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Limitations and bias in the sociological study of race and ethnic minorities in two professional journals

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Limitations and bias in the sociological study of race and ethnic minorities in two professional journals
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Freese, Antje
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Denver, CO
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University of Colorado Denver
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English
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v, 68 leaves : ; 29 cm

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Sociology literature ( lcsh )
Race relations and the press ( lcsh )
Race relations and the press ( fast )
Sociology literature ( fast )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 41-68).
Thesis:
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree, Master of Arts, Sociology
General Note:
Department of Sociology
Statement of Responsibility:
by Antje Freese.

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Full Text
LIMITATIONS AND BIAS IN THE SOCIOLOGICAL
STUDY OF RACE AND ETHNIC MINORITIES
IN TWO PROFESSIONAL JOURNALS
by
Antje Freese
B.A., University of Colorado, 1992
A thesis submitted to the
Faculty of the Graduate School of the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
Sociology
1994


This thesis for the Master of Arts
degree by
Antje Freese
has been approved for the
Department of
Sociology
by

Date


Freese, Antje (M.A., Sociology)
Limitations and Bias in the Sociological Study of Race
and Ethnic Minorities in Two Professional Journals
Thesis directed by Professor Kjell Y. Tornblom
ABSTRACT
The sociological study of race and ethnic minorities
has often been described as limited and biased. This
claim is being investigated through a content analysis of
articles dealing with race and ethnic minorities
(identified by DIALOG Information System descriptors)
that were published in the American Journal of Sociology
and the American Sociological Review from January 1963
through December 1992.
The results of this analysis show that identified
race and ethnicity articles in both journals
predominantly cover topics of social organization, the
economy, social problems and urban ecology, followed by
an interest in the areas of education, demography,
family, and political institutions. When each of these
topic areas was examined in regard to their use of
available theoretical approaches, findings display that
articles in these two journals are predominated by
111


normative and integrational assumptions about society,
and present an often social-psychological view of race
and ethnic minority status.
This abstract accurately represents the content of the
candidate's thesis. I recommend its publication.
iv


CONTENTS
CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION.......................................1
2. DISCUSSION OF RELEVANT
LITERATURE ....................................... 3
3. METHODOLOGY.......................................11
Sample.........................................11
Procedure......................................11
4. RESULTS...........................................13
Proportions of Article Topics .................13
American Journal of Sociology ...............13
American Sociological Review ............... 15
Total Distribution...........................16
Discussion of Topics in Terms of
Theoretical Approaches .................... 20
Economy................................... .20
Social Problems..............................22
Political Institutions ..................... 24
Education....................................26
Social Organization..........................28
Demography...................................30
Family.......................................31
Urban Ecology................................33
5. CONCLUSION.....................................35
REFERENCES...........................................41
v


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Mainstream contemporary sociology has often been
criticized as restricted and biased in its study and
depiction of race and ethnic minorities (cf. Bash,1979;
Kinloch, 1979; Kinloch, 1988; Mirande, 1985; Nisbet,1966;
Rex, 1983). While studies have outlined the limitations
in research scope and representation of individual
theoretical approaches, an empirical examination of
research issues and utilization of race and ethnic
relations theories is absent. This analysis attempts to
provide some empirical insight into research topics and
their theoretical representation in the area of race and
ethnic minorities. Through a content analysis of articles
dealing with race and ethnic minorities (identified by
DIALOG Information System) that were published in the
American Journal of Sociology (AJS) and the American
Sociological Review (ASR) from January 1963 through
December 1992 this study will be able to give a more
comprehensive and detailed overview of contemporary
mainstream sociology's approach towards race and ethnic
minorities. This analysis is, thus, another link in the
ongoing study of the subfield of race and ethnic
1


relations' development. It provides empirical evidence
for previous descriptive research and establishes a basis
for future investigations of the representation of race
and ethnic minorities in terms of theory utilization,
research emphasis, and perceived image of minority
status.
2


CHAPTER 2
DISCUSSION OF RELEVANT LITERATURE
According to the literature, sociology's theoretical
approaches in the subfield of race and ethnic relations
can be broadly outlined by the following trends.
Initially, sociologists left the study of race and ethnic
groups to biologists and anthropologists, and did not
develop any distinct sociological approaches in theory
and methodology (Odum, 1951). Sociology, therefore, came
to the study of race and ethnic relations later than
other social sciences and partly built its early
theoretical and methodological approaches on procedures
of disciplines like, biology, psychology, or
anthropology. It further followed the general field in
it's extensive emphasis on moralistic Eurocentric social
thought, exhibiting early stages of research that
included Darwinistic and hereditary perspectives, derived
from organic/biological oriented theories. Initial
sociological approaches were very limited, often based on
racist and ideologically influenced standpoints. Race was
seen as a relatively stable and fixed biological factor
with predispositions of superior and inferior
capabilities (McLemore, 1991; Odum, 1951; Rex, 1983).
3


More contemporary interests of socio-biological
approaches include the study of intelligence, weakness of
black culture and family structure, ethnocentric versions
of underdevelopment and modernization (cf. Jensen, 1969;
Kinloch, 1979; Ryan, 1971).
After the initial stage of Darwinistic and
hereditary perspectives, the study of race and ethnic
relations adopted general sociology's increasing concern
with statistical matters and scientific methodology
(Brown & Gilmartin, 1969; Furner, 1975; McCartney, 1970;
Vidich & Lyman, 1985). Open ideological advocacy slowly
disappeared and was replaced by the concept of
assimilation which is largely associated with professors
of the Chicago School of Sociology (Bulmer, 1984; Wacker,
1983). Particularly ethnic groups were portrayed as
passing through a race relations cycle that ends with
the total assimilation to white Anglo-Saxon values (Bash,
1979; McLemore, 1991; Wacker, 1983). Little attention was
spent on independent minority cultures and structures,
since they were assumed to gradually disappear (Bash,
1979; Kinloch, 1979). The perspective of assimilation
directed sociology towards a concern with adjustment and
integration of ethnic immigrants into American society,
rather than with the dynamics or relations of ethnic
groups, or with the changes new groups brought to the
existing social structures. Examples of theoretical
4


approaches deal with the establishment of ethnic enclaves
and their role in the process of assimilation and
pluralism (Gordon, 1964; Gordon, 1978). With the
research focus and the issue at hand being structural
integration, conflict was of secondary interest. No
concern was given to ethnic, economic, or cultural
differences of individual groups, and their influence or
persistence within American social structures (Bash,
1979; Nisbet, 1966; Rex, 1983).
The continuous existence of structural and cultural
differences between racial and ethnic groups forced
sociologists to broaden the scope of sociological
inquiry. The subfield of race and ethnic relations, after
a nearly complete domination of the structural-functional
approach, added a general and wide spread concern with
social-psychological phenomena (Bash, 1979; Kinloch,
1979; McLemore, 1991; Nisbet, 1966; Odum, 1951; Rex,
1983). Early examples of research focused on the areas
of stereotypes (e.g. Katz and Braly, 1933; Berelson and
Salter, 1946; Gilbert, 1951); prejudice (e.g. Allport,
1958; Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik, Levinson, and Sanford,
1950; Myrdal, 1944; Festinger, 1957; Bogardus, 1933); and
ethnocentrism (e.g. Sumner, 1906). This led to attempts
at theoretical development with regard to the
relationship between prejudice and discrimination (e.g.
LaPiere, 1934; DeFleur and Westie, 1958; Merton, 1949);
5


and the development of theoretical explanations for the
basis and general consequences of stereotypes and
prejudice: "self hate" of target group (e.g. Clark and
Clark, 1933; Horowitz, 1936); social distance (e.g.
Simmel, 1950; Park, 1924; Bogardus, 1933);
frustration-aggression-hypothesis (e.g. Dollard, Doob,
and Miller, 1939; Miller, 1941; Allport, 1958; Festinger,
1957). Of course, this is only a limited sample of
research studies. According to the literature, however,
it is representative of the foundation of
social-psychological research studies in the area of race
and ethnicity (McLemore, 1991; Rex, 1983; Schaefer,
1990) .
During the 1960s and 1970s conflict and Marxist
oriented perspectives became academically more accepted
and finally occupied an eminent role in the subfield of
race and ethnic relations, adding different theoretical
explanations for phenomena like stereotypes, prejudice,
discrimination, and social inequality. These theoretical
approaches, with their critical stand towards the social
structures and emphasis on conflict, stand in direct
contrast to structural functionalism's and the
assimilation perspective's consensus based view of
functionally operating structures. The focus was lifted
from the social issue of non-integration and
non-assimilation as a social problem, and redirected
6


towards the inherent inequalities of socio-economic
structures (Kinloch, 1974; Kinloch, 1979; Rex, 1983).
This resulted in the following kinds of theoretical
approaches: Group-Gains Theory (e.g. Noel, 1968; Simpson
and Yinger, 1972); Split-Labor-Market Theory (e.g.
Bonacich, 1972; Boswell, 1986; Beck, 1980); Institutional
Discrimination (e.g. Carmichael and Hamilton, 1967;
Feagin, 1977; Friedman, 1975; Baron, 1969); and Internal
Colonialism (e.g. Blauner, 1972; Moore, 1970).
Each of the available approaches offers distinct
insights into diverse aspects of the social environment
of race and ethnic minorities through different levels of
analysis (individual, groups, structure, organization,
institution) and subject matters under study (i.e.
discrimination, stereotypes, prejudices, structural
inequality, socio-economic integration). Keeping in mind
the differing assumptions about society (i.e. integration
oriented, conflict oriented, cognitive emphasis,
behavioral emphasis), sociology has a relatively
extensive fund of available means of analysis. However,
there is an absence of empirical work that focuses on how
frequently any of these theoretical approaches are used
and how they affect the overall scope of research issues.
The question, therefore, is: To what extend does the
above outlined fund of theoretical approaches depict the
actual sociological study of race and ethnic minorities
7


in terms of research issues and theoretical explanations?
Some earlier studies, offer insight into the
research topics of the general field of sociology (cf.
Kinloch, 1988; Simpson, 1961; Wilner, 1985; Vincent,
1938; Vincent, 1949). Graham Kinloch's (1988) content
analysis of articles published from 1895 to 1979 in AJS
and ASR, for example, shows that the general field has a
historical interest in self-definition, methodological
and theoretical concerns. This is followed by a
continuous interest in research issues found in the areas
of social organization, the economy and political
institutions. The discipline is further interested in
social problems, (i.e. deviance and crime), other
societies (i.e. during war), and the topic area
minorities, which includes women, the aged, and various
ethnic and racial groups. Religion, ecology, social
change, education, and the family round out the scope of
research interests (Kinloch, 1988).
In addition, studies are equally able to show that
mainstream sociology prefers to discuss its topics of
sociological interest in a distinct, possibly limited,
fashion (cf. Kinloch, 1984; Kinloch, 1988; Wilner, 1985).
Patricia Wilner defined it as,
... the Parsonian influence tilting
sociology toward concern with consensus...
and psychology and away from conflict.
Survey research, ... which is appropriate
for social psychological analysis, but
... incapable of studying structure, ...
8


has emerged as the reigning methodology.
[jrhusTl the dominant theoretical
orientation and the dominant methodology
in sociology lead in conventional directions,
not toward the study of conflict and
structure, (p.18)
Turning back the subfield of minorities, it seems
reasonable to expect that the study of racial and ethnic
groups would exhibit the same patterns of representation
in AJS and ASR. However, since the sociological study of
race and ethnic minorities was not the focus of the
analyses referred to above, it is difficult to draw
distinct conclusions about research emphasis and
theoretical examinations found within the subfield. We
only know that the general topic area of minorities
(women and the aged are included) appears to be
historically of average sociological interest in these
two journals and does not reach a significant importance
until the 1970s (Kinloch, 1988, pp. 187, 189). The
literature does provide the information, that this
increase of interest is usually linked to the greater
political visibility of race and ethnic interest groups,
the social climate initiated during the 1960s, and
greater numbers of minority sociologists (Bash, 1979;
Rex, 1983; Kinloch, 1988; Wacker, 1983). However, which
theories and topics are emphasized within articles during
any of the publication periods is not stated.
The analysis to follow is based on articles dealing
with race and ethnic minorities published from January
9


1963 through December 1992 in the AJS and the ASR. An
attempt is made to examine sociological topics of
interest in the area of race and ethnic minorities and
assess the influence of theoretical approaches on the
representation and comprehension of sociology's study of
race and ethnic minorities. This analysis, obviously does
not reflect the total representation of race and ethnic
groups by contemporary American sociology. It should,
however, provide more detailed insight into some of the
most central research issues and means of analysis found
over the last thirty years.
10


CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY
Sample
The DIALOG INFORMATION SYSTEM counted 3929 articles
published in AJS and 2031 articles published in ASR from
January 1963 through December 1992. A total of 223
articles from this time period were identified by the
DIALOG descriptors "race", "racial", "ethnic",
"minority", and "minorities". Of these articles 119
appeared in AJS and 104 were published in ASR.
Procedure
First, a list of all identified articles by title
and year was compiled for each journal, and then
separately examined in chronological order. Based on the
central emphasis of each article (staying with the
central feature of each article title) a set range of
topics evolved, and was classified into the following
eight categories (major topic areas): economy, social
problems, social organization, education, family,
demography, political institutions, and urban ecology.
11


Once articles were classified according to major
topic area the distribution for each decade (1963-72,
1973-82, 1983-92) was calculated. Then the two journals
were compared in regard to major topics and their
distribution.
Next, the total distribution (both journals
combined) of articles and major topics from January 1963
through December 1992 was computed. The articles within
each category were reviewed and classified in terms of
their particular research emphasis (see Table 4),
outlining in more detail what each major topic area
entails. Finally, the major topic areas and their
sub-topics were discussed in regard to their use of the
theoretical approaches, assumptions about society, levels
of analysis, and subject matters outlined in Chapter 2
pp. 3-7.
12


CHAPTER 4
RESULTS
Proportions of Article Topics
Although the major article topics for each journal
are the same, proportional distributions by topics
differs. AJS has a greater proportion than ASR of
articles in demography and urban ecology, whereas ASR
pays greater attention to social problems and the
economy. The topic areas of education, political
institutions, the family, and social organization have
similar distributions in the two journals.
American Journal of Sociology
When we examine AJS over the last 30 years, by
decades of publication, we find that 32.7% of the
articles identified as dealing with race/ethnic
minorities were published from 1963 through 1972. The
greatest proportion (47.1%) was published during the
following decade (1973 1982), and the remaining 20.2%
were published from 1983 through 1992.
13


On the whole, the treatment of race/ethnic minorities in
AJS over the entire 30 year period is characterized by a
significant proportional drop in publication for the
decade 1983-1992 and a predominance of the topic areas
social organization, urban ecology, the economy, and
social problems over the entire 30 year period (Table 1).
TABLE 1
MAJOR TOPIC DISTRIBUTION IN
THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
MAJOR TOPIC 63-72 73-82 83-92 TOTAL
ECONOMY 7.7% (3) 21.4% (12) 17.4% (4) 16.0% (19)
SOCIAL PROBLEMS 5.1% (2) 10.7% (6) 30.4% (7) 12.6% (15)
POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2.6% (1) 3.6% (2) 4.3% (2) 4.2% (5)
EDUCATION 7.7% (3) 5.4% (3) 0.0% (0) 5.0% (6)
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 30.8% (12) 28.5% (16) 17.4% (4) 26.9% (42)
DEMOGOGRAPHY 7.7% (3) 12.5% (7) 0.0% (0) 8.4% (10)
FAMILY 10.2% (4) 3.6% (2) 4.3% (1) 5.9% (7)
URBAN ECOLOLOGY 28.2% (ID 14.3% (8) 26.1% (6) 21.0% (25)
TOTAL N: 39 56 24 119
14


American Sociological Review
ASR published 24.1% of its race/ethnic minority
articles from January 1963 through December 1972. 36.5%
of the identified articles appeared between 1973 and
1982, and the largest proportion (39.4%) was published
from January 1983 through December 1992.
TABLE 2
MAJOR TOPIC DISTRIBUTION IN
THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
MAJOR TOPIC 63-72 73-82 83-92 TOTAL
ECONOMY 16.0% 23.7% 34.2% 25.9%
(4) (9) (14) (27)
SOCIAL 28.0% 34.2% 9.7% 23.1%
PROBLEMS (7) (13) (4) (24)
POLITICAL 8.0% 2.6% 4.9%' 4.8%
INSTITUTIONS (2) (1) (2) (5)
EDUCATION 4.0% 7.9% 9.7% 7.7%
(1) (3) (4) (8)
SOCIAL 28.0% 21.1% 29.3% 25.9%
ORGANIZATION (7) (8) (12) (27)
DEMOGRAPHY 4.0% 2.6% 0.0% 2.0%
(1) (1) (0) (2)
FAMILY 8.0% 2.6% 2.4% 3.9%
(2) (1) (1) (4)
URBAN 4.0% 5.3% . 9.7% 6.7%
ECOLOGY (1) (2) (4) (7)
TOTAL N: 25 38 41 104
15


The total picture emerging for ASR shows a steady
proportional increase in the publication of race/ethnic
minority articles over the three decades and a
predominance of the topic areas social organization, the
economy, and social problems for the whole 30 years
(Table 2).
To summarize: although, the proportions for certain
major topic areas differ between AJS and ASR, one can
draw the conclusion that both journals predominantly deal
with race/ethnic minorities in regard to issues falling
under the topic areas social organization, the economy,
and social problems. The one exception being AJS1s
concentration on urban ecology, which is not reflected in
ASR. In addition, we know that the publication of
race/ethnic minority articles increased proportionally
for both journals through the decade 1973 to 1982. After
that point a dramatic drop in publication was found in
AJS, while a continued increase characterized ASR.
Total Distribution
Over the last 30 years 3.8% of all articles
published in AJS and ASR were identified as dealing with
race/ethnic minorities. 28.8% of these articles were
published from January 1963 through December 1972. The
largest proportion (42.4%) of identified articles was
published in the next decade (1973-82), and the remaining
16


29.1% of race/ethnic minority articles was published from
January 1983 through December 1992. The total
distribution is dominated by the major article topics
social organization, the economy, social problems, and
urban ecology (Table 3).
TABLE 3
TOTAL DISTRIBUTION OF MAJOR TOPICS
IN AJS AND ASR
MAJOR TOPIC 63-72 73-82 83-92 TOTAL
ECONOMY 10.9% (7) 22.3% (21) 28.1% (18) 20.6% (46)
SOCIAL PROBLEMS 14.1% (9) 20.2% (19) 17.2% (ID 17.5% (39)
POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 4.7% (3) 3.2% (3) 4.7% (4) 4.5% (10)
EDUCATION 6.2% (4) 6.5% (6) 6.2% (4) 6.3% (14)
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 29.7% (19) 25.5% (24) 25.0% (16) 26.5% (59)
DEMOGRAPHY 6.2% (4) 8.5% (8) 0.0% (0) 5.4% (12)
FAMILY 9.4% (6) 3.2% (3) 3.2% (2) 4.9% (ID
URBAN ECOLOGY 18.8% (12) 10.6% (10) 15.6% (10) 14.3% (32)
TOTAL N: 64 94 65 223
17


Up to this point it appears as if mainstream
American Sociology over the last 30 years has dealt with
racial/ethnic minorities predominantly in terms of issues
falling under social organization, the economy, social
problems, and urban ecology, followed by a much lesser
concentration on education, demography, family, and
political institutions. When looking at total
distribution for this thirty year period (see Table 3),
sociological interest in race and ethnic minorities
peaked during the period 1973 to 1982. This reinforces
the findings of other studies which linked an increase of
interest during this time period to the social climate,
the political visibility of race and ethnic interest
groups, and the influx of minority scholars (cf. Kinloch,
1988; Wacker, 1983; Rex, 1983).
Although, the emphasis on topic areas is restricted
and proportionally skewed towards issues dealing with
social organization, economy, social problems, and urban
ecology, it does not necessarily constitute a limited
examination of race and ethnic minorities. If available
means of analysis are being utilized in a balanced
fashion, sociology can still offer a comprehensive image
of race and ethnic relations. Therefore, to draw more
definite conclusions about mainstream sociology's
representation of race and ethnic minorities, it is
important to examine in more detail the content (see
18


Table-4) of the published articles in regard to the use
of theoretical approaches.
TABLE 4
TOTAL DISTRIBUTION OF MAJOR TOPICS AND SUB TOPICS
ECONOMY (N = 46)
stratification (28.3%); labor market/labor force (26.1%);
enclave labor market (17.3%); mobility (10.9%);
occupations (8.7%); discrimination (8.7%)
SOCIAL PROBLEMS (N = 39)
crime/deviance (28.2%); social unrest/riots (23.1%);
social agencies (23.1%); poverty (15.4%); juvenile
delinquency (10.2%)
POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS (N = 10)
political participation (66.7%); political affiliation
(22.2%); political structure (11.1%)
EDUCATION (N = 14)
attainment (42.8%); education and socialization (28.6%);
education and social problems (14.3%); segregation
(14.3%)
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION (N = 59)
socialization/social consciousness (30.5%); intergroup
relations (22.0%); intragroup structure (20.3%);
intergroup conflict (8.5%); prejudice/stereotypes (6.8%);
roles (5.1%); assimilation (3.4%); environmental
conditions (3.4%)
DEMOGRAPHY (N = 12)
fertility (91.6%); mortality (8.4%)
FAMILY (N = 11)
marriage (54.5%); roles of family members (27.3%); family
conditions (18.2%)
URBAN ECOLOGY (N = 32)
segregation (56.2%); communities (37.5%); desegregation
and integration (6.3%)
19


Discussion of Topics in Terms of
Theoretical Approaches
Economy
Turning to the topic area economy, the most lasting
impression is left by articles dealing with the
statistical manifestations of stratification. An
overabundance of articles deals with quantitative
descriptions of racial and ethnic economic
differentiation. Through statistical manipulations of
census data, studies describe the association between
socio-economic status and the racial composition of the
labor force (e.g. Frisbie and Neidert, 1977; Fossett and
Swicegood, 1982; Galle, Wiswell, and Burr, 1985). Other
empirical research depicts fewer employment opportunities
for African Americans and Hispanics (e.g. Aldrich, 1973;
Tienda and Lii, 1987), or describes the statistical
differences between white ethnics and Blacks in terms of
mobility, high status occupations, and earnings (e.g.
Kaufman, 1983; Rosenfeld, 1980; Snyder and Hudis, 1976).
In addition, to demographic studies, we find a
range of articles, discussing stratification in terms of
social class. Through the use of Neo-Marxian conflict
approaches, socio-economic attainments become a sign of
social class, and indicate access to power and
structural rewards (e.g. Szymanski, 1976; Wright, 1978).
Other research links stratification, discrimination, and
20


differential rates of mobility to attitudes (stereotypes
and prejudices) held by majority group members (e.g.
Butler, 1976; Cummings, 1980). Similarly, social
psychological phenomena like low self-esteem and
alienation are seen as consequences of economic
discrimination. Which, according to some articles, are
especially experienced by African Americans and often
result in a rejection of society's accepted goals (e.g.
DiPrete, 1981).
Ethnic/enclave labor markets, viewed from a conflict
perspective, indicate the exploitation (i.e.
underpayment) of ethnic groups by the dominant population
(e.g. Bonacich, 1972). This stands in direct contrast to
the depiction of enclave labor markets as agents of
assimilation, safe havens from discrimination, and means
of ethnic/racial solidarity (e.g. Bailey and Waldinger,
1991). Indeed, a large number of articles stresses
aspects of consensus and cohesion and their positive
effect on socio-economic integration. In the case of
Japanese Americans, economic success is the result of
strong intragroup solidarity (e.g. Jiobu, 1988), whereas,
white ethnics achieve high rates of upward mobility
through motivation and cultural assimilation (e.g.
Featherman, 1971; Neidert and Farley, 1985).
21


In brief, race and ethnic groups are frequently
described in a quantitative fashion. The articles that do
work with distinct theoretical approaches mostly deal
with race and ethnic relations from a functional
perspective of ethnocentrism and structural assimilation.
Research studies of the conflict perspective and social
psychological approaches are emphasized the least.
Social Problems
Articles under the topic area of social problems
primarily discuss crime and deviance, social unrest, and
their association with poverty. A large proportion of the
articles dealing with deviant behavior of African
Americans is interested in the relationship between rates
of crime, biases in the justice system, poverty, and the
resulting "subculture of violence". While most articles
in AJS and ASR agree that Blacks are overrepresented
among persons arrested, they differ in attributing this
overrepresentation to biases found in the criminal
justice system or a greater perpetration of crime by
African Americans. Research studies do show a greater
involvement of black males (age 18-25) in rape, robbery,
and assault. These higher rates of crime are
statistically related to urban segregation, racial
composition, the southern region, and economic inequality
and theoretically explained by the "subculture of
22


violence" thesis (e.g. Blau and Blau, 1982; Messner,
1983). Racial residential segregation combined with
poverty leads to family instability, alienation,
non-existing ties to the larger society, and possible
criminal behavior (e.g. Blau and Blau, 1982; Eggebeen and
Lichter, 1991; Green, 1970; Hindelang, 1981; Messner,
1983; South and Messner, 1986; Quadagno, 1990).
According to these articles, economic deprivation
and limited access to the structural rewards system are
the major causes for crime. Because more African
Americans than whites, live below the poverty level and
in segregated, economically unstable areas, they get
locked in a cycle of poverty that breeds deviant behavior
and leads to more frequent arrests.
Once African Americans have entered the criminal
justice system, research studies point to a racial bias
in the police force and criminal sentencing. Articles
show that crimes with black victims often result in less
severe punishments. If the victim is white, however,
especially black offenders are generally charged more
severely, receive longer sentences, or the death penalty
(e.g. Hagan and Albonetti, 1982; LaFree, 1980). Juvenile
delinquency is discussed along the same lines of
socio-economic and environmental conditions (subculture).
In these studies, however, bias in the justice system is
primarily associated with the police force, rather than
23


with the courts (e.g. Dannefer and Schutt, 1982).
When discussing social unrest, articles are partly
interested in demographic factors of severity, e.g.
number of injured or dead, destruction of property,
number of demonstrators, size of police force (e.g.
Danzger, 1975; Spilerman, 1976). In addition, we find
research studies examining poverty, political
mobilization, and specific events (e.g. assassination of
Dr. King) as the underlying causes of "racial disorder"
(e.g. DeFronzo, 1971; Morgan and Clark, 1973; Spilerman,
1976). However, regardless of the motives or outcome,
articles tend to stress the disruptive aspects of social
unrest (e.g. Danzger, 1975; Morgan and Clark, 1973;
Spilerman, 1976). Through the use of
functional/integrational approaches in the area of social
unrest and the extensive application of the culture of
poverty/subculture of violence hypothesis, we find a
distinctly pathological view of African Americans within
this topic area.
Political Institutions
Political institutions is the proportionally
smallest major topic area. This is quite surprising
considering the dynamic political events of the 1960s in
particular. Radical political movements, however, were
labeled a threat to society and are, therefore, treated
24


as a social problem in AJ5 and ASR.
Articles that are classified under the topic area of
political institutions primarily use survey and census
data to give quantitative descriptions of political
participation and party identification (e.g. Ragin, 1979;
Knoke and Felson, 1974). Voting behavior and party
identification of white ethnics (e.g. Irish,
Scandinavians, Germans, Anglo-Saxons, or Jews) is
statistically correlated with cultural assimilation,
religious identification, income, and education (e.g.
Greeley, 1974). Political participation of Blacks, on the
other hand, is associated with residential concentration
and social-psychological factors like alienation and
political trust (e.g. Guterbock and London, 1983). The
overall picture emerging from this topic area consists
partly of demographic descriptions of political
participation. A few research studies discuss voting
behavior and political mobilization as a "struggle for
equality" and an expression of class consciousness (e.g.
Burstein, 1991; Leggett, 1963). The majority of articles,
however, is not interested in discussions of political
movements. Instead, they prefer to investigate the
effects of individual socio-economic and
social-psychological variables on political integration
(e.g. Greeley, 1974; Guterbock and London, 1983; Knoke
and Felson, 1974). In general, this topic area shows a
25


distinct preference for research of white ethnics, and
favors social-psychological, cultural, and adjustment
oriented discussions of differential political behavior.
Education
Articles in the major topic area of education focus
primarily on differential educational attainments for
race and ethnic groups. As in other topic areas, we find
some studies that offer only statistical descriptions.
Demographic articles, however, are in the minority, and
aside from a few statistical descriptions of public
school segregation (e.g. Farley and Taeuber, 1974), the
majority of research studies is based on distinct
theoretical approaches.
Articles base differences in the process of
educational attainment bn parental status, race, and
aspirations of students. For example, status
differentiation create "insiders" and "outsiders" to
institutional channels of power and rewards. The gap in
educational achievement between Blacks and whites is,
therefore, not a question of intelligence but caused by
differences in socio-economic status (e.g. Portes and
Wilson, 1976) .
Articles further associate lower educational
attainments of Black and Hispanic students with
prejudicial attitudes held by majority group members
26


(i.e. teachers). Some educators still tend to label Black
and Hispanic students as less competent or motivated.
Teachers, therefore, might have lower expectations
regarding their educational achievement and, thus, offer
them fewer educational opportunities. Similarly, some
minority students might accept these negative labels and
then experience low self-esteem, possible reject/give up
education, or try to escape through deviant behavior -
self-fulfilling prophesy (e.g. Middleton, 1963;
Tenhouten, Lei, Kendall, and Gordon, 1971; Yuchtman-Yaar
and Semyonov, 1979).
In addition to the just noted on
social-psychological theories of labeling, research
studies discuss differences in educational achievement
from a structural perspective. The differential financing
of predominantly black inner-city and white suburban
schools has created separate and unequal education
systems (e.g. James, 1989). Resulting differences in
quality of education lower the chance of many African
American students in employment or access to college.
Just as frequently, however, articles make no mention of
institutional inequality. Instead, studies work from a
theoretical perspective of adjustment. Education is,
thus, still seen as the "great equalizer" and agent of
socialization that could promote inter-racial friendships
and prepare students for successful integration into
27


society (e.g. Hallinan and Williams, 1987; Hallinan and
Williams, 1989; Ritterband and Silberstein, 1974).
overall, although of limited size, this major topic area
offers a relatively comprehensive discussion of the
causes and effects of minority status and its impact on
educational achievement.
Social Organization
Social organization is the proportionally most
dominating topic area. It primarily deals with issues
relating to the socially organized relationships between
groups and the influence of these relations on behavior,
attitudes, and social consciousness.
A number of articles investigate the influence of
class consciousness on social relations and show that
economic minority status of African Americans and
Hispanics results in feelings of subjugation, low
self-esteem, frustration, alienation, and stress (e.g.
Bloom, Whiteman, and Deutsch, 1965; Jackson and Burke,
1965; Hughes and Demo, 1989; Hurst, 1972; Yancey, Rigsby,
and McCarthy, 1972). More frequently, however, research
studies focus on intergroup relations in terms of
ethnocentrism, culture, and ethnic/racial identification.
Prejudices and stereotypes held by white ethnics are
associated with religious orthodoxy, strong ethnic
identification, and intragroup cohesion (e.g. Alba and
28


Chamlin, 1983; Borhek, 1970; Roof, 1974; Tomaskovic-Devey
and Tomaskovic-Devey, 1988). According to the above
mentioned articles, these factors of intragroup
socialization can play an important role in the
development of race and ethnic intergroup relations. On
the one side, strong intragroup cohesion has a positive
effect on the structural and cultural stability of the
group (e.g. Metzger, 1971). On the other side, it
creates strong feelings of ethnocentrism and superiority
which can lead to discrimination, ethnic/racial
antagonism and intergroup conflict (e.g. Bonachich, 1972;
Fendrich, 1967).
Articles further examine the influence of
environmental conditions on socialization and race/
ethnic group relations. Communities, for example,
determine intergroup association and contact through
demographic composition (e.g. Blum, 1985). Equal-status
interracial contact positively influences self-esteem and
social identification, and leads to racially more
tolerant attitudes. Socio-economic segregation, on the
other hand, creates social distance and inhibits
interaction (e.g. Blum, 1985; Ford, 1973: Johnston and
Yoels, 1977; Schooler, 1976; Schuman and Gruenberg, 1970;
Smith, 1981).
Overall, this major topic area deals with racial and
ethnic groups as agents of socialization. Social status
29


(relative access to power), race and ethnicity influence
group relations, social consciousness, attitudes, and
social behavior. These factors, either, help or hinder
individuals in becoming successful members of society,
and, thus, create minority or majority status. Aside from
a limited emphasis on social class, articles
predominantly focus on social-psychological and
socio-cultural aspects of minority/majority social
organization.
Demography
The major topic area of demography deals with the
study of socio-biological aspects of race/ethnic groups.
Extremely limited in focus, articles discuss the
different rates of infant mortality (e.g. Willie and
Rothney, 1962) and fertility rates of African Americans,
Hispanics, and Asians. Based on census and social science
survey data, articles are dominated by the debate between
proponents of a structural or cultural view of fertility.
High fertility rates for African Americans, Hispanics, or
Asians, are either discussed as the result of ethnic
norms, independent from structural integration, (e.g.
Goldscheider and Uhlenberg, 1969; Roberts and Lee, 1974)
or in terms of subordinate/structural group status (e.g.
Lopez and Sabagh, 1978). Because of the ambiguous state
of the debate, no clear theoretical approach emerges
30


which confines the image of minority status to individual
statistical descriptions of fertility rates, ethnic
identity, or structural attributes (e.g. income,
education).
Family
Marriage is a predominant sub-topic discussed within
the major topic area of family. Through the use of census
data marital instability is statistically investigated in
its association to race and socio-economic factors like
income or education (e.g. Urdy, 1967). The majority of
articles, however, is interested in aspects of
integration and deals with the effects of ethnicity,
race, and spatial availability of marriage partners on
marital assimilation (e.g. Gurak and Fitzpatrick, 1982;
Lichter, LeClere and McLaughlin, 1991; Mittlebach and
Moore, 1968).
Articles discussing extended families, teen-age
mothers, and parental roles are focused on the aspect of
socio-cultural adjustment, socialization, and successful
socio-economic integration (e.g. Angel and Tienda, 1982;
Moore and Snyder, 1991). Again, we see an uneven
utilization of theoretical approaches. Articles stress
cultural preference as the reason for extended
households, not economic need. Teen-age pregnancy is not
examined in regard to structural or socio-economic causes
31


but in terms of social-psychological effects on the
children and their educational achievement. Particularly
striking is the emphasis on maternal authority in African
American families. Strong female role models are
discussed as important agents of socialization, that
positively affect the educational attainments of their
adolescent children (e.g. Kandal, 1971). Since father
figures are not mentioned, it leaves an impression of
absence or non-significance.
Research and representation in this major topic area
reinforces the already noted emphasis on issues of social
adjustment, cohesion, and consensus. White ethnics
especially are referred to in positive terms of marital
adjustment, marital assimilation, and two-parent/stable
households. Black and Hispanic families are predominantly
described in negative terms, e.g. instability, low
socio-economic status, "non-normative" numbers of
children (often mentioned in association with poverty),
and unsuccessful agents of social integration (e.g.
Farley and Hermalin, 1971; Urdy, 1966). Again, available
means of analysis are being unevenly utilized, articles
primarily stress social-psychological influences of
family conditions and only mention institutional or
structural factors in the form of statistical
descriptions.
32


Urban Ecology
Urban ecology is proportionally (number of articles)
one of the largest topic areas. In terms of theoretical
means of analysis, however, it is one of the most
limited. Urban population distributions and residential
concentrations are basically described in a purely
demographic and empirical fashion. Articles are more
concerned with mathematical models, than with distinct
versions of ecological theory (cf. Saunders, 1981).
Patterns of segregation are statistically related to
region, population size, racial composition, and
immigration patterns (e.g. Guest and Weed, 1976; Roof,
1980; Taeuber and Taeuber, 1964; van Valey, Roof, and
Wicox, 1977). In addition, articles describe the close
association between residential segregation, social
class, and the "cycle of poverty" (e.g. Darroch and
Marston, 1971; Erbe, 1975; Massey, 1981).
A number of articles deal with community integration
and spatial assimilation, drawing the conclusion that
Blacks (in contrast to Asians and Hispanics) remain
spatially more isolated (e.g. Logan and Schneider, 1984;
Massey and Denton, 1985; Massey and Denton, 1987; Massey
and Denton, 1988). The more permanent residential
segregation of African Americans' influences
socio-economic conditions adversely, producing underclass
communities, family disruptions, crime, mortality, lower
33


educational standards, and increased welfare dependence
(e.g. Massey, 1990).
The image of race and ethnic minorities emerging
from this topic area depicts African Americans in
particular, as living in inner-city, poverty stricken
neighborhoods. This hinders their successful
socio-economic and psychological integration into
society. The point needs to be made, that the majority of
articles, in this topic area, came only from one journal
AJS, which might have further contributed to this
limited and bias representation.
34


CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION
This study analyzed articles (identified by DIALOG
descriptors) published from January 1963 through December
1992 in the American Journal of Sociology and the
American Sociological Review, as indices of mainstream
sociology's study of race/ethnic minorities. Over the
last thirty years, 3.8% of all articles published within
these two journals, were identified as dealing with race
and ethnic minorities. Research primarily concentrated on
the areas of social organization, the economy, social
problems, and urban ecology, followed by a lesser
emphasis on issues found within education, demography,
the family, and political institutions. The general
field's major topic areas social change, religion, other
societies, theoretical and methodological concerns are
not independently present within the sub-field of race
and ethnic minorities (cf. Kinloch, 1988).
The analysis in terms of theoretical approaches
shows a predominantly demographic and integrational
approach for the major topic area economy. Conflict
theory and social-psychological perspectives are of minor
consequence. The topic area of social problems discusses
35


social unrest from a functional/integrational perspective
and exhibits a distinctly pathological view of the
African American community. Studies dealing with a
structural conflict approach are confined to only a few
articles dealing with poverty. The research area of
political institutions mostly focuses on statistical
evidence of political integration. Although, additional
articles investigate the effect of class and alienation
on the differential political mobilization of white
ethnics and Blacks, functional/integrational views are
predominant. In regard to theoretical perspectives,
education is the most balanced topic area. Cognitive,
behavioral, structural functional, as well as conflict
perspectives are being evenly utilized to investigate the
different aspects of educational minority status. The
largest topic area, social organization, predominantly
deals with the social-psychological causes and effects
of racial/ethnic intergroup differentiation. Only a few
articles work with a Marxist view of class and examine
intergroup conflict (ethnic antagonism) in terms of
economic exploitation. Research in socio-biological
studies is limited and dominated by a debate about the
normative or structural aspects of fertility rates. The
topic area of family offers statistical descriptions of
social status for black and white families, but is
predominantly interested in the influence of family
36


conditions and roles on the process of socialization.
Means of analysis are evenly distributed between
social-psychology and structural integration. Urban
ecology primarily deals with residential segregation and
poverty found for specific geographical areas.
Theoretical approaches are limited to a few conflict
articles dealing with the negative effects of segregation
on socio-economic status and some social-psychological
studies of the "culture of poverty" thesis.
The analysis of article topics in terms of
theoretical approaches shows a predominant use of
integrational approaches. This data supports Kinloch's
(1988) and Wilner's (1985) observations of AJS and ASR1 s
"... stable concern with social assimilation, morale,
adjustment, cohesion, and control (p.193). We further
find a large number of articles that stress the
social-psychological causes and effects of race and
ethnic minority/majority relations. This tendency to work
from a micro perspective (e.g. labeling, social distance,
ethnocentrism), contributes to a psychological, instead
of a structural, reality of minority status. Of course,
this does not imply that conflict oriented perspectives,
evidence of economic exploitation and institutional
discrimination are ignored. What we do find, however, is
a very limited utilization of Neo-Marxian/conflict
approaches and a predominantly numerical depiction of
37


socio-economic differentiation.
Further research of contemporary sociology's study
and representation of race and ethnic minorities is
obviously warranted. The role of integrational and
social-psychological approaches should especially be
investigated in journals catering to the study and
representation of race and ethnic relations.
Within AJS and ASR a one-sided utilization of
available theories, however, produced an image of race
and ethnic minorities that is more grounded in socially
learned attitude and behavior, than structure.
Integration, therefore, becomes a question of
"relearning" rather than more fundamental structural
changes. It might, therefore, be of interest to
investigate the influence of this view on proposed
solutions, social policies and programs.
The most lasting impression of these research
articles is definitely left by the overrepresentation of
negative statistical images of African Americans, e.g.
family instability, low educational attainments, criminal
deviants, segregation and high rates of poverty. Topic
area after topic area stresses statistical evidence of
black-white differentiation. This creates an image of
minority status through variable relationships and
measurement responses, rather than theoretical
interpretations. Sociology's increasing concern with
38


quantitative methods (cf. Kinloch, 1988; McCartney, 1970;
Wilner, 1985), therefore, seems to have resulted in less
emphasis on qualitative research in the study of race and
ethnic minorities. Since the use of statistics has often
been positively related to funding (McCartney, 1970), a
more detailed analysis of the sociological study of race
and ethnic minorities in terms of financial pressures
would be of interest.
What other conclusion can be drawn from the
findings? First, the fund of theoretical approaches
outlined in the literature discussion appears to be
largely accurate. However, this analysis shows that the
subfield has not greatly advanced and added to its scope
of research issues and theoretical approaches. Instead,
we see a return to controversial views like the "culture
of poverty" thesis. To gain a more comprehensive
understanding of race and ethnic minorities, future
research should include more examinations with
organizations and institutional inequality as the unit of
analysis. This would counterbalance an otherwise rather
individualistic and moralistic conceptualization of
minority/majority relations. Second, I would suggest a
greater exposure to research studies from minority
perspectives. This might balance out the overly normative
and integrational approach towards social problems. At
the very least, it would add another link to the total
39


spectrum of race and ethnic relations and help to
complete understanding of minority status.
The point needs to be made that this study is
subject to a number of limitations. First, by relying on
the DIALOG Information System's identifiers, other
articles dealing with racial and ethnic minority issues
might have been missed. Second, the analysis is based on
only two journals. Since the 1950s, however, specialty
journals gave social scientists other outlets for their
work. But since the focus of this study was to gain
insights into mainstream sociology's research interests
and representations of race and ethnic minorities, it
made sense to start by focusing on journals at the core
of the sociological profession. This of course means that
we are probably dealing with one of the more conservative
views of race and ethnic minorities, found within the
field of sociology. Nevertheless, AJS and ASR are the
two most prestigious non-specialty journals, and the
articles they publish do provide insight into the most
central research issues and theoretical approaches of
mainstream sociology's study of race and ethnic
minorities. Thus, it seems reasonable to conclude that
mainstream sociology, after all its professional and
academic advances, still shows the tendency to approach
racial and ethnic minorities from an often moralistic and
reformative perspective.
40


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Full Text

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LIMITATIONS AND BIAS IN THE SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF RACE AND ETHNIC MINORITIES IN TWO PROFESSIONAL JOURNALS by Antje Freese B.A., University of Colorado, 1992 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado at Denver in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Sociology 1994

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thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Antje Freese has been approved for the Department of Sociology by Glenn Date

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Freese, Antje (M.A., Sociology) Limitations and Bias in the Sociological Study of Race and Ethnic Minorities in Two Professional Journals Thesis directed by Professor Kjell Y. Tornblom ABSTRACT The sociological study of race and ethnic minorities has often been described as limited and biased. This claim is being investigated through a content analysis of articles dealing with race and ethnic minorities (identified by DIALOG Information System descriptors) that were published in the American Journal of Sociology and the American Sociological Review from January 1963 through December 1992. The results of this analysis show that identified race and ethnicity articles in both journals predominantly cover topics of social organization, the economy, social problems and urban ecology, followed by an interest in the areas of education, demography, family, and political institutions. When each of these topic areas was examined in regard to their use of available theoretical approaches, findings display that articles in these two journals are predominated by iii

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normative and integrational assumptions about society, and present an often social-psychological view of race and ethnic minority status. This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidate's thesis. I recommend its publication. Signed iv

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CONTENTS CHAPTER 1. 2. INTRODUCTION DISCUSSION OF RELEVANT LITERATURE . . . . . . .1 3 3. METHODOLOGY 11 Sample . . . . . . . . . . 11 Procedure .11 4. RESULTS .13 Proportions of Article Topics .13 American Journal of Sociology 13 American Sociological Review 15 Total Distribution 16 Discussion of Topics in Terms of Theoretical Approaches 20 Economy .. 20 Social Problems 22 Political Institutions .. 24 Education 26 Social Organization .28 Demography 30 Family 31 Urban Ecology 33 5. CONCLUSION . . . . 35 41 v

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Mainstream contemporary sociology has often been criticized as restricted and biased in its study and depiction of race and ethnic minorities ( cf. Bash, 19 7 9; Kinloch, 1979; Kinloch, 1988; Mirande, 1985; Nisbet,l966; Rex, 1983). While studies have outlined the limitations in research scope and representation of individual theoretical approaches, an empirical examination of research issues and utilization of race and ethnic relations theories is absent. This analysis attempts to provide some empirical insight into research topics and their theoretical representation in the area of race and ethnic minorities. Through a content analysis of articles dealing with race and ethnic minorities (identified by DIALOG Information System) that were published in the American Journal of Sociology (AJS) and the American Sociological Review (ASR) from January 1963 through December 1992 this study will be able to give a more comprehensive and detailed overview of contemporary mainstream sociology s approach towards race and ethnic minorities. This analysis is, thus, another link in the ongoing study of the subfield of race and ethnic -1

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relations' development. It provides empirical evidence for previous descriptive research and establishes a basis for future investigations of the representation of race and ethnic minorities in terms of theory utilization, research emphasis, and perceived image of minority status. -2

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CHAPTER 2 DISCUSSION OF RELEVANT LITERATURE According to the literature, sociology's theoretical approaches in the subfield of race and ethnic relations can be broadly outlined by the following trends. Initially, sociologists left the study of race and ethnic groups to biologists and anthropologists, and did not develop any distinct sociological approaches in theory and methodology (Odum, 1951). Sociology, therefore, came to the study of race and ethnic relations later than other social sciences and partly built its early theoretical and methodological approaches on procedures of disciplines like, biology, psychology, or anthropology. It further followed the general field in it's extensive emphasis on moralistic Eurocentric social thought, exhibiting early stages of research that included Darwinistic and hereditary perspectives, derived from organic/biological oriented theories. Initial sociological approaches were very limited, often based on racist and ideologically influenced standpoints. Race was seen as a relatively stable and fixed biological factor with predispositions of superior and inferior capabilities (McLemore, 1991; Odum, 1951; Rex, 1983). -3

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More contemporary interests of socio-biological approaches include the study of intelligence, weakness of black culture and family structure, ethnocentric versions of underdevelopment and modernization (cf. Jensen, 1969; Kinloch, 1979; Ryan, 1971). After the initial stage of the study of Darwinistic and hereditary perspectives, race and ethnic relations adopted general sociology's increasing concern with statistical matters and scientific methodology (Brown & Gilmartin, 1969; Furner, 1975; McCartney, 1970; Vidich & Lyman, disappeared and 1985). was Open ideological advocacy slowly replaced by the concept of assimilation which is largely associated with professors of the Chicago School of Sociology (Bulmer, 1984; wacker, 1983). Particularly ethnic groups were portrayed as passing through a race relations cycle that ends with the total assimilation to white Anglo-Saxon values (Bash, 1979; McLemore, 1991; Wacker, 1983). Little attention was spent on independent minority cu1 tures and structures, since they were assumed to gradually disappear (Bash, 1979; Kinloch, 1979). The perspective of assimilation directed sociology towards a concern with adjustment and integration of ethnic immigrants into American society, rather than with the dynamics or relations of ethnic groups, or with the changes new groups brought to the existing social structures. Examples of theoretical -4

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approaches deal with the establishment of ethnic enclaves and their role in the process of assimilation and pluralism (Gordon, 1964; Gordon, 1978). With the research focus and the issue at hand being structural integration, conflict was of secondary interest. No concern was given to ethnic, economic, or cultural differences of individual groups, and their influence or persistence within American social structures (Bash, 1979; Nisbet, 1966; Rex, 1983). The continuous existence of structural and cultural differences between racial and ethnic groups forced sociologists to broaden the scope of sociological inquiry. The subfield of race apd ethnic relations, after a nearly complete domination of the structural-functional approach, added a general and wide spread concern with social-psychological phenomena (Bash, 1979; Kinloch, 1979; McLemore, 1991; Nisbet, 1966; Odum, 1951; Rex, 1983). Early examples of research focused on the areas of stereotypes (e.g. Katz and Braly, 1933; Berelson and Salter, 1946; Gilbert, 1951); prejudice (e.g. Allport, 1958; Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik, Levinson, and Sanford, 1950; Myrdal, 1944; Festinger, 1957; Bogardus, 1933); and ethnocentrism (e.g. Sumner, 1906). This led to attempts at theoretical development with regard to the relationship between prejudice and discrimination LaPiere, 1934; DeFleur and Westie, 1958; Merton, 1949); -5

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and the development of theoretical explanations for the basis and general consequences of stereotypes and prejudice: "self hate" of target group (e.g. Clark and Clark, 1933; Horowitz, 1936); social distance (e.g. Simmel, 1950; Park, 1924; Bogardus, 1933); frustration-aggression-hypothesis (e.g. Dollard, Doob, and Miller, 1939; Miller, 1941; Allport, 1958; Festinger, 1957). Of course, this is only a limited sample of. research studies. According to the literature, however, it is representative of the foundation of social-psychological research studies in the area of race and ethnicity (McLemore, 1991; Rex, 1983; Schaefer, 1990). During the 1960s and 1970s conflict and Marxist oriented perspectives became academically more accepted and finally occupied an eminent role in the subfield of race and ethnic relations, adding different theoretical explanations for phenomena like stereotypes, prejudice, discrimination, and social inequality. These theoretical approaches, with their critical stand towards the social structures and emphasis on conflict, stand in direct contrast to structural functionalisms and the assimilation perspective s consensus based view of functionally operating structures. The focus was lifted from the social issue of non-integration and non-assimilation as a social problem, and redirected -6

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towards the inherent of socio-economic structures (Kinloch, 1974; Kinloch, 1979; Rex, 1983). This resulted in the following kinds of theoretical approaches: Group-Gains Theory (e.g. Noel, 1968; Simpson and Yinger, 1972); Split-Labor-Market Theory (e.g. Bonacich, 1972; Boswell, 1986; Beck, 1980); Institutional Discrimination (e.g. Carmichael and Hamilton, 1967; Feagin, 1977; Friedman, 1975; Baron, 1969); and Internal Colonialism (e.g. Blauner, 1972; Moore, 1970). Each of the available approaches offers distinct insights into diverse aspects of the social environment of race and ethnic minorities through different levels of analysis (individual, groups, structure, organization, institution) and subject matters under study (i.e. discrimination, stereotypes, prejudices, structural inequality, socio-economic integration) Keeping in mind the differing assumptions about society (i.e. integration oriented, conflict oriented, cognitive emphasis, behavioral emphasis), sociology has a relatively extensive fund of available means of analysis. However, there is an absence of empirical work that focuses on how frequently any of these theoretical approaches are used and how they affect the overall scope of research issues. The question, therefore, is: To what extend does the above outlined fund of theoretical approaches depict the actual sociological study of race and ethnic minorities -7

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in terms of research issues and theoretical explanations? Some earlier studies, offer insight into the research topics of the general field of sociology ( cf. Kinloch, 1988; Simpson, 1961; Wilner, 1985; Vincent, 1938; Vincent, 1949). Graham Kinloch's (1988) content analysis of articles published from 1895 to 1979 in AJS and ASR, for example, shows that the general field has a historical interest in self-definition, methodological and theoretical concerns. This is followed by a continuous interest in research issues found in the areas of social organization, the economy and political institutions. The discipline is further interested in social problems, (i.e. deviance and crime), other societies (i.e. during war), and the topic area minorities, which includes women, the aged, and various ethnic and racial groups. Religion, ecology, social change, education, and the family round out the scope of research interests (Kinloch, 1988). In addition, studies are equally able to show that mainstream sociology prefers to discuss its topics of sociological interest in a distinct, possibly limited, fashion (cf. Kinloch, 1984; Kinloch, 1988; Wilner, 1985). Patricia Wilner defined it as, the Parsonian influence tilting sociology toward concern with consensus ... and psychology and away from conflict. Survey research, ... which is appropriate for social psychological analysis, but . incapable of studying structure, ... -8

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has emerged as the reigning methodology. . the dominant theoretical orientation and the dominant methodology in sociology lead in conventional directions, not toward the study of conflict and structure. (p.l8) Turning back the subfield of minorities, it seems reasonable to expect that the study of racial and ethnic groups would exhibit the same patterns of representation in AJS and ASR. However, since the sociological study of race and ethnic minorities was not the focus of the analyses referred to above, it is difficult to draw distinct conclusions about research emphasis and theoretical examinations found within the subfield. We only know that the general topic area of minorities (women and the aged are included) appears to be historically of average sociological interest in these two journals and does not reach a significant importance until the 1970s (Kinloch, 1988, pp. 187, 189). The literature does provide the information, that this increase of interest is usually linked to the greater political visibility of race and ethnic interest groups, the social climate initiated during the 1960s, and greater numbers of minority sociologists (Bash, 1979; Rex, 1983; Kinloch, 1988; Wacker, 1983). However, which theories and topics are emphasized within articles during any of the publication periods is not stated. The analysis to follow is based on articles dealing with race and ethnic minorities published from January -9

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1963 through December 1992 in the AJS and the ASR. An attempt is made to examine sociological topics of interest in the area of race and ethnic minorities and assess the influence of theoretical approaches on the representation and comprehension of sociology's study of race and ethnic minorities. This analysis, obviously does not reflect the total representation of race and ethnic groups by contemporary American sociology. It should, however, provide more detailed insight into some of the most central research issues and means of analysis found over the last thirty years. 10

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CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY Sample The DIALOG INFORMATION SYSTEM counted 3929 articles published in AJS and 2031 articles published in ASR from January 1963 through December 1992. A total of 223 articles from this time period were identified by the DIALOG descriptors "race", "racial", "ethnic", "minority", and "minorities". Of these articles 119 appeared in AJS and 104 were published in ASR. Procedure First, a list of all identified articles by title and year was compiled for each journal, and then separately examined in chronological order. Based on the central emphasis of each article (staying with the central feature of each article title) a set range of and was (major topics evolved, eight categories problems, social classified into the following topic areas): economy, social organization, education, family, demography, political institutions, and urban ecology. -11

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Once articles were classified according to _major topic area the distribution for each decade ( 1963-72, 1973-82, 1983-92) was calculated. Then the two journals were compared in regard to major topics and their distribution. Next, the total distribution (both journals combined) of articles and major topics from January 1963 through December 1992 was computed. The articles within each category were reviewed and classified in terms of their particular research emphasis (see Table 4), outlining in more detail what each major topic area entails. Finally, the major topic areas and their sub-topics were discussed in regard to their use qf the theoretical approaches, assumptions about society, levels of analysis, and subject matters outlined in Chapter 2 pp. 3-7. -12

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CHAPTER 4 RESULTS Proportions of Article Topics Although the major article topics for each journal are the same, proportional distributions by topics differs. AJS has a greater proportion than ASR of articles in demography and urban ecology, whereas ASR pays greater attention to social problems and the economy. The topic areas of education, political institutions, the family, and social organization have similar distributions in the two journals. American Journal of Sociology When we examine AJS over the last 30 years, by decades of publication, we find that 32.7% of the articles identified as dealing with race/ethnic minorities were published from 1963 through 1972. The greatest proportion (47.1%) was published during the following decade (1973 -1982), and the remaining 20.2% were published from 1983 through 1992. -13

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On the whole, the treatment of race/ethnic minorities in AJS over the entire 30 year period is characterized by a significant proportional drop in for the decade 1983-1992 and a predominance of the topic areas social organization, urban ecology, the economy, and social problems over the entire 30 year period (Table 1). TABLE 1 MAJOR TOPIC DISTRIBUTION IN THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY MAJOR TOPIC 63-72 73-82 83-92 TOTAL ECONOMY 7.7% 21.4% 17.4% 16.0% ( 3) (12) (4) (19) SOCIAL 5.1% 10.7% 30.4% 12.6% PROBLEMS ( 2 ) (6) ( 7) (15) POLITICAL 2.6% 3.6% 4.3% 4.2% INSTITUTIONS (1) (2) ( 2 ) ( 5 ) EDUCATION 7.7% 5.4% 0.0% 5.0% (3) ( 3) (0) ( 6) SOCIAL 30.8% 28.5% 17.4% 26.9% ORGANIZATION (12) (16) (4) (42) DEMOGOGRAPHY 7.7% 12.5% 0.0% 8.4% (3) ( 7) ( 0 ) (10) FAMILY 10.2% 3.6% 4.3% 5.9% ( 4) ( 2 ) (1) ( 7) URBAN 28.2% 14.3% 26.1% 21.0% ECOLOLOGY (11) (8) ( 6) ( 25) TOTAL N: 39 56 24 119 -14

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American Sociological Review ASR published 24.1% of its race/ethnic minority articles from January 1963 through December 1972. 36.5% of the identified articles appeared between 1973 and 1982, and the largest proportion (39.4%) was published from January 1983 through December 1992. TABLE 2 MAJOR TOPIC DISTRIBUTION IN THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW MAJOR TOPIC 63-72 73-82 83-92 ECONOMY 16.0% 23.7% 34.2% ( 4) ( 9) (14) SOCIAL 28.0% 34.2% 9.7% PROBLEMS ( 7) (13) (4) POLITICAL 8.0% 2.6% 4. 9%. INSTITUTIONS (2) ( 1) ( 2) EDUCATION 4.0% 7.9% 9. 7% (1) ( 3 ) (4) SOCIAL 28.0% 21.1% 29.3% ORGANIZATION (7) (8) (12) DEMOGRAPHY 4.0% 2.6% 0.0% (1) ( 1) (O) FAMILY 8.0% 2.6% 2.4% (2) (1) (1) URBAN 4.0% 5.3% 9. 7% ECOLOGY (1) ( 2) (4) TOTAL N: 25 38 41 -15 TOTAL 25.9% (27) 23.1% (24) 4.8% (5) 7.7% (8) 25.9% (27) 2.0% ( 2) 3.9% (4) 6. 7% ( 7) 104

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The total picture emerging for ASR shows a steady proportional increase in the publication of race/ethnic minority articles over the three decades and a predominance of the topic areas social organization, the economy, and social problems for the whole 30 years (Table 2). To summarize: although, the proportions for certain major topic areas differ between AJS and ASR, one can draw the conclusion that both journals predominantly deal with race/ethnic minorities in regard to issues falling under the topic areas social organization, the economy, and social problems. The one exception being AJS's concentration on urban ecology, which is not reflected in ASR. In addition, we know that the publication of race/ethnic minority articles increased proportionally for both journals through the decade 1973 to 1982. After that point a dramatic drop in publication was found in AJS, while a continued increase characterized ASR. Total Distribution Over the last 30 years 3.8% of all articles published in AJS and ASR were identified as dealing with race/ethnic minorities. 28.8% of these articles were published from January 1963 through December 1972. The largest proportion (42.4%) of identified articles was published in the next decade (1973-82), and the remaining -16

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29.1% Of race/ethnic minority articles was published from January 1983 through December 1992. The total distribution is dominated by the major article topics social organization, the economy, social problems, and urban ecology (Table 3). TABLE 3 TOTAL DISTRIBUTION OF MAJOR TOPICS IN AJS AND ASR MAJOR TOPIC 63-72 73-82 83-92 ECONOMY 10.9% 22.3% 28.1% ( 7) (21) (18) SOCIAL 14.1% 20.2% 17.2% PROBLEMS ( 9) (19) (11) POLITICAL 4. 7% 3.2% 4.7% INSTITUTIONS ( 3) (3) (4) EDUCATION 6.2% 6.5% 6.2% (4) ( 6) ( 4) SOCIAL 29.7% 25.5% 25.0% ORGANIZATION (19) (24) (16) DEMOGRAPHY 6.2% 8.5% 0.0% (4) (8) (0) FAMILY 9.4% 3.2% 3.2% ( 6) ( 3 ) (2) URBAN 18.8% 10.6% 15.6% ECOLOGY (12) (10) (10) TOTAL N: 64 94 65 -17 -TOTAL 20.6% (46) 17.5% (39) 4.5% (10) 6.3% (14) 26.5% (59) 5.4% (12) 4.9% (11) 14.3% (32) 223

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Up to this point it appears as if mainstream American Sociology over the last 30 years has dealt with racial/ethnic minorities pre:dominantly in terms of issues falling under social organization, the economy, social problems, and urban ecology, followed by a much lesser concentration on education, demography, family, and political institutions. When looking at total distribution for this thirty year period (see Table 3), sociological interest in race and ethnic minorities peaked during the period 1973 to 1982. This reinforces the findings of other studies which linked an increase of interest during this time period to the social climate, the political visibility of race and ethnic interest groups, and the influx of minority scholars (cf. Kinloch, 1988; Wacker, 1983; Rex, 1983). Although, the emphasis on topic areas is restricted and proportionally skewed towards issues dealing with social organization, economy, social problems, and urban ecology, it does not necessarily constitute a limited examination of race and ethnic minorities. If available means of analysis are being utilized in a balanced fashion, sociology can still offer a comprehensive image of race and ethnic relations. Therefore, to draw more definite conclusions representation of race important to examine in about mainstream sociology's and ethnic minorities, it is more detail the content (see -18

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Table) of the published articles in regard to the use of theoretical approaches. TABLE 4 DISTRIBUTION OF MAJOR TOPICS AND SUB TOPICS ECONOMY (N = 46) stratification (28.3%); labor market/labor force enclave labor market (17.3%); mobility occupations (8.7%); discrimination (8.7%) SOCIAL PROBLEMS (N = 39) crime/deviance (28.2%); social unrest/riots social agencies ( 23.1%); poverty ( 15.4%); delinquency (10.2%) POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS (N = 10) (26.1%); (10.9%); (23.1%); juvenile political participation (66.7%); political affiliation (22.2%); political structure (11.1%) EDUCATION (N = 14) attainment (42.8%); education and education and social problems (14.3%) SOCIAL ORGANIZATION (N = 59) socialization (28.6%); (14.3%); segregation socialization/social consciousness (30.5%); intergroup relations ( 22.0%); intragroup structure ( 20.3%); intergroup conflict (8.5%); prejudice/stereotypes (6.8%); roles ( 5.1%) ; assimilation ( 3. 4%) ; environmental conditions (3.4%) DEMOGRAPHY (N = 12) fertility (91.6%); mortality (8.4%) FAMILY (N = 11) marriage (54.5%); roles of family members (27.3%); family conditions (18.2%) URBAN ECOLOGY (N = 32) segregation (56.2%); communities (37.5%); desegregation and integration (6.3%) -19

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Economy Discussion of Topics in Terms of Theoretical Approaches Turning to the topic area economy, the most lasting impression is left by articles dealing with the statistical manifestations of stratification. An overabundance of articles deals with quanti ta ti ve descriptions of racial and ethnic economic differentiation. Through statistical manipulations of census data, studies describe the association between socio-economic status and the racial composition of the labor force (e.g. Frisbie and Neidert, 1977; Fossett and Swicegood, 1982; Galle, Wiswell, and Burr, 1985). Other empirical research depicts fewer employment opportunities for African Americans and Hispanics (e.g. Aldrich, 1973; Tienda and Lii, 1987), or describes the statistical differences between white ethnics and Blacks in terms of mobility, high status occupations, and earnings (e.g. Kaufman, 1983; Rosenfeld, 1980; Snyder and Rudis, 1976). In addition, to demographic studies, we find a range of articles, discussing stratification in terms of social class. Through the use of Neo-Marxian conflict approaches, socio-economic attainments become a sign of social class, and indicate access to power and structural rewards (e.g. Szymanski, 1976; Wright, 1978). Other research links stratification, discrimination, and 20

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differential rates of mobility to attitudes (stereotypes and prejudices) held by majority group members (e.g. Butler, 1976; Cummings, 1980). Similarly, social psychological phenomena like low self-esteem and alienation are seen discrimination. Which, as consequences according to some of economic articles, are especially experienced by African Americans and often result in a rejection of society's accepted goals (e.g. DiPrete, 1981). Ethnic/enclave labor markets, viewed from a conflict perspective, indicate the exploitation (i.e. underpayment) of ethnic groups by the dominant population (e.g. Bonacich, 1972). This stands in direct contrast to the depiction of enclave labor markets as agents of assimilation, safe havens from discrimination, and means of ethnic/racial solidarity (e.g. Bailey and Waldinger, 19 91). Indeed, a large number of articles stresses aspects of consensus and cohesion and their positive effect on socio-economic integration. In the case of Japanese Americans, economic success is the result of strong intragroup solidarity (e.g. Jiobu, 1988), whereas, white ethnics achieve high rates of upward mobility through motivation and cultural assimilation (e.g. Featherman, 1971; Neidert and Farley, 1985). 21

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Ln brief, race and ethnic groups are frequently described in a quantitative fashion. The articles that do work with distinct theoretical approaches mostly deal with race and ethnic relations from a functional perspective of ethnocentrism and structural assimilation. Research studies of the conflict perspective and social psychological approaches are emphasized the least. Social Problems Articles under the topic area of social problems primarily discuss crime and deviance, social unrest, and their association with poverty. A large proportion of the articles dealing with deviant behavior of African Americans is interested in the relationship between rates of crime, biases in the justice system, poverty, and the resulting "subculture of violence". While most articles in AJS and ASR agree among persons arrested, to that Blacks are overrepresented they differ in attributing this biases found in the criminal overrepresentation justice system or a greater perpetration of crime by African Americans. Research studies do show a greater involvement of black males (age 18-25) in rape, robbery, and assault. These statistically related higher rates of crime are to urban segregation, racial composition, the southern region, and economic inequality and theoretically explained by the "subculture of 22

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violence.. thesis (e.g. Blau and Blau, 1982; Messner, 1983). poverty Racial leads non-existing ties residential segregation to family instability, to the larger society, combined with alienation, and possible criminal behavior (e.g. Blau and Blau, 1982; Eggebeen and Lichter, 1991; Green, 1970; Hindelang, 1981; Messner, 1983; South and Messner, 1986; Quadagno, 1990). According to these articles, economic deprivation and limited access to the structural rewards system are the major causes for crime. Because more African Americans than whites, live below the poverty level and in segregated, economically unstable areas, they get locked in a cycle of poverty that breeds deviant behavior and leads to more frequent arrests. Once African Americans have entered the criminal justice system, research studies point to a racial bias in the police force and criminal sentencing. Articles show that crimes with black victims often result in less severe punishments. If the victim is white, however, especially black offenders are generally charged more severely, receive longer sentences, or the death penalty (e.g. Hagan and Albonetti, 1982; LaFree, 1980). Juvenile delinquency is discussed along the same lines of socio-economic and environmental conditions (subculture). In these studies, however, bias in the justice system is primarily associated with the police force, rather than -23

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with the courts (e.g. Dannefer and Schutt, 1982). When discussing social unrest, articles are partly interested in demographic factors of severity, e.g. number of injured or dead, destruction of property, number of demonstrators, size of police force (e.g. Danzger, 1975; Spilerman, 1976). In addition, we find research studies examining poverty, political mobilization, and specific events (e.g. assassination of Dr. King) as the underlying causes of "racial disorder" (e.g. DeFronzo, 1971; Morgan and Clark, 1973; Spilerman, 1976). However, regardless of the motives or outcome, articles tend to stress the disruptive aspects of social unrest (e.g. Danzger, 1975; Morgan and Clark, 1973; Spilerman, 1976). Through the use of functional/integrational approaches in the area of social unrest and the extensive application of the culture of poverty/subculture of violence hypothesis, we find a distinctly pathological view of African Americans within this topic area. Political Institutions Political institutions is the proportionally smallest major topic area. This is quite surprising considering the dynamic political events of the 1960s in particular. Radical political movements, however, were labeled a threat to society and are, therefore, treated -24

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as a social problem in AJS and ASR. Articles that are classified under the topic area of political institutions primarily use survey and census data to give quantitative descriptions of political participation and party identification (e.g. Ragin, 1979; Knoke and Felson, 1974). Voting behavior and party identification Scandinavians, statistically of white ethnics Germans, correlated Anglo-Saxons, with cultural (e.g. Irish, or Jews) is assimilation, religious identification, income, and education (e.g. Greeley, 1974). Political participation of Blacks, on the other hand, is associated with residential concentration and social-psychological factors like alienation and political trust (e.g. Guterbock and London, 1983). The overall picture emerging partly of demographic from this topic area consists descriptions of political participation. A few research studies discuss voting behavior and political mobilization as a "struggle for equality" and an expression of class consciousness (e.g. Burstein, 1991; Leggett, 1963). The majority of articles, however, is not interested in discussions of political movements. Instead, they prefer to investigate the effects of individual socio-economic and social-psychological variables on political integration (e.g. Greeley, 1974; Guterbock and London, 1983; Knoke and Felson, 1974). In general, this topic area shows a -25

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distinct preference for research of white ethnics, and favors social-psychological, cultural, and adjustment oriented discussions of differential political behavior. Education Articles in the major topic area of education focus primarily on differential educational attainments for race and ethnic groups. As in other topic areas, we find some studies that offer only statistical descriptions. Demographic articles, are in the minority, and aside from a few statistical descriptions of public school segregation (e.g. Farley and Taeuber, 1974), the majority of research studies is based on distinct theoretical approaches. Articles base differences in the process of educational attainment on parental status' race, and aspirations of students. For example, status differentiation create "insiders" and "outsiders" to institutional channels of power and rewards. The gap in educational achievement between Blacks and whites is, therefore, not a question of intelligence but caused by differences in socio-economic status (e.g. Fortes and Wilson, 1976). Articles attainments prejudicial further of Black attitudes associate lower educational and Hispanic students with held by majority group members -26

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(i.e. teachers). Some educators still tend to label Black and Hispanic students as less competent or motivated. Teachers, therefore, might have lower expectations regarding their educational achievement and, thus, offer them fewer educational opportunities. Similarly, some minority students might accept these negative labels and then experience low self-esteem, possible reject/give up education, or try to escape through deviant behavior -self-fulfilling prophesy (e.g. Middleton, 1963; Tenhouten, Lei, Kendall, and Gordon, 1971; Yuchtman-Yaar and Semyonov, 1979). In addition to the just noted on social-psychological theories of labeling, research studies discuss differences in educational achievement from a structural perspective. The differential financing of predominantly black inner-city and white suburban schools has created systems (e.g. James, quality of education American students in separate and unequal education 1989). Resulting differences in lower the chance of many African employment or access to college. Just as frequently, however, articles make no mention of institutional inequality. Instead, studies work from a theoretical perspective of adjustment. Education is, thus, still seen as the "great equalizer" and agent of socialization that could promote inter-racial friendships and prepare students for successful integration into -27

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society (e.g. Hallinan and Williams, Hallinan and Williams, Ritterband and Silberstein, 1974). overall, although of limited size, this major topic area offers a relatively comprehensive discussion of the causes and effects of minority status and its impact on educational achievement. Social Organization Social organization is the proportionally most dominating topic area. It primarily deals with issues relating to the socially organized relationships between groups and the influence of these relations on behavior, attitudes, and social consciousness. A number of articles investigate the influence of class consciousness on social relations and show that economic minority status of African Americans and Hispanics results in feelings of subjugation, low self-esteem, frustration, alienation, and stress (e.g. Bloom, Whiteman, and Deutsch, Jackson and Burke, Hughes and Demo, Hurst, Yancey, Rigsby, and McCarthy, 1972). More frequently, however, research studies focus on intergroup relations in terms of ethnocentrism, culture, and ethnic/racial identification. Prejudices associated and stereotypes with religious held by white ethnics are orthodoxy, strong ethnic identification, and intragroup cohesion (e.g. Alba and 28

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Chamlin, 1983; Borhek, 1970; Roof, 1974; Tomaskovic-Devey and Tomaskovic-Devey, 1988). According to the above mentioned articles, socialization can these play an factors important of intragroup role in the development of race and ethnic intergroup relations. On the one side, strong intragroup cohesion has a positive effect on the structural and cultural stability of the group (e.g. Metzger, 1971). On the other side, it creates strong feelings of ethnocentrism and superiority which can lead to discrimination, ethnic/racial antagonism and intergroup conflict (e.g. Bonachich, 1972; Fendrich, 1967). Articles environmental ethnic group further examine the influence of conditions on socialization and race/ relations. Communities, for example, determine intergroup association and contact through demographic composition (e.g. Blum, 1985). Equal-status interracial contact positively influences self-esteem and social identification, and leads to racially more tolerant attitudes. Socio-economic segregation, on the other hand, creates social distance and inhibits interaction (e.g. Blum, 1985; Ford, 197 3: Johnston and Yoels, 1977; Schooler, 1976; Schuman and Gruenberg, 1970; Smith, 1981). Overall, this major topic area deals with racial and ethnic groups as agents of socialization. Social status -29

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(relative access to power), race and ethnicity influence group relations, social consciousness, attitudes, and social behavior. These factors, either, help or hinder individuals in becoming successful members of society, and, thus, create minority or majority status. Aside from a limited emphasis on social class, articles predominantly socio-cultural organization. Demography focus on social-psychological and aspects of minority/majority social The major topic area of demography deals with the study of socio-biological aspects of race/ethnic groups. Extremely limited in focus, articles discuss the different rates of infant mortality (e.g. Willie and Rothney, 1962) and fertility rates of African Americans, Hispanics, and Asians. Based on census and social science survey data, articles are dominated by the debate between proponents of a structural or cultural view of fertility. High fertility rates for African Americans, Hispanics, or Asians, are either discussed as the result of ethnic norms, independent from structural integration, (e.g. Goldscheider and Uhlenberg, 1969; Roberts and Lee, 1974) or in terms of subordinate/structural group status (e.g. Lopez and Sabagh, 1978). of the debate, no clear Because of the ambiguous state theoretical approach emerges 30

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which-confines the image of minority status to individual statistical descriptions of fertility rates, ethnic identity, or education). Family structural attributes (e.g. income, Marriage is a predominant sub-topic discussed within the major topic area of family. Through the use of census data marital instability is statistically investigated in its association to race and socio-economic factors like income or education (e.g. Urdy, 1967). The majority of articles, however, is interested in aspects of integration and deals with the effects of ethnici ty, race, and spatial availability of marriage partners on marital assimilation (e.g. Gurak and Fitzpatrick, 1982; Lichter, LeClere and McLaughlin, 1991; Mittlebach and Moore, 1968). Articles discussing extended families, teen-age mothers, and parental roles are focused on the aspect of socio-cultural adjustment, socialization, and successful socio-economic integration (e.g. Angel and Tienda, 1982; Moore and Snyder, 1991). utilization of theoretical cultural preference as Again, we approaches. the reason see an uneven Articles stress for extended households, not economic need. Teen-age pregnancy is not examined in regard to structural or socio-economic causes -31

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but in terms of social-psychological effects on the children and their educational achievement. Particularly striking is the emphasis on maternal authority in African American families. Strong female role models are discussed as important agents of socialization, that positively affect the educational attainments of their adolescent children (e.g. Kandal, 1971). Since father figures are not mentioned, it leaves an impression of. absence or non-significance. Research and representation in this major topic area reinforces the already noted emphasis on issues of social adjustment, cohesion, and consensus. White ethnics especially are referred to in positive terms of marital adjustment, marital assimilation, and two-parent/stable households. Black and Hispanic families are predominantly described in negative terms, e.g. instability, low socio-economic status, "non-normative" numbers of children (often mentioned in association with poverty), and unsuccessful agents of social integration (e.g. Farley and Hermalin, 1971; Urdy, 1966). Again, available means of analysis are being unevenly utilized, articles primarily stress social-psychological influences of family conditions and only mention institutional or structural factors in the form of statistical descriptions. -32

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Urban .Ecology Urban ecology is proportionally (number of one of the largest topic areas. In terms of theoretical means of analysis, however, it is one of the most limited. Urban population distributions and residential concentrations are basically described in a purely demographic and empirical fashion. Articles are more concerned with mathematical models, than with distinct versions of ecological theory (cf. Saunders, 1981). Patterns of segregation are statistically related to region, population size, racial composition, and immigration patterns (e.g. Taeuber and Taeuber, Wicox, 1977). In addition, Guest and Weed, 1976 Roof, van Valey, Roof, and articles describe the close association between residential segregation, social class, and the "cycle of poverty" (e.g. Darroch and Marston, Erbe, Massey, 1981). A number of articles deal with community integration and spatial assimilation, drawing the conclusion that Blacks (in contrast to Asians and Hispanics) remain spatially more isolated (e.g. Logan and Schneider, 1984; Massey and Denton, Massey and Denton, Massey and Denton, 1988). The more permanent residential segregation of African Americans' influences socio-economic conditions adversely, producing underclass communities, family disruptions, crime, mortality, lower -33

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educational standards, and increased welfare -dependence {e.g. Massey, 1990). The image of race and ethnic minorities emerging from this topic area depicts African Americans in particular, as living in inner-city, poverty stricken neighborhoods. This hinders their successful socio-economic and psychological integration into society. The point needs to be made, that the majority of articles, in this topic area, came only from one journal AJS, which might have further contributed to this limited and bias representation. -34

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CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION This study analyzed articles (identified by DIALOG descriptors) published from January 1963 through December 1992 in the American Journal of Sociology and the American Sociological Review, as indices of mainstream sociology s study of race/ethnic minorities. Over the last thirty years, 3.8% of all articles published within these two journals, were identified as dealing with race and ethnic minorities. Research primarily .concentrated on the areas of social organization, the economy, social problems, and urban ecology, followed by a lesser emphasis on the family, issues found within education, and political institutions. demography, The general fields major topic areas social change, religion, other societies theoretical and methodological concerns are not independently present within the sub-field of race and ethnic minorities (cf. Kinloch, 1988). The analysis in terms of theoretical approaches shows a predominantly demographic and integrational approach for the major topic area economy. Conflict theory and social-psychological perspectives are of minor consequence. The topic area of social problems discusses -35

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social unrest from a functional/integrational perspective and exhibits a distinctly pathological view of the African American community. Studies dealing with a structural conflict approach-are confined to only a few articles dealing with poverty. The research area of political institutions mostly focuses on statistical evidence of political integration. Although, additional articles investigate the effect of class and alienation on the differential political _mobilization of white ethnics and Blacks, functional/integrational views are predominant. In regard to theoretical perspectives, education is the most balanced topic area. Cognitive, behavioral, structural functional, as well as conflict perspectives are being evenly utilized to investigate the different aspects of educational minority status. The largest topic area, social organization, predominantly deals with the social-psychological causes and effects of racial/ethnic intergroup differentiation. Only a few articles work with a Marxist view of class and examine intergroup conflict (ethnic antagonism) in terms of economic exploitation. Research in socio-biological studies is limited and dominated by a debate about the normative or structural aspects of fertility rates. The topic area of family offers statistical descriptions of social status for black and white families, but is predominantly interested in the influence of family -36

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conditions and roles on the process of socialization. Means of analysis are evenly distributed between social-psychology and structural integration. Urban ecology primarily deals with residential segregation and poverty found for specific geographical areas. Theoretical approaches are limited to a few conflict articles dealing with the negative effects of segregation on socio-economic status and some social-psychological studies of the "culture of poverty" thesis. The analysis of article topics in terms of theoretical approaches shows a predominant use of integrational approaches. This data supports Kinloch s (1988) and Wilner's (1985) observations of AJS and ASR's stable concern with social assimilation, morale, adjustment, cohesion, and control (p.l93). We further find a large number of articles that stress the social-psychological causes and effects of race and ethnic minority/majority relations. This tendency to work from a micro perspective (e.g. labeling, social distance, ethnocentrism), contributes to a psychological, instead of a structural, reality of minority status. Of course, this does not imply that conflict oriented perspectives, evidence of economic exploitation and institutional discrimination are ignored. What we do find, however, is a very limited utilization of Neo-Marxian/conflict approaches and a predominantly numerical depiction of -37

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differentiation. Further research of contemporary sociology s study and representation of race and ethnic minorities is obviously warranted. The role of integrational and social-psychological approaches should especially be investigated in journals catering to the study and representation of race and ethnic relations. Within AJS and ASR a one-sided utilization of available theories, however, produced an image of race and ethnic minorities that is more grounded in socially learned attitude and behavior, than structure. Integration, therefore, becomes a question of "relearning" rather than more fundamental structural changes. It investigate might, therefore, be the influence of this of view solutions, social policies and programs. interest to on proposed The most lasting impression of these research articles is definitely left by the overrepresentation of negative statistical images of African Americans, e.g. family instability, low educational attainments, criminal deviants, segregation and high rates of poverty. Topic area after toplc area stresses statistical evidence of black-white differentiation. This creates an image of minority status through variable relationships and measurement responses, rather than theoretical interpretations. Sociology's increasing concern with -38

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quantitative methods (cf. Kinloch, 1988; McCartney, 1970; Wilner, 1985), therefore, seems to have resulted in less emphasis on qualitative research in the study of race and ethnic minorities. Since the use of statistics has often been positively related to funding (McCartney, 1970), a more detailed analysis of the sociological study of race and ethnic minorities in terms of financial pressures would be of interest. What other conclusion can be drawn from the findings? First, the fund of theoretical approaches outlined in the literature discussion appears to be largely accurate. However, this analysis shows that the subfield has not greatly advanced and added to its scope of research issues and theoretical approaches. Instead, we see a return to controversial views like the "culture of poverty" thesis. To gain a understanding of race and ethnic research should include more more comprehensive minorities, future examinations with organizations and institutional inequality as the unit of analysis. This would counterbalance an otherwise rather individualistic and moralistic conceptualization of minority/majority relations. Second, I would suggest a greater exposure to research studies from minority perspectives. This might balance out the overly normative and integrational approach towards social problems. At the very least, it would add another link to the total -39

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spectrum of race and ethnic relations and help to complete understanding of minority status. The point needs to be made that this study is subject to a number of limitations. First, by relying on the DIALOG Information System s identifiers, other articles dealing with racial and ethnic minority issues might have been missed. Second, the analysis is based on only two journals. Since the 1950s, however, specialty journals gave social scientists other outlets for their work. But since the focus of this study was to gain insights into mainstream sociology s research interests and representations of race and ethnic minorities, it made sense to start by focusing on journals at the core of the sociological profession. This of course means that we are probably dealing with one of the more conservative views of race and ethnic minorities, found within the field of sociology. Nevertheless, AJS and ASR are the two most prestigious non-specialty journals, and the articles they publish do provide insight into the most central research issues and theoretical approaches of mainstream sociology's study of race and ethnic minorities. Thus, it seems reasonable to conclude that mainstream sociology, after all its professional and academic advances, still shows the tendency to approach racial and ethnic minorities from an often moralistic and reformative perspective. 40

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B., & Duncan, 0. D. (1968). Minorities and the process of stratification. American Sociological Review, 33, 356-364. Duncan, H. G., & Duncan, W. L. (1933). Shifts in interests of American sociologists. Social Forces, 12, 211-219. Eckberg, D. L., & Hill, L. (1979). The paradigm concept and sociology: A critical review. American Sociological Review, 44, 925-937. Eggebeen, D. J., & Lichter, D. T. (1991). Race, family structure, and changing poverty among American children. American Sociological Review, 56, 801-817. Elliott, D. S., & Ageton, s. (1980). Reconciling race and class differences in self-reported and official estimates of delinquency. American Sociological Review, !i' 95-110. Erbe, B. (1975). Race and socioeconomic segregation. American Sociological Review, 40, 801-812. Evans, M. (1989). Immigrant entrepreneurship: Effects of ethnic market size and isolated labor pool. American Sociological Review, 54, 950-962. Farley, R. (1970). The changing distribution of negroes within metropolitan areas: The emergence of black suburbs. American Journal of Sociology, 75, 512-529. Farley, R. (1977). Trends in racial inequalities: Have the gains of the 1960s disappeared in the 1970s? American Sociological Review, 189-218. Farley, R., & Hermalin, A. {1971). Family stability: A comparison of trends between blacks and whites. American Sociological Review, 36, 1-17 ... 46

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Gouldner, A. W. (1970). The corning crisis of western sociology. New York: Basic Books. Greeley, A.M. (1974). Political participation among ethnic groups in the United States: A preliminary reconnaissance. American Journal of Sociology, 80, 170-204. Greeley, A. M. (1975). Ethnicity and racial attitudes: The case of the Jews and the Poles. American Journal of Sociology, 80, 909-932. Green, E. (1970). Race, social status, and criminal arrest. American Sociological Review, 35, 476-490. Guest, A. M., & Weed, J. A. (1976). Ethnic residential segregation: Patterns of change. American Journal, of Sociology, 81, 1088-1111. Guest, A. M., & Zuiches, J. J. (1971). Another look at residential turnover in urban neighborhoods. American Journal of Sociology, 77, 457-467. Gurak, D., & Fitzpatrick, J. (1982). Intermarriage among Hispanic ethnic groups in New York City. American Journal of Sociology, 87, 921-934. Guterbock, T. M., & London, B. (1983). Race, political orientation, and participation: An empirical test of four competing theories. American Sociological Review, 48, 439-453. Hagan, J., & Albonetti, c. (1982). Race, class, and the perception of criminal injustice in America. American Journal of Sociology, 88, 329-355. Hallinan, M. T., & Williams, R. A. (1987). The stability of students' interracial friendships. American Sociological Review, 52, 653-664. -49

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