jr. will turn out in the long run." The fifth level of the mine, which was the deepest level at the time, did not look well to him. The south vein was very rich and well defined, and looked better in the bottom of the level than in the back, but he was worried because it was also very small. Despite these problems Eben still thought that he would get his money out of the Victor Junior, and that it might even turn into a good mine.9 The Smiths and Sarah Rundel were in California by February 17, and Eben was annoyed with Reid because he had received no reports from the mines. He wrote to his secretary, asking him, "has your hand lost its cunning that you are unable to write?" He heard nothing on the new armature for the Granite motor, the Victor and Anaconda "scheme" with Williams (the plan mentioned earlier to sell the property to Williams of the Isabella that Williams rejected six days later), if Moffat had returned, and what was new in the Hull City Placer. The Hull City Placer was a property in Cripple Creek that Smith was invested in, but it was tied up in a number of lawsuits over title to the land. Once again, even on vacation, and with many of the Smith Moffat mining properties not working, Smith still wanted to be kept up to date on what was happening.10 As Eben, Emily and her sister traveled around California the Granite still received a great deal of Eben's attention. On February 27 he wrote to Reid about the 153

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hoist at the mine yet again. After going into a detailed description of how the new armature that he wanted for the motor would work, he started in on the hoist itself. Apparently Frank Sutherland, who was then at the Granite, was of the opinion that the old hoist should be fixed, something Smith strongly disagreed with. He told Reid that "I don't propose to spend any more money on that machine except by the advice of competent electric engineers. It is too expensive to monkey with people that are guessing." Smith wanted a new hoist ordered, and that was that. As always his orders were followed, and on March 27 a new hoist was being installed at the Granite, though Smith was careful to tell Reid to not allow the men putting in the hoist to work more than two shifts. Two strikes taught Smith a thing or two, and he wanted to avoid any labor trouble at the mine. 11 March was an active month for a man who was on vacation. Eben received an offer for the Smith-Moffat Oregon property, which must have been the Victor Junior, of $250,000 from a man named Posey. Smith wanted to sell, and wrote so to David Moffat. Having received no reply Smith wrote to Reid that he figured Moffat's response was the same as always. According to Smith, Moffat would "think somebody is making something out of it on the inside and will probably refuse to sell it." While some later historians, such as Steven Mehls, have thought that this letter showed Moffat as becoming distrustful of Smith, this does not appear to be likely given Moffat's reliance on Smith in mining matters. Moffat simply did not want 154

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someone else to make a profit that he thought rightfully belonged to Smith-Moffat.12 On March 25 Eben and his son Frank went into business with G. A. Whiteford for the purpose of searching for oil. Just as Fletcher Jordan described Jerome Chaffee as a man always awake to money making possibilities, Eben could be described in the same way at this point in his life. Searching for oil certainly was a new departure for Eben, and in the long run it did not pay off. Whiteford spent years searching for oil in California and Oregon, but never found enough to make the venture a paying one. He and Eben did maintain a business relationship for the rest of Eben's life.13 It was also in March, or at least supposed to have been in March, that Moffat hit on a plan to save the Victor. On March 22 Smith, as vice-president of the Victor Gold Mining Company, signed several promissory notes totaling $151,000 from the Victor to the First National Bank of Denver. Moffat, who was president of the Victor, issued the notes as president of the First National Bank. Although the notes were supposed to have been signed on March 22, it is possible that they were signed and backdated at a later time. Moffat's plan was to then sue the Victor Gold Mining Company, as president of the bank, for defaulting on the notes. Smith and Moffat would then buy the mine back when the property was auctioned off in order to pay its debts, and start over with a debt free property. That move would not come for several more months, but if the notes were truly signed in March he was already laying the groundwork for such a step. 14 !55

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News ofthe Victor's predicament spread quickly. On March 29, 1900, V. Hurtado, a sort of spokesman for the French stockholders, wrote to William Brevoort, saying that he understood the Victor was in bad shape financially. The contents of an earlier letter from Brevoort to Hurtado "painfully impressed" this fact. Hurtado was hoping that the "Denver Bank (i.e. Mr. Moffat, who had made a big profit by the sale of his stock), may be asked to be lenient, and not demand a pound of flesh." More than anything Hurtado wanted a reorganization plan for the company that protected the original stockholders, which is what Smith was trying to do with his aborted attempt to sell the Victor to the Isabella company. Moffat does not appear to have shared these concerns. 15 Eben did not allow all of this trouble to ruin his vacation. At the end of March the Smiths and Sarah Runde} were in San Francisco, though they were not staying in the Palace Hotel as expected. Eben wrote to Reid that the reason for the change was because they "couldn't find closets large enough for the ladies" at the Palace. By the beginning of April Eben and Emily were becoming so charmed by California that they found themselves wanting to live there, but thoughts of their children and grandchildren did not seem to make that a possibility. One of the things that was particularly attractive to Eben was the fact that the Irish had not taken control ofthe politics in the state. He wrote to Reid that the "American man" managed to run the political scene, and would "till some damned Tom Paterson SOB starts a paper and 156

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tells them how they are being abused and deprived ofthe privileges guaranteed by the Constitution of the U.S. something they never heard of." He believed that his had happened in Denver, and it made the city "distasteful" to him.16 Trouble at the Granite continued to plague operations there. On April 19 Smith wrote to Reid from California that "that damned mine has brought nothing but disaster." Although unclear what exactly prompted this condemnation of the mine, the likely culprit was either the hoist or the engine. Months later Smith would still be dealing with problems surrounding the engine, just as he had already been dealing with engine and hoist problems for the previous two months. He would not let the problems mar his vacation, though.17 The next day the political environment of Colorado came in for more censure from Eben. He wrote to Reid that there was too much of a "desire to stomp on anyone who had a dollar in Colorado." He thought that "if a lot of us who have built up that country would fold our tents and leave it the Yell ow Dog element would turn coattails and drown each other which to me would be a happy result." What drew Smith's ire was the fact that the progressive movement was gaining strength in Colorado since about 1898. Thomas Patterson, a Democrat, served one term in Congress in the late 1870s before returning to Colorado and eventually buying the Rocky Mountain News. He used the paper to "crusade" for progressive reforms and against large corporations, in addition to promoting the interests of working people, 157

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all of which were oflittle interest to a mine manager. With all of this it is a wonder that Smith stopped at calling him an "SOB." In the election of 1900, probably much to Smith's dismay, Patterson was elected to the United States Senate from Colorado.18 Smith continued to look after his family while he was in California. On March 8 he wrote to Reid authorizing him to loan Frank $22,000 to buy the Pride of the West Mine in Silverton, the title of which was involved in litigation. Five days later he wrote to Arthur Wilfley, who was to be Frank's partner in the mine, that he would put up the entire $110,000 first payment on the Pride ofthe West ifthe option that Smith had on the property was extended until the title was settled. If Wilfley took the deal Smith promised that he would take action at the earliest possible time to obtain a settlement as he had "some pretty strong pulls in Washington." Evidently Wilfley took the deal, because he and Frank were soon owners of the mine. Not everything that he did for his family involved business, though. On April 30 Eben gave Lemuel $1,700 so that he could take a trip to Paris. 19 Letters asking for financial help managed to find their way to Eben despite the fact that he was on vacation. On April 22 C. M. Ritchie wrote to him, at the suggestion of his daughter Cora, seeking $500 to save three lots that she was about to lose through "defraud of two villains" who somehow managed to borrow money on them. Once again Eben came to the rescue, sending Ritchie the money. On May 2 she wrote back, saying "thank you with all my heart for your kindness."20 158

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Eben and Emily Smith, and Sarah Rundel, returned to Colorado in May or early June. The family then left Denver to spend the summer once again at Estamere, with Eben and Frank commuting to Denver on the train to conduct their daily business. Eben must have been doing a great deal of thinking during his trip, and by the time of his return to Colorado he determined that he was going to begin slowly withdrawing from the mining business. That did not mean, though, that he ignored the mining properties that he still owned. On June 13 Charles Carnahan wrote to David Moffat that a new vein had been discovered at the Resurrection, and as a result of this discovery he did not want to sell the property. Smith and W. W. Allen were unable to reach an agreement on the price of the mine by then, and the sale was canceled. The next day, June 14, Smith received a letter from J. M. Swain, who he and Carnahan hired to search for mines in Mexico. Swain found what he thought was a good copper mine, and wanted Smith to get it before the "Gugenheimers" (the Guggenheim family) did. Swain reported that the Mexicans who were working the surface of the mine made enough money to build houses and pay their expenses, keeping them in "peon luxury." It is not known if Smith and his son-in-law bought the mine?1 Near the end of June Smith made his next move at withdrawing from active participation in the mining business. He wrote to Guillermo Bushnell at the Mexico Mine and Smelter Supply Company that he wanted to sell all of his stock in the 159

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Mexico company. He wrote that "I find that our business in Denver and Salt Lake requires all the time and money I care to spend in this line." The stock was soon sold. After a fairly active June, July turned out to be a fairly quiet month for Smith.22 Moffat's plan for the Victor was finally put into action in August. On the 15th he, as president of the First National Bank, filed suit against the Victor for defaulting on the promissory notes that Smith signed back in March. According to the complaint the interest on the notes was paid through July 5, at which time payments stopped. Moffat wanted $151 ,000 plus the interest that was due on the notes since July 5. On September 6 Moffat and the bank were awarded $155,000, and the Victor property was ordered to be sold at a sheriffs auction in order to pay the company's debts. The day after the judgment was awarded, Smith wrote to William Brevoort that he and Moffat wanted to organize a new company and raise $300,000. Of this money $155,000 was to pay off the debt ofthe old company, and $145,000 was to be used to start a new working fund. The means by which this plan was accomplished were at the very least questionable, if not outright illegal, but no one called two of the greatest mining men in Colorado on it.23 So far things had gone according to plan, but Smith began to have worries about the second half of the plan. The Victor property was set to go on the auction block on October 10, and he was apprehensive that someone might outbid them. He wrote to Moffat that although he wanted the mine back he did not want to go too high 160

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with their bids. With the auction not taking place for a few more weeks, the only thing to do was wait. 24 While waiting for the Victor to be sold at auction Eben Smith continued to pay attention to his other mining properties. Three days after the judgment against the Victor Smith received a letter from A. J. Underwood in relation to the Carisa Mine in Utah. Smith wrote earlier asking why the ore being taken out of the mine was receiving lower values than it had previously. Underwood explained in detail why the value had dropped, and went on to explain why he chose J. C. Griffiths to sample the ore instead of American Smelter. The decision was a logical one, and one that would have pleased Smith. Griffiths only charged $14.10 per ton while the American Smelter charged $17. As one who always liked to keep smelting costs down, Smith must have approved of Underwood's decision. Still not completely satisfied, Smith continued to press Underwood about the ore, and on October 3 Underwood wrote that "a very conservative estimate of our ore bodies would be $100,000.00 net." Finally satisfied Smith left Underwood to his business.25 On September 29 Smith received a letter from John Woodbury, who had taken over as caretaker ofEstamere from Clarisa Berry. Woodbury asked Smith for a $500 loan in order to pay off lots that he owned in Palmer Lake and build a cottage or store with living quarters above it. Smith agreed, but only after Woodbury made a promise to Smith. Apparently he must have had an alcohol problem, and he gave Smith his 161

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word that he would not "taste anything that I have reason to believe is intoxicating until I am able to pay you the amount with interest, nor at any other time when in your employ ... Satisfied with Woodbury's pledge Smith sent the money. On October 4 Woodbury wrote to him with "many thanks for your kindness. "26 In September Smith also began to let it be known publicly that he was planning to withdraw from the mining business. On the fourth, two days before the Victor judgment, he sent a letter to Richardson, Hill and Company in California, introducing Frank Sutherland. Sutherland had a dredging plan for property near Oroville, California that he was trying to interest investors in. Smith wrote to Richardson, Hill that he and Moffat were going out of the mining business as quickly as possible. At sixty-eight Smith felt that he was "getting too old, and when I am not able to take personal charge and cognizance of such business I do not care to continue it." He had no problem in recommending Sutherland's plan, and if he were not feeling too old Smith would have been eager to be a part of it. 27 After what must have been an agonizing wait, October 10, the date that the Victor property was supposed to be sold, arrived. At that time Clayton Dorsey, acting as the attorney for Smith and Moffat, had the sale delayed until November 1 and 2. Inevitably the stockholders had to be informed about what was taking place at the Victor, and this was done on October 17. Brevoort and Reid sent a letter to all stockholders informing them ofthe judgment against the property, and that the 162

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property would be sold at auction in order to pay the Victor Gold Mining Company's debts. They then went on to point out that from February 1893 to December 1898 ore sales at the Victor ammmted to $2,161,186.20, and that $1,155,000 was paid out in dividends. This must have been done in order to ease some of the discomfort of the stockholders, showing them that they had gotten a pretty good run for their money. On November 1 Brevoort wrote to Reid that those stockholders with whom he discussed the Victor's situation "did not hold Mr. Smith or myself morally or legally responsible, notwithstanding the investment has been most disappointing." When the mine was finally sold on November 2, Clayton Dorsey bid on the property for Moffat. No one outbid him, and Smith-Moffat were once again the owners ofthe Victor Mine.28 Two weeks later trouble again erupted at the Granite when Smith informed Lee Wood that a man by the name of Don Parks was making trouble. Apparently he Parks said to certain people who were friendly to Smith that grading being done at the Granite for the new engine was actually on the grounds of the neighboring Terresa mine, on which Parks had a lease. Parks did not want anyone to say anything about the encroachment until the engine was actually in place. Smith wanted Wood to look into the matter, saying "this man Parks is as dirty a man as ever went unhung, and why he should take such a position is something I can't understand." It is almost certain that Smith did understand why Parks would say such a thing, since he would 163

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be in line to receive money for damages if the engine was placed on his property?9 Despite his pledge Smith found himself having difficulties in extracting himself from the mining business. On November 5 he and Moffat bought the Little Don Mining and Milling Company, which was most likely located in the Cripple Creek district, for $25,000, each of them purchasing one-half of the 625,000 shares of the company. Earlier in the year Smith also become the president of the Independence Consolidated Gold Mining Company in the town of Independence in the Cripple Creek district. By that time the company was in a shaky financial position, and in August it was necessary for Smith to loan it $1,000. That money was soon run through, and by December, Reid, who was involved with the company, asked Smith for additional funds. Smith told him that if the mine could not support itself it should be shut down. He did not want to give it any more money as he felt that "I have had my legg [sic] pulled more than sufficiently on that account."30 The year 1901 started very quietly for the Smiths. Eben paid very little attention to his mining business at the beginning of the year, suggesting that things must have been going pretty much as usual for him. He certainly did not neglect the business, reporting to his office in the Equitable Building on most days, but very little was happening that required his constant attention. With most of his Colorado mines either not working or sold, there was little for him to do in that regard. The mines in Utah and Oregon must have been in safe hands as they received less than the usual 164

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amount of attention as well. Smith still expected to receive reports in order to stay informed about conditions at all of the properties, though, and he also kept close track of the assay reports. Eben Smith's less than rapt attention did not mean that there was no good news from the mines. In January the Pride of the West mine was already being described as a "new bonanza." Owners Eben and Frank Smith, and C. W. Denison, leased the mine the previous year to H. Kennedy, who uncovered the main vein and a "rich pay streak." Unhappily for Kennedy he let the lease lapse, so the owners got the mine back. Eben and his associates were in the process, at the end of January, of extending the lower crosscut to the vein and building a large concentrating plant to handle the large amounts of low grade ore from the mine. The Denver Times predicted that the Pride of the West would become "an important producer during the next few months. "31 Early in February the Fortune Mining Company in Leadville filed a lawsuit against the Resurrection for the now typical claim that the Resurrection shaft had crossed onto Fortune property. Officers ofthe Fortune were seeking $15,000 in damages, a relatively small amount, but Charles Carnahan was taking no chances with it. He gave himself a mortgage on the mine in order to secure its indebtedness to Smith, Moffat and himself. He wrote to Smith that before they would let "those damned robbers have a cent we will foreclose and let them pay us over $300,000 and 165

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take the property or get nothing." It appears that Carnahan's plan worked as the property remained in Smith-Moffat hands. At about the same time Eben's son Lemuel, still in a continuing battle with alcohol, went to work at the Resurrection. 32 Two months later Reid reported to his boss that there had been a "very bad accident" at the Granite Mine, the latest in a long line of troubles from that property. The cribbing on the Granite dump gave way and tons of ore slid down onto the property of the neighboring Monument mine. The slide killed six people by the name of Smith when it slammed into a small cabin that they occupied below the dump. In addition, the Monument ground was covered by Granite ore, which also destroyed the water tank on that property. Immediately upon hearing of the accident Reid sent his brother, lawyer W. D. Reid, "to take all the steps necessary to protect us against damage suits." Reid reported to Smith that he thought the company could settle for a maximum of$10,000.33 A week later the company still had not been approached by the heirs of the six people who were killed. Reid was expecting to hear from them at any time, though "in a round about way" he had them approached and advised not to see an attorney. Instead, if they thought that damages were owed to them from the Granite Company they should "see the officers directly, and save being skinned by an attorney ... In reality Reid, and by extension Smith, were probably fearful that an attorney would skin them and successfully sue for more than the $1 0,000 that Reid thought they 166

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could settle for. Reid was also careful to say that the Granite was not liable for what had happened. In addition the company also had to deal with the Monument mine, whose ground was now covered by ore from the Granite dump. A settlement with the Monument officers was eventually reached that was less than pleasing to both sides, but it ended the matter. A settlement must have also been reached with families of the six people who were killed, though Reid or Smith did not mention any details.34 In July the Smith-Moffat interests did receive some good news from the Resurrection in Leadville. That month the Number One shaft reached a huge body of sulphides "of fine strength and value" below the 1 ,000-foot point. The triple compartment Number Two shaft was being extended below the huge ore deposits, which would give the company a "most economical arena" for extraction, development and drainage. These recent developments persuaded the Denver Times to announce that Smith's judgment of the mine "was faultless and by the later developments a great bonanza has in reality been resurrected." Smith, Moffat and Carnahan were all very pleased that none of the earlier purchase offers for the Resurrection had gone through. 35 Smith's lack of attentive management of the mines during this period suggests that he was happy to let Carnahan and Reid handle more and more of the details that he himself used to take a personal interest in. He was also preoccupied by a major decision that he and Emily made shortly after the new year began. Deciding that the 167

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children and grandchildren were only a train ride away, Eben and Emily decided to move to Los Angeles. Although in good health at the age of sixty-eight, Eben was convinced that moving to Los Angeles would prolong his life well into his eighties. Emily was quite insistent about the move, and reportedly Eben agreed to it after her "urgent solicitation." The search was on for a new house as the Smiths prepared to leave Colorado behind. 36 168

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CHAPTER ELEVEN THE MINING MAN RETURNS TO CALIFORNIA In April, as the search for a new house in Los Angeles continued, Eben Smith made one ofthe biggest financial moves of his life. On April29 he bought $1,124,000 in United States government bonds, depositing them at the First National Bank of Denver until they could be transferred to the Central Trust Company of New York. The bonds assured Smith's status as a millionaire. Smith also interviewed a number of architects during the month with an eye towards the possibility of building a new house instead of buying an existing one. In the end, though, he settled on a slightly run down house at 1130 West Seventh Avenue in Los Angeles. He purchased the house in May, but it was rented to a Mrs. Winston until at least July 4. Smith had to honor her rental agreement, but that did not stop him from making plans for a major renovation of the house. On June 1 he wrote toM. Welsh, his agent in Los Angeles, that he wanted to enlarge the library or the living room and dining room by adding onto the house. In addition, he wanted to build a separate building to house a "billiard room and other amusement arrangements ... "1 While Eben waited for Mrs. Winston to vacate his new house in Los Angeles he packed up his family for their usual summer stay at Estamere. For the first time 169

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the public was given a description of what life was like for the Smiths at Palmer Lake. The family was accompanied by a string of fine horses and ponies, a retinue of servants, and "all the luxuries which characterize his place in town." The house was a "big, rambling, comfortable" looking house from the outside, with broad lawns and trees surrounding it. The comfort continued inside the house, where the rooms were described as large, cool, airy and full of sunlight. The house was furnished like a "handsome town house," with expensive wallpapers, rugs and furniture. Soft couches with even softer cushions were placed throughout the house, and there were a large number of "cosy corners" for people to hide in. The prettiest, according to the Denver Times, was the Turkish nook, which was "fitted up with real Oriental draperies." In addition, there were two dining rooms--one for the children, and one for the adults. 2 In the stable there were a dozen "blooded" horses as well as three ponies for the children. The carriage house was stocked with all kind of vehicles, including surreys, broughams, a big drag, traps, and a nwnber of tiny carts for children that were pulled by the ponies. The house was a happy place, and the Smiths were more than willing to share it. Guests came and went throughout the summer, with a new set of visitors arriving almost as soon as the door closed on the visitors who had just left. In addition to their family, Eben and Emily invited a number of poor women and children to spend time at the house in order to feel the "joy of country life." They also invited sick children to the house, where they were "given a glimpse of fairyland 170

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within those gates." Throughout the Smiths' years at Estamere a large number of people enjoyed the "warm hospitality of this hospitable couple."3 Just as the family set out for Estamere in the summer of 1901 word of Eben Smith's impending retirement became known to the general public. On June 1 the Denver Times announced that Smith had decided to "dispose of most of his interests in Colorado," and spend the majority of his time in California. The news came as a shock to many of his business associates. Smith told the Times that he expected to spend at least seven months out of the year in Los Angeles, but that he would still be spending summers at Palmer Lake as Southern California would be too hot for him during that time of year. He also expected visit Colorado from time to time because of his business affairs, but he did not foresee actively participating in business. He was also willing to dispose of his business interests. He would not "sacrifice any of his property, but when it can be disposed of to advantage he will not hesitate to get rid of it. .. Smith's retirement from active work in mining in Colorado, according to the Times, took from that field "a man who has been most prominent in the development of the mineral resources of the state during the past forty years.'..4 The news of his retirement was the cause of some amusement for Smith. On June 10 longtime friend Bela Buell wrote to Eben, and attached the article from the Denver Times about his old friend's retirement to his letter. Smith could not resist taking the time to correct a few inaccuracies in the article. The article reported that 171

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Smith was 73 at the time. He wrote to Buell that "you are well aware that I am only 69." He also took issue with the fact that he was reported to be worth $10,000,000 in the article. He told Buell he believed himselfto be worth only $1,000,000. All in all, though, he was fairly pleased with the article as "this is about as close as the news papers ofthe present time, and particularly in Denver, get to the truth ofmatters."5 During Smith's time at Estarnere work on his house in Los Angeles continued. On June 25 William W. Garland, another man working with him on the house, wrote that Mrs. Winston would vacate the premises by July 4. Garland did tell her, however, that "she had better leave her carpets on the floors, as you might possibly decide upon making an offer for them." Mrs. Winston did vacate the house at the beginning of July, and work got underway. By July 23 a number of rooms were completed, including a burlap room. The next month work continued on the floors as parquet was being readied to be installed in the parlor and library, and oak in the rest of the house. A new front door and window also were installed. Smith was pleased with all of the work except the parquet floor in the parlor, which he did not want. The contractor confirmed on August 19 that Smith's wishes would be followed, and no parquet would be installed in the parlor.6 Outside the house Smith was having a stone-faced wall built around the entire property, on which work commenced at the beginning of August. Shortly after work on the wall began Welsh reported to him on August 6 that the house would be ready 172

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by October. The work went so well that a short time later Welsh wrote to Smith telling him that "you have one of the handsomest places in Los Angeles." He went on to say that people who could see the house from the train as it passed were amazed at the transformation of the house that had been accomplished. Work was also completed on the casino, the building that housed Smith's billiard table and other games, which was designed by Hudson and Munsell. To furnish the casino Smith bought a Carrom table and a pool table from the Brunswick-Balke-Collender Company. There was even a large pond on the grounds of Smith's new estate.7 As Smith waited for the house to be done he also continued to indulge in his passion for the stock market, when on August 5 he bought 2,000 shares of United States Steel. Smith was particularly fond of United States Steel, and he continued to buy it for the rest of his life. Two years later, in 1903, he invested $24,000 for Emily in a number often to sixty year five percent sinking fund gold bonds issued by United States Steel. He even purchased stock in the company for his daughter Cora. A little less than three weeks after his initial purchase Smith sent a check for $250,000 to the Central Trust Company to have on account for further stock purchases.8 Despite his supposed retirement Eben Smith found himself becoming interested in more new mining ventures. He wrote to Morris Estes on August 1 that he was "trying to get out of business but do not seem to succeed very well, as I cannot pass a good mining scheme by." By the time he wrote those words he had already 173

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hired Charles Mater to investigate the Crown Point Mine in the Crescent Mining District of California that Smith had recently leased. On August I 0 Mater sunk the shaft I 0 feet in order that Smith could show that he had improved the mine, thereby extending his lease until December I902. On the surface the mine was running $5 per ounce in gold, $I 0 per ounce in silver, and thirty five to forty percent lead. Both men must have been fairly pleased by the prospects ofthis mine.9 Before leaving Colorado Eben completed one other major business transaction which greatly strengthened the idea that he was leaving mining behind him as quickly as possible. He and Frank sold their interest in the Denver Mine and Smelter Supply Company to their partners, the Cary brothers, both of them making a huge profit from the business. Eben was finished with the company, but Frank stayed on for a while as treasurer.10 In October workers finished Eben and Emily's new house as promised and the Smiths left Denver to become residents of Los Angeles. At first Smith wanted to sell his house on Logan Street, but on December 17 he and Emily transferred ownership of the house, "so long one of the architectural attractions of Capitol Hill pointed out to visitors as the home of the distinguished financier," to their daughter Cora. The Camahans moved into the house, though Charles continued to split his time between Denver and Leadville, where he was still in charge of the Resurrection. Smith closed his office at the Equitable Building, and he used the California Club in Los Angeles 174

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for a few months while searching for a suitable new place of business in Los Angeles. He finally rented room 611 in the Laughlin Building, and hired a new secretary, Charles Lapham.11 As he had done with all of his most recent mining ventures, Smith started selling stock in the Pride of the West shortly after his move to Los Angeles. He entrusted JohnS. Cary, his former partner at the Denver Mine and Smelter Supply Company, with this. On November 1 Cary wrote to Smith informing him how the sales were going, and that he was still doing everything he could to see to it that all of the stock was sold. On the same day Eben Smith and Sons of Denver leased the Garfield Mine near Crestone, Colorado. The Garfield was discovered in 1884 by A. Tipton, and oWTJed since 1885 by Hugh Haukifer. Eben immediately started building an engine room, blacksmith shop, an elevated tramway to the ore bins, new rails, and other "general improvements." Near the surface the vein was running from $60 to $120 in gold, and it was believed that further development would reveal a large body of high grade ore. This was not bad work for a man who was going out of the mining business as quickly as possible.12 Two weeks later Smith remembered his retirement pledge and went back to withdrawing from mining in Colorado when he had attorney W. D. Reid file papers to dissolve the Buell Gold Mining Company of West Virginia, the property he had been managing in Black Hawk for Bela Buell since 1895. The year ended fairly quietly for 175

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Smith. In December he wrote to John Woodbury, who was back taking care of Estamere, to look after the place carefully and not leave it "so that the house might be robbed. I will pay you what is right for your care." A week later he wrote to his attorney Tyson Dines, in response to a business proposition, that he would definitely be away from Colorado most of the time in years to come and could not "afford to scatter my business all over the face ofthe earth." Smith was very good at saying that he was going to contract his business interests as much as possible, but actually doing so was another matter entirely. As he had written to Morris Estes in August, he could not pass a good mining scheme by. 13 After an uneventful start to 1902 Smith got down to business in March. On the tenth Smith and W. W. Swetland paid $22,000 toN. S. and Emma Berray and Claude and Adel Batailleur for the Brewery and Lead Home mining claims in Gila, Arizona. A little over two weeks later the two men paid $42,000 for a one year lease on two copper claims on the Middle Pinto Creek in the Globe district of Arizona. Eben Smith had become a copper miner, though they do not appear to have been as huge a success as his other mining businesses. There was more happy news at the end of the month when Charles and Cora had their third child, daughter Emily, on March 31, 1902.14 Eben and Emily relied to a great extent on the Camahans to keep them informed about life in Denver. Near the end of February Charles wrote to Eben on 176

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the condition of the Resurrection, and then said that the children were very anxious to visit their grandparents in California. All Doris could talk about was swimming and how much she looked forward to it. A week later he reported that he had seen Eben's brother, Mark, and that he was not looking well, which prompted Charles to write that he could not understand why Mark did not get out of Leadville. He also informed Eben that Lem was not looking well, but was doing well in his work at the mine. The Smiths were especially happy to get news of their grandchildren, and Charles reported on April 5 that five day old Emily was nursing, slept most of the time, rarely cried and was a very good baby. 15 Eben Smith continued his efforts to find work for his family at any of his remaining mines if they were interested in working for him. In April he wrote to Carey W. Thompson, then in charge of the Victor Junior, that his nephew Roy was looking for a job. Thompson wrote that Eben could send him up any time. In addition to writing about Roy, Eben also informed Thompson that his son Lemuel was doing well in his battle with alcohol. Thompson was especially pleased to hear this news as he knew that Lem wanted to "break away" from it. He wrote to Eben that "the habit is a disease," that it took a "strong fight and I hope Lem will win ... "16 Two months after Smith's deals were completed in Arizona he hired Charles Mater to prospect for him in California and adjoining states at $3 a day. Mater set out on his mission, leaving the Crown Point Mine behind, and soon found himself 177

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looking for mines in the Mogara Desert. On June 10 he wrote to Smith in explanation of his expenses that it was expensive to prospect in the desert because it was necessary to bring water and food for the horses with him as there were no places to get it in the desert. For the next four years Mater would alternate between spending time at the Crown Point Mine and searching the deserts of California and surrounding states for mines to present to Smith. Shortly after hiring Mater Eben and Emily left Los Angeles to once again spend the summer at Palmer Lake. Frank had established a new office at 1740 Broadway in Denver, and when Eben was in Palmer Lake it also served as his office. He would take the train to Denver each morning and then fall into the comfortable routine that he had followed for so many years. After spending the morning working he might go to the Denver Club for a roast beef sandwich and coffee for lunch, and then back to the office for the afternoon. In the evening he would then take the train back to Palmer Lake, starting over again the next moming.17 Even with all of this new mining activity that the supposedly retiring mine magnate was involved in, he was still able to write to old friend J.P. McCoy on June 11 that he was not as he had been, "but a good deal lazier." Near the end of the month Smith's retirement actually become a good excuse to get rid of those who were trying to sell him mines. On June 23 Frank Sutherland wrote to Smith about a man named Garrison who wanted to sell him a mine. Sutherland told Garrison that Smith had given up mining altogether, so he would not be interested in Garrison's offer. 178

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This was really just a put on to get rid of Garrison as Smith was just as involved as ever in mining. But, at least he had found a good use for his retirement pledge.18 A big change began to take place for Frank and Josie and their three children in Denver in June 1902. On June 21 Frank bought six lots on the corner of 18th and York, across the street from City Park, for $10,000. Josie's parents, Charles and Josephine Hill, lived directly behind the site of this new house in a mansion at 1800 Gaylord. Workers were to begin clearing the property the next week in order to prepare for the construction of a new house for Frank and his family. Frank hired the architectural firm of Fisher and Huntington to design the $50,000 house. 19 July was an active month for Eben. Only two months after his nephew Roy arrived in Oregon to begin work at the Victor Junior, Thompson had to report to Eben that he was complaining the work was too hard. Eben wrote back on July 9 that he had made it clear to Roy "that he was not working for me, that he was working for you," and that if he desired a change in jobs Thompson was the man with whom to speak. Eben had no problem finding jobs for his family, but he made it clear that they could not count on using his name to get out of working. He wrote to Thompson that as far as Roy was concerned he did not want him "to think for a moment that I can make his paths any smoother. I want him to work out his own situation."20 In addition to dealing with family matters he also dealt with a number of mining matters in July. On the 11th Smith finally sold the Granite, the mine that he 179

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thought had been the source of a great deal of his trouble over the past couple of years. That day he resigned as president and director of the company. His son Frank, D. L. Webb, Robert Reid, and W. P. Dunham also resigned as directors. At the time Smith owned 127,155 shares of stock in the company. After recapitulation he received a total of$123,353.68. Emily Smith, her sister Sarah Rundel, and Cora Carnahan owned 5,000 shares of stock each for which they received $4,863.87 each. Eben was pleased to finally be rid of the mine, despite the fact that he must have been disappointed that it had not performed better under his ownership.21 That same month Smith and Charles Carnahan began another round of improvements at the Resurrection Mine. The Number One shaft at the mine had been sunk to a depth of 1 ,200 feet, at which point the miners ran into large bodies of low grade ores. After determining that this particular ore could not be handled profitably unless it was initially treated at the mine before being sent to the smelters, Smith and Carnahan began construction the following January at the Resurrection on what was to be the largest milling plant in Leadville. At the plant the ore was to be roasted and then run over tables where the zinc in it was to be taken out by magnetic separation. This process would result in a high-grade zinc product in addition to an iron and lead product that could then be shipped to the smelters. The Denver Times labeled the mill an "important mining enterprise, the result of which will be a bigger output from the Leadville district. .. The owners of the Resurrection were certainly hoping that the 180

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mill would also result in a bigger profit for them.22 August was just as active for Smith as July. The annual report ofthe Independence Consolidated, of which he was still president, told the story of a mine that was in better shape than it had been for a long while. During the year ending June 30 a total of2,745 feet of sinking, crosscutting, drifting and level work had been accomplished at the mine. The main shaft itself was sunk an addition 203 feet to a total depth of 1,082 feet. Settling of machinery at the mine caused about $2,000 in damage to the property and a temporary work stoppage, but William P. Dunham was able to report that the damage was not serious and work was again underway. Up until the time of the shutdown the mine had been paying $6,000 a month in royalties. All things considered, it was thought that the property was in decent shape, which was good news for a mine that Smith had once thought should be shut down if it did not start paying its way.23 Conspicuously absent from Smith's thinking up to this point was the Victor. Work at the mine continued, but its output was nothing compared to what it had been during its heyday. The biggest problem was that the vein was still playing hide and seek with the workers. Knowing that the vein might have drifted onto the neighboring Isabella property Smith took action. Between August 20 and August 26, 1902, Smith bought a total of 50,000 shares of stock in the Isabella Gold Mining Company through the Quentin Investment Company. Smith may have done this in 181

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order to gain control of the Isabella and allow the men at the Victor to follow the vein onto its property. It is also possible, though, did it because he knew the vein had been a rich one for the Victor and he figured that, if the Isabella was going to benefit from it, he might as well do the same. The exact reason for the purchase of Isabella stock is unknown, but after selling 1 ,000 shares on October 1 he hung on to the remaining 49,000 shares until his death.24 Work on Frank's six lots on York Street in Denver was continuing when it was announced on August 21 that Eben was negotiating for a similar piece of land on the opposite side of Eighteenth Avenue from his son's land. According to the Denver Times Eben had grown tired of the California climate after being there less than a year. He had also taken interest in the "new projects afoot in the state," but what these projects were was never made clear. Eben planned to spend "not less than" $75,000 for the house that he was going to build on this new land. In comparison, the house that Frank was planning to build was reportedly costing $50,000, and at the time Eben deeded his old house on Logan Street to Cora the year before it was said to be worth $40,000. If nothing else Eben was definitely planning on moving up in the world.25 Eben never revealed why, but he soon gave up his plan to return to Denver and instead returned to California at the end of the summer. The biggest factor influencing his decision might have been Emily, who enjoyed living in California. 182

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Whatever the reason, Smith was back in his Los Angeles office in September 1902 and attending to business. By then the almost daily offers of mines had gradually turned into daily offers of other business opportunities. On September 2 he wrote to J.P. McCoy, declining McCoy's offer to invest in a life insurance company in China, saying that it would be one of his "remotest" ideas to invest in a place so far from "God's country." In fact, he told McCoy that "I would as soon think of investing in an ice plant in hell, where I would not expect to get any return until I was located there permanently."26 It was easy to tell what was on Smith's mind at the time that he rejected McCoy's letter, as he had in fact just invested in an ice plant, though not in what most people would consider hell. The Utah Ice and Cold Storage Company was a newly formed organization in Utah, and Eben was the owner of 30,000 shares of stock in the company. His son Frank was also a shareholder, owning 12,500 shares. At the first organizational meeting Eben was chosen to serve as a director of the company for the first year of business. Eben certainly had a great deal of input into how this new business venture was run, but for the most part he left the day to day operations to others. He may not have been retiring just then, but at the same time he did not seem to feel the need to be as involved with the business as he would have a few years earlier.27 The requests for charitable assistance continued to pour into his office in Los 183

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Angeles as well, but by 1902 Smith was beginning to feel the pinch of supporting so many people. On September 2 he wrote to William Lessig that he could not help him as he had "so many poor people to take care, many of them who are in no way connected to me, that I do not feel like taking on any more people at the present time." He told Lessig that it was beginning to be a great burden to be responsible for the support of so many, and while he sympathized with Lessig's condition he knew that would not give him "any bread." Smith had plenty of money, so his reasons for not helping Lessig were to a certain degree selfish, but he did feel guilty about turning him down.28 As always Eben was concerned about his family. Between April and August 1902 his son Lemuel left his job at the Resurrection to go to work as an engineer at the Victor Junior in Oregon. Carey Thompson made sure to keep Eben informed on his son's progress, and near the end of August he reported that all was going well for him. Eben wrote back that he was glad to hear that Lem was getting along all right, and he was sure that Thompson would "find him a first class man with your engines." Showing that he was very pleased with his son he closed by asking Thompson to give Lem "my compliments," something Eben did not hand out freely.29 By October Smith had not only completely dropped his objections to mining outside of Colorado, but he dropped any objections he may have had to mining outside of the North American continent. That month he hired Henry Gillespie to go 184

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to Dutch Guiana in South Africa in order to look for mining properties. He never invested in any properties that Gillespie may have found, but this plan showed once again that Eben was still very interested in mining. Meanwhile, back in Denver, Frank pulled the necessary permits on the 25th of the month to allow him to begin construction on his new mansion. 30 The house, as designed by William Fisher and Daniel Huntington, was a 15room mansion in the modem French style. The frame of the house was to be of steel and iron, with gray brick and terra cotta ornamentation on the outside. Inside, Fisher described the proposed main hall as a "gem," finished in mahogany with a circular staircase of a unique pattern. Plans called for a Flemish style dining room with massive oak beam ceilings and watered oak accents. Mahogany finished dominated one of the planned living rooms, while white enamel was decided on as the finish for the reception room. The decorating schemes for the bedrooms on the second floor called for mahogany, Flemish oak and white enamel. The billiard room, located in the basement, was designed with a brick floor and pipe rail among other details. There were also plans for four well equipped bathrooms. All of the porches, bathrooms, vestibules and the kitchen floor were of tile or marble. The Rocky Mountain News said that the Smiths would soon be the owners of a "magnificent residence." The contractors, McDonald and Morrison, broke ground for the house three days earlier, and it was expected to be finished by September 1, 1903.31 185

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On the whole things appeared to be going well for all of the Smiths, except Roy, but trouble was brewing. William Dunham had been involved, in varying degrees of closeness, with Smith in the mining business since 1898. Their biggest venture together was the Independence Consolidated Gold Mining Company in Cripple Creek. While Smith was in Denver Dunham hovered on the edge of his business activities, but that began to change when Smith moved to Los Angeles. When Smith shut down his Denver office Robert Reid's employment ceased, which meant that he also was no longer Smith's business representative in Denver. William Dunham was ready and willing to take Reid's place, even if he was not invited to do so by Eben Smith himself.32 The trouble started in late October or early November when Smith sent Dunham a large block of his shares in the Independence Consolidated Gold Mining Company. The stock should have been sent on to the International Trust Company to be sold. Instead, Dunham, who was General Manager of the company, kept the shares. Smith kept after Dunham to send the shares to where they were supposed to go, but Dunham steadfastly refused to do so. On November 21 he wrote to Smith in Los Angeles that it hurt him to have Smith continually refer to the matter "as though you thought this stock and this whole transaction were not as safe in my hands, as far as your interests are concerned, as they would be in the hands of any trust company in the world." Events soon showed that this was only the tip of the iceberg when it came 186

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to dealing with William Dunham. 33 At the same time as he was holding onto Smith's Independence stock, Dunham was also causing problems at the Victor. Dunham was at least part owner of the Thomas Company, which engaged in mining next to the Victor property. Moffat became upset with Dunham and the other owners of the Thomas Company because he claimed, probably with good reason, that they had taken ore out of the Victor mine. Moffat wanted the land that was owned by the Thomas Company deeded to the Victor, and he threatened to sue to see that it was accomplished. Smith's attorney, Tyson Dines, got involved with the dispute over the Thomas property, which his investigation showed may have not necessarily encroached onto the Victor property. According to Dines the patented description of the Victor property did not include the very small piece of land in question, but the original survey did. Dines said that the final outcome of the dispute might hinge on which property description the courts accepted as valid. 34 In the same letter in which Dunham told Smith that his Independence Stock was safe with him, he also told Smith that he would deed the Thomas property to the Victor. He must have hoped that this would smooth things over, but it did not as Moffat continued to pursue the issue. On January 9, 1903, Dines wrote to Eben that Dunham had still not done as he had promised, leading to increased frustration on the part of Smith-Moffat. It was not until July 8, 1903, that Dunham finally deeded the 187

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land to the Victor, but even then he delayed signing the final papers as long as he could. By then the trouble between Smith and Dunham had gone from bad to worse.35 On December 20, 1902 Eben received one ofthe few personal letters that David Moffat ever wrote to him. Smith and Moffat had become the owners of the Jack Pot group of mines in Cripple Creek in the early 1900s. Early in December Dunham signed Smith's name, as his agent, to the escrow papers of the Jack Pot group, leasing the mine to Dunham and a man named Woods. For leasing the mine to himself Dunham also received a $20,000 commission from Smith. Moffat was outraged at Dunham's trickery. He wrote to Smith that at the time Dunham had gotten Smith's consent, if he had actually done so, to do what he did, he knew that $300,000 of ore had been taken out of the mine. The option that Dunham received did not expire until August 1903, and by then Moffat believed that Dunham and Woods would have "completely gutted" the mine, leaving Smith-Moffat with "the 'hole' ... and no money." After warning Smith to be careful about such men, Moffat went on to encourage him to get Carnahan or somebody else to look into what had taken place. Moffat himself had already arranged to have Tyson Dines look into the matter in an effort to get the agreement overturned on charges of fraud. He then told Smith that he wished he were in Denver "to help dig out this fellow Dunham. He is a Daisy," and that he thought that 1903 would be a "good year for thief catching." 188

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Moffat, at least, was out for blood, and saw Dunham as the deserving target.36 After writing to Eben Moffat took up the matter with Charles Carnahan, prompting him to write to his father-in-law on January 17. Up to that time he had not liked to offer an opinion on any of Eben's business affairs that he was not personally interested in, but since Cora was his wife he felt it his duty to "speak for her, or in the same manner exactly as ifl was your own son." Before Eben moved to California he had told Carnahan that he believed Dunham and Reid had used their connection with him to make money for themselves to his "loss and detriment." Taking this statement into consideration Carnahan met with Dines, who agreed that the two men's behavior had been bad and that they had proven themselves unworthy of being trusted. Carnahan and Dines were also of the belief that Dunham and Reid still had large interests of Eben's under their control, and this could lead to "severe loss as well as a great deal of worry and distress to you." How dishonest Reid may have been is open to question. Smith and Moffat did not even mention him as a problem as this issue was unfolding, and in Reid's defense he had little contact with Smith after his move to Los Angeles. The big problem was Dunham, and it was Dunham who needed to be dealt with.37 Tyson Dines thought that Eben should give Frank, who he and Carnahan had brought into the discussion, or Carnahan power of attorney to act on any business matters that he was interested in with Dunham and Reid. Carnahan agreed with this 189

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plan as he and Frank were "here on the groru1d, yom1ger and more active." It did not matter who Eben chose, Carnahan said, as he and Frank were in agreement on the matter. If Eben saw fit to chose either one of them, Carnahan promised that the other would "be consulted in all matters of any consequence and we will act together."38 On the 21st Eben wrote to Frank, saying that he felt "very grateful" for the suggestions that he and Carnahan had made on the matter. His letter revealed that his business relationship with Dunham was even more costly than Moffat, Carnahan, Dines and Frank had thought. Eben went into the Hull City Placer fight in 1900 with Dunham and William Otis, putting up $200,000 of his own money in an effort to recover certain interests. The Hull City Placer had fW1 into trouble because of alleged wrongful and extravagant expenditures by Dunham, which led the owners of the property to file suit seeking a receiver for the property. Dunham of course denied the charges. The men lost the case, and altogether the deal cost Eben $400,000. Despite the losses, which a man such as Eben would have described as staggering, he did not think it advisable to turn the business over to his son or son-in-law for one reason. Eben thought that if he turned the matter over to Frank or Carnahan it would only antagonize Dunham and make it a great deal harder to get a settlement out of him as he was a "stubborn brute ... Eben told his son that he was "not so far away from Denver that I could not go there at any time to fix this matter up ... "39 Smith did not travel to Colorado to fix the matter up, and it eventually faded 190

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into the background. William Dunham treated Smith with a disrespect that no other person ever truly did. He was certainly dishonest, and he used his position to take advantage of Smith at just the right time when Smith was out of state and could not take inunediate action to stop him. What is even more surprising is that Smith continued to conduct business with Dunham after this time. It took him some time, but he did finally realized that he needed a trusted person to take care of business for him in Denver. He took care ofthis on November 7, 1903, when he gave his son Frank power of attorney to act for him in all his Colorado affairs, but by then the damage had already been done. For all of his bluster Eben was really a very trusting person. When the trouble with Dunham first started Moffat had written to his long time friend that "taking to your bosom these untried friends is a little dangerous, Ebenezer." In the Dunham case that trust, placed in the wrong person, cost him a great deal ofmoney.40 While the trouble with Dunham was getting started Smith continued to buy stock in a number of different companies. It really did not matter to Smith what the company was so long as he thought his investment would be profitable, so he invested in everything from mines to gas companies to the old standby, United States Steel. It was with profitability in mind that on November 20, 1902, he bought $5,000 worth of stock in the Murray M. Harris Organ Company of Los Angeles. Four days later Smith paid $25,000 to buy all of the stock in the Pacific Wireless Telephone and Telegraph 191

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Company and the Continental Wireless Telephone and Telegraph Company that belonged to A.M. Stevenson and D. C. Bailey. He immediately took steps to consolidate the two wireless companies, first under the name International Wireless Telegraph Company before deciding on Pacific Wireless Telegraph Company.41 Smith reported on his new investments to J. 0. A. Carper, a friend in Denver, at the beginning of 1903. He had known Carper for some time, and had even invested money in a milk plant that Carper was trying to get up and running in order to help him "out of a tight place." Carper had also been given permission by Smith to try to sell Estamere in January 1903 as Smith did not expect to be using the house in the future. In February Smith wrote to his friend that he had gone into a "good many one horse things in this country [Los Angeles] and some four horse affairs, some of which look very promising, notably the Wireless Telegraphy." He could not have known it at the time, but these one horse and four horse investments were about to change his life.42 192

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Fig. 11.1. Eben Smith in the early 1900s (Denver Public Library) 193

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Fig. 11. 2. Emily Smith in the early I 900s. (Denver Times/1 Fig. 1 I .3. Estamere in Palmer Lake. (Photo by the author) 194

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Fig. 11.4. Eben Smith with grandchildren Harold and Doris Carnahan on the steps of Estarnere, probably in 190 I. (Roger and Kim Ward Collection) 195

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Fig. 11.5. A riding party gathering on the steps of Estamere in 1901. Cora Carnahan is at the left of the picture, wearing the white hat. (Roger and Kim Ward Collection) 196

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CHAPTER TWELVE MAKING MUSIC AND STRINGING WIRES In addition to the continuing trouble with Dunham that Smith faced at the beginning of 1903, he received some disappointing news from Carey Thompson at the Victor Junior. Thompson had to report to Smith on February 5 that Lem had slipped a little, but he did not think it would happen again. Just three months earlier Thompson had proudly reported that Lem was "getting to be quite a family man," so the report of his slip was sad news indeed. By early May Lem and his wife left Oregon and returned to Leadville. 1 There was more bad news with his family in Denver. Charles and Cora Carnahan ran into difficulties in their marriage that required the assistance of Tyson Dines to settle. Cora had not enjoyed the best of health during their marriage, but after hiring a new stomach doctor in November 1901 she was looking and feeling better than ever. Whether or not her health had anything to do with the trouble the Camahans ran into in January 1903 is unknown. Neither Eben or the Camahans ever revealed what the trouble in their marriage was, but once it had been concluded Eben sent a private letter to his son-in-law giving him some advice about Cora. Charles thanked him for this, and told his father-in-law that he loved Cora and only wanted to 197

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make her happy. He told him that Eben's advice, combined with his realization that Cora was more of a child than he had ever thought, would help him achieve his goals. Shortly afterwards the Carnahans arrived in Los Angeles for a visit, and when they left in early March their son Harold stayed behind for an extended stay with his grandparents.2 Mining matters also continued to have a hold on Smith's attention as 1903 began, though some not as strongly as certain people would have liked. In May, Charles Mater was back at the Crown Point Mine for one of his periodic stops there, and was disappointed that Smith had not been there recently. He wrote to him on May 4 that he "was in hopes to see you out here before now," as he was very anxious to show the boss the mine that he was so proud of. While certainly very interested in the Crown Point property, Smith's attention was being held by reports from Mexico.3 The previous September he wrote to Charles Mater that he thought Mexico was about to become the new hot spot for mining. As a matter of fact, Smith wrote, he thought it was "already there," and he accordingly shifted his mining focus to the area. He quickly found a mine whose prospects pleased him, the Pinos Altos, and he wrote to both the Central Trust Company of New York and Tyson Dines in June in an effort to raise money for the venture. Within a month he was again sounding like those who had written to him in years gone by offering mines for sale. To Robert Evans he wrote that the Pinos Altos property was "the greatest thing I have ever seen 198

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in my experience in mining." To John Farish he wrote that "I cannot say I have ever seen any other of such magnitude." He proclaimed to Hornblower and Weeks that the mine would "produce 1 ,000 tons of ore a day for a very great number of years.'..4 What was even more amazing about the property, which included the Esperanza and Dolores mines in addition to the Pinos Altos, was that William Dunham had gotten Smith interested in it. Within a short time progress at the mine slowed to a crawl, and by early August Smith's enthusiasm for the deal was waning. Dunham once again went on the attack. He wrote to Smith complaining that Eben was being "overly critical," and that he should appreciate the difficulties that such a deal was sure to encounter when the market collapsed as it had done. He told Smith that his letters, which he was always glad to receive as long as they were not critical of him, should contain more encouragement and less fault-finding. In fact, Dunham thought the fault-finding was "unwarranted."5 Unmoved by Dunham's difficulties Smith withdrew from the Pinos Altos deal on August 18. He still thought that the mine was a good one, but he told Dunham that "I have discovered long since that one cannot indulge in all the luxuries of this world without means to procure them." By that time Smith's time, attention, and money had been forcibly turned to the Murray M. Harris Organ Company. Smith's little investment was about to cause him a huge amount oftrouble.6 On July 16 Smith had written to Dunham that the organ company was in 199

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serious financial trouble. He, and other investors, found out that Murray Harris was "pretty crooked," and that the organ company was "badly involved" in his financial dealings. Because of the way the company had been organized, in the event of bankruptcy, the stockholders would have been responsible for the debts of the company. With $25,000 invested by then Smith was the largest shareholder, making him responsible for one quarter of the company's debt. He quickly realized that he was going to be "obliged to bolster that thing up in order to put it on its feet." David Moffat had been proven correct in thinking that Smith's toying with the stock market would cause him problems once more.7 Eight days later Smith had to soothe hurt feelings at the Pacific Wireless office. The goal of the Pacific Wireless company was to connect the Pacific Coast of the United States with the "Orient" and Hawaii through telegraph wires, and Smith hired General Albert L. New to run the company and achieve this goal. Almost immediately he and New ran into differences of opinion on almost every front. In particular, New felt that he should be given a monthly salary for his work with the company; Smith disagreed as the money for such a salary would have to come out of his own pocket. On July 24 Smith wrote to New that the two should put aside their differences and "consider that we are all working for the same ultimate purposesuccess." For the time being New did just that, and work on the telegraph continued.8 Smith's financial woes with the Murray Harris Organ Company and the 200

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Pacific Wireless Company were just getting started. On August 4 he wrote to his former secretary, Robert Reid, that he had loaned Harris $1 0,000 in order to try to save the company. The efforts of Harris were too little too late, and Smith unofficially took charge of the company and started paying off its debts by then. He told Reid that "I feel I am in Hell's hole." Eight days later at a meeting of the stockholders a new board of directors was elected. Murray Harris was present at the meeting, and assisted in electing the new directors even though he was entirely excluded from it. Smith, as the largest stockholder, was chosen as president. By then Harris's questionable methods of finance were leading to questions about whether he should even be allowed to remain as an employee of his own company. Reid informed his old boss that he was "heartily sorry" for the financial difficulties that he had run into at the organ company.9 An old saying says that when it rains, it pours, and Eben Smith must have certainly felt this to be the case in August 1903. In addition to his difficulties with his new California businesses, on the ninth of the month more bad news came his way. On August 8 Charles Carnahan attempted to kill another man, Hugh Swearingen, in Denver. Believing that Swearingen had insulted Cora at a horse race earlier that day, the two men fought then and there, resulting in a bad beating for Carnahan. Sore over this Charles tracked Swearingen to the office of George Vallery, general agent for the Burlington Railroad. Carnahan's appearance did not raise any alarm among the staff 201

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at the Burlington office, and they thought nothing of it when he opened the gate and walked past them to Vallery's private office. There, without saying a word, he took out a gun and fired at Swearingen at point blank range. Vallery ran through the door to get help, and Charles fired three more shots at his target. All four missed. The two men then fought, and Carnahan repeatedly hit Swearingen with the gun. One final blow to the head knocked Swearingen to the ground, and he appeared to be dead. He was in fact only badly injured and survived the attack. 10 Carnahan was immediately arrested after the incident, but within a few hours he was free on the verbal bond of Smith-Moffat attorney Charles Hughes and David Moffat. A weary Smith reported the incident to Dunham, and said that his son-in-law fired the shots from a distance of"probably not more than six or eight feet" from Swearingen. Smith was amazed, but thankful, that all of the shots missed. He also told Dunham that it looked like Carnahan would be prosecuted. 11 The shooting triggered a great deal of trouble for the Smith family. On August 21 Carnahan wrote to Eben that Emily had written to his mother saying he had "never contributed anything to the support of [his] family." A shocked Charles told Eben that he could prove he had spent well over $50,000 on his family over the years, but privately he must have been thinking that this was trouble he did not need. After the incident with Mrs. Ripley a few years earlier, Eben may have sympathized with his son-in-law as he too fell victim to the pen of Emily Smith. As the family waited 202

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to see what would happen, the Denver newspapers began to chime in on the matter. The Denver Post, on August 22, reported that public sympathy was with Cora, and that the prosecution of the case may tum out to be very bitter as "Mrs. Carnahan's ... father is not apt to let the matter drop if his daughter insists upon a vindication of her name."12 The grand jury met in Denver on September 5 and refused to indict Charles Carnahan. It was predicted, though, that he would probably have to stand trial for assault. Three weeks later, on September 26, it was reported that he was set to plead. After that, the incident completely disappeared from the newspapers without even a mention of what Carnahan's plea was. Whether certain influential people in Denver and Los Angeles, such as David Moffat and Eben Smith, arranged to have the matter dropped or Denver prosecutor's gave up the fight is unknown, but Charles was soon back at work at the Resurrection. 13 As the Carnahan shooting sorted itself out trouble at the organ company continued. William Ramsay, an employee of the company, had been investigating the financial practices of Murray Harris and the bookkeeper, Mr. Dewey. On August 27 he reported to Smith that he found nothing "to note criminal intent or wrongdoing" on the part of the two men outside of a large block of stock that Harris had issued without approval. Still, they were not let off the hook. Ramsay found the "greatest extravagance and carelessness in matters of expense," and accused Dewey of 203

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incompetence for the numerous errors he made in keeping the books. Ramsay's investigation only confirmed the seriousness of the financial problems the company, and Smith, faced. 14 What was becoming increasingly clear to the new board of directors was that they needed to get rid of Murray Harris. Ramsay was doubtful that Harris, who he considered to be "thoroughly dishonest," would be able to adapt to the new circumstances he found himself in at the company as he was working only to "straighten out his affairs." In addition to Harris's "wrong-doing," a contract for a certain organ that Harris had signed was already dooming the company. 15 The organ in question was known within the company as the "big organ" or the "big instrument." What it was officially going to be was the world's largest organ ever, built by the Murray M. Harris Organ Company for the 1904 World's Fair in St. Louis. Harris had signed the contract to build the organ at a price that was so low it was almost ludicrous. Ramsay told Smith that the contract was a financial mistake and a "tremendous over-reaching by Mr. Harris of all reasonable business conditions." The company was being destroyed by an organ that the company was losing thousands of dollars on combined with Harris's business practices, and it fell to Smith to do whatever he could to save it, which meant doling out money which was spent before it even left his pocket.16 Smith agreed with Ramsay's assessment of Harris. On September 7 he wrote 204

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to Ramsay saying that Harris was "no good on earth. He is full of badness, and has no good qualities, and is a unsafe man to be connected with us in any way." Smith and Ramsay wanted Harris out, and they were going to do whatever they could to accomplish that goal. In addition, they also decided that the name of the company had to be changed. In Smith's words it "would be policy" to drop the Murray Harris name from the company. The two discussed possibilities for a new name, but nothing could be done until Harris was gotten out of the way.17 This goal was accomplished on September 19, when Ramsay proudly announced to Smith that Murray Harris no longer worked for the company. Three months later they were still trying to come up with a new name for the company. The choice had been narrowed down to two possibilities, the American Art Organ Company and the Los Angeles Art Organ Company. On December 7 Smith wrote to E. T. Howe that the company absolutely had to be renamed in order to get away from the Harris name as Harris's reputation as a writer of specifications and authority on the musical and tonal departments of the organ did not "exist in the minds of the people with whom we have to deal." Los Angeles Art Organ Company was the name finally settled on, but in early February 1904 Smith wrote to Ramsay that he wished American Art had been chosen instead. He felt that that name would have given the organ company a more national reputation, but he lived with the change as it was.18 As debates over the new name for the organ company carried on in late 1903, 205

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work at the Pacific Wireless Telegraph Company continued to charge forward. On November 1 General New was able to report to his boss that the "system is working perfectly" between Port Townshend and Fort Casey. The company had been negotiating with the United States government to install telegraph stations on revenue cutters, and had gotten approval. New reported that they were finishing installation of a station on the Revenue Cutter Grant, and that test transmissions had been successfully picked up as far away as Friday Harbor on San Juan Island. General New assured Smith that he could not lose money with this company. Although Smith certainly hoped this would not happen, he also knew that nothing was that certain.19 The sometimes strange and unusual business offers continued to arrive at Eben Smith's offices, where most ofthem were declined. On December 1, 1903, W. W. Allen, who had been interested in buying the Resurrection Mine three years earlier, wrote to Smith with one such proposal. He wanted to know if Smith was interested in investing in 13,000 acres of redwood and sugar pine timberland. Allen wrote that the property "would appear to offer great profits as well as furnishing means to keep you out of mischief." As with so many other offers, Smith declined.20 J. 0. A. Carper reported to Eben on January 31, 1904, that Frank and his family had moved into their new house on York Street. The completed house differed in only minor ways from the final plans that had been drawn up in 1902. The basement had a billiard room, laundry room, wine storage room and servants quarters. 206

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The billiard room was finished in the "regular Dutch scheme" with a brick floor and fireplace, and a pipe rail.21 The hallway on the first floor was the gem William Fisher hoped for. The focal point was a circular staircase, imported from either France or Holland, with wrought iron balustrades "ofBower-Barfffinish." The Smiths wanted to leave no question as to who built the house, so the initial "S" was repeated in an intricate design in the plaster throughout the first floor hall. The dining room was "Flemish in effect" with massive oak ceiling beams and watered oak paneling. It was large enough to seat sixty people. The music room, where "successive gracious ladies of the house held receptions," was covered with daffodil colored silk. The living room was decorated with a combination of mahogany woodwork and blue brocaded silk. The reception room was finished in white enamel. There was also a large kitchen and a servant's dining room. 22 The second floor was divided into five bedrooms, with the master bedroom facing City Park. Different rooms were finished with mahogany, Flemish oak or white enamel. The third floor had a large playroom for the children and other bedrooms. There were also four bathrooms in the house with "tubs, showers, sprays, needles, etc." All of the porches, bathrooms, vestibules and the kitchen had either tile or marble floors.23 The 4,000 square foot carriage house had doors leading into both the west 207

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courtyard and the alley. There were stalls for five horses. The most unique feature of the carriage house was a large lift that was attached to the beams on the second floor. This was used to store either out of season or extra carriages on the second floor of the carriage house by lifting them up to the second floor. Although one early article on the house called the carriage house a barn, the "architects took great care in their design of the exterior to have it fully compliment the Smith Mansion in every respect." When all construction and landscaping was complete the house cost Frank Smith the predicted $50,000?4 The situation for Eben Smith in California was not so cheery. The financial problems that plagued the Pacific Wireless company and the Los Angeles Art Organ company continued into 1904. Just four days into the new year Smith wrote a check to Pacific Wireless for $2,500. Six days later Smith had found out some disturbing information about one of his employees at Pacific Wireless that put that employee on a par with William Dunham. Smith informed General New that Armstrong, one of the men selling stock in the company, had been doing so without turning in the money from those sales. In his letter to New describing what had happened Smith wrote, "I am rather unfortunate in running up against crooked men ... Once again his trusting nature had gotten him into trouble.25 The situation was no better at the organ company. In January Eben and Emily sold a piece of land they owned at Seventh and Alameda in Los Angeles to the organ 208

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company for $10. A new factory was built on this land, the expense ofwhich must have been borne by Eben, but it did not help. By the end of February he was so frustrated with things there that he wrote to William Ramsay that if not for the big organ he would "drop the whole business now and take my loss." The company had been working on the World's Fair organ for six months at that point, and so far it had cost them $60,235.39, much to the shock of Smith. Contracts for other, smaller, organs being built by the company in no way came close to even covering the $67,000 total that it would eventually cost to build the big one. Despite Smith's frustration with the organ company, the big organ itself received a great deal ofattention.26 An article in the April 23, 1904 edition of Scientific American gave a good idea of how truly impressive this organ was. It had a total of 10,000 pipes, 140 stops and weighed 125 tons. Incidentally, the weight of the organ caused further problems for the company as it cost a huge amount of money to ship it from Los Angeles to St. Louis in ten freight cars. The organ measured one hundred feet by twenty-seven and a half feet, was forty feet high, and a total of 80,000 feet of lumber were used in constructing it. The console alone required 10,000 feet of quarter sawn white oak. The largest pipe was thirty-two feet long, and in a publicity photo a Shetland pony was shown inside this pipe.Z7 Up until this time the largest pipe organ was in the town hall at Sydney, New South Wales, Australia. It had 9,000 pipes, 128 stops, and covered 1,600 square feet 209

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of floor space. Some of the most well known organists in the country had been hired to play the new organ at the World's Fair, and "acres and acres" of automatic music was being collected in order to fill in while the virtuosos were on break. The organ was not actually at the World's Fair, but was instead to be placed in the Convention Hall in Kansas City, which had been leased by the management of the Fair for the occasion. After the exposition ended the organ was supposed to be left there permanently. 28 The Scientific American article also demonstrated why the organ was such a blow to the financial affairs of the company. A huge number of men had to be employed in constructing the 1 0,000 pipes, 140 stops, the frame, the console, and numbers of other parts. Men also had to be employed to place the 1,300 magnets, 115 miles of wire, and ninety pistons and numerous other parts that actually made the organ work. A number of women and girls were also employed to sew together the hundreds of sheepskins that were used to cover the pneumatics inside the twelve-foot long chests of the organ. While all of this paints a somewhat awe-inspiring image of a truly remarkable instrument, it should be kept in mind that Murray Harris had underbid the project, a bid which the company had to honor. Though Eben Smith's name was not really connected with the construction of the organ, it is easy to imagine him being very proud of what his company was achieving, even if it did cost him a great deal. As he had already written to Ramsay, the big organ was the only thing 210

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keeping him in the business at that time.29 As impressive as the organ may have been, it certainly did not pay the bills. On April 26 Smith had to write a check to the organ company for $5,000. Less than a month later he was forced to give them an addition $10,000. The only thing keeping the Los Angeles Art Organ Company and Pacific Wireless Telegraph afloat was Eben Smith, and he was beginning to feel the pinch of supporting two companies. On March 8, 1904, he wrote to General New that he was tired of paying out money for the telegraph company, and that it was long past time to get it on a paying basis.30 In the same letter to New, Smith revealed that trouble had developed at the organ company between him and Ramsay. He told New that he was afraid of Ramsay, who was handling a very large amount of money for him. He wrote that he could not "afford to have a man who is attending to my business one the one hand and fighting it on the other." Smith did not elaborate on what he meant by this, and there is no further indication of what the trouble may have been. Once again it looked as if Smith found himself trusting a man that did not deserve to be trusted.31 By this time the company had opened an office and showroom in New York City under the direction of Arthur Scott Brook. Brook tried to avoid spending too much money on decorating the showroom by "exercising economy with a good general appearance." Brook sent letters that went over his expenses and thoughts for the company down to the smallest detail, much to the satisfaction of Smith. Just as he 211

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had expected reports from those who were in charge of his mines in the 1890s, he expected the same kind of reports from those who were helping him make music and string wires in the early 1900s. He also was not afraid to let his employees know that he would replace them if they did not achieve results. 32 The organ for the World's Fair became so well known that "Builders of the Largest Organ in the World" had been added to the company's letterhead. Regrettably, as far as Smith was concerned, this new found fame did not translate into financial gain for the company. In July he was called on to loan it $5,000, followed by $3,000 in August. All of the money that Smith loaned the company was starting to add up by then. In a statement on September 2 it was revealed that the organ company owed him $156,847.77. In October this total was raised yet again when he was forced to loan the company $7,500. No records were kept of what the company's debts were in 1903 when Smith took charge of it, but the one-quarter of it that he would have been responsible for might have been much less. Smith's success in difficult mining ventures such as the Wolftone in Leadville had led him to believe that he could tum around a failing organ company, but that turned out to not be the case. He was not one to give up easily, though, and he was far from finished with the organ company.33 The situation at Pacific Wireless was only slightly better. Little happened there between the time in March when he told General New that it was time to put the 212

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company on a paying basis and October, when he gave another $1,000 to it. By January that company owed him $96,000. Smith, who thought that at the time of his move to Los Angeles in 1901 he was worth only $1 ,000,000, had in two years loaned one fourth of that money to two companies with no guarantee that he would ever see it again. He must have been a very frustrated man by late 1904.34 All of this frustration took its toll on 72-year-old Eben Smith's health, and on September 4 he suffered what the Denver Post described as a paralyzing stroke while at his horne in Los Angeles. The news was received by telegram in Colorado, and friends there feared that because of his age there might be a "fatal termination of the attack." Employees, such as Arthur Scott Brook, wrote to encourage Smith in his recovery, Brook saying that his father had suffered a similar stroke and recovered fully from it. The fears of his Colorado friends proved to be groundless, and the severity of the stroke exaggerated, as Smith was fully recovered and back at work by September 24, loaning money to the organ and telegraph companies. At that time his old friend from Leadville, Charles Limberg, after being sure to say "hope you have fully recovered," went on to write that just as Smith was looking to sell his stock in the Independence so was Limberg. 35 After recovering from the stroke Smith continued his mining activities to a certain extent. There had been another strike in Cripple Creek starting in 1903, much more serious than the 1894 strike, but this latest round of labor trouble did not even 213

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intrude on Eben's thoughts in 1903 and into 1904. Little was heard from his Colorado interests during 1904, probably because they were largely under the direction of his son Frank. The fact that most of his old mines were worked out may have also had something to do with this. He certainly was not out of the business, though. Charles Mater was back at the Crown Point Mine by April, still holding out hope that it would make a fortune for him and Eben. Eben had also gone in on another mining venture with C. W. Denison, one of his co-owners of the Pride of the West mine in Silverton. The two men leased the Silver Lake Mines in Silverton, to be worked by Denison. Eben actually had very little to do with this property as Frank handled it for him for the most part. 36 The Victor Junior continued to be a productive mine. Carey Thompson reported to Smith on January 7 that the mine was shipping several thousand dollars worth of ore every month. For example, the December 1903 clean up ofthe mine had given $14,000 in gold bullion. His nephew Roy continued to work at this mine, though he never seems to have gotten over how hard the work was. Thompson reported to Eben on April 19 that Roy had left, but apparently unable to find anything better he was back by May 4. His father heard little from Lemuel, who had gone back to Leadville the previous year. In fact, it would be almost two years before Lemuel would again put in an appearance. His father did not forget about him, though, and by late 1904 started giving him $25 a month. Eben continued to buy new mining 214

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properties as well, such as when he bought the property of the Joseph Gibbons Consolidated Mining and Milling Company for $112,500 on July 15, 1904.37 Eben and Emily's children and grandchildren were frequent visitors to their house in Los Angeles, particularly Cora and her three children. The children often stayed alone with their grandparents as Harold Carnahan had done in 1903. This was again the case in June 1904 when young Emily Carnahan was staying with her grandmother. Eben had to go to Denver with business associates, but he sent a telegram to his wife on June 2 urging her to keep an eye on the baby as a "party might conclude to kidnap her in our absence."38 One other change took place in 1904 when Smith moved his office from the Laughlin Building to rooms 607, 608 and 609 in the Braly Building. His business interests had become large enough that he once again needed a big office. It had been a very busy year, so he and Emily were glad to leave in early November. After a quick stop in Denver they made their way to St. Louis for a visit to the World's Fair. There Eben saw the big organ in action, and he wrote to his secretary, Charles Lapham, "I assure you the great organ is all and more than they claim it is." From there it was on to the Smith's beloved New York for a much needed rest.39 215

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Fig. 12.1. The console ofthe "big organ." (Scientific American) Fig. 12.2. A Shetland pony posing inside the largest pipe. (Scientific American/0 216

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' Fig 12.3. Frank and Josephine Smith's house on York Street. (Denver Public Library) 217

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Fig. 12.4. FrankL. Smith. (Denver Times/1 Fig. 12.5. Josephine Hill Smith (Denver Post/1 218

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Fig. 12.6. Frank and Josephine Smith's children; from left to right Eben, Melvin and Frank. (Denver Post)47 219

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CHAPTER THIRTEEN FRUSTRATION His enormous outlays of money to the organ company and the wireless company were beginning to weigh on Eben Smith's mind as 1905 rolled around. Much to the dissatisfaction of Charles Mater, he received a letter from Smith dated January 8, in which Smith said that he did not want to put any more money into prospecting and even mentioned the possibility of selling the Crown Point and more recently purchased Golden Fleece mines. Needless to say, Mater was not happy about this change in his employer's attitude.1 Smith had become so frustrated with Pacific Wireless by the end of January that he told General New that, at times, he felt like "throwing up the whole business and letting it go to the dogs." He realized that he would lose a large sum of money by doing so, but whether or not such an outcome would be preferable to putting more and more money into the venture was a "serious question" in his mind. This had come after New again started requesting a salary of $300 a month, which Smith again shot down on the grounds that it would have to come out of his own pocket. The frustration only continued to grow when he sent another $400 to New on February 15 for the construction of a wireless station in Victoria, British Columbia. He had 220

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already put $1 ,800 into this particular phase of construction, and he wanted it operational soon.2 The antagonism between New and Smith did not help the situation at all. New had written to Eben that the company might as well be called "Mr. Smith's Wireless Telegraphy" since he had control of the stock and the Board of Directors. Smith blew his top, putting pen to paper to tell New that was a lot of"damned rot" to write such a thing to him. He went on to say that if he "could get out what money I have in the concern I would be glad to tum it over to you or anybody else." The situation got so bad that when New later threatened to resign Smith told him that he would gladly accept his resignation if he wanted to give it. 3 The situation between New and Smith could sometimes spill over into his relationship with other employees, often over trivial matters. S. L. Phillips, another employee of Pacific Wireless, had been sending telegrams collect to company headquarters. To a man like Smith, who had keeping expenses down as one of his chief concerns, such a move was bad policy, but to a man already on edge it was disastrous. He berated Phillips for sending the telegrams collect, and Phillips apologized, saying he would know in the future to attend to his business, and not to Smith's as it "certainly seems to be a thankless job." He went on to say that he knew Smith had more on his mind and more annoyances with the company than any ordinary man should, but not to "go at your friends with a club, who are working for 221

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your interest and the interest of your Company. "4 Phillips also wrote that he knew Smith had a lot of"leg pullers" as "every rich man has them." Smith certainly had these, and the charitable requests continued to arrive with regularity. Smith found himself less inclined to help these people, and even became exasperated by those that he had been helping for some time. His letters to J. 0. A. Carper about the milk plant had become less and less friendly as time wore on and the bonds Eben and Emily, Cora, and Sarah Rundel had taken were not repaid on time. Carper wrote to his benefactor on January 20, 1905, that he understood Smith had met with "heavy losses" because his "goodness" had prompted him to help a number of "young fellows who have been struggling to make a success of business ... Eben Smith was clearly getting tired of the demands that his money was subject to, even from long-time friends such as Carper.5 The situation at the organ company was not much better. In February Eben hired F. L. Spaulding to build a one story addition to the new factory building that had been constructed on the land he and Emily sold to the company. This new addition did not seem to help matters much as the company was facing increasingly stiff competition from the Aeolian and Hutchings-Voley Organ Companies by June. W. B. Fleming wrote to Smith about the situation, saying "our company builds the best and gives the very best satisfaction," yet they were losing business to these other firms. Fleming saw the distance of Los Angeles Art Organ from the markets of the 222

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east coast, and the high shipping costs incurred as a result ofthat distance, as the biggest disadvantage the company faced. Fleming planted the idea of building a factory in the New York area, an idea that Smith and others at the company thought was very good. By the end of the year a new factory was operational in Hoboken, New Jersey. To help ensure a larger market for the company the name was also changed from the Los Angeles Art Organ Company to the less local sounding Electrolian Organ Company.6 Smith was able to put aside his differences with Pacific Wireless when the situation called for it. Early in August Smith received a letter from Fannie L. Lash, who was interested in buying stock in the company. He was pleased to inform her that the company was busily erecting what would be the largest wireless station in the world on Mount Temalpais outside of San Francisco. As the largest stockholder in the company Smith was "all the time investing money in the same, which I would not do if I were not a believer in the system." Smith was certainly a believer in the system, just not in the man who was responsible for constructing the system. 7 While Smith put on a good face in order to aid in selling stock in the company, New continued to make trouble. At the end of August he wrote to Smith complaining about his secretary, Charles Lapham. Smith did not believe what New wrote, and Lapham wrote to his chief saying "it gratifies me very much to know of your confidence in my ability to handle your business here." Lapham was so 223

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disturbed by New's tirades that he even wrote to Frank about it, telling him that his father knew the truth of the matter. Lapham stayed on as Smith's secretary, but it would not be long before he would have yet another unpleasant run-in with the disgruntled general. 8 Not satisfied that he had his finger in enough pots Eben Smith became a large investor in two more enterprises in 1905. He became involved in the construction of his third railroad when he became president of the Bakersfield and Ventura Railroad, which was responsible for building a line between those two California cities. As with all of his other capitalist ventures at this time Smith's chief role was as supplier of the capital. This railroad had its share of problems for Smith to deal with. Late in June the company decided to buy a used locomotive from the Salt Lake City Railroad. It turned out to be in poor condition, and it would have taken a huge amount of work to get it in working order. The road also had trouble getting dump cars shipped from the National Coal Dump Car Company. Smith must have been thinking this was one more headache that he did not need.9 He also invested in a new drill company run by his old friend Frank Sutherland, buying a total of76,752 shares in the newly created National Gas Drilling Company. This new business concern brought an old friend out of the woodwork, William Dunham. Work on the Panama Canal was pushing forward in 1905, and Dunham wanted the right to sell the new drills to the United States government to use 224

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on the canal. Eben does not seem to have pursued getting Dunham this right, but he did get his son Frank a contract to sell the drills in five states. His father told Frank that the drills would cost $500 to make, and he could sell them for anything over that amount. As with his other business ventures during this time production of the new drill ran into problems, and Eben became increasingly irritated with the delays that Sutherland frequently ran into.10 In September the Smiths, or at least Emily, joined the automobile age. On the 12th Eben bought Stevens Duryea Number 1206 from the Felker Automobile Company in Denver for $2,725. The Felker Company offered him the standard deal of storing, cleaning and delivering the car for $25 a month. The dealership also offered a chauffer at seventy-five cents an hour, or one on call in addition to caring for the car for $20 a week. None ofthis mattered as the car was shipped to Los Angeles within a month. On October 20, Lapham reported to Frank that his mother's car had arrived on the previous Wednesday "in good shape, and she is now enjoying it as the weather is exceedingly fine." Not ready to rush into the joy of motorized movement Eben hung on to his three horses, Bro, Lan and Vic, and carriage for the time being.11 November was yet another aggravating month for Smith. The construction of the wireless station on Mount Temalpais had run into a number of delays over the preceding three months, and Smith was becoming increasingly impatient about getting on with the work. At the organ company affairs continued pretty much as 225

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usual, and Smith loaned it another $2,000 on November 3. On top of all that the new car was acting up, and Smith wrote to the Felker Company that he had talked about "the machine" with Mr. Duryea, who was apparently unable to come up with an answer for what ailed it. One light moment came when Smith heard from an old friend and his former stockbroker, Ramsay Bogey. Smith was pleased to report to Bogey that he was in his usual good health, and he hoped that Bogey would "be prospered, and eventually become rich and respectable." Smith heard from another old friend ofhis from his and Dillwin Parrish's days at the Fisher Store in New York, Henry Wolcott, though Smith had to report to him that he had given up his "original nonsense." He did not disclose what he meant by this, but it was apparent that he and his friends had enjoyed their days at this particular place immensely.12 Wolcott had written to Smith concerning the organ company and why the organs from his company cost so much more. Smith explained that the higher cost was because an organ from the Electrolian Company was of a better quality than he would find at any other manufacturer. He told Wolcott that "rather than build cheap organs for the sake of getting the market for them we would quit the business entirely." He did not say it, but Smith was almost certainly wishing he had done just that back in 1903. 13 Eben Smith's mining activities were slowing down by this point, but he had not yet given up on Mexico. Early in December Smith hired George Kislingbury to 226

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examine a number of possible copper mines in Sonora, Mexico. Kislingbury was pleased by what he found, and on December 16 he was trying to secure these mines for Smith. The other mining news of the year was not as good. Smith-Moffat had finally abandoned work at the Resurrection, their last major operation in Colorado. With the backing of David Moffat, who served as president, Charles Carnahan opened the C. T. Carnahan Manufacturing Company at 1724 Lawrence Street in Denver. Carnahan held all other positions in the company, serving as vice-president, treasurer and general manager. The big business for this new firm was drills, putting it in rivalry with Eben and Frank's investment in the National Gas Drilling Company. Carnahan even reported to his father-in-law that he had seen one of his new gas drills in a store window, but did not have the time then to examine it closely.14 William Dunham resurfaced once again at the beginning of December. Dan L. Webb, who had worked with Smith and Robert Reid in their office at the Equitable Building in Denver, sued the Independence Consolidated, of which Smith was still president, for 10,000 shares of stock that he was originally supposed to have been given. At the time that he was to have been given the stock he owed Smith $2,000, money which Smith had loaned him in 1900 to buy a house, so he was only given 5,000 shares. The other 5,000 went to Smith as collateral on the loan. Dunham had to stick his nose into the business, suggesting to Frank that he obtain another 5,000 shares cheaply, give them to Webb, and then have them put up as collateral on the 227

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loan. He wrote to Eben that he dropped the matter "as soon as I saw Frank had it in hand, because he seemed to want to look after it himself ... This was probably an understatement, as Frank and the rest of the Smith family were likely wishing that Dunham would simply go away for good.15 One other mining matter came to Eben Smith's attention at the end of 1905, and it also brought him into contact with another old friend. George Ruple wrote to Smith concerning rumors he had heard that the Joe Givens property (the men were probably referring to the Joseph Gibbons property that Smith bought the year before) was for sale. Smith was happy to hear from yet another old friend, and reminded Ruple that "the last time I heard from you I borrowed a shirt from you." He confirmed that the property was for sale, but was under the management of C. W. Denison. Smith suggested that Ruple should write to him, and that he could probably find him in Denver as he thought Denison had a girl there, "and you know that brings a fellow around once in a while."16 As 1905 came to an end Eben Smith was preparing for another busy year ahead. He had a number of irons in the fire with his search for mines in Mexico, continuing work at the drill company, and plans to make successes of the Bakersfield and Ventura Railroad, Pacific Wireless and the Electrolian Art Organ Company. But, he was not counting on fate, which had other plans in store for him. 228

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CHAPTER FOURTEEN BROKENISTHEGOLDENBOWL The year 1906 got offto a fairly uneventful start for Eben Smith. On January 2 he wrote to Arthur Scott Brook that he knew it would take a great deal of hard work for the organ company to "get in where we belong," but he believed that hard work would accomplish the goal. Requests for help continued to find their way to Smith's desk, such as the one he received on January 6 from an old miner named Osborn. Addressing Smith as "the miner's friend," he told him that if he sent any money he could spare God would bless him and Emily. Smith suggested that Osborn "call on God for any favors of this kind." In his letter Smith advised Osborn to leave out luxuries like whiskey and tobacco, do a little hard work, and trust in God, and that by doing so he would be all right. Smith was particularly upset with Osborn because he had been sending numerous letters to his house, and Smith informed him that "there is no reason on earth, why you, not knowing me, should call on me to help you." It was this that prompted the earlier quoted letter from Osborn telling Smith that he had been a good man once until David Moffat saved him. Smith also sold his stock in the Independence Consolidated Gold Mining Company in January for thirty cents a share. Generally speaking business was continuing pretty much as usual for Eben Smith. 1 229

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Deciding that he had had enough ofthe Stevens Duryea, on January 25 he notified the Western Motor Car Company in Los Angeles that he would be trading it in on a new Packard Touring Car. The base price was $4,150, but with the addition of an extra seat, lamps and a galvanized hom the total carne to $4,320. After receiving $2,000 for the Stevens Duryea in the trade the Smiths took delivery of Packard Touring Car Number 2256, their second new car, on February 23. By that time, though, difficulties had arisen in Los Angeles.2 The same day that Eben notified Western Motor Car about his impending purchase, January 25, his wife Emily sent a telegram to Cora, warning her that her father was seriously ill but that he would probably be alright. The next day Eben's secretary, Charles Lapham, sent a telegram to Frank, asking him to come to Los Angeles to help attend to his father's business. That same day Kislingbury withdrew from the mine deal in Sonora, Mexico after problems developed with the Mexican government. It was the last major mine venture that Eben was involved in. By mid February Frank had arrived, and was handling his father's mining interests as well as organ company and Pacific Wireless business. The exact nature of Eben's illness is unclear, but there was a noticeable deterioration in his handwriting as time progressed. It is possible that he may have suffered another stroke, but that is only speculation. 3 On February 8 Lapham sent a telegram to Arthur Scott Brook in New York 230

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informing him that Smith was sick and still not attending to business. Nine days later Lapham wrote to F. R. Coffin, another representative of the organ company, that Smith was doing better but that he also would probably stay away from business through the summer at least. His illness did not keep the organ company from needing his financial assistance, and between March 5 and April 18 he loaned it a total of$9,500. Eben did manage to attend to some business during this time, but for the most part Frank and Lapham were in charge.4 Early in March Smith was drawn into a situation that had developed at the Crown Point Mine. Charles Mater had been back at the mine for some time by then, and events would soon show that he had invested a lot of himself in the property. On March 8 Charles Mater, Jr., wrote to Smith that his father had gone "insane," and was refusing to leave the mine because he was "under a deep impression that someone is trying to defraud him out of his interests." Mater, Jr., had been called to Arizona to deal with his father's situation, and he wanted Smith to arrange a bogus sale of the mine so that he could get his father away and get him the treatment that he needed. 5 Smith answered on March 10, but unfortunately no copy of his letter has survived, so whatever he may have told Mater is unknown. It must have worked, though, as the two Maters left the mine a week after the younger one's arrival to return to California. While traveling Charles Mater wrote a letter to Smith explaining what had happened at the mine. The trouble started when a load of two inch lwnber 231

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was hauled to the mill without Mater's knowledge, which he promptly ordered the person who brought it to take away. Mater suspected that the lumber had been delivered as part of a plot by a man named Thomas A. Irving to take over the mill. Irving had in fact been given permission by Dennis Sullivan to take over his claims in the Crescent District, news that was not passed on to Mater. In addition to working Sullivan's claims, Irving wanted to do some work on the Golden Fleece Mine, telling Mater that "it shall cost you nor Eben Smith anything." Mater agreed to this with the conditions that he be in charge of the work and that no monuments on the Golden Hill mill be disturbed. This became another sticking point between the two men as Irving thought that some ofthe monuments had to be moved.6 In Mater's narrative of the story, Irving then tried to "make friends" with him over a bottle of whiskey in front of Mater's cabin. Mater objected, telling Irving "I make no friends over a bottle (of] whiskey." Undeterred, Irving then demanded that he be given a place on the water right that the Crown Point Mine had. When Mater refused this suggestion, Irving came into his cabin with a gun in his hand. Mater drew his in response, and Irving "fell out backwards" from the cabin. Mater let the man go despite the fact, he told Smith, he wanted to shoot him. Apparently it was at this point that Mater became convinced someone was trying to steal the Crown Point Mine and his son had to be called in for help. Three months later Smith received a telegram from Mater. He informed his boss that he believed their mining claims to be 232

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better than he had ever thought, and that he still intended to work them. It was the last that Smith heard from Mater.7 The situation at the Pacific Wireless company was no less tense. Frank was away in Seattle on company business, leaving Charles Lapham alone in Los Angeles. Taking advantage of Eben's absence from the office General New demanded of Lapham that his son be given ajob with the company at a salary of$75 a month. After chastising New for taking such action, Eben absolutely refused to hire Frank New. He also told New that he did not want his son hanging around the office as a "spy." In addition New caused a great deal of trouble over some patents on wireless equipment that were supposed to be signed over to the company by a man named Yarnell, who also worked for Pacific Wireless. New convinced Yarnell that the patents had to be signed in a certain way, which was not true. Eben was disgusted by these "antics," and told New that he once before told him he would accept his resignation. He now said that ifthis behavior kept up he would demand New's resignation as he could be replaced quite easily.8 On top of all this bad news also reigned at the organ company as the disgraced Murray Harris made his reappearance. According to Arthur Scott Brook, Mr. Fleming was pricing the organs produced by the company too high, costing the company business. Brook told Smith that what Fleming was doing amounted to sabotage as Harris was back and trying to reunite all of his former employees, including Fleming, 233

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m a new company. Sources even reported to Brook that Fleming would often take and destroy plans for organs when he left the factory at night. Brook wrote that the organ company was faltering because Fleming was the "canker worm eating the life out of the business."9 Smith was feeling well enough near the end of May to attend to a little business on his own. Still trying to sell the big organ, he wrote to Adolphus Busch in St. Louis trying to interest him in it for the new auditorium that was being built there. At the beginning of June he got son Lemuel another job, this time running engines at a mining operation in Oxnard, California. Then, at the end of the month he fired Brook as the New York representative ofthe Electrolian Organ Company, replacing him with F. R. Coffin. Brook had not performed to his satisfaction, and the financial situation of the company required someone who could actually sell organs. Smith thought Coffin to be his man.10 Smith was feeling so well that June that he even hired the Thayer Decorating Company to undertake a major renovation of his Los Angeles house. In the dining room the decorators had to strip the wall paper, fresco the ceiling, refinish the floors, put up new wallpaper and a new plate rail. In the hall Thayer put pressed leather paper on the upper half of the wall while the lower half received leather with metal buttons. The ceiling in the hall was also tinted and frescoed. In the den off of Emily's bedroom the walls were covered with burlap, and wallpaper over cotton cloth 234

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was put on the ceiling, and both the den and Emily's bedroom received new curtains. The lilac bedroom, pink bedroom, blue bedroom, hall landing and tea house were also fitted out with new curtains. New wallpaper was also put up in the back hall, as well as in the three bathrooms, where the woodwork was touched up in addition. The house, bam and greenhouse were repainted, and all of the windows in the greenhouse were reglazed. In all Smith spent $1,629.45 on the remodeling.11 Eben and Emily spent the summer of 1906 in Los Angeles as he continued his recovery, so his family came there to see him. In May he sent Cora $5,000 to come for a visit so that she could travel first class. Josie and the children arrived for a visit in late June or early July, but her visit had to be cut short on July 10, when a telegram arrived at the Smith house informing her that her mother had died. Frank, Josie and the children left for Denver the same day. As the days of summer drifted away Smith wrote to John Campion on September 1 that "I have not thoroughly recovered from my recent illness, but am on deck and attending to business as well as I can." His business files from this time show that he really was not able to attend to much business at all, as Lapham and Frank continued to handle most things.12 Even his illness did not stop the flow of letters pleading for help Henry Fleischman wrote on July 11 asking for a $500 loan in order to better himself. He promised to pay the loan back as he knew Smith had "loaned lots of people money and never gotten it back." Had he been feeling better Smith might have paid more 235

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attention to pleas such as this, but he was once again feeling poorly. The only pleas he was truly concerned about carne from his family, and on August 20 he sent $100 to Lemuel's wife to pay for the return trip from Oxnard to Leadville. Two days later he gave Frank and Lapham authority to act for him in all his business at the Bakersfield and Ventura Railroad. 13 Near the end of October Eben and Emily decided to return to Colorado to visit Cora. They had arrived in Colorado by October 27, and had a fairly uneventful visit for the first few days. Eben expected, and continued to receive, reports from Lapham on the state of his business affairs just as he had for many years. His secretary sent the last one of these that he would ever receive on November 2. It is doubtful that Eben ever got the chance to read it. On November 3, Eben was stricken with severe stomach pains. Doctors were called in immediately, and a diagnosis of appendicitis was quickly made. The doctors also decided that Eben was too old for an operation, and so the only thing to do was wait. Two days later, on the afternoon ofNovember 5, "as the golden November sunlight was streaming through the windows, a man whose name is known the length and breadth of the state of Colorado, entered upon that journey whose end no man knows." Eben Smith was dead from acute peritonitis at the age of74.14 Frank left Los Angeles for Denver on November 6 as news of Eben's death became known and the praise began. The Breckenridge Bulletin called Smith one of 236

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the most "highly respected" men in mining, a sentiment that was echoed by the Denver Republican. The Denver Post reported that to Smith was "due the perfection ofthe science of ore reduction," and both the Post and Denver Times called him the "dean of mining in Colorado ... All shared a sense that the mining industry of Colorado had lost one of its true giants. Smith's funeral was held at his former home at 951 Logan on Thursday, November 7, under the direction of Reverend Charles S. Marshall, rector of St. Barnabas Church. Following the funeral Smith's body was placed in a temporary vault at Fairmount Cemetery while work commenced on a large private mausoleum for the Smith farnily.15 At the time of his death it became clear that Smith was first and foremost a miner, even though it had been a while since he had been involved in a truly outstanding mining venture. A large portion of his estate was made up of mining stocks, many of which he had owned since the early 1890s. Among the Leadville mines that he still retained ownership of were the Ibex Company (including the Little Jonny}, the Franklin, Grey Eagle and Pocahontas, the Maid of Erin, and the Gazelle. In Cripple Creek he still was part owner of the Creede, Roxana, Venture and Mount Sopris properties. He also still owned an interest in the Victor lode and the Buster lode in Teller County. His first love always was mining, and he never lost his passion for it even though his mines may not have been the money makers they once were. 16 On November 15, ten days after his father's death, Frank filed Eben Smith's 237

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will for probate in Denver County Court. At the time his estate was estimated to be worth from $3,000,000 to $10,000,000. One-halfofthe estate was to go to Emily, while the remaining half was to be divided between Frank and Cora. The sum of $50,000 was to be invested in securities, the interest of which was to be paid to Eben's sisters Nancy Bassett and Emily Elizabeth Lyons. The sum of$5,000 was to be given to Sarah Rundel, Emily Smith's sister. The biggest surprise of the will was in connection with Eben's son Lemuel. Due to his "personal habits" Lem was cut off with only $25,000, which was to be put in trust and only the income paid to him. Eben went on to say in his will that, if at any time after his death, his executors determined that Lemuel had "fully and permanently reformed his life and habits and that he will not waste or squander" the money, the trust could be revoked and the money paid to him. Frank and Cora served as executors of their father's will, and as a safeguard against questions about the genuineness of the will or shady attempts to substitute different pages "upon the margin of each page of the will is written in the large, scrawling hand ofthe millionaire the initials 'E.S."'17 At the time of his father's death Lemuel was working as an engineer in Leadville, earning $5 a day. He and his wife Nellie had a daughter, Fay. The family lived in "moderate circumstances," and Lemuel provided "for them comfortably and has a neat, attractive home." Lemuel only commented briefly on the terms of the will at first, saying that the time was not right to talk about it as the death of his father had 238

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been a "severe loss" to him. His friends, though, hinted that he would contest the will. That was exactly what Lemuel eventually threatened to do, saying that he would reveal the skeletons in the Smith family closet if that became necessary.18 Frank, Cora and Emily pleaded with Lemuel not do this, and ultimately compromised. They paid him $50,000 and Lemuel withdrew his plan to contest the will. Lemuel stayed in Leadville until1909, or at least his wife did. Any mention of the Lemuel Smiths in the Leadville City Directories stops after that year. The only thing about Lemuel that can be said with certainty is that sometime between 1909 and 1921 he died, most likely in Leadville. 19 The compromise with Lemuel came too late, as it turned out, to avoid any damage. With the announcement ofthe settlement on November 27, 1906, the public learned that the estimated value of Eben Smith's estate was just a little over $1,000,000, the majority of which consisted of $636,000 in annuities that Smith had purchased from Mutual Life ofNew York in 1905. The rest ofthe money, according to the Denver Times, was "frittered away in losses during the last year of Eben Smith's life," in businesses such as the Pacific Wireless Telegraph Company and the Electrolian Organ Company. A true, final account of Smith's estate was never published, though it seems likely that the estate was probably worth much more than was reported. A partial inventory completed by March 26, 1907, put the value at $1,000,000, and it was expected to grow larger. By then Eben's sister Emily 239

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Elizabeth had died as well, and it was decided that her half of the $50,000 trust for his sisters was to be returned to the estate and divided between Emily, Frank and Cora. In late 1907 it was stated that the estate was worth $5,000,000, the last figures ever reported. 20 After her husband's death Emily did not return to California. She sold the house on Seventh A venue for $146,000 and bought a house at 964 Logan, across the street from her daughter. Emily did not stay there often, instead spending most of her time at Estamere. The public heard little from the Smith family after Eben's death, until November 5, 1907, exactly one year after his death. The news that was then learned came as quite a shock to Denver society. 21 That morning it was announced in all of the Denver newspapers that Judge George Allen, the father of Harry Allen, Josephine's former love interest, had dissolved the marriage of Frank and Josephine Smith. Even close friends of the couple, who knew that their home life was not all that it could have been, were surprised at the news. Josephine sued for divorce on grounds of cruelty, and Judge Allen agreed to hear the case before the court opened for regular session in an effort to cut down on the publicity. The details revealed in the divorce hearing suggested that Lemuel may not have been the only Smith son who had failed to live up to his father's high expectations.22 Josephine and her lawyer, Stuart Walling, actually appeared in court; Frank 240

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was present only through his attorneys. There had been rumors of women and too much wine throughout the marriage, but Josephine made no mention of the women. She told reporters afterwards that Frank was as good as husband as there could be when he was not drinking, but if he drank a little he "was not always kind to me." In court she testified that Frank often used abusive language in speaking to her, and that she had to spend several days in bed under a doctor's care after one especially bad episode that occurred when Frank had come home in a particularly bad mood. Frank's only comment after the divorce was that he felt bad about it, but that Josephine would be "happier alone." In the divorce Josephine received custody of the children, though Frank was free to visit them at any time, the house at 180 I York Street valued at $1 00,000, the contents of the house valued at $50,000, a cash settlement of$50,000, and $250 a month for the care ofthe children.23 After the divorce Frank left for California to attend to some unfinished business related to his father's estate. Once he returned to Colorado he moved into his mother's house at 964 Logan. Nine months after the divorce, on August 3, 1908, Josephine married Richard Hughes, a private detective from Kansas City, in the process setting off a new round of trouble. The new marriage prompted Frank to go back to court to get custody of his children, claiming that Josephine had acquired a drug habit. The court ruled in favor of Josephine, and there was once again little news of the Smith family for a short time.24 241

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The Smiths returned to the pages of the Denver newspapers in 1909 when Frank and Lulu W. Wapperman were married in Trinidad, Colorado at the Trinidad Methodist Church on December 6. Lulu was a Southern woman of "especial charm and beauty," whose divorce from her first husband had become final November 23, 1909, only thirteen days before she married Frank. Texas law forbid her from being married in the state so soon after her divorce, so Frank was on hand to meet her at the border when she left the state. From there the two went on to Trinidad to be married. The marriage came as a surprise to all, including his sister Cora. She told a reporter from the Denver Times that she had known her brother and Lulu were engaged, but "did not know that the marriage was to take place so soon."25 Reporters who asked at Frank's office at 1740 Broadway were told that Frank and Lulu planned to return to 964 Logan shortly, but the newlyweds ignored these plans and traveled around the state for quite a while. Then, on December 26, only twenty days after Frank's marriage, Eben's widow Emily died at the age of 73 in the house at 964 Logan. She was ill for only a short time, but "when the angel of death came to claim her she said she was ready to go." Shortly before she died Emily called all of her servants into her room and gave checks to each of them ranging from $1 ,000 to $2,500 and "bade them be good and useful men and women." Her funeral service was held at her home on December 28, after which Emily was buried next to her husband in the family mausoleum, which had been completed in 1907. The inventory 242

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of her estate, completed on July 28, 1910, showed it to be worth $201,847.93. In all probability this figure was low as the Smith's appear to have been very good at hiding money. In addition to the mining stocks and real estate inherited from her husband, there was a great deal of jewelry included in the estate along with the old Packard Eben and Emily had bought in 1906. Frank and Cora each got just over $80,000, and each grandchild received $3,000. By the time the estate was settled Frank was unable to enjoy his share of it as a series oftragedies had begun to hit the family. Emily's peaceful death was to be the last time that the word peaceful would be associate with the Smith family for many years.26 243

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Fig. 14.1. Lemuel Smith at the time of his father's death. (Denver Post) 244

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Fig. 14.3. Their daughter Fay. (Denver Post/7 245 Fig. 14.2. Lemuel's wife Nellie. (Denver Post)

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CHAPTER FIFTEEN THE SMITH FAMILY Frank and Lulu returned to Denver on April 9, 1910, settling in Emily's house at 964 Logan after their extended tour of the state. Lulu's two children from her previous marriage moved in with the couple, and Frank's children from his first marriage were frequent visitors to the house. For the next month life continued as usual for the family. In early May Lulu's sister, Rebecca Beggs, and niece, Nora Holmes, arrived at the house to visit the happy new couple. All appeared to be going well in the life of the Smith family. Then, tragedy struck.' On the night of May 6, 191 0, Lulu, her two children, and her sister and niece gathered for dinner in the dining room of 964 Logan. The only person missing was Frank, and the family waited patiently for him to come downstairs. They were alerted to the fact that something was wrong when, shortly after seven o'clock, Marion Mehan, the maid, ran from the house, screaming "Frank Smith has shot hisself." Within seconds a number of neighbors, including Frank's brother-in-law Charles Carnahan, who still lived at 951 Logan, came running to the house. Doctors were summoned, and they determined that the bullet, which entered the body an inch above his heart, had passed completely through the body. A car was called for and Frank 246

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was driven to St. Joseph's Hospital, where it was reported that his condition was grave, but that he stood a slim chance of surviving the wound? Almost as soon as Marion Mehan ran screaming from the house the family started insisting that the shooting had been accidental rather than an attempt at suicide. Frank had spent the afternoon of the day of the shooting downtown with Thomas F. Daly and returned to the house at about five o'clock. He "mingled" with his family until it was time for dinner, at which point he went upstairs to dress. When he was found after the shooting he was only partially dressed. Family friend George W. Cook told reporters that Frank had been fascinated by guns ever since he was a child, and that he often enjoyed taking them apart, cleaning them, and putting them back together. To Cook it was very easy to understand how an accidental shooting could have happened. Charles Carnahan told reporters that the gun had discharged in "some way unknown to anyone." All agreed that a suicide attempt was the last thing the shooting could have been, since Frank had no reason to commit suicide. He was young, had recently married a pretty wife, and his finances were in good shape. 3 The story finally settled on by the family was that Frank had laid down on his bed to clean the .38 caliber revolver that he always kept beside it, and that the gun had become entangled in the cord of a drop light on the nightstand. The newspapers found the explanation less than satisfactory, and thought that the reaction of the family strengthened the idea that the shooting had been an attempted suicide. Despite 247

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the best efforts ofthe doctors Frank died early in the morning of May 9, 1910. He was thirty-eight years old. The family inunediately asked for an inquest, which was granted.4 At issue was the large amount of life insurance that Frank had. His friends and family wanted the inquest so that "no legal technicality" would prevent collecting on these policies, but the hopes of the family for an accidental shooting ruling were dashed on May 10 when the coroner's jury ruled that Frank shot himself intentionally. Particularly damaging to the accidental shooting theory was testimony from Charles Carnahan himself. He testified that when he reached Frank's side within minutes of the shooting Frank had "gasped" to him "I tried to do a good job." The next day, May 11, Frank's funeral was held at 964 Logan, the second funeral to take place at the house in less than six months. The funeral was under the direction of Reverend Charles Marshall, who performed his third funeral for a Smith in three and a half years. Frank was interred at Fairmount where the Elks, of which Frank was a member, conducted special ceremonies.5 As if the shooting was not enough, controversy arose almost immediately over Frank's estate, valued at $265,872.77. Just as with his mother's estate, it is likely that this figure was low. Frank's legal advisor was former Judge John A. Ewing of Leadville, and it fell to him to settle the estate. To assist in settling the estate Judge Ewing hired attorney Karl E. Steinhauer. The estate was supposed to have been 248

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divided almost in half, with Lulu receiving $140,000 and Frank's three children dividing the rest. It was then that complications arose as a woman named Claire S. Miller, an attendant at a cigar stand in a downtown Denver building, claimed that she was Frank Smith's common law wife. Miller told Frank's attorneys that she had lived with Frank as his wife for many years before his divorce from Josephine, that she was recognized as such in California, and that after the 1907 divorce she was known to the servants as Mrs. Smith.6 Ewing directed Steinhauer to investigate Claire Miller's claim, and she told Steinhauer that she had friends in California who would recognize her as Frank's wife. Frank was certainly not a saint in his private life, showing that Eben may have been too harsh in singling out Lemuel in his will, but in retrospect Miller's claim is weak at best. If Frank had been living with her before his divorce it is almost certain that Josephine would have mentioned it during the divorce hearing. She had chosen not to mention his reported dalliances with other women in the suit, but it is hard to imagine her not mentioning such a flagrant example if it was in fact true. On most of the occasions that Frank visited his father in Los Angeles he had his family with him, so it appears to be unlikely that Miller would have spent enough time with him there, especially under Eben's watchful eye, to be recognized as his wife. The family wanted to avoid any further controversy, though, and Claire Miller was gotten rid of with a $50,000 settlement. Fifteen months after Frank's death Lulu married for the 249

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third time, to Karl Steinhauer. 7 On December 1, 1910, David Moffat left Denver for a business trip to New York City. The death ofEben Smith had also brought about the end ofMoffat's mining career for the most part. He turned his attention back to the First National Bank of Denver and to construction of his largest railroad, known as the Moffat Road, in addition to serving as president of the Denver Union Water Company. The purpose of Moffat's December trip to New York was to raise money in order to extend the Moffat Road from Steamboat Springs, Colorado, to Salt Lake City, Utah. The trip turned into a sad one for the fmancier as his fellow traveler Colonel Leonard Eicholts returned to Denver and died, followed by news of the deaths of two close friends of Moffat, former lawyer for Smith-Moffat and now Senator Charles Hughes of Colorado and Senator Stephen Elkins of West Virginia. Early in March 1911 Moffat was still in New York when word was received in Denver that he was ill with the grippe. All appeared to be well on the morning of March 18, though, when he was seen walking in the corridors ofthe Hotel Belmont at around ten o'clock. Half an hour later he was dead at the age of seventy-two. Moffat was brought back to Colorado and buried at Fairmount. In the years after Smith's death a number of his old associates joined him at Fairmount Cemetery, including Lincoln A. Reynolds in 1909, Stephen Dorsey in 1916, and Philip Argall in 1922. Interestingly, these last three were buried in graves within sight of Smith's mausoleum, as was the grave of 250

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Josephine Smith's mother and Norris Cone. Eben Smith's business associates must have enjoyed being around him so much in life that they wanted to stay near him in death, or, on the other hand, they may have wanted to keep an eye on him just in case.8 After Frank's death the family again retreated from the front pages of the newspapers for a time, but this proved to be the calm before the storm. Josephine and Richard Hughes continued to live most of the time in the house on York Street, although they did spent some time in Kansas City. Josephine's father, Charles Hill, sold his house at 1800 Gaylord and had been living in Santa Monica, California since suffering a stroke in July 1911. On January 20, 1912, he died there at the age of 83. His body was sent back to Colorado and he was buried next to his wife at Fairmount Cemetery. As the Hills' only child his death made Josephine, already considered to be comfortable after her divorce from Frank, a very rich woman. 9 Charles and Cora Carnahan divorced on April3, 1915 after twenty-two years of marriage. Newspapers described Charles as one of the wealthiest mining men in the state, showing that he had come far since the days when Eben Smith had to send his daughter pin money. Cora sued for divorce on grounds of desertion, saying that her husband had left her about two years before and had been gone from home ever since, even though they had recently announced the engagement of their daughter Doris to Courtland Dines, son of Eben's old attorney Tyson Dines. It took Judge John 251

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H. Denison less than ten minutes to grant the divorce, after which Cora and her daughter (there is no mention of whether it was Doris or 13-year-old Emily) left for the East coast. Charles moved to Pinehurst, North Carolina, and by 1917 Cora had remarried, this time to stockbroker Thomas Costello. The marriage of Josephine Smith and Richard Hughes also ended during this period, and Josephine was back to being Josephine Smith.10 In 1918 the waiting storm finally broke. Eben LeRoy Smith, son of Frank and Josephine, was working at the International Trust Company in Denver when the United States entered World War I in 1917. In 1918, as the United States' involvement in the war deepened, Eben left his job with International Trust to enter the officer's training corps at Camp Funston. After completing his training he was given the first lieutenancy of Company K, 355th Regiment ofthe 89th Division ofthe American Expeditionary Force and left for France. During fighting in late October Eben fell ill, but left the hospital to rejoin his unit. There, on November 4, one week before the war ended, Eben was killed in action near Beaufort, France. According to his friend and fellow lieutenant Max Melville, Eben was wounded in the head by machine gun fire and never regained consciousness. 11 In addition to his mother and two brothers Eben left behind his wife, Margaretta. Eben also left behind a son, William Eben, though it is not clear if he was born at the time of his father's death. Eben LeRoy's aunt, Cora Costello, was in 252

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New York with Margaretta at the time of her husband's death. After setting aside $1,000 for the care of the Smith Mausolewn at Fairmount Cemetery Eben left the bulk of his $500,000 estate to his wife, who received half of it outright while the other half was placed in trust. Margaretta was reported to be returning to Clinton, Massachusetts with her mother. Eben was buried in France, but a plaque to his memory was placed in the Smith family mausolewn in Fairmount Cemetery.12 The storm's fury continued when Coloradoans awoke to the news on June 28, 1921, that two men had been killed in a car accident in Los Angeles earlier that day. While normally such an incident would not be front page news in Colorado this was a special case because one of the men killed was 22-year-old Melvin Hill Smith, the second son of Frank and Josephine. Melvin had received his early education in Lawrenceville, Massachusetts before continuing at the Colorado State Agricultural College in Fort Collins. There he met and married Marian Adelaide Parker, who went by Adelaide, on December 23, 1916. Melvin was eighteen years old at the time.13 Melvin and Adelaide had two children. Melvin, Jr., born September 23, 1917, and Betty Adelaide, born in 1921. Seven weeks after Betty's birth Adelaide filed for divorce on the grounds that her husband's "career," beginning four months after their marriage, "had been marked by a trail of affinities." The divorce was granted on January 20, 1920. Estimates placed Melvin's fortune at $200,000, of which Adelaide received $20,000 plus $150 a month in child support. Four days after the divorce 253

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Melvin married his second wife, Virginia Stone, and the two left for Los Angeles soon after. Six months later, on June 18, police arrested Adelaide at her home at 1818 Albion Street on charges of conducting a disorderly house. The children were temporarily made wards of the Denver Juvenile Court, but the court allowed Adelaide to retain custody of them based on good behavior.14 Just before daybreak on the morning of June 28, 1921, Melvin, Los Angeles police patrolman Jack H. Abbott, and Jean Bruneault, a young woman who was the friend of Officer Abbott, were riding in Melvin's Locomobile. Melvin attempted to swing the car around a comer at a high rate of speed in a residential section of Los Angeles, but the car struck a stone pillar and was completely demolished. Melvin and Abbott were dead by the time people reached the scene of the accident, but Jean was only "slightly bruised." Melvin's body was brought back to Colorado and yet another Smith was buried in the family mausolewn.15 The storm continued on its path of destruction through the Smith family just under three years later. Little is known about the life of Frank Leonard, the youngest son of Frank and Josephine. He married and moved to Santa Fe, where he had two children, Frank, Jr., born on April 6, 1923, and a daughter, Rosaline. In April 1924 Frank was in Colorado visiting his Aunt Cora and cousin Harold Carnahan at Estamere. It was at Estamere where he fell ill with the "dreaded" sleeping sickness on April 15, and he was taken to Mercy Hospital in Denver where three doctors attended 254

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to him. According to the Denver Post "every means known to medical science to combat the dreaded sleeping sickness was resorted to in an effort to save the young man's life," but it was not enough. After being in a coma for twelve days Frank died on April26, 1924 at the age of twenty-four. With his death Josephine Smith achieved the very unhappy status of having outlived all three of her children. A year and a half after his death (the reason for the delay is not known) Frank was also buried in the family mausoleum.16 Within six years three of Eben Smith's four grandsons had died, but the storm was still not finished. Charles and Cora's son Harold was attending Yale University at the outbreak of World War I. He quit school and, like his cousin Eben, enlisted in the army. After the war Harold returned to Colorado, but he suffered from melancholia and frequently sought treatment at sanitariums. In the summer of 1924 Harold spent several weeks with his mother and cousin Frank at Estamere in Palmer Lake in the hopes that this would help him in his battle. To those who knew him he appeared to be improving. Appearances can be deceiving, though, and upon his return to Denver his condition became worse. In early November he left for California where he checked himself into the Las Encinas Sanitarium in Pasadena. There, on the night of November 9, Harold got hold of a gun and shot himself. He was thirty. Charles Wilson, Harold's sister Emily's husband, went to Pasadena in order to accompany his body back to Colorado for burial in the family mausoleum.17 255

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With the death of Harold Carnahan the storm finally abated, but not before leaving behind an impressive path of destruction. After Harold's death the Smith family quickly faded from prominence. Josephine sold the house at 1801 York Street to John and Minnie Crook shortly before her son Frank's death. She never really settled at one address after that, but instead seems to have traveled a great deal and rented a house in Denver when necessary. Showing just how far the family had receded from the public's mind, her death on January 5, 1946 at the age of seventy five was not even a news item, as it would have been twenty or thirty years earlier. Her funeral was held on Monday, January 7, at St. John's Evangelist Catholic Church at Fifth and Josephine Streets in Denver, after which she was buried with her three children in the Smith mausoleum.18 At the time of Josephine's death Cora had been Eben Smith's only surviving child for many years. She had long since moved out of her father's old house at 951 Logan and by 1930 was living in a mansion, designed by Frederick Varian, near the Denver Country Club at First and Race. Her one business venture was in the mid1920s when she sold Chinese art goods at the Brown Palace Hotel. In order to keep the memory of her mother and father alive she donated two chairs in their memory to the Central City Opera House, but for the most part she lived quietly. By 1954 she had moved out of her Country Club mansion and into a house at 975 Pennsylvania, where she died on January 17, 1956 at the age of eighty-five. Cora was also buried in 256

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the family mausoleum.19 After Cora's death, the mission of keeping Eben Smith's memory alive fell to her daughter, Emily. Emmy, as she was known, married Charles Shipley Wilson, who was related to the Van Schaacks, a famous Denver real estate family. After her husband's death in 1946 Emmy moved out ofher mother's Country Club mansion, which she had been living in for a number of years, and moved to Central City. She started operating a tin type shop there in 1941, but in 194 7 she started the business that would make her famous. That year she leased the Ignatz Myer building on Main Street in Central City from long-time family friend and Denver attorney Henry W. Toll. After making a number of renovations, Emmy opened the Glory Hole, a Tavern in the Town ofCentral City, in July 1947. Before long the tavern was one ofthe favorite destinations ofthose who visited Central City, especially because ofEmmy's antics there. She could often be found dangling her legs through a hole in the ceiling or dressing up in one of her many authentic Victorian dresses in order to steal customers from the nearby Gold Nugget bar.20 Watching over Emmy's antics was her grandfather, Eben Smith, whose picture hung in the stairway to the second floor. Late in 1949 Rocky Mountain News columnist Robert Ruark visited the Glory Hole, and printed one story about Eben that Emmy must have shared with a number of the bar's customers. Supposedly, the night after Eben died in 1906, his wife Emily was "weeping bitterly" and being comforted 257

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by friends. Finally, having had enough, one of her friends told Emily, "'for the Lord's sake, don't carry on so, Emily. It's the first time in your life you ever knew where [Eben] was at night,"' (maybe there was something in the Mrs. Ripley story after all). After repeating the story Emmy grinned at the picture of her famous grandfather, and Ruark closed his column by saying he "could have sworn" Eben "twinkled wickedly at his pantsclad descendant." Emmy's sister, Doris Van Schaack (she also was married to a member of the real estate family) died on November 14, 1957, at the age of sixty-two, leaving Emmy as one of the few surviving descendants of Eben Smith. Her own failing health forced Emmy to sell the Glory Hole in 1957 to long-time friend Bill Axton. Emmy Wilson died in Denver on August 14, 1963, at the age of sixty-one. With her death, the responsibility for keeping the Smith family name before the public eye fell not to another person, but to a house.21 John Crook, the man who bought the house at 1801 York Street from Josephine Smith, died in 193 7. His wife, Minnie, kept the house until 1950, when she sold it to Laura Mitchell of Greeley. Minnie died in Denver in 1959. At the time that Laura Mitchell bought the house there was not much call for large mansions, so she converted it into a boarding house. Known as the Briarwood Manor, she kept it until 1970, when the house was sold and converted to offices. Over the next several years the mansion changed hands rapidly as real estate speculation flourished. As a result of this frequent change of ownership maintenance was neglected and the house sunk 258

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deeper and deeper into a state of decay. It was finally foreclosed on in March 1984, at which time L. Douglas Hoyt, an attorney and "architectural buff," bought it.22 Hoyt immediately began a $1.6 million restoration of the house. The leaking roof was replaced, and the rotted floors and ceilings of the porches, destroyed or damaged windows and doors, and decayed or missing balustrades were replaced outside the house. Inside, numerous areas of plaster were repaired, and major renovations took place to make the house more functional as office space, including the installation of an oversized elevator. Amazingly, in spite of the damage the house sustained in the fourteen years before Hoyt bought it, a number of original elements from the days of Frank and Josephine Smith still survived. These included the repeated "S" in the plaster in the first floor hall, the original brass and copper chandeliers, an original sink in the bathroom on the third floor, some pieces of original brass hardware, and the carriage lift in the carriage house. All of these details were lovingly preserved by Hoyt, architect Robert Larsen, and interior designer Dennis Leczinski. In 1985, the Smith Mansion, as it came to be known, was listed on the National Register of Historic Places.23 Over the years there has been some controversy over who actually built the house. There are those who think Eben built it for his son, and there are those that think Frank built it himself. The evidence overwhelmingly points to Frank as the builder. The newspaper articles that were published at the time construction began 259

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clearly state that Frank bought the six lots the house was built on, and that Frank was the one having the house designed. When it was announced in August 1902 that his father was going to also build a house on York Street it was made clear that Frank was already in the process ofhaving his house on York Street designed. Frank also was the one who pulled the building permits. Jim Maxwell, who knew both Eben and Frank, further emphasized that Frank was the builder in 1957. He wrote to Jack Foster concerning an article in which Foster had said that Eben built the house. Maxwell corrected him by writing that Frank, "a millionaire in his own right," had the house built. Given this evidence it can be stated with a fair amount of certainty that Frank was the Smith who had the Smith Mansion built. Now, thanks to Douglas Hoyt, the Smith Mansion still stands as a lasting reminder of Eben and Emily, Frank and Josie, Lemuel, Charles and Cora Carnahan, Emily Wilson, and all the other members of the Smith family more than 100 years after Frank Smith first broke ground to build his family a new home.24 260

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Fig. 15.1. Lt. Eben LeRoy Smith. (Denver Times/5 261 Fig. 15.2. Melvin Hill Smith. (Denver Times/6

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Fig. 15.3. The Eben Smith Mausoleum. (Photo by the author) 262

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Fig. 15.4. Emily "Emmy" Wilson. (Bill Axton Collection) 263

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Fig. 15.5. The Smith Mansion before restoration. (Office of Archaeology and Historic Preservation) Fig. 15.6. The restored Smith Mansion. (Dennis Leczinski) 264

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CHAPTER SIXTEEN THE DEAN OF MINING MEN No industry played a more important role in the development of Colorado than mining. Without it the state probably would not have developed as it did. At the same time, were it not for Eben Smith the mining industry in Colorado would not have become what it did when it did. This statement may seem bold, but it was one that his contemporaries had no trouble making. Someone surely brought another stamp mill to Colorado, but history rarely records the name of the second person to come up with an idea. Whoever it may have been, their accomplishment is overshadowed by the fact that Eben Smith and Jerome Chaffee got here first. In Eben Smith miners found a man who already had experience owning and operating a mill in California, and doing so profitably. This experience, supplemented by his training as a ship's carpenter, which Fletcher Jordan thought was very useful to his chosen profession, allowed Smith to run the mill more successfully than anyone else coming to Colorado might have been able to do in 1860. The fact that he decided that a stamp mill would work based solely on the reports that he heard coming out of Colorado, and no first-hand experience, also says something about his abilities as far as milling was concerned. He was a fast learner and his years in 265

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California were one of the best crash courses anyone could have had, placing him in the "front rank as a mining engineer." As was said at the time of Chaffee's death in 1886, the Smith-Chaffee Stamp Mill "materially assisted in the development of the mines of Gilpin County" and "added a great impetus to the industry." By then the Smith-Chaffee mill was gone and there were a nwnber of other mills in operation in the state, many of which probably made the Smith-Chaffee mill look crude in comparison, but it was Smith and Chaffee who first showed how a mill could work in the state.1 The contributions of Eben Smith to mining did not end there. In Leadville he was the first miner to actually put a pwnp in a mine and drain the water out of it. Why no one else did this is anyone's guess, but as the story of his life clearly shows he was not one to let obstacles stand in his way if he was determined to accomplish a goal. Rather than stand around and wish for the water in the mines to simply disappear he took action and did what he could to alter the situation to meet his needs. When he and brother Henry opened the Grey Eagle and Pocahontas company, the first deep mining operation in Leadville, it was with the same attitude. Just because no one else had the nerve to do something was no excuse for Smith not to do it. A nwnber of his obituaries referred to him as a "pioneer" ofthe Cripple Creek district, and Smith and Moffat's Victor Mine was described as the "first real money-maker of the district. "2 266

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There were times when this attitude got him into trouble. His confidence in his mining abilities led him to some failures, such as at the Tam O'Shanter. Smith was very knowledgeable about mining, and he should have realized that the vein at the Tam O'Shanter was shallow, but his confidence led him to believe that he could make anything work. The same attitude later caused him to lose a lot of money at the Los Angeles Art Organ Company, but even then he was determined to make a success ofthe business. Had he lived maybe that would have happened. His death, though, also signaled the end of that enterprise. It went bankrupt a short time later.3 Smith contributed to mining a number of other ways as well. At his mines outside of Colorado, such as the Victor Junior in Oregon, his numerous Mexican ventures, and the Arizona copper mines, he contributed a great deal of money towards the mining industry in those areas. His impact was not as widely felt there as it was in Colorado, but he allowed a number of other miners to pursue their dreams of striking it rich with his financial assistance. Every time he received a letter from a young man asking for his help to start a mine, Smith's mind must have drifted back to 1850, when a 19 year old with no experience in mining set out to make his fortune in the gold fields of California. The roads leading away from California and Colorado were littered with the broken dreams of such men, but Smith was lucky. In his success he personified what everyone who joined him in the country's two biggest gold rushes was hoping for, money. At the very least his life gave them hope that it was possible 267

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to achieve this dream. His obituary in the Denver Post stated that "so long as mining may endure his name, his brain, and his work will be an integral part ofmining."4 Eben Smith contributed to the history of mining in Colorado and the West in one other way that he was displeased with even during his life. Due to his and his fellow mine owner's labor practices unions were able to get a strong foothold in the state, which helped to increase their strength everywhere. Labor unions have played a very active role in the history of the United States, and in his own small way Smith contributed to this history. There are those who will criticize him for being so stubborn on his dealings with the unions, but his position was just as valid as those who supported the unions. In the days when striking miners could blow up mines and threaten lives Smith saw organized labor as threatening his dream and his financial status, and he did not like it. Placed in the same position many people would have reacted the same way. Eben Smith's assistance to Colorado did not end with mining. With his financial success came a sense that he owed something to the state, leading to the many political positions that he held in Colorado. While nothing of great significance came as a result of these offices, his contributions were not insignificant either. He followed his conscience and voted against the Sand Creek resolutions, which had absolutely nothing to do with support of the Union, at the Union State convention in 1865. Without his service as a County Commissioner Boulder County may not have 268

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gotten a court house to temporarily serve their needs in the 1870s. The record of what he did in the state legislature during his one term is lost, but the fact that he was there certainly says something about his standing among his fellow men. He agitated for the free coinage of silver, much to the delight of some he fought the unions, and, in perhaps his biggest contribution to the state, he worked hard to help Jerome Chaffee get elected to the United States House of Representatives and Senate. His service did not end there. As Postmaster of Central City, as one of the founders of the Independent Party of Lake County, and a supporter of William Jennings Bryan, Smith contributed in his own way to the political history of Colorado and the United States. Bryan's 1896 presidential campaign is still spoken of in awed terms, and he himself has become a hero in the history books. In Eben Smith, we have a first hand account of someone who might not have ordinarily supported Bryan. Smith also filled a role as political commentator, particularly when he lambasted the political environment of Colorado to Robert Reid in 1900, providing an entertaining example of those who opposed the progressive movement. His views of the South, so well expressed during his trip through that part of the country in 1896-1897, also contribute to the history of the country by showing that more than thirty years after the end of the Civil War there were still many Yankees who were bitter about it. There are his other business ventures to consider as well. The First National Bank of Denver was in existence for more than 125 years, and there are still those 269

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who mourn both the lost bank building in downtown Denver and the Bank itself. The First National was the first bank west of Omaha, Nebraska and Leavenworth, Kansas to receive a national charter, which Smith and Chaffee actively pursued. Smith's active participation in the affairs of the bank was relatively short, lasting just a little over a year after its founding, but the bank went on to play "a central role in the growth and development of Denver, the State of Colorado, and the Rocky Mountain Region." At the time of his death the Denver Times wrote that he was "a pathfinder in the wilderness that existed before the statehood days and one of the builders of this great commonwealth." The Denver Post simply said that Eben Smith "developed Colorado."5 One of Eben Smith's greatest headaches during the last years of his life, the "big organ," owed its very existence to him even though his name is never mentioned in the histories of it. If he had not stepped in and started loaning money to the Murray M. Harris Organ Company, the company would have quickly gone under and taken the dreams for the organ with it. Today it still retains its status as the largest pipe organ in the world after two additions to it over the years increased the total number of pipes to 28,500. It can be heard daily at the Lord and Taylor store in Philadelphia, its home since 1920s when the Wanamaker company bought it. Despite the financial losses that the Los Angeles Art Organ Company caused him, Eben would probably be pleased to know that the organ is still the biggest there is, since it was the only thing 270

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that kept him involved in the business.6 Eben Smith was certainly not a saint. He may have had an affair with Mrs. Ripley, he was probably too harsh on his son Lemuel when he made out his will, and there are those who would criticize him for not being kind enough to his workers. He also engaged in more than a few unethical, if not illegal, business practices, such as his participation in Moffat's scheme to rid the Victor Mine of debts in 1900 or his plans to blow up a Florence and Cripple Creek bridge in 1894. He did nothing, though, that his fellow mine managers and owners would not have approved, and many of them took part in similar incidents themselves. He was a soft touch, though, for those who had a good story and needed his help, and at times for those who did not have a good story. If he thought it within his power to help he did, and while there were times when he expected to get something in return for this, more often than not he simply sent a check without any hope of ever seeing the money again. Smith shared a number of prejudices with the people of his time, particularly against the Irish. When he was complaining about the political environment of Colorado to Robert Reid in 1900, of particular concern to him was his belief that the Irish had taken control of politics in the state. If it benefited his bank account, though, Smith could overcome these prejudices. In November 1894 he wrote to Charles Keith at the Anaconda that, while he did not "believe in employing Irish," he also had no doubt that Johnnie Murphy was "the most competent man" to take charge 271

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of the Smith-Moffat Iron Mine lease in Cripple Creek. Money has always talked, and Eben Smith was an eager listener. This does not necessarily make him a bad personit just means that he was human.7 Even with all of his contributions to the development of Colorado, Eben Smith did not set out to promote the state as David Moffat, Henry Teller, and others did. Despite his many business ventures Smith's first love always was mining, and it was there that he felt most at home. He rarely called himself a mine owner or a general manager, but instead referred to himself simply as a "miner." He worked behind the scenes while men like David Moffat and Jerome Chaffee and Horace Tabor, as stated in the introduction, put a public face on the industry. His knowledge and his experience contributed a great deal to making mining a huge industry in the state of Colorado, leading to all the benefits of economic growth and development. It is for mining, though, that Eben Smith is best remembered today, which would make him a very happy miner.8 272

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NOTES INTRODUCTION I. "Eben Smith," Eben and Emily Smith Files, Gilpin History Musewn. 2. Steven F. Mehls, David H. Moffat, Jr.: Early Colorado Business Leader (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1989), p. 48; Norman E. Tutorow, Leland Standford: Man of Many Careers (Menlo Park: Pacific Coast Publishers, 1971), p. 24; Duane A. Smith, Horace Tabor: His Life and the Legend (Boulder: Colorado Associated University Press, 1973), pp. 71-72; John J. Lipsey, The Lives of James John Hagerman (Denver: Golden Bell Press, 1968), pp. 21-23, 155; John H. Davis, The Guggenheims: An American Epic (New York: William Morrow and Company, 1978), Chapters Four, Five and Six. 3. Mehls, David H. Moffat, Jr., pp. 155-156; Tutorow, Leland Stanford, p. 24; Lipsey, The Lives of James John Hagerman, Part Two. 4. John Moring, Arthur Hill: Western Actor, Miner and Law Officer (Manhattan, Kansas: Sunflower University Press, 1994), pp. 2, 18, 31-35; Frank Waters, Midas ofthe Rockies: The Story of Stratton and Cripple Creek (New York: Covici, Friede, 193 7), pp. 121-122, 124-125. 5. Information on Henry Teller taken from Duane A. Smith, Henry M. Teller: Colorado's Grand Old Man (Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2002). 6. John Tosh, The Pursuit of History, Third Edition (Essex, England: Longman, 2002), pp. 73-74. 7. Richard White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own": A New History ofthe American West (Norman: University Press of Oklahoma, 1993), pp. 89, 191. 273

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CHAPTER ONE: BEGINNINGS OF A MINING MAN I. Eben Smith to J. S. Clinton, August 15, 1902, Bound Volume 10, Eben Smith Papers, Western History Department, Denver Public Library. 2. William Newton Byers, Encyclopedia of Biography of Colorado (Chicago: The Century Publishing and Engraving Company, 1901), pp. 239-241; Fletcher Jordan, "Jerome Chaffee and Eben Smith," Eben Smith Manuscript Series, Stephen H. Hart Library, Colorado Historical Society; "Eben Smith," Eben and Emily Smith Files, Gilpin History Museum. 3. Byers, Encyclopedia of Biography of Colorado, pp. 239-241; History of Clear Creek and Boulder Valleys, Colorado (Chicago: 0. L Baskin and Company, 1880), pp. 680-681. 4. Byers, Encyclopedia of Biography of Colorado, pp. 239-241; History of Clear Creek and Boulder Valleys, Colorado, pp. 680-681; Marie E. Fields Brower, ed., Brown and Dallison's Nevada, Grass Valley and Rough and Ready Directory For 1856 (Marie E. Fields Brower, privately published), p. 97. 5. Fletcher Jordan, "Jerome Chaffee and Eben Smith," Stephen H. Hart Library; Hanna's Directory of California Landmarks, p. 81; Bancroft's California Pioneer Registry and Index 1542-1848, p. 331; Caroline G. Smith Grave, Mountain View Cemetery, Sacramento, CA. 6. Fletcher Jordan, "Jerome Chaffee and Eben Smith," Stephen H. Hart Library. 7. Ibid. 8. Fletcher Jordan, "Jerome Chaffee and Eben Smith," Stephen H. Hart Library; Mary McRoberts, Boulder County, Colorado Censuses (January 1992), listings for Eben Smith and Lemuel Smith; Byers, Encyclopedia of Biography of Colorado, pp. 239-241; History of Clear Creek and Boulder Valleys, Colorado, pp. 680-681. 9. Fletcher Jordan, "Jerome Chaffee and Eben Smith," Stephen H. Hart Library; Walter Williams, ed., A History ofNorthwest Missouri, Volume 1 (New York: Lewis Publishing Company, 1915), p. 368; "Jerome B. Chaffee's Death," Denver Republican (March I 0, 1886): 1. 10. "Jerome B. Chaffee's Death," Denver Republican (March 10, 1886): 1. 274

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11. Fletcher Jordan, "Jerome Chaffee and Eben Smith," Stephen H. Hart Library; Byers, Encyclopedia of Biography of Colorado, pp. 239-241; Carl Abbott, Stephen J. Leonard, and David McComb, Colorado: A History of the Centennial State, Third Edition (Niwot: University Press of Colorado, 1994), p. 51. CHAPTER TWO: A MINING MAN IN CENTRAL CITY 1. Fletcher Jordan, "Jerome Chaffee and Eben Smith," Stephen H. Hart Library; Byers, Encyclopedia of Biography of Colorado, pp. 239-241. 2. Fletcher Jordan, "Jerome Chaffee and Eben Smith," Stephen H. Hart Library; Byers, Encyclopedia of Biography of Colorado, pp. 239-241; History of Clear Creek and Boulder Valleys, Colorado, pp. 680-681. 3. Byers, Encyclopedia of Biography of Colorado, pp. 239-241; History of Clear Creek and Boulder Valleys, Colorado, pp. 680-681; Fletcher Jordan, "Jerome Chaffee and Eben Smith," Stephen H. Hart Library; "Jerome B. Chaffee's Death," Denver Republican (March 10, 1886): 1. 4. Fletcher Jordan, "Jerome Chaffee and Eben Smith," Stephen H. Hart Library; History of Clear Creek and Boulder Valleys, Colorado, pp. 680-681; White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own", p. 258; Eben Smith to George Mabee, September 24, 1900, Bound Volume 6, Eben Smith Papers. 5. Fletcher Jordan, "Jerome Chaffee and Eben Smith," Stephen H. Hart Library; "Obituary for Nellie Jeffery," Sacramento Bee (November 11, 1896): Photocopy provided by Sacramento Public Library; Nellie Jeffrey Grave, Mountain View Cemetery; Caroline G. Smith Grave, Mountain View Cemetery. 6. Byers, Encyclopedia of Biography of Colorado, pp. 239-241; Eugene H. Adams, Lyle W. Dorsett, and Robert Pulcipher, The Pioneer Western Bank: First of Denver, 1860-1980 (Denver: First Interstate Bank ofDenver, 1984), pp. 24-25. 7. Josiah M. Ward, "The Empire Builders of Colorado: David H. Moffat, The Banner Bearer," Denver Post Magazine Section (October 3, 1920): 2; "David H. Moffat is Dead: End Comes Suddenly in a New York Hotel," Rocky Mountain News (March 19, 1911): 1, 6. 275

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8. "David H. Moffat is Dead: End Comes Suddenly in a New York Hotel," Rocky Mountain News (March 19, 1911): 1, 6; Josiah M. Ward, "The Empire Builders of Colorado: David H. Moffat, The Banner Bearer," Denver Post Magazine Section (October 3, 1920): 2. 9. Thomas Maitland Marshall, ed., Early Records of Gilpin County, Colorado, 1859-1861 (Denver: The W.F. Robinson Printing Company, I920), pp. 272,274-275. I 0. "The Daily News," Rocky Mountain News (October 17, 1865): I; "Union State Convention," Rocky Mountain News (October 25, 1865): 2. I1. "Union State Convention," Rocky Mountain News (October 25, 1865): 2. I2. "Jerome B. Chaffee's Death," Denver Republican (March 10, 1886): 1. 13. "The Daily News," Rocky Mountain News (January 13, 1866): 4; "The Daily News," Rocky Mountain News (July 13, 1866): 4. I4. "Miners Meeting," Rocky Mountain News (January 2, 1866): 2; The Congressional Globe (Washington: The Congressional Globe Office, 1866), pp. 3236, 3454. 15. "The Narraganset Works," Rocky Mountain News (February 5, I866): I; "Mining Items," Rocky Mountain News (March I, I866): 4. 16. "Widow of Pioneer Mining Man Dead After Brieflllness," Denver Times (December 27, I909): 16; Eben Smith Mausoleum, Fairmount Cemetery, Denver, Colorado; Tom Noel, ed., Glory That Was Gold (Central City: Central City Opera House Association, 1992), p. 266; "Welcome to the Eben Smith House at 108 Casey," Eben and Emily Smith Files, Gilpin History Museum; "Broken Is the Golden Bowl, the Spirit Flown Forever," Rocky Mountain News (November 6, 1906): 1; "The Daily News," Rocky Mountain News (August 6, I866): 4. 17. "The Daily News," Rocky Mountain News (August 6, 1866): 4; "The Daily News," Rocky Mountain News (June II, 1867): I; Fletcher Jordan, "Jerome Chaffee and Eben Smith," Stephen H. Hart Library. 18. "The Daily News," Rocky Mountain News (July 24, 1867): 4; "The Daily News," Rocky Mountain News (October 15, 1867): 1; "The Daily News," Rocky Mountain News (November 2I, 1867): 3; "Obituary for Kate May Smith," Rocky 276

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Mountain News (August 27, 1868): 4. 19. "Obituary for Kate May Smith," Rocky Mountain News (August 27, 1868): 4; "Obituary for Kate May Smith," Central City Register (August 25, 1868): I; June 2, 1871 clipping in Eben and Emily Smith Files, Gilpin History Musewn. 20. "Jerome B. Chaffee's Death," Denver Republican (March I 0, 1886): I; Byers, Encyclopedia of Biography of Colorado, pp. 239-241. 21. "Silver Mines of Lincoln and Bross Mountains," Rocky Mountain News (March 16, 1873): 4; "An Unlucky Party in Middle Park," Rocky Mountain News (August 27, 1873): 4. 22. Eben and Emily Smith Files, Gilpin History Musewn; "Record of Appointment of Postmasters," 1832-September 30, 1971, Roll 14, Colorado, Colorado Territory, Adams-Kit Carson Counties, National Archives Microfilm Publications. 23. "Jerome B. Chaffee's Death," Denver Republican (March 10, 1886): 1. 24. Drawing of Chaffee from "Jerome B. Chaffee's Death," Denver Republican (March 10, 1886): 1. CHAPTER THREE: BOULDER AND BUST 1. Duane A. Smith, Silver Saga: The Story of Caribou, Colorado (Boulder: Pruett Publishing Company, 1974), p. 2; "The Poor Man," Denver Republican (March 2, 1882): 6. 2. Ibid. 3. "The Poor Man," Denver Republican (March 2, 1882): 6; Smith, Silver Saga, pp. 4-7, 8. 4. Smith, Silver pp. 10, 23, 25, 28-29, 32-33; "Caribou: A Sadly Neglected Mine and Another Which Pays," Rocky Mountain News (July 19, 1876): 4; "Mining Intelligence," Denver Republican (May 4, 1881 ): 2. 277

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5. Smith, Silver Sag'!, pp. 63, 66; "Mining Intelligence," Denver Republican (May 4, 1881): 2. 6. Eben Smith to David Moffat, December 9, 1876, First National Bank of Denver Papers, Stephen H. Hart Library, Colorado Historical Society. 7. Smith, Silver Saga, pp. 69-70. 8. J. Alden Smith to Eben Smith, July 22, 1879, J. Alden Smith Papers, Carnegie Branch, Boulder County Public Library. 9. Smith, Silver Sag'!, pp. 70-74; "Mining Intelligence," Denver Republican (May 4, 1881 ): 2; December 15, 1879 Clipping, Eben and Emily Smith Files, Gilpin History Museum. 10. Smith, Silver Sag'!, pp. 75-79; History of Clear Creek and Boulder Valleys, Colorado, pp. 680-681. 11. Mary McRoberts, Boulder County, Colorado Censuses, listings for Eben Smith and Lemuel Smith; Sanford Charles Gladden, Improvements in Boulder County, (Prepublication photo copy, 1987, at Carnegie Branch, Boulder Public Library), pp. 273, 289; Fletcher Jordan, "Jerome Chaffee and Eben Smith," Stephen H. Hart Library. 12. Gladden, Improvements in Boulder County, p. 634. 13. "The Daily News," Rocky Mountain News (June 16, 1881 ): 2; "Broken Is the Golden Bowl, the Spirit Flown Forever," Rocky Mountain News (November 6, 1906): 1. 14. "Mining Intelligence," Denver Republican (May 4, 1881 ): 2. 15. "Boulder," Rocky Mountain News (May 7, 1881): 5. 16. David Moffat to Eben Smith, December 20, 1902, Box I File Folder 48, Eben Smith Papers. 17. Osborn to Eben Smith, January 18, 1906, Box 5 File Folder 22, Eben Smith Papers; "Eben Smith Dead," Unknown source, in Eben Smith Clipping File, Western History Department, Denver Public Library. 278

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18. Photo of Eben Smith from the Stephen H. Hart Library, Colorado Historical Society, Negative F-2187. CHAPTER FOUR: COMEBACK OF A MINING MAN 1. Smith, Horace Tabor, pp. 190-191. 2. Smith Horace Tabor, pp. 191-192. 3. "Ashcroft," Rocky Mountain Sun (August 19, 1882): 2; "Ashcroft," Rocky Mountain Sun (August 26, 1882): 2; Leadville Daily Herald (October 22, 1882): 3. 4. "Ashcroft Rocky Mountain Sun (September 2, 1882): 2; "Ashcroft," Rocky Mountain Sun (October 21, 1882): 2; Leadville Daily Herald (October 22, 1882): 3; "Ashcroft," Rocky Mountain Sun (December 2, 1882): 2. 5 Byers, Encyclopedia of Biography of Colorado, pp. 239-241; Smith, Horace Tabor, p. 274 6. Byers, Encyclopedia of Biography of Colorado, pp. 239-241; "Death of Eben Smith," Breckenridge Bulletin (November 10, 1906), in Eben Smith Clipping File, Western History Department, Denver Public Library. 7. Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two. (Colorado Historical Society and University Press of Colorado, 1996) pp. 113, 425426 8. Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, pp. 2225. 9. "Jerome B. Chaffee's Death," Denver Republican (March 10, 1886): I; Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, p 1806. l 0. Carbonate Chronicle (January 24, 1887), quoted in Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, p. 1832; Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, 279

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History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, pp. 1940, 1951. 11. Evening Chronicle (September 28, 1888), quoted in Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, p. 1978. 12. Leadville Herald Democrat (October 12, 1889), quoted in Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, p. 2000; Eben Smith to John L. McNeil, October 19, 1895, Box 5 File Folder 11, Eben Smith Papers. 13. Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, pp. 19901991. 14. Leadville Herald Democrat (October 6, 1889), quoted in Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, pp. 2069-70. 15. Leadville Herald Democrat (January 5, 1890), quoted in Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, p. 2125. 16. Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, pp. 16371638, 1820; Mines and Mining Men of Colorado: Historical, Descriptive and Pictorial (Denver: John G. Canfield, 1893), p. 17. 17. Leadville Herald Democrat (January 1, 1892), quoted in Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, pp. 2008-2009; Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, pp. 2008-2009; Leadville Herald Democrat (November 28, 1893), quoted in Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, p. 2022; Check from Eben Smith to Mrs. J.J. Brown, August 28, 1898, Box 17, Eben Smith Papers. 18. Letters in Box 7, Eben Smith Papers; Arkell, MacMillan and Stewart, eds., 280

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Aspen, Pitkin County, Colorado: Her Mines and Mineral Resources, (Aspen: Aspen Daily Leader, July I, 1892), p. 25; "Gleanings," Rocky Mountain News (October 28, I868): 4; "Pitkin," Rocky Mountain News (July 28, I885): 6. I9. D. R. C. Brown to Eben Smith, April8, 1887, Box I File Folder I9, Eben Smith Papers; Aspen, Pitkin County, Colorado: Her Mines and Mineral Resources, p. 19; "Deep Mining," Denver Times (December 29, 1901): Section 3, Page 8; Arthur Nichols to Eben Smith, June 15, 1894, Box 3 File Folder 6, Eben Smith Papers. 20. Fred G. Bulkley to Eben Smith, July 20, 189I, Box I File Folder 23, Eben Smith Papers; Lease between Fred G. Bulkley and Eben Smith and A. V. Bohn, Box I2B File Folder H, Eben Smith Papers. 21. Eben Smith to David Moffat, March 22, I893, Box 5 File Folder 10, Eben Smith Papers. 22. Eben Smith to David Moffat, May 13, 1892, Box 5 File Folder IO; Eben Smith to David Moffat, May 4, 1892, Box 5 File Folder I 0; All in Eben Smith Papers. 23. Charles P. Flinn to Eben Smith, December 21, 1890; Charles P. Flinn to Eben Smith, December 3I, 1890; Charles P. Flinn to Eben Smith, January 9, I891; All in Eben Smith Papers. 24. 1885 Leadville City Directory; 1890 Leadville City Directory; 1891 Leadville City Directory; I892 Leadville City Directory; Unaddressed, undated letter in Mining Interests-Colorado (Pitkin) File Folder, Eben Smith Papers. 25. Unaddressed, undated letter in Mining Interests-Colorado (Pitkin) File Folder, Eben Smith Papers. 26. Carbonate Chronicle (July 18, 1892), quoted in Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, p. 20I3. 27. Arthur Nichols to Eben Smith, June I5, 1894, Box 3 File Folder 6; D. R. C. Brown to Eben Smith, September 3, I89I, Box I File Folder I9; All in Eben Smith Papers; Mines and Mining Men in Colorado, pp. 20-2I. 28. Arthur Nichols to Eben Smith, June 15, 1894, Box 3 File Folder 6, Eben Smith Papers; Mines and Mining Men in Colorado, p. I7. 281

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29. George Brown Tindall and David E. Shi, America: A Narrative History, Fourth Edition, Volume Two (New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 1996), pp. 945,950. 30. Tindall and Shi, p. 959. 31. Evening Chronicle (June 27, 1893 ), quoted in Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, p. 2017. 32. "To-Day's Convention," Rocky Mountain News (July 11, 1893): 1; "Solid Front," Rocky Mountain News (July 12, 1893): 1. 33. "To The East," Rocky Mountain News (July 13, 1893): 1, 2. 34. Ibid. 35. Leadville Herald Democrat (September 3, 1893), quoted in Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, p. 2021; Leadville Herald Democrat (September 15, 1893), quoted in Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, p. 2022. 36. Exchange Subscription, October 31,1893, Box 8 File Folder D, Eben Smith Papers. 37. Photo of David Moffat from Josiah M. Ward, "The Empire Builders of Colorado: David H. Moffat, The Banner Bearer," Denver Post Magazine Section (October 3, 1920): 2. 38. Photo of Henry Smith from Mines and Mining Men of Colorado: Historical, Descriptive and Pictorial (Denver: John G. Canfield, 1893), p. 20. CHAPTER FIVE: THE VICTOR OF THE CRIPPLE CREEK DISTRICT 1. "Victor Mines," Rocky Mountain Herald (August 10, 1895): 1, 2; "Here and There," Rocky Mountain News (March 28, 1872): 1; "Mining Intelligence," Denver 282

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Republican (May 23, 1881): 2. 2. "Mining Intelligence," Denver Republican (May 23, 1881): 2. 3. Elizabeth Jameson, All That Glitters: Class, Conflict and Community in Cripple Creek (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998), pp. 21, 42-45; "Robert Womack Suffers a Stroke Of Paralysis," Denver Republican (July 28, 1904): 7; "Victor Mines," Rocky Mountain Herald (August 10, 1895): 1, 2. 4. "Victor Mines," Rocky Mountain Herald (August 10, 1895): 1 ,2; C. H. Aldrich to Eben Smith, May 4, 1892, Box 1 File Folder 2, Eben Smith Papers. 5. Agreement between Eben Smith and L. D. Roudebush, June 15, 1892, Box 7 Anaconda Mines File Folder; Milo Hoskins to Eben Smith, 1894, Box 2 File Folder 2; Eben Smith to Professor George Tilden, Undated but probably aroWld December 7, 1895, Bollild Volume 3; All from Eben Smith Papers. 6. Denver Union Water Company Bill, November 1, 1895, Box 8 File Folder D, Eben Smith Papers; "The Eben Smith Residence," Denver Republican (June 8, 1896): 2; Receipt from Tabor Real Estate Company, February 12, 1895, Box 8 File Folder T (2), Eben Smith Papers; Receipt from George H. Hill, Surgeon Dentist, January 1, 1894, Box 8 File Folder H, Eben Smith Papers. 7. Lake CoWlty Marriage Records, Lake CoWlty Clerk and Recorders Office; Receipt from Singer Sewing Machine Company, Box 8 File FolderS, Eben Smith Papers; Robert Reid to Emily Smith, August 9, 1900, Box SA File FolderS, Eben Smith Papers. 8. Marriages of Arapahoe County, Colorado, 1859-1901, Compiled by the Arapahoe CoWlty Marriage Committee (Denver: Colorado Genealogical Society, Inc., 1986), for Frank LeRoy Smith and Josie Bonita Hill; "C. L. Hill, Who Died on Coast, Noted Colorado Mining Man," Denver Times (January 21, 1912): 6; Graves of Charles and Josephine Hill, Block 2, Fairmount Cemetery, Denver, CO; "Secret Wedding for a Denver Millionaire," The Denver Times (December 7, 1909): 1, 7; "Judge Severs Bonds of Son's Old Inamorata: Allen Grants Divorce to Mrs. Frank Leroy Smith, Once Prospective Daughter-in-Law," Rocky Mountain News (November 5, 1907): 5. 9. Eben Smith Tomb, FairmoWlt Cemetery; Notice from Eben Smith to the Colorado Telephone Company, March 26, 1894, Box 8 File Folder D, Eben Smith 283

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Papers. 10. Eben Smith to Professor George Tilden, Undated but probably around December 7, 1895, Bound Volume 3, Eben Smith Papers. 11. Jameson, All That Glitters, pp. 53-54; Tindal and Shi, America, p. 872. 12. Jameson, All That Glitters, p. 54. 13. Ibid. 14. Jameson, All That Glitters, pp. 54-55; Lipsey, The Lives of James John Hagerman, pp. 158-159; Eben Smith Memorandum Book, Box 18, Eben Smith Papers. 15. Jameson, All That Glitters, p. 55. 16. Bela Buell to Eben Smith, March 9, 1894, Box 1 File Folder 22, Eben Smith Papers. 17. Jameson, All That Glitters, pp. 55-56. 18. Ibid., pp. 56-57. 19. Eben Smith to J.J. Hagerman, June 28, 1895, Bound Volume 2; Eben Smith to Charles A. Keith, June 30, 1894, Bound Volume 1; Eben Smith to J.J. Hagerman, July 5, 1894, Bound Volume 1; All from Eben Smith Papers. 20. Jameson, All That Glitters, pp. 57-58; Lipsey, The Lives of James John Hagerman, p. 176; "Petition from Mine Owners to El Paso County Board of Commissioners," May 17, 1894, quoted in Lipsey, The Lives of James John Hagerman, pp. 169-1 71. 21. Jameson, All That Glitters, p. 58; Simeon C. Jordan to Eben Smith, May 31, 1894, Box 2 File Folder 31, Eben Smith Papers; Fletcher Jordan, "Jerome Chaffee and Eben Smith," Stephen H. Hart Library. 22. Lipsey, The Lives of James John Hagerman, pp. 180-181; Eben Smith to J. J. Hagerman, May 29, 1894, Eben Smith to J. J. Hagerman, May 30, 1894; Both letters quoted in Lipsey, The Lives of James John Hagerman, pp. 185-187. 284

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23. Telegram from John F. Campion to Eben Smith, June 1, 1894, Box 1 File Folder 27, Eben Smith Papers; Jameson, All That Glitters, 58; Memo of Meeting between David H. Moffat, J. J. Hagerman, and Davis H. Waite, quoted at length in Lipsey, The Lives of James John Hagerman, 191-209; "Agreement between David H. Moffat, J. J. Hagerman, and Davis H. Waite," June 4, 1894, quoted in Lipsey, The Lives of James John Hagerman, p. 210; Franklin Ballou to Eben Smith, June 5, 1894, Box 1 File Folder 6, Eben Smith Papers; J. Watson to Eben Smith, June 7, 1894, Box 3 File Folder 51, Eben Smith Papers. 24. Jameson, All That Glitters, p. 58. 25. Eben Smith to William Trevorrow, July 9, 1894, Bound Volume 1, Eben Smith Papers. 26. Robert Reid to S. K. Adams, October 25, 1894, Bound Volume Victor 1, Eben Smith Papers; J. E. Rockwell to Eben Smith, August 1, 1894, Box 3 File Folder 26, Eben Smith Papers; Jameson, All That Glitters, p. 59. 27. Eben Smith to Charles A. Keith, September 28, 1894, Bound Volume 1; W. B.S. of Pinkerton's Detective Agency to Eben Smith, April27, 1895, Box 3 File Folder 16; All from Eben Smith Papers. 28. W. B.S. to Eben Smith, April27, 1895; May 5, 1895; May 8, 1895; May 16, 1895; All in Box 3 File Folder 16, Eben Smith Papers. 29. Receipts from Pinkerton's Detective Agency to Eben Smith, December I, 1894 to February I, 1896, In Box 8 File Folders P and PQ, Eben Smith Papers. 30. Photo of Robert Womack from "Robert Womack Suffers a Stroke Of Paralysis," Denver Republican (July 28, 1904): 7. CHAPTER SIX: AN EXPANDING EMPIRE I. Robert Reid to J. W. Newell, February 8, 1894, Box 10 File Folder B; Thurlow Weed Barnes to Eben Smith, May 15, 1894, Box 1 File Folder 4, Eben Smith to Eben Smith, December 19, 1894, Box 10 File Folder H; All in Eben Smith Papers. 285

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2. Colorado Gold Reduction Works Company Prospectus, 1894, Box 7 File Folder Colorado Gold Reduction Works Company, Eben Smith Papers. 3. Simeon C. Jordan to Eben Smith, May 7, 1894; November 24, 1896; All in Box 2 File Folder 31, Eben Smith Papers. 4. Simeon C. Jordan to Eben Smith, December 1, 1896; December 7, 1896; February 24, 1897; March 18, 1897; All in Box 2 File Folder 31, Eben Smith Papers. 5. Statement of Corporation of the Resurrection Gold Mining Company, May 16, 1894; Resurrection Gold Mining Company Meeting Minutes, November 15, 1895; All in Box 7 File Folder Resurrection Gold Mining Company, Eben Smith Papers. 6. Minutes of Board of Directors Meeting of the Victor Gold Mining Company, June 16, 1894, Box 13 File Folder M (1); Eben Smith to David Moffat, December 26, 1894, Bound Volume Victor 1; All in Eben Smith Papers. 7. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, January 21, 1895, Box 5 File Folder 11, Eben Smith Papers. 8. David Moffat to Eben Smith, May 8, 1895, Box 13 File Folder M (2); H. L. Horton to Eben Smith, July 22, 1895, Box 13 File Folder H (2); All in Eben Smith Papers. 9. Statement of sale ofBattle Mountain Gold Mining Company stock, Box 7 File Folder Battle Mountain Gold Mining Company; William Lennox to Eben Smith, June 25, 1895, Box 2 File Folder 40; Eben Smith to Dan Webb, February 10, 1903, Box 5 File Folder 19; All in Eben Smith Papers. 1 0. Agreement between Baka-Contact Gold Mining Company and Eben Smith and David Moffat, September 1, 1894, Box 10 File Folder W; Contract, November 10, 1894, Box 7A File Folder Mining-Foreign Investments (Mexico); All in Eben Smith Papers. 11. Eben Smith to E. C. Foster, August 21, 1894, Bound Volume 1; Eben Smith to John S. Crawford, September 27, 1894, Box 5 File Folder 1 0; All in Eben Smith Papers. 12. Eben Smith to Lee Wood, August 24, 1894, Bound Volume 1, Eben Smith Papers. 286

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13. Ronald Morrison to Eben Smith, June 5, 1894; July 2, 1894; Ronald Morrison to Eben Smith, August 8, 1894; Ronald Morrison to Eben Smith, August 11, 1894; All in Box 2 File Folder 53, Eben Smith Papers. 14. Agreement between George E. Collins and Eben Smith, January 18, 1895; Lease between George E. Collins and Eben Smith, January 15, 1895; All in Box 7A File Folder Mining Interests-Colorado-Chaffee County, Eben Smith Papers. 15. Contract between Antlers-Park Regent Leasing Company and Eben Smith and David Moffat, February 16, 1895, Box 10 File Folder XYZ; Eben Smith to E. Barnett, April 26, 1895, Box 10 File Folder Antlers-Park; E. Barnett to Stockholders of Antlers-Park, July 16, 1895, Box 10 File Folder Antlers-Park; E. Barnett to Robert Reid, October 10, 1895, Box 10 File Folder Antlers-Park; All in Eben Smith Papers. 16. 0. P. Poole to Charles Martin, March 13, 1895, Box 10 File Folder P Antlers Park; J. S. Jennings to Eben Smith, June 6, 1895, Box 10 File Folder 11 Antlers-Park; All in Eben Smith Papers. 17. J. A. Dean to E. M. Ray, January 23, 1895, Box 11 File Folder United Leasing D, Eben Smith Papers. 18. Eben Smith to E. M. Ray, June 18, 1895, Bound Volume 2, Eben Smith Papers. 19. W. H. Bryant to David Moffat, January 13, 1896, Box 11 File Folder United Leasing B; Lien filed by Thomas Armstrong against United Leasing Company, Box 11 File Folder United Leasing L; All in Eben Smith Papers. 20. W. C. Bowers to Robert Reid, January 17, 1896, Box 11 File Folder United Leasing B; Writ of Attachment filed by Thomas Armstrong against United Leasing Company, Box 11 File Folder United Leasing L; Barnie and Rue to David Moffat, February 10, 1896, Box 11 File Folder United Leasing B; Thomas Armstrong to David Moffat, February 25, 1896, Box 11 File Folder United Leasing A; Thomas Armstrong to Robert Reid, February 14, 1896, Box 11 File Folder United Leasing A; All in Eben Smith Papers. 21. Contract between Eben Smith and David Moffat and Joel Parker Whitney, October 22, 1895, Box 7 File Folder Raven Gold Mining Company, Eben Smith Papers. 287

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22. T. H. Norton to Eben Smith, August 10, 1895; T. H. Norton to Eben Smith, August 28, 1895; T. H. Norton to Eben Smith, September 14, 1895; T. H. Norton to Eben Smith, November 11, 1895; All in Box 3 File Folder 9, Eben Smith Papers. 23. Eben Smith to Philip Argall, July 21, 1896, Bound Volume 4, Eben Smith Papers; "History ofthe Mine and Smelter Supply Company," available from the Western History Department, Denver Public Library. 24. Eben Smith toW. J. Chalmers, June 26, 1895, Bound Volume 2; Eben Smith to Philip Argall, July 21, 1896, Bound Volume 4; All in Eben Smith Papers. 25. N.H. Cone to Eben Smith, January 8, 1895; N.H. Cone to Eben Smith, July 14, 1895; N.H. Cone to Eben Smith, August 16, 1895; N.H. Cone to Eben Smith, January 25, 1897; All in Box 1 File Folder 36, Eben Smith Papers. 26. Eben Smith to Charles A. Keith, June 18, 1895; Eben Smith to E. M. Ray, June 18, 1895; All in Bound Volume 2, Eben Smith Papers. 27. Robert Reid to Charles A. Keith, February 27, 1895, Bound Volume Victor 1, Eben Smith Papers; Eben Smith to Frank T. Sutherland, August 29, 1898, Bound Volume 7; Eben Smith to William Hendricks, August 24, 1894, Bound Volume 1; All in Eben Smith Papers. 28. 1895 Annual Report of the Victor Gold Mining Company, Box 13 File Folder A (3); Eben Smith to Robert Reid, January 22, 1896, Box 5 File Folder 12; Eben Smith to Robert Reid, January 25, 1896, Box 5 File Folder 12; All in Eben Smith Papers. 29. Eben SmithtoN. H. Cone, July 18, 1896, Bound Volume Victor 2; 1896 Annual Report ofthe Victor Gold Mining Company, Box 13 File Folder A (4); All in Eben Smith Papers. 30. Eben SmithtoN. H. Cone, May 15, 1897, Bound Volume 5; Eben Smith to Robert Reid, 1897, Box 5 File Folder 13; All in Eben Smith Papers. 31. Receipt from G. H. Braman, April 25, 1894, Box 8 File Folder B. 32. Receipt from Kilpatrick Artistic Furniture and Upholstery, September 29, 1894; Receipt from Kilpatrick Artistic Furniture and Upholstery, October 31, 1894, Box 8 File Folder K; Robert Reid to Emily Smith, August 9, 1900, Box 5A File 288

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FolderS; All in Eben Smith Papers. 33. Receipt from the Alta Market Company, May 1, 1894; Receipt from the Alta Market Company, June 1 1894, in Box 8 File Folder A; Eben Smith to Robert Reid, September 25, 1901, Box 5A File FolderS; Tyson Dines to Eben Smith, January 12, 1903, Box 1 File Folder 45; Receipt from Bryan, Taylor and Company, Box 8 File Folder B; All in Eben Smith Papers. 34. Tom Noel, ed., Glory That Was Gold (Central City: Central City Opera House Association, 1992), p. 266. 35. Receipt from H. M. Chamberlain, May 27 1895, Box File Folder D; Receipt from J. H. Tummer, October 23, 1895, Box 8 File Folder T; Receipt from Thomas Chapman, Florist, May 1, 1896, Box 8 File Folder B; All in Eben Smith Papers. 36. Photos ofthe Victor Mine from 1896 Annual Report ofthe Victor Gold Mining Company, Box 13 File Folder A (4), Eben Smith Papers. CHAPTER SEVEN: TROUBLE IN LEADVILLE 1. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, January 21, 1896, Box 5 File Folder 12; Robert Reid to Postmaster, October 7, 1895, Bound Volume 3; Eben Smith to Robert Reid, January 13, 1896, Box 5 File Folder 12; All in Eben Smith Papers. 2. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, January 21, 1896; Eben Smith to Robert Reid, January 17, 1896; Eben Smith to Robert Reid, January 25, 1896; All in Box 5 File Folder 12, Eben Smith Papers. 3. Telegram from Eben Smith to Robert Reid, February 4-5, 1896, Box 5 File Folder 12; Telegram from Eben Smith to Robert Reid, February 6, 1896, Box 5 File Folder 12; Eben Smith to Mark Smith, February 26, 1896, Bound Volume 4; Robert Reid to Nancy Bassett, March 2, 1896, Bound Volume 4; Robert Reid to Emily Lyons, March 2, 1896, Bound Volume 4; All in Eben Smith Papers. 4. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, January 21, 1896, Box 5 File Folder 12, Eben Smith Papers; Estate of Emily Smith, Inheritance Tax Record Book Three, City and County of Denver, p. 61; Eben Smith to William Johnson, March 25, 1896, Bound Volume 4, Eben Smith Papers. 289

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5. Eben SmithtoN. H. Cone, December 13, 1897, Bound Volume 6, Eben Smith Papers. 6. Eben Smith to Charles A. Keith, July 22, I894; Eben Smith to H. L. Van Nostrand, July 23, I894, Bound Volume 1; Eben Smith to Mary Johnson, September 27, 1894, Bound Volume I; All in Eben Smith Papers. 7. Charles Limberg to Eben Smith, March 31, 1896, Box 2 File Folder 4I; Mrs. William Curnow to Eben Smith, June 22, 1896, Box I File Folder 25; All in Eben Smith Papers. 8. Eben Smith to Mrs. William Curnow, July 7, 1896, Bound Volume 4; Mrs. William Curnow to Eben Smith, July 24, 1896, Box 1 File Folder 25; Eben Smith to Arthur Nichols, August 3, I896, Box 5 File Folder I2; All in Eben Smith Papers. 9. Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, p. 2155; Carbonate Chronicle (February 8, 1897), quoted in Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, p. 2I59. IO. Thomas Cornish to Eben Smith, June I9, I896, Box 1 File Folder 37, Eben Smith Papers; Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, p. 2I59. 1I. Agreement between Eben Smith, A. V. Bohn, S. W. Mudd and John F. Campion to found The Colorado Mines Association, June 12, 1896, Box 7A File Folder Colorado Mines Association, Eben Smith Papers. I2. Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, p. 2159. I3. Charles Limberg to Eben Smith, March 5, 1895; Charles Limberg to Eben Smith, AprilS, 1895; Charles Limberg to Eben Smith, December 3, 1895; Charles Limberg to Eben Smith, July I1, 1896; All in Box 2 File Folder 41, Eben Smith Papers. I4. Tindall and Shi, America, pp. 959-960. 290

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15. Eben Smith to H. L. Horton, July 30, 1896, Bound Volume 4, Eben Smith Papers. 16. W. P. Rice to Eben Smith, August 19, 1896, Box 3 File Folder 24; Eben Smith to C. S. Thomas, September 25, 1896, Bound Volume 4; All in Eben Smith Papers. 17. Thomas Shelton to Eben Smith, September 22, 1896, Box 3 File Folder 33; H. J. Higgins to Charles T. Carnahan, January 16, 1897, Box 5 File Folder 4; Thomas Shelton to Eben Smith, October 2, 1896, Box 3 File Folder 3; All in Eben Smith Papers. 18. Simeon C. Jordan to Eben Smith, May 31, 1894, Box 2 File Folder 31, Eben Smith Papers. 19. Telegram from B. F. Jeffery and Simeon C. Jordan to Eben Smith, November 7, 1896, Box 2 File Folder 31; Robert Reid to John Campion, November 9, 1896, Bound Volume 5; Telegram from Simeon Jordan, November 14, 1896, Box 2 File Folder 31; "Obituary for Nellie Jeffery," Sacramento Bee (November 11, 1896): Photocopy provided by Sacramento Public Library; Nellie Jeffrey Grave, Mountain View Cemetery; Eben Smith to Stephen W. Dorsey, November 18, 1896; Bound Volume 5; All in Eben Smith Papers. 20. Eben Smith to Dillwin Parrish, November 28, 1896, Bound Volume 5; Eben Smith to Thomas Goad, November 23, 1896, Bound Volume 5; All in Eben Smith Papers. 21. Eben Smith to Thomas Goad, November 23, 1896, Bound Volume 5, Eben Smith Papers. 22. Charles Limberg to Eben Smith, May 4, 1896; Charles Limberg to Eben Smith, September 2, 1896, Box 2 File Folder 41; Agreement between E. H. Crawford and Eben Smith, David Moffat, Sylvester Smith, and Lafayette Campbell, December 12, 1896, Box 7 A File Folder Mining Interests-Agreements; All in Eben Smith Papers; "New Rails to the Penrose," Rocky Mountain News (October 21, 1899): 10. 23. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, December 23, 1896, Box 5 File Folder 12, Eben Smith Papers. 24. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, December 26, 1896, Box 5 File Folder 12, Eben Smith Papers. 291

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25. Ibid. 26. N. H. Cone to Eben Smith, December 31, 1896; Robert Reid to Eben Smith, December 31, 1896; All in Bound Volume 5, Eben Smith Papers. 27. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, December 26, 1897, Box 5 File Folder 12; Eben Smith to Robert Reid, January 3, 1897; Eben Smith to Robert Reid, January 6, 1897; Box 5 File Folder 13; All in Eben Smith Papers. 28. Eben Smith to David Moffat, January 10, 1897; Eben Smith to David Moffat, January 13, 1897; All in Box 5 File Folder 13, Eben Smith Papers. 29. Eben Smith to David Moffat, January 13, 1897, Box 5 File Folder 12; Eben Smith to Robert Reid, January 22, 1896, Box 5 File Folder 12; All in Eben Smith Papers. 30. Eben Smith to John Canning, February 9, 1897; Eben SmithtoN. H. Cone, February 20, 1897, Bound Volume 5; H.J. Higgins to C. T. Carnahan, January 26, 1897, Box 5 File Folder 4; Charles Limberg to Eben Smith, April 11, 1897, Box 2 File Folder 41; All in Eben Smith Papers. CHAPTER EIGHT: TROUBLE AT THE VICTOR 1. Eben Smith to William Brevoort, March 8, 1897; Eben Smith to H. L. Horton, September 25, 1896; All in Bound Volume Victor, Eben Smith Papers. 2. Eben SmithtoN. H. Cone, March 17, 1897; Eben SmithtoN. H. Cone, March 17, 1897; All in Bound Volume Victor, Eben Smith Papers. 3. David Moffat to Eben Smith, April30, 1897, Box 2 File Folder 50, Eben Smith Papers. 4. Eben Smith to A. C. Ridgeway, March 31, 1897, Bound Volume 5, Eben Smith Papers. 5. Dillwin Parrish to Eben Smith, March 24, 1897, Box 3 File Folder 14; Eben Smith Papers. 292

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6. Receipt from the Bohm-Bristol Company, April 4, 1896; Receipt from the Bohm-Bristol Company, June 1, 1896, All in Box 8 File Folder B, Eben Smith Papers. There are nwnerous receipts similar to these two scattered throughout the files in Boxes 8 and 9 of the Smith Papers. 7. Stephen W. Dorsey to Eben Smith, April 8, 1897, Box 1 File Folder 46; Eben Smith to William Brevoort, May 5, 1897, Bound Volwne 5; All in Eben Smith Papers. 8. Eben SmithtoN. H. Cone, September 18, 1896, Bound Volwne 4; Eben Smith to J. L. Hughes, May 14, I 897, Bound Volwne 5; Eben SmithtoN. H. Cone, May 15, 1897, Bound Volwne 5; John E. Searles to Whom It May Concern, May 19, 1897, Box 3 File Folder 20; All in Eben Smith Papers. 9. Eben Smith to David Moffat, May 15, 1897, Box 5 File Folder 13; David Moffat to Eben Smith, April30, 1897, Box 2 File Folder 50; All in Eben Smith Papers. 10. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, May 20, 1897; Eben Smith to Robert Reid, May 30, 1897; All in Box 5 File Folder 13, Eben Smith Papers. 11. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, May 30, 1897; Eben Smith to Robert Reid, June 2, 1897, in Box 5 File Folder 13; Robert Reid to Eben Smith, June 23, 1897, Bound Volume; All in Eben Smith Papers. 12. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, June 13, 1897; Eben Smith to Robert Reid, June 18, 1897; Eben Smith to David Moffat, July 8, 1897; All in Box 5 File Folder 13, Eben Smith Papers. 13. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, July 11, 1897; Eben Smith to Robert Reid, July 13, 1897; Eben Smith to Robert Reid, August 11, 1897; All in Box 5 File Folder 13, Eben Smith Papers. 14. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, September 11, 1897, Box 5 File Folder 13, Eben Smith Papers. 15. Robert Reid toN. H. Cone, June 21, 1897; Robert Reid to John Harjeres, June 10, 1897; All in Bound Volume Victor, Eben Smith Papers. 16. Don L. and Jean Harvey Griswold, History of Leadville and Lake County 293

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Colorado: From Mountain Solitude to Metropolis, Volumes One and Two, pp. 2171, 2186; "New Rails to the Penrose," Rocky Mountain News (October 2I, I899): I 0; Charles Limberg to Eben Smith, October 18, 1897, Box 2 File Folder 4I, Eben Smith Papers; Charles Limberg to Eben Smith November 5, 1897, Box 2 File Folder 13, Eben Smith Papers. 17. Frank Gardner to David Moffat, November 3, 1897, Box 4 File Folder 5, Eben Smith Papers. I8. T. S. Dean to Robert Reid, November 30, 1897, Box I4 File Folder D (2), Eben Smith Papers. 19. Deed from Louis H. Jackson to Eben Smith, November IO, I897, Box 7 File Folder Atlanta Mine; Deed from Robert Reid to Eben Smith and David Moffat, December 18, I897, Box 7 File Folder Galena Lease; Bound Volume Victor for resumption of dividends; All in Eben Smith Papers. CHAPTER NINE: THE EMPIRE BEGINS TO DECLINE I. Eben Smith to Melvin Smith, January 15, I898; Eben Smith to Melvin Smith, February 28, I898; All in Bound Volume 7, Eben Smith Papers. 2. William Brevoort to Eben Smith, February 14, 1898, Box 1 File Folder I5, Eben Smith Papers. 3. William Brevoort to Eben Smith, March 28, I898, Box I File Folder 15, Eben Smith Papers. 4. Tindall and Shi, America, pp. 979-980; William H. Brevoort to Eben Smith, November 1, 1900, Box 5A File Folder B, Eben Smith Papers. 5. Eben Smith Mausoleum, Fairmount Cemetery; Receipt from Robertson and Doll Carriage Company, August I, 1895, Box 8 File Folder R, Eben Smith Papers; Receipt from A. T. Demarest and Company Carriage Builders, May 20, I898, Box 8 File Folder A (2), Eben Smith Papers; Receipt from Bon Ton Shoeing Shop, March 3I, 1899, Box 8 File Folder B(3), Eben Smith Papers; Receipt from A. T. Demarest and Company Carriage Builders, December 8, 1900, Box 8 File Folder D (3), Eben Smith Papers. 294

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6. Mrs. Simeon C. Jordan to Eben Smith, May 10, 1898; Mrs. Simeon C. Jordan to Eben Smith, June 13, 1898; All in Box 2 File Folder 27, Eben Smith Papers. 7. Check from Eben Smith to Granite Gold Mining Company, July 2, 1898; Check from Eben Smith to Gold Knob Mining Company, July 14, 1898; All in Box 17, Eben Smith Papers. 8. J. S. McGinnis and Company to Eben Smith and David Moffat, June 12, 1898, Box 11 File Folder M Gold Knob Mining Company; J. J. Post, F. R. Power, T. A. Allen, Dr. H. E. Driscoll, M. J. Driscoll to Robert Reid, October 6, 1899, Box 11 File Folder PQ Gold Knob Mining Company; All in Eben Smith Papers. 9. W. S. Walker to Eben Smith, July 18, 1898, Box 3 File Folder 51, Eben Smith Papers. 10. "'Estamere,' Beautiful Seat ofEben Smith, at Palmer Lake," Denver Times (October 20, 1901): 16; "Eben Smith Buys Estmere [sic]," Denver Times (July 2, 1898): 5. It is thought that the correct spelling of the name ofthis house is Estemere, but Eben and his family used Estamere so that is the spelling used here. 11. John W. and Suzanne Pitts, The Estemere Estate ofPalmer Lake, 1887-1999 (Palmer Lake: Palmer Lake Historical Society, 1999), pp. 1, 3-6; "Eben Smith Buys Estmere [sic]," Denver Times (July 2, 1898): 5. 12. FrankL. Smith to Robert Reid, July 29, 1898, Box 8 File FolderS (2); Receipt to FrankL. Smith, July 31, 1898, Box 8 File Folder N (2); All in Eben Smith Papers. 13. 1898 Agreement between Golden Circle Railroad Company and Eben Smith, 1898, Box 7A File Folder Golden Circle Railroad Company--Statements, Eben Smith Papers. 14. Eben Smith, Entry in Excelsior Diary, July 27, 1898; Eben Smith, Entry in Excelsior Diary, July 28, 1898; All in Box 18, Eben Smith Papers. 15. N.H. Cone to Eben Smith, September 19, 1898, Box 1 File Folder 36; Eben SmithtoN. H. Cone, November 29, 1898, Bound Volume 7; Eben Smith, Entry in Excelsior Diary, September 24, 1898, Box 18; All in Eben Smith Papers. 16. N.H. Cone to Eben Smith, December 12, 1898, Box 1 File Folder 36, Eben Smith Papers. 295

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17. Robert Reid to Frank Sutherland, Aprill3, 1899, Bound Volume 8; A. J. Underwood to N. H. Cone, Box 4 File Folder 1; All in Eben Smith Papers. 18. Ibid. 19. Eben Smith, Entry in Excelsior Diary, January 10, 1899; January 11, 1899; All in Box 18, Eben Smith Papers. 20. Agreement between Robert Berry and Eben Smith, March 1, 1899, Box 7A File Folder Mining Interests--Colorado (Lake CoWity), Eben Smith Papers. 21. Arthur Terry to Eben Smith, April 13, 1899, Box 3 File Folder 40, Eben Smith Papers. 22. Guillermo Bushnell to Eben Smith, May 17, 1899, Box 1 File Folder 24, Eben Smith Papers; Eben Smith Mausoleum, FairmoWlt Cemetery. 23. Eben Smith to John Deweese, JWie 7, 1899, Eben Smith Papers, Box 5 File Folder 15. 24. Ibid. 25. Eben Smith to David Moffat, August 11, 1899, BoWld Volume 8; N.H. Cone to Eben Smith, November 15, 1898; N.H. Cone to Eben Smith, May 1, 1899, Box 1 File Folder 36; William Brevoort and Robert Reid to Victor Shareholders, October 17, 1900, Box 14 File Folder 0 ( 5); All in Eben Smith Papers. 26. Receipt from George R. Tritch Hardware Company, July 28, 1891; Receipt from George R. Tritch Hardware Company, JWie 30, 1899; Receipt from George R. Tritch Hardware Company, July 17, 1899, Box 8 File Folder Receipts 1898-1900, Eben Smith Papers; Pitts, The Estemere Estate of Palmer Lake, p. 6; There are numerous receipts in Boxes 8 and 9 of the Smith Papers for the goods Eben sent to Palmer Lake on his daily trips to Denver. 27. Eben Smith to David Moffat, August 11, 1899, BoWid Volume 8; David Moffat to Eben Smith, August 15, 1899, Box 2 File Folder 50; All in Eben Smith Papers. 28. "New Rails to the Penrose," Rocky Mountain News (October 21, 1899): 10. 296

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29. F. T. Osgood to Robert Reid, November 14, 1899, Box 14 File Folder 0 (4); Eben Smith to Lee Wood, November 14, 1899, Box 14 File Folder W (4); All in Eben Smith Papers. 30. Eben Smith to Lee Wood, November 14, 1899, Box 14 File Folder W (4), Eben Smith Papers. 31. Contract between Edward Thomas and Eben Smith, November 1, 1899, Box 7 File Folder Colorado-Sonora Mining and Milling Company; Eben Smith to LeeS. Wood, November 20, 1899, Bound Volume 8; All in Eben Smith Papers. 32. Eben Smith to Thomas W. Goad, November 27, 1899, Bound Volume 8, Eben Smith Papers. 33. Certificate oflncorporation for the Denver-Galena Zinc Mining Company, December 29, 1899, Box 16 File Folder Denver-Galena Zinc Mining Company, Eben Smith Papers. CHAPTER TEN: WORKED OUT IN COLORADO 1. Eben Smith toM. H. Lindsey, September 11, 1899, Bound Volume 8, Eben Smith Papers. 2. Sam Berry to Eben Smith, December 7, 1899, Box 1 File Folder 4; Unsigned to Samuel Berry, January 12, 1900, Box 5 File Folder 16; All in Eben Smith Papers. 3. Ibid. 4. Gold Knob Mining Company Distribution Book, January 1900, Oversize-Gold Knob Mining Company Distribution, Eben Smith Papers. 5. W. W. Allen to Eben Smith, January 20, 1900, Box 1 File Folder 1, Eben Smith Papers. 6. Eben Smith to David Moffat, February 2, 1900, Bound Volume 8; James Baker to Eben Smith, February 27, 1900, Box 1 File Folder 4; All in Eben Smith Papers. 297

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7. Robert Reid to Eben Smith, February 23, 1900, Bound Volume 8, Eben Smith Papers. 8. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, February 8, 1900, Box 5 File Folder 16, Eben Smith Papers. 9. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, February 11, 1900, Box 5 File Folder 16, Eben Smith Papers. 10. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, February 17, 1900, Box 5 File Folder 16, Eben Smith Papers. 11. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, February 27, 1900; March 27, 1900, Box 5 File Folder 16, Eben Smith Papers. 12. Steven F. Mehls, "Success on the Mining Frontier: David H. Moffat and Eben Smith: A Case Study," Essays in Colorado History 1 (1983): 101; Eben Smith to Robert Reid, Undated but probably March 1900, Box 5 File Folder 16, Eben Smith Papers. 13. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, March 25, 1900, Box 5A File Folder W; G. A. Whiteford to Eben Smith, June 11, 1900, Box 5A File Folder W, Eben Smith Papers. 14. Complaint of David Moffat against the Victor Gold Mining Company, August 15, 1900, Box 14 File Folder M (5), Eben Smith Papers. 15. V. Hurtado to William Brevoort, March 29, 1900, Box 14 File Folder H (4), Eben Smith Papers. 16. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, March 25, 1900, Box 5 File Folder 16; Eben Smith to Robert Reid, April 1, 1900; Eben Smith to Robert Reid, April 5, 1900, Box 5A File FolderS; All in Eben Smith Papers. 17. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, April 19, 1900, Box 5A File Folder S, Eben Smith Papers. 18. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, April 20, 1900, Box 5A File FolderS, Eben Smith Papers; Abbot, et al, Colorado, pp. 262-266, 377-378. 19. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, March 8, 1900, Box 5 File Folder 16; Eben Smith 298

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to Arthur R. Wilfley, March 13, 1900, Box S File Folder 16; Eben Smith Bank Book, April 30, 1900, Box SA File Folder D; All in Eben Smith Papers. 20. C. M. Ritchie to Eben Smith, April 22, 1900; C. M. Ritchie to Eben Smith, May 2, 1900, Box SA File Folder R, Eben Smith Papers. 21. Eben Smith to David Moffat, June 13, 1900, Bound Volume 9; J. M. Swain to Eben Smith, June 14, 1900, Box 3 File Folder 39; All in Eben Smith Papers. 22. Eben Smith to Guillermo Bushnell, June 29, 1900, Bound Volume 9, Eben Smith Papers. 23. Complaint of David Moffat against the Victor Gold Mining Company, August 1S, 1900, Box 14 File Folder M (S); Eben Smith to William Brevoort, September 7, 1900, Bound Volume 9; All in Eben Smith Papers. 24. Eben Smith to David Moffat, September 24, 1900, Bound Volume 9; Clayton Dorsey to Eben Smith and David Moffat, November 10, 1900, Box 9 File Folder A; All in Eben Smith Papers. 25. A. J. Underwood to Eben Smith, September 9, 1900; A. J. Underwood to Eben Smith, October 3, 1900, Box SA File Folder UV. 26. John Woodbury to Eben Smith, September 29, 1900; John Woodbury to Eben Smith, September 7, 1900; John Woodbury to Eben Smith, October 4, 1900; All in Box SA File Folder W, Eben Smith Papers. 27. Eben Smith to Richardson, Hill and Company, September 4, 1900, Bound Volume 9, Eben Smith Papers. 28. Receipt from Clayton Dorsey to Eben Smith, November 1S, 1901, Box 9 File Folder A; William Brevoort and Robert Reid to Victor Shareholders, October 17, 1900, Box 14 File Folder 0 (4); William H. Brevoort to Robert Reid, November 1, 1900, Box SA File Folder B; All in Eben Smith Papers. 29. Eben Smith to Lee Wood, November 16, 1900, Bound Volume 9, Eben Smith Papers. 30. Contract, November 5, 1900, Box SA File Folder R; Check for Eben Smith to Independence Consolidated Gold Mining Company, Box 17; Eben Smith to Robert 299

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Reid, December 2, I900, Box SA File FolderS; All in Eben Smith Papers. 31. "'Estamere,' Beautiful Seat of Eben Smith, at Palmer Lake," Denver Times (October 20, I90 I): 6. 32. Charles T. Carnahan to Eben Smith, February 4, I90I, Box I File Folder 30; Charles T. Carnahan to Eben Smith, February S, I90I; Charles T. Carnahan to Eben Smith, March S, I902, Box I File Folder 3I; All in Eben Smith Papers. 33. Robert Reid to Eben Smith, April IS, I90I, Bound Volume 9, Eben Smith Papers. 34. Robert Reid to Eben Smith, April 22, I90 I, Bound Volume 9, Eben Smith Papers. 35. "Geologist in Leadville," Denver Times (July I2, I90I): 8. 36. "Ready To Retire; Eben Smith Proposes to Withdraw From Active Life," Denver Times (June 2, I90 1 ): 2. CHAPTER ELEVEN: THE MINING MAN RETURNS TO CALIFORNIA I. First National Bank of Denver to Eben Smith, April 29, I90 I, Box SA File Folder (F); Eben Smith toM. Welsh, June 1, 190I, Bound Volume 9; All in Eben Smith Papers. 2. "'Estamere,' Beautiful Seat of Eben Smith, at Palmer Lake," Denver Times (October20, 190I): 6. 3. Ibid. 4. "Ready To Retire; Eben Smith Proposes to Withdraw From Active Life," Denver Times (June 2, 1901): 2. S. Eben Smith to Bela Buell, June 14, I90 1, Bound Volume 9, Eben Smith Papers. 6. Receipt from Eckstrom Wallpaper Company to Eben Smith, July 23, 1901, 300

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Box 9 File Folder A (2); Munsell to Eben Smith, August 3, I90 1; Munsell to Eben Smith, August I9, 190I, Box 5A File Folder M; All in Eben Smith Papers. 7. M. Welsh to Eben Smith, August 6, I90I; M. Welsh to Eben Smith, August I4, I90I; All in Box 5A File Folder W, Eben Smith Papers. 8. Grant to Eben Smith, August 5, 190I, Box 5A File Folder C; United States Steel Corporation Certificate, May I6, I903, Box 7 A File Folder United States Steel Corporation; All in Eben Smith Papers. 9. Eben Smith to Morris Estes, August I, 190I, Bound Volume 9; Charles F. Mater to Eben Smith, August 10, I901, Box 2 File Folder 47; All in Eben Smith Papers. I 0. "History of the Mine and Smelter Supply Company," Denver Public Library; Jim Maxwell, "Built in 1902" in "Colorado Question Box," Rocky Mountain News (March 3, I957): 51. II. "Building and Real Estate Advices," The Denver Times (December I8, 1901): 9; Eben Smith to Charles Carnahan, November 29, I90 I, Box I File Folder 30; Receipt from BelleVernon Farms Company to Eben Smith, December I, I904, Box 9 File Folder B (2); All in Eben Smith Papers. I2. JohnS. Cary to Eben Smith, November 1, I90I, Box 5A File Folder C, Eben Smith Papers; "Garfield Mine," Denver Times (December 29, I901 ): Section 3, Page 5. 13. Receipt from Robert Reid, November I5, I90l, Box 9 File Folder A; Eben Smith to JohnS. Woodbury, Box 5 File Folder I7; Eben Smith to Tyson Dines, December 18, 190I, Box 5 File Folder 17; All in Eben Smith Papers. I4. Bond for a Deed between N. S. and Emma Berray, and Claude and Adel Batailleu and, Eben Smith and W. W. Swetland, March I 0, I902, Box 7 A File Folder Mining Interests-Arizona, Eben Smith Papers; "Eben Smith Leases Two Copper Claims, Arizona Globe District," Denver Times (March 28, 1902): 13; "Funeral Rites Set Friday for Denverite," Rocky Mountain News (August I5, I963): 38. I5. Charles T. Carnahan to Eben Smith, February 26, I902; Charles T. Carnahan to Eben Smith, March 5, I902; Charles T. Carnahan to Eben Smith, April 5, I902; All in Box I File Folder 3I, Eben Smith Papers. 301

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16. Carey W. Thompson to Eben Smith, April30, 1902, Box 3 File Folder 44, Eben Smith Papers. 17. Agreement between Charles Mater and Eben Smith, May 28, 1902, Box 7 A File Folder Mining Interests-Arizona; Charles Mater to Eben Smith, June 10, 1902, Box 2 File Folder 47; All in Eben Smith Papers. There are a number of receipts, particularly in Boxes 8 and 9 of the Eben Smith Papers, from the Denver Club for sandwiches and other things. 18. Eben Smith to J.P. McCoy, June 11, 1902, Bound Volume 10; Frank T. Sutherland to Eben Smith, June 23, 1902, Box 3 File Folder 37; All in Eben Smith Papers. 19. "Frank Smith To Build A Fine Home," Denver Times (June 21, 1902): In Eben Smith Clipping File. 20. Eben Smith to Carey W. Thompson, July 9, 1902, Bound Volume 10, Eben Smith Papers. 21. Memo ofMeeting of Board of Directors of Granite Gold Mining Company, July 11, 1920, Box 7 File Folder Granite Gold Mining Company, Eben Smith Papers. 22. "Resurrection Mill For Low Grade Sulphides," Denver Times (July 12, 1902): 9; Charles T. Carnahan to Eben Smith, January 22, 1903, Box 1 File Folder 31, Eben Smith Papers. 23. "Report GratifYing; Extensive Development Done on Independence Consolidated Property," Denver Times (August 8, 1902): 11. 24. Receipts from the Quentin Investment Company, August 20, 1902; August 22, 1902; August 23, 1902; August 25, 1902; August 26, 1920; Box 17 A File Folder Investments--Quentin Investment Company, Eben Smith Papers. 25. "To Spend $75,000 for a Home: Eben Smith Negotiating for a Site Facing City Park," Denver Times (August 21, 1902): 1; "Building and Real Estate Advices," Denver Times (December 18, 190 1): 9. 26. Eben Smith to J. P. McCoy, September 2, 1902, Bound Volume 10, Eben Smith Papers. 302

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27. Organization Meeting Minutes of the Utah Ice and Cold Storage Company, September 3, 1902, Box 7A File Folder Utah Ice and Cold Storage Company, Eben Smith Papers. 28. Eben Smith to William Lessig, September 2, 1902, Bound Volume 10, Eben Smith Papers. 29. Eben Smith to Carey W. Thompson, September 2, 1902, Bound Volume 1 0, Eben Smith Papers. 30. Agreement between Henry Gillespie and Eben Smith, October 1902, Box 7 File Folder Guiana American Gold Company, Eben Smith Papers; Building Permit Application 1407 and 1408, October 25, 1902, Western History Department, Denver Public Library. 31. "Magnificent Residence For Frank Smith," Rocky Mountain News (October 25, 1902): 6. 32. The years of Dunham's association with Eben Smith are shown by the letters from Dunham to Smith found in Boxes 1 File Folders 47-50 and Box 2 File Folder 1 of the Eben Smith Papers. 33. William Dunham to Eben Smith, November 21, 1902, Box 1 File Folder48, Eben Smith Papers. 34. William Dunham to Eben Smith, November 21, 1902, Box 1 File Folder 48; Tyson Dines to Eben Smith, November 5, 1902, Box 1 File Folder 45; All in Eben Smith Papers. 35. Tyson Dines to Eben Smith, January 12, 1903; Tyson Dines to Eben Smith, July 21, 1903; All in Box 1 File Folder 45, Eben Smith Papers. 36. David Moffat to Eben Smith, December 12, 1902, Box 2 File Folder 50, Eben Smith Papers. 37. Charles T. Carnahan to Eben Smith, January 17, 1903, Box 1 File Folder 31, Eben Smith Papers. 38. Ibid. 303

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39. Eben Smith to FrankL. Smith, January 21, 1903, Box 5 File Folder 19; Charles J. Hughes, Jr. to Eben Smith, August 17, 1903, Box 2 File Folder 24; Charles J. Hughes, Jr. to William Dunham, August 17, 1903, Box 2 File Folder 24; All in Eben Smith Papers. 40. Power of Attorney, Eben Smith to Frank L. Smith, November 7, 1930, Box 7 A File Folder Power of Attorney to FrankL. Smith, Eben Smith Papers. 41. Check from Eben Smith to the Murray M. Harris Organ Company, November 20, 1902, Box 17; Eben Smith to F. W. Armstrong and A. L. New, November 24, 1902, Box 5 File Folder 17; All in Eben Smith Papers. 42. Eben Smith to J. 0. A. Carper, February 10, 1903, Box 5 File Folder 19; J. 0. A. Carper to Eben Smith, January 27, 1903 and February 4, 1903, Box 1 File Folder 27; All in Eben Smith Papers. 43. Photo of Emily Smith from "Widow of Pioneer Mining Man Dead After Brief Illness," Denver Times (December 27, 1909): 16. CHAPTER TWELVE: MAKING MUSIC AND STRINGING WIRES 1. Carey W. Thompson to Eben Smith, February 5, 1903; Carey W. Thompson to Eben Smith, December 9, 1902; Carey W. Thompson to Eben Smith, June 5, 1903; All in Box 3 File Folder 44, Eben Smith Papers. 2. Charles T. Carnahan to Eben Smith, January 31, 1903; Charles T. Carnahan to Eben Smith, November 25, 1901; Charles T. Carnahan to Eben Smith, March 7, 1903; All in Box 1 File Folder 31. 3. Charles Mater to Eben Smith, May 4, 1903, Box 2 File Folder 47, Eben Smith Papers. 4. Eben Smith to Central Trust Company, June 3, 1903, Eben Smith to Tyson Dines, June 3, 1903; Eben Smith to Robert Evans, July 17, 1903; Eben Smith to John B. Farish, July 17, 1903; Eben Smith to Hornblower and Weeks, July 17, 1903; All in Bound Volume 10, Eben Smith Papers. 5. William Dunham to Eben Smith, August 5, 1903, Box 1 File Folder 49, Eben 304

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Smith Papers. 6. Eben Smith to William Dunham, August I8, I903, Bound Volume II, Eben Smith Papers. 7. Eben Smith to William Dunham, July I6, I903, Bound Volume I 0; Eben Smith to Robert Reid, August 4, I903, Bound Volume I 0; All in Eben Smith Papers. 8. Eben Smith to A. L. New, July 24, I903, Bound Volume IO, Eben Smith Papers. 9. Eben Smith to Robert Reid, August 4, I903, Bound Volume IO; William Ramsay to Eben Smith, August I2, I903, Box 3 File Folder 23; All in Eben Smith Papers. I 0. Articles on Carnahan Shooting, pages 444-445, William M. Wise Scrapbook, Western History Department, Denver Public Library. II. Wise Scrapbook, pp. 444-445; Eben Smith to William Dunham, Undated but in August I903, Bound Volume II, Eben Smith Papers. I2. Charles T. Carnahan to Eben Smith, August 2I, I903, Box I File Folder 3I, Eben Smith Papers; Wise Scrapbook, p. 45I. 13. Wise Scrapbook, p. 45I, 459,460. I4. William Ramsay to Eben Smith, August 27, I903, Box 3 File Folder 2I, Eben Smith Papers. I5. William Ramsay to Eben Smith, September 3, I903, Box 3 File Folder 2I, Eben Smith Papers. I6. Ibid. I7. Eben Smith to William Ramsay, September 7, I903, Bound Volume 11, Eben Smith Papers. I8. William Ramsay to Eben Smith, September I9, I903, Box 3 File Folder 2I; E. T. Howe to Eben Smith, December 7, I903, Box 2 File Folder 23; Eben Smith to William Ramsay, February 6, I904, Box 5 File Folder 20; All in Eben Smith Papers. 305

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19. Albert L. New to Eben Smith, November 1, 1903, Box 3 File Folder 2, Eben Smith Papers. 20. W. W. Allen to Eben Smith, December 1, 1903, Box 1 File Folder 1, Eben Smith Papers. 21. Jack Foster, "Old House With Happy Memories," Rocky Mountain News (February 24, 1957): 51, 53; L. Douglas Hoyt, "History ofthe Smith Mansion and its Earlier Owners," privately published, October 6, 1989, pp. 1-2. 22. Ibid. 23. Ibid. 24. Hoyt, "History of the Smith Mansion and its Earlier Owners," pp. 1, 3. 25. Check to Pacific Wireless from Eben Smith, January 4, 1904, Box 17; Eben Smith to A. L. New, January 10, 1904, Box 5 File Folder 20; All in Eben Smith Papers. 26. Agreement between the Los Angeles Art Organ Company and Eben and Emily Smith, January 1904, Box 7A File Folder Business Interests--Los Angeles Art Organ Company; Eben Smith to William Ramsay, February 24, 1904, Box 5 File Folder 20; Eben Smith to William Ramsay, March 5, 1904, Box 3 File Folder 21; All in Eben Smith Papers. 27. Helen Lukens Jones, "The Greatest of Pipe Organs," Scientific American 90 (April 23, 1904): 328-329. 28. Ibid. 29. Ibid. 30. Check to Los Angeles Art Organ Company from Eben Smith, April 26, 1904; Check to Los Angeles Art Organ Company from Eben Smith, May 18, 1904; All in Box 17, Eben Smith Papers. 31. Eben Smith to A. L. New, March 8, 1904, Box 5 File Folder 20, Eben Smith Papers. 306

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32. Arthur Scott Brook to Eben Smith, July 3, 1905, Box 1 File Folder 18; Arthur Scott Brook to Eben Smith, April 17, 1906, Box 1 File Folder 18; All in Eben Smith Papers. 33. Check to Los Angeles Art Organ Company from Eben Smith, July 25, 1904, Box 17; Check to Los Angeles Art Organ Company from Eben Smith, August 19, 1904, Box 17; Amounts due Eben Smith from The Los Angeles Art Organ Company, September 2, 1904, Box 7 A File Folder Business Interests-Los Angeles Art Organ Company; All in Eben Smith Papers. 34. Check to Pacific Wireless Telegraph Company from Eben Smith, October 4, 1904, Box 17; Eben Smith to A. L. New, January 25, 1905, Bound Volume 12; All in Eben Smith Papers. 35. "E. Smith Suffers Stroke: Paralysis Attacks Colorado Millionaire," Denver Post (September 5, 1904 ): 2; Charles Limberg to Eben Smith, September 24, 1904, Box 2 File Folder 41, Eben Smith Papers. 36. Charles Mater to Eben Smith, April 19, 1904, Box 2 File Folder 47; SmithDenison Lease Vouchers, 1904-1905-1906, Box 16; All in Eben Smith Papers. 37. Carey Thompson to Eben Smith, January 7, 1904, Box 3 File Folder 44; Carey Thompson to Eben Smith, April 19, 1904, Box 3 File Folder 44; Carey Thompson to Eben Smith, May 4, 1904, Box 3 File Folder 44; Robert Reid to Lemuel Smith, Bound Volume 9 p. 696; Report of Stockholders Meeting of Joseph Gibbons Consolidated Mining and Milling Company, July 15, 1904, Box 7 File Folder Joseph Gibbons Consolidated Mining and Milling Company; All in Eben Smith Papers. 38. Tyson Dines to Eben Smith, February 3, 1904, Box 1 File Folder 45; Telegram from Eben Smith to Emily Smith, June 2, 1904, Box 5 File Folder 20; All in Eben Smith Papers. 39. Receipt from V. R. Bowers and Sons, November 4, 1904, Box 9 File Folder B(2); Eben Smith to Charles L. Lapham, November 13, 1904, Box 5 File Folder 20; All in Eben Smith Papers. 40. Photos of the console of the big organ and the Shetland pony in the pipe from Helen Lukens Jones, "The Greatest of Pipe Organs," Scientific American 90 (April 23, 1904): 328-329. 307

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41. Photo of FrankL. Smith from "Secret Wedding for a Denver Millionaire," Denver Times (December 7, 1909): 1, 7. 42. Photo of Josephine Hill Smith from "Divorce Divides The Eben Smith Millions: Heir of Colorado Mining Man Charged With Cruelty in Wife's Complaint," Denver Post (November 4, 1907): 1, 4. 43. Photo of the Smith children from "Divorce Divides The Eben Smith Millions: Heir of Colorado Mining Man Charged With Cruelty in Wife's Complaint," Denver Post (November 4, 1907): 1, 4. CHAPTER THIRTEEN: FRUSTRATION 1. Eben Smith to Charles Mater, January 8, 1905, Box 2 File Folder 47, Eben Smith Papers. 2. Eben Smith to A. L. New, January 25, 1905, Bound Volume 12; Eben Smith to A. L. New, February 25, 1905, Bound Volume 12; All in Eben Smith Papers. 3. Eben Smith to A. L. New, February 21, 1905, Bound Volume 12; Eben Smith to A. L. New, April 17, 1906, Bound Volume 13; All in Eben Smith Papers. 4. S. L. Phillips to Eben Smith, February 22, 1905, Box 3 File Folder 15, Eben Smith Papers. 5. S. L. Phillips to Eben Smith, February 22, 1905, Box 3 File Folder 15; J. 0. A. Carper to Eben Smith, January 20, 1905, Box 1 File Folder 27; All in Eben Smith Papers. 6. Agreement between F. S. Spaulding and Eben Smith, February 14, 1905, Box 7A File Folder Business Interests--Los Angeles Art Organ Company; W. B. Fleming to Eben Smith, June 29, 1905, Box 2 File Folder 7; Arthur Scott Brook to Eben Smith, December 28, 1905, Box 1 File Folder 18; All in Eben Smith Papers. 7. Eben Smith to Fannie L. Lash, August 7, 1905, Bound Volume 12, Eben Smith Papers. 8. Charles L. Lapham to Eben Smith, August 30, 1905, Bound Volume 12; 308

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Charles L. Lapham to FrankL. Smith, August 29, 1905, Bound Volume 12; All in Eben Smith Papers. 9. H. M. Russell to Eben Smith, June 26, 1905, Box 3 File Folder 29; As president of Bakersfield and Ventura Railroad, January 8, 1906, Box 1 File Folder 5; All in Eben Smith Papers. 10. Charles L. Lapham to Eben Smith, July 13, 1905, Bound Volume 12; Eben Smith to FrankL. Smith, August 9, 1905, Bound Volume 12; Eben Smith to Frank T. Sutherland, March 9, 1904, Box 5 File Folder 20; All in Eben Smith Papers. 11. Receipt from Felker Automotive Company to Eben Smith, September 12, 1905, Box 9 File Folder 4; Charles L. Lapham to FrankL. Smith, October 20, 1905, Bound Volume 12; Receipt from Westlake Stables Company to Eben Smith, March 1, 1905, Box 9 File Folder W(3); All in Eben Smith Papers. 12. Eben Smith to A. L. New, November 6, 1905, Bound Volume 12; Check to Los Angeles Art Organ Company from Eben Smith, November 3, 1905, Box 17; Eben Smith to Felker Automotive Company, November4, 1905, Bound Volume 12; Eben Smith to Ramsay Bogey, November 1905, Bound Volume 12; Eben Smith to Henry Wolcott, November 22, 1905, Bound Volume 12; All in Eben Smith Papers. 13. Eben Smith to Henry Wolcott, November 22, 1905, Bound Volume 12, Eben Smith Papers. 14. George Kislingbury to Eben Smith, December 16, 1905, Box 2 File Folder 36; Charles T. Carnahan to Eben Smith, December 13, 1905, Box 1 File Folder 31; All in Eben Smith Papers. 15. William Dunham to Eben Smith, December 6, 1905, Box 2 File Folder 1; D. L. Webb to Eben Smith, December 7, 1900, Box 5A File Folder W; All in Eben Smith Papers. 16. Eben Smith to George Ruple, December 11, 1905, Bound Volume 12, Eben Smith Papers. 309

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CHAPTER FOURTEEN: BROKEN IS THE GOLDEN BOWL 1. Eben Smith to Arthur Scott Brook, January 2, 1906, Bound Volume 12; Eben Smith to Osborn, January 6, 1906, Box 5 File Folder 31; Charles Limberg to Eben Smith, January 3, 1906, Box 2 File Folder 41; All in Eben Smith Papers. 2. Eben Smith to Arthur Scott Brook, January 2, 1906, Bound Volume 12; Eben Smith to Western Motor Car Company, January 25, 1906, Box 5 File Folder 22; Receipt from Western Motor Car Company, February 23, 1906, Box 9 File Folder W (4); All in Eben Smith Papers. 3. Telegram from Emily Smith to Cora Carnahan, January 25, 1906, Bound Volume 12; Telegram from Robert Reid to FrankL. Smith, January 26, 1906, Bound Volume 12; George Kislingbury to Eben Smith, January 26, 1906, Box 2 File Folder 36; All in Eben Smith Papers. 4. Charles L. Lapham to Arthur Scott Brook, February 8, 1906, Bound Volume 12; Charles L. Lapham to F. R. Coffin, February 17, 1906, Bound Volume 12; Frank L. Smith to George Ruple, February 19, 1906, Bound Volume 12; FrankL. Smith to Jack Mason, March 22, 1906, Bound Volume 12; Check to Electrolian Organ Company from Eben Smith, March 5, 1906, Box 17; Check to Electrolian Organ Company from Eben Smith, March 24, 1906, Box 17; Check to Electrolian Organ Company from Eben Smith, April 18, 1906, Box 17; All in Eben Smith Papers. 5. Charles F. Mater, Jr., to Eben Smith, March 8, 1906, Box 2 File Folder 47, Eben Smith Papers. 6. Charles F. Mater to Eben Smith, March 15, 1906, Box 2 File Folder 47, Eben Smith Papers. 7. Charles F. Mater to Eben Smith, March 15, 1906, Box 2 File Folder 47; Telegram from Charles F. Mater to Eben Smith, August 6, 1906, Box 2 File Folder 47; All in Eben Smith Papers. 8. For Frank being in Seattle, April16, 1906, Bound Volume 13 p. 25; Eben Smith to A. L. New, April 17, 1906, Bound Volume 13; All in Eben Smith Papers. 9. Arthur Scott Brook to Eben Smith, April17, 1906, Box 1 File Folder 18; Arthur Scott Brook to Eben Smith, May 8, 1906, Box 1 File Folder 18; Arthur Scott 310

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Brook to Eben Smith, June 7, 1906, Box 1 File Folder 18; All in Eben Smith Papers. 10. Eben Smith to Adolphus Busch, May 31, 1906, Bound Volwne 13; Letter from Eben Smith introducing Lemuel Smith, June 1, 1906, Bound Volwne 13; Eben Smith to Arthur Scott Brook, June 28, 1906, Bound Volume 13; All in Eben Smith Papers. 11. Estimate from Thayer Decorating Company, June 1, 1906, Box 9 File Folder TUV (4); Bill from Thayer Decorating Company, June 26, 1906, Box 9 File Folder TUV (4); All in Eben Smith Papers. 12. Eben Smith to Cora Carnahan, May 18, 1906, Bound Volwne 13; Telegram from E. P. Hersey to Eben Smith, July 10, 1906, Box 2 File Folder 14; Telegram from Eben Smith to E. P. Hersey, July 10, 1906, Bound Volwne 13; Eben Smith to John Campion, September 1, 1906, Bound Volwne 13; All in Eben Smith Papers. 13. Henry Fleischman to Eben Smith, July 11, 1906, Box 2 File Folder 5; Charles L. Lapham to Mrs. Lemuel Smith, August 22, 1906, Bound Volwne 13; Eben Smith to Bogue, August 22, 1906, Bound Volwne I3; All in Eben Smith Papers. 14. Charles L. Lapham to Eben Smith, October 27, 1906, Bound Volume I3; Charles L. Lapham to Eben Smith, November 2, 1906, Bound Volwne I3; "Broken Is the Golden Bowl, the Spirit Flown Forever," Rocky Mountain News (November 6, 1906): I. This obituary is the source of the title for this chapter as well. I5. Telegram from Charles Lapham to Emily Smith, November 6, I906, Bound Volwne I3, Eben Smith Papers; "Broken Is the Golden Bowl, the Spirit Flown Forever," Rocky Mountain News (November 6, 1906): 1; "Death of Eben Smith." Breckenridge Bulletin (November I 0, 1906): Eben Smith Clipping File; "Eben Smith Brought First Stamp Mill to Colorado," Denver Times (November 6, 1906): 2; "Eben Smith Dead," Unknown Source and Date, in Eben Smith Clipping File; "Eben Smith Dead at Ripe Old Age," Denver Republican (November 6, I906): 1, 8; "Eben Smith, Pioneer and Mining Man, Dies," Denver Post (November 6, I906): 4. 16. Estate of Emily Smith, Inheritance Tax Record Book Three, City and County of Denver, p. 61. 17. "Son of Eben Smith Cut Off With A Small Annuity," Denver Times (November I5, 1906): I, 9; "Son of Eben Smith Can Earn Big Swn By Mending His Ways," Denver Republican (November 16, I906): 12; "$25,000 For Son If He Mends 311

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His Ways," Rocky Mountain News (November I6, I902): 2. I8. "Eben Smith's Son in Leadville, Working As Engineer, Faces Question," Denver Post (November I6, I906): 9. I9. "$50,000 For Lemuel Smith," Denver Times (November 28, 1906): I, 2; Leadville City Directory, I909; Fletcher Jordan, "Jerome Chaffee and Eben Smith," Stephen H. Hart Library. 20. "$50,000 For Lemuel Smith," Denver Times (November 28, 1906): 1, 2; "Eben Smith's Estate Worth A Million," Denver Times (March 26, I907): 4; "Divorce Divides The Eben Smith Millions: Heir of Colorado Mining Man Charged With Cruelty in Wife's Complaint," Denver Post (November 4, I907): I, 4. 21. "Eben Smith's Estate Worth A Million," Denver Times (March 26, 1907): 4; "Widow of Pioneer Mining Man Dead After Brief Illness," Denver Times (December 27, I909): 16. 22. "Immense Alimony Allowed By Court: Son of Late Eben Smith Is Ordered to Pay Fortune," Denver Republican (November 5, I907): I5; "Judge Severs Bonds of Son's Old Inamorata: Allen Grants Divorce to Mrs. Frank Leroy Smith, Once Prospective Daughter-in-Law," Rocky Mountain News (November 5, I907): 5; "Divorce Court Ends the Smiths' Troubles: Wealthy Couple Parted," Denver Times (November 7, I907): I, 3; "Divorce Divides The Eben Smith Millions: Heir of Colorado Mining Man Charged With Cruelty in Wife's Complaint," Denver Post (November 4, I907): I, 4. 23. Ibid. 24. "Secret Wedding for a Denver Millionaire," Denver Times (December 7, I909): I, 7. 25. "Secret Wedding for a Denver Millionaire," Denver Times (December 7, I909): I, 7; "Widow ofRich Suicide to Wed Lawyer Who Settled Estate," Denver Post (August IO, I9II): I. 26. "Secret Wedding for a Denver Millionaire," Denver Times (December 7, I909): I, 7; "Widow of Pioneer Mining Man Dead After Brief Illness," Denver Times (December 27, I909): 16; Eben Smith Mausoleum, Fairmount Cemetery; Estate of Emily Smith, Inheritance Tax Record Book Three, City and County of 312

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Denver, p. 61. 27. Photos of Lemuel, Nellie and Fay Smith from "Eben Smith's Son in Leadville, Working As Engineer, Faces Question," Denver Post (November 16, 1906): 9. CHAPTER FIFTEEN: THE SMITH FAMILY 1. "Is Found With Bullet Wound In His Chest," Denver Republican (May 7, 191 0): 1, 2; "Frank Smith Shoots Self; Near Death," Denver Post (May 7, 1910): 1. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid. 4. "Is Found With Bullet Wound In His Chest," Denver Republican (May 7, 1910): 1, 2; "Frank Smith Shoots Self; Near Death," Denver Post (May 7, 1910): 1; "FrankL. Smith Dies of Bullet Wound and Inquest is Demanded," Denver Post (May 9, 1910): 1, 2; "Hold Smith Inquest Today; Wound Fatal," Rocky Mountain News (May 10, 1910): 2. 5. "Decide Shooting Was Intentional," Denver Republican (May 11, 1910): 2; "FrankL. Smith Dies of Bullet Wound and Inquest is Demanded," Denver Post (May 9, 1910): 1, 2. 6. "Widow of Rich Suicide to Wed Lawyer Who Settled Estate," Denver Post (August 10, 1911): 1. 7. Ibid. 8. "David H. Moffat is Dead: End Comes Suddenly in a New York Hotel," Rocky Mountain News (March 19, 1911): 1, 6; David H. Moffat Grave, Block A, Fairmount Cemetery, Graves of Philip Argall, Stephen W. Dorsey, Lincoln A. Reynolds, All in Block 2, Fairmount Cemetery; Charles and Josephine Hill Graves, Block 2, Fairmount Cemetery; Norris Hunter Cone Grave, Block 3, Fairmount Cemetery .. 9. "C. L. Hill, Who Died on Coast, Noted Colorado Mining Man," Denver Times (January 21, 1912): 6; "Secret Wedding for a Denver Millionaire," Denver Times 313

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(December 7, 1909): 1, 7. 10. "Mrs. Carnahan, Leader in Society, Granted Divorce," Denver Post (April4, 1915): Section 1, Page 1; "Court Gives Carnahan's Wife Decree," Rocky Mountain News (April4, 1915): 1; Denver City Directory, 1917; "Eben L. Smith Killed in Fight Before Sudan," Denver Times (December 5, 1918): 3. 11. "Eben L. Smith Killed in Fight Before Sudan," Denver Times (December 5, 1918): 3. 12. "Eben L. Smith Killed in Fight Before Sudan," Denver Times (December 5, 1918): 3; "Eben Smith's $500,000 Will Go To Widow," Denver Times (January 3, 1919): 11; "Obituary for Josephine Hill Smith," Rocky Mountain News (January 6, 1946): 47. 13. "Rich Ex-Denver Man Dies in Crash; M. H. Smith is Killed in Coast City," Denver Times (June 28, 1921): 1, 2. 14. Ibid. 15. Ibid. 16. "Last Male Descendant of Eben Smith Succumbs Here to Sleeping Sickness; Death of Frank Leonard Smith, Grandson of Millionaire Mining Man, Is Third in Family Within Last Few Years," Denver Post (April4, 1924): 1, 3. 17. "Harold S. Carnahan Ends Life in California Sanitarium; Was Melancholia Patient For Years," Denver Post (November 10, 1924): 1. 18. "Obituary for Josephine Hill Smith," Rocky Mountain News (January 6, 1946): 47. 19. Denver City Directory, 1925; Denver City Directory, 1930; Tom Noel, ed., Glory That Was Gold (Central City: Central City Opera House Association, 1992), pp. 265, 266; "Mrs. Cora Costello, State Pioneer, Dies," Denver Post (January 22, 1956): 11a; "Cora I. Costello," Rocky Mountain News (January 18, 1956): 63. 20. "Funeral Rites Set Friday for Denverite," Rocky Mountain News (August 15, 1963): 38; "Emily Wilson," Denver Post (August 15, 1963): 48; "Charles S. Wilson," Rocky Mountain News (January 3, 1946): 25; Bill Axton, "Stories of 314

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Central City," Gilpin History Museum. 21. Robert C. Ruarck, "Emmy Wilson and Glory Hole," Rocky Mountain News (November 18, 1949): 29; "Doris Van Schaack," Denver Post (November 19, 1957): 13; "Funeral Rites Set Friday for Denverite," Rocky Mountain News (August 15, 1963): 38; "Emily Wilson," Denver Post (August 15, 1963): 48. 22. "Steel Official Takes Own Life," Denver Post (August 10, 1937): 1, 3.; "Denver Iron Employees to Get Bulk of Estate," Denver Post (May 7, 1959): 64; Jack Foster, "Old House With Happy Memories," Rocky Mountain News (February 24, 1957): 51, 53; Phil Goodstein, The Ghosts ofDenver (Denver: New Social Publications, 1996), p. 214; Hoyt, "History of the Smith Mansion and its Earlier Owners," p. 4; Lou Chapman, "Business in History Setting: Restored and Refitted Mansion Offers Offices with Ambience," Denver Post (October 15, 1985): 1 C; Kevin Flynn, "Bygone Elegance is Restored to Historic Mansion: East Denver Structure Gets Facelift," Rocky Mountain News (September 22, 1985): 27. 23. Chapman, "Business in Historic Setting," 1 C, 5C; Flynn, "Bygone Elegance is Restored to Historic Mansion," 27; United States Department ofthe Interior, National Park Service, National Register of Historic Places Inventory--Nomination Form, "The Smith House," Prepared by Barbara Norgren, 1985. 24. Goodstein, The Ghosts of Denver, p. 214; Hoyt, "History ofthe Smith Mansion and its Earlier Owners," p. 2; Jim Maxwell, "Build in 1902" in "Colorado Question Box," Rocky Mountain News (March 3, 1957): 51. 25. Photo of Lt. Eben LeRoy Smith from "Eben L. Smith Killed in Fight Before Sudan," Denver Times (December 5, 1918): 3. 26. Photo of Melvin Hill Smith from "Rich Ex-Denver Man Dies in Crash; M. H. Smith is Killed in Coast City," Denver Times (June 28, 1921): 1, 2. CHAPTER SIXTEEN: THE DEAN OF MINING MEN 1. Nearly all of the obituaries written about Eben Smith make the point that he was a driving force behind the development of mining in Colorado; "Jerome B. Chaffee's Death," Denver Republican (March 10, 1886): 1; "Eben Smith, Pioneer and Mining Man Dies," Denver Post (November 6, 1906): 4. 315

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2. "Eben Smith Dead at Ripe Old Age," Denver Republican (November 6, 1906): 1, 8; Eben Smith, Pioneer and Mining Man Dies," Denver Post (November 6, 1906): 4; "Eben Smith Brought First Stamp Mill Into Colorado," Denver Times (November 6, 1906): 2. 3. Lew Ayers, "King of the Court: The world's greatest instrument reigns supreme at the district's Wanamaker Building home," available from ; accessed June 20, 2003. 4. "Eben Smith, Pioneer and Mining Man Dies," Denver Post (November 6, 1906): 4. 5. Adams, Dorsett, and Pulcipher, The Pioneer Western Bank, p. vii; "Eben Smith Brought First Stamp Mill Into Colorado," Denver Times (November 6, 1906): 2; "Eben Smith, Pioneer and Mining Man Dies," Denver Post (November 6, 1906): 4. 6. Lew Ayers, "King of the Court: The world's greatest instrument reigns supreme at the district's Wanamaker Building home," available from ; accessed June 20, 2003. 7. Eben Smith to Charles A. Keith, November 19, 1894, Box 5 Bound Volume 1, Eben Smith Papers. 8. Application for accident insurance, February 3, 1897, Box 7 A File Folder Smith, Eben Insurance (Accident Policy), Eben Smith Papers. 316

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources "$25,000 For Son If He Mends His Ways." Rocky Mountain News (November 16, 1902): 2. "$3,000 Oral Pledge To DU Ruled Valid." Denver Post (February 22, 1960): 3. "$50,000 For Lemuel Smith." Denver Times (November 28, 1906): 1, 2. Arapahoe County Marriage Committee. Marriages of Arapahoe County, Colorado, 1859-1901. Denver: Colorado Genealogical Society, Inc., 1986. Argall, Philip. Grave. Block 2. Fairmount Cemetery, Denver, CO. Arkell, MacMillan and Stewart. Aspen, Pitkin County, Colorado: Her Mines and Mineral Resources. Aspen: Aspen Daily Leader, July 1, 1892. "Ashcroft." Rocky Mountain Sun (August 19, 1882): 2. "Ashcroft." Rocky Mountain Sun (August 26, 1882): 2. "Ashcroft." Rocky Mountain Sun (September 2, 1882): 2. "Ashcroft." Rocky Mountain Sun (October 21, 1882): 2. "Ashcroft." Rocky Mountain Sun (December 2, 1882): 2. Axton, Bill. "Stories of Central City." Copies available at the Gilpin History Museum, Central City. "Boulder." Rocky Mountain News (May 7, 1881): 5. "Broken Is the Golden Bowl, the Spirit Flown Forever." Rocky Mountain News 317

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(November 6, 1906): 1. Brower, Marie E. Fields, ed. Brown and Dallison's Nevada, Grass Valley and Rough and Ready Directory For 1856. Marie E. Fields Brower, privately published. "Building and Real Estate Ad vices." Denver Times (December 18, 1901 ): 9. Building Permit Application 1407 and 1408, October 25, 1902. Western History Department, Denver Public Library. Byers, William N. Encyclopedia of Biography of Colorado, History of Colorado. Chicago: The Century Publishing and Engraving Co., 1901. "C. L. Hill, Who Died on Coast, Noted Colorado Mining Man." Denver Times (January 21, 1912): 6. "The Candidates." Rocky Mountain News (July 28, 1870): 1. "Caribou: A Sadly Neglected Mine and Another Which Pays." Rocky Mountain News (July 19, 1876): 4. Chapman, Lou. "Business in Historic Setting: Restored and Refitted Mansion Offers Offices with Ambience." Denver Post (October 15, 1985): 1 C, 5C. "Charles S. Wilson." Rocky Mountain News (January 3, 1946): 25. Cone, Norris Hunter. Grave. Block 3. Fairmount Cemetery, Denver, CO. The Congressional Globe. Washington: The Congressional Globe Office, 1866. "Mrs. Cora Costello, State Pioneer, Dies." Denver Post (January 22, 1956): 11a. "Cora I. Costello." Rocky Mountain News (January 18, 1956): 63. "Court Gives Carnahan's Wife Decree." Rocky Mountain News (Apri14, 1915): 1. "Daily News." Rocky Mountain News (September 8, 1865): 1. "Daily News." Rocky Mountain News (October 17, 1865): 1. 318

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"Daily News." Rocky Mountain News (January 13, 1866): 4. "Daily News." Rocky Mountain News (July 13, 1866): 4. "Daily News." Rocky Mountain News (August 6, 1866): 4. "Daily News." Rocky Mountain News (October 2, 1866): 4. "Daily News." Rocky Mountain News (June 11, 1867): 1. "Daily News." Rocky Mountain News (July 24, 1867): 4. "Daily News." Rocky Mountain News (October 15, 1867): 1. "Daily News." Rocky Mountain News (November 21, 1867): 3. "Daily News." Rocky Mountain News (June 16, 1881 ): 2. "David H. Moffat is Dead: End Comes Suddenly in a New York Hotel." Rocky Mountain News (March 19, 1911): 1, 6. "Decide Shooting Was Intentional." Denver Republican (May 11, 191 0): 2. "Deep Mining." Denver Times (December 29, 1901): Section 3, Page 8. "Denver Business Men in the Mining Fields." Denver Times (February 4, 1901 ): 9. Denver City Directory, 1917. Denver City Directory, 1918. Denver City Directory, 1925. Denver City Directory, 1930. "Denver Iron Employees to Get Bulk of Estate." Denver Post (May 7, 1959): 64. Denver Times (August 2, 1901 ): 6. "Divorce Court Ends the Smiths' Troubles: Wealthy Couple Parted." Denver Times 319

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(November 7, I907): I, 3. "Divorce Divides The Eben Smith Millions: Heir of Colorado Mining Man Charged With Cruelty in Wife's Complaint." Denver Post (November 4, I907): I, 4. "Doris Van Schaack." Denver Post (November I9, I957): 13. Dorsey, Stephen W. Grave. Block 2. Fairmount Cemetery, Denver, CO. "E. Smith Suffers Stroke: Paralysis Attacks Colorado Millionaire." Denver Post (September 5, I904): 2. "Eben Smith's $500,000 Will Go To Widow." Denver Times (January 3, I9I9): II. "Eben Smith Buys Estmere [sic]." Denver Times (July 2, I898): 5. "Eben Smith Brought First Stamp Mill to Colorado." Denver Times (November 6, I906): 2. "Eben Smith Dead at Ripe Old Age." Denver Republican (November 6, I906): I, 8. "Eben Smith's Estate Worth a Million." Denver Republican (March 26, 1907): 4. "Eben Smith Leases Two Copper Claims, Arizona Globe District." Denver Times (March 28, I902): I3. Eben Smith Mausoleum. Block I. Fairmount Cemetery, Denver, CO. "Eben Smith, Pioneer and Mining Man, Dies." Denver Post (November 6, I906): 4. "The Eben Smith Residence." Denver Republican (June 8, I896): 2. "Eben Smith's Son in Leadville, Working As Engineer, Faces Question." Denver Post (November I6, I906): 9. "Eben L. Smith Killed In Fight Before Sedan." Denver Times (December 5, I9I8): 3. "Emily Wilson." The Denver Post (August 15, I963): 48. 320

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'"Estamere,' Beautiful Seat of Eben Smith, at Palmer Lake." Denver Times (October 20, 1901): 16. First National Bank of Denver Papers. Stephen H. Hart Library. Colorado Historical Society. Flynn, Kevin. "Bygone Elegance is Restored to Historic Mansion." Rocky Mountain News (September 22, 1985): 27. Foster, Jack. "Old House With Happy Memories." Rocky Mountain News (February 24, 1959): 51, 53. "Frank Smith Shoots Self; Near Death." Denver Post (May 7, 191 0): 1. "FrankL. Smith Dies of Bullet Wound and Inquest is Demanded." Denver Post (May 9, 1910): 1, 2. "Frank Leonard Smith Estate Near $35,000." Denver Times (May 3, 1924): 11. "Funeral Rites Set Friday for Denverite." Rocky Mountain News (August 15, 1963): 38. "Garfield Mine." Denver Times (December 29, 1901 ): Section 3, Page 5. "Geologist in Leadville." Denver Times (July 12, 1901): 8. "Georgetown--Mines, Furnaces, Improvements, Prospecting, etc., etc." Rocky Mountain News (May 14, 1867): 1. Gladden, Sanford Charles. Improvements in Boulder County. Prepublication photo copy, 1987, at Carnegie Branch, Boulder Public Library. "Gleanings." Rocky Mountain News (October 28, 1868): 4. "Harold S. Carnahan Ends Life in California Sanitarium; Was Melancholia Victim For Years." Denver Post (November 10, 1924): 1. "Here and There." Rocky Mountain News (March 28, 1872): 1. Hill, Charles and Josephine. Graves. Block 2. Fairmount Cemetery, Denver, CO. 321

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History of Clear Creek and Boulder Valleys, Colorado. Chicago: 0. L. Baskin and Company, 1880. "History ofthe Mine and Smelter Supply Company." December 7, 1945. Western History Department. Denver Public Library. "Hold Smith Inquest Today; Wound Fatal." Rocky Mountain News (May 10, 1910): 2. "Immense Alimony Allowed By Court: Son of Late Eben Smith Is Ordered to Pay Fortune." Denver Republican (November 5, 1907): 15. "Is Found With Bullet Wound In His Chest." Denver Republican (May 7, 1910): 1, 2. Jeffrey, Nellie. Grave. Plot 25, lot 5. Mountain View Cemetery, Oakland, CA. "Jerome B. Chaffee's Death." Denver Republican (March 10, 1886): 1. Jones, Helen Lukens. "The Greatest of Pipe Organs." Scientific American 90 (April 23, 1904): 328-329. Jordan, Fletcher. "Jerome Chaffee and Eben Smith." Eben Smith Manuscript Series. Stephen H. Hart Library. Colorado Historical Society. "Judge Severs Bonds of Son's Old Inamorata: Allen Grants Divorce to Mrs. Frank Leroy Smith, Once Prospective Daughter-in-Law." Rocky Mountain News (November 5, 1907): 5. Lake County Marriage Records. Lake County Clerk and Recorders Office. "Last Male Descendant of Eben Smith Succumbs Here to Sleeping Sickness; Death of Frank Leonard Smith, Grandson of Millionaire Mining Man, Is Third in Family Within Last Few Years." Denver Post (April27, 1924): 1, 3. Leadville City Directory, 1885. Leadville City Directory, 1890. Leadville City Directory, 1891. 322

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Leadville City Directory, 1892. Leadville Daily Herald (October 22, 1882): 3. "Magnificent Residence For Frank Smith." Rocky Mountain News (October 25, 1902): 6. Marshall, Thomas Maitland, ed. Early Records of Gilpin CoWltv, Colorado, 18591861. Denver: The W.F. Robinson Printing Company, 1920. Maxwell, Jim. "Built in 1902" in "Colorado Question Box." Rocky Mountain News (March 3, 1957): 51. McRoberts, Mary. Boulder County, Colorado Censuses. January 1992. Carnegie Branch. Boulder County Public Library. Mines and Mining Men of Colorado: Historical, Descriptive and Pictorial. Denver: John G. Canfield, 1893. "Mining Intelligence." Denver Republican (May 4, 1881): 2. "Mining Intelligence." Denver Republican (May 23, 1881): 2. "Mining Items." Rocky Mountain News (March 1, 1866): 4. "Miners Meeting." Rocky Mountain News (January 2, 1866): 2. Moffat, David H. Grave. Block A. Fairmount Cemetery, Denver, CO. "Mrs. Carnahan, Leader in Society, Granted Divorce." Denver Post (April 4, 1915): Section 1, Page 1. "The Narraganset Works." Rocky Mountain News (February 5, 1866): 1. "New Bonanza Mine in San Juan County." Denver Times (January 26, 1901): 9. "New Incorporation." Denver Times (December 30, 1899): 4. "New Rails to the Penrose." Rocky Mountain News (October 21, 1899): 10. 323

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"News ofthe Mines." Denver Times (November 10, 190 I): 13. "Obituary for Josephine Hill Smith." Rocky Mountain News (January 6, 1946): 47. "Obituary for Kate May Smith." Central City Register (August 25, 1868): 1. "Obituary for Kate May Smith." Rocky Mountain News (August 27, 1868): 4. "Obituary for Nellie Jeffery." Sacramento Bee (November 11, 1896): Photocopy provided by Sacramento Public Library. "Pitkin." Rocky Mountain News (July 28, 1885): 6. "The Poor Man." Denver Republican (March 2, 1882): 6. "Ready to Retire: Eben Smith Proposes to Withdraw From Active Life." Denver Times (June 2, 1901 ): 2. Rebchook, John. "Mansion and Carriage House Converted to Upscale Offices." Rocky Mountain News (November 24, 1990): 67. "Record of Appointment of Postmasters," 1832-September 30, 1971. Roll 14, Colorado, Colorado Territory, Adams-Kit Carson Counties. National Archives Microfilm Publications. "Report Gratifying: Extensive Development Done on Independence Consolidated Property." Denver Times (August 8, 1902): 11. "Resurrection Mill for Low Grade Sulphides." Denver Times (July 12, 1902): 9. Reynolds, L.A. Grave. Block 1. Fairmount Cemetery, Denver, CO. "Rich Ex-Denver Man Dies in Crash: M. H. Smith is Killed in Coast City." Denver Times (June 28, 1921 ): 1, 2. "Robert Womack Suffers a Stroke Of Paralysis." Denver Republican (July 28, 1904): 7. Ruarck, Robert C. "Emmy Wilson and Glory Hole." Rocky Mountain News (November 18, 1949): 29. 324

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