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Value based approach to assessing the historic preservation of Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) Camp ANF-1

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Title:
Value based approach to assessing the historic preservation of Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) Camp ANF-1
Creator:
Futz, Douglas Neal
Place of Publication:
Denver, CO
Publisher:
University of Colorado Denver
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Language:
English
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x, 177 leaves : illustrations ; 28 cm

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Historic preservation -- Pennsylvania -- Allegheny National Forest ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis (M.S.)--University of Colorado Denver, 2010. Landscape architecture
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 170-177).
General Note:
Department of Landscape Architecture
Statement of Responsibility:
by Douglas Neal Futz.

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|University of Colorado Denver
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|Auraria Library
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All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
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655250327 ( OCLC )
ocn655250327

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Full Text
VALUE-BASED APPROACH TO
ASSESSING THE HISTORIC PRESERVATION OF
CIVILIAN CONSERVATION CORPS (CCC) CAMP ANF-1
by
Douglas Neal Futz
B. Comm., University of Manitoba, 1983
M.Sc., University of Manitoba, 1988
A thesis submitted to the
University of Colorado Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Masters of Landscape Architecture
2010


This thesis for the Masters in Landscape Architecture
degree by
Douglas Neal Futz
has been approved
by


Fut2, Douglas N. (MLA)
Value-Based Approach to Assessing the Historic Preservation of Civilian Conservation
Corps (CCC) Camp ANF-1
Thesis directed by Professor Austin Allen, Associate Professor
ABSTRACT
During the summer of 2008, the University of Colorado Denvers Department of
Landscape Architecture undertook a design studio at the site of a former Civilian
Conservation Corps (CCC) camp in the Allegheny National Forest, near Marienville,
Pennsylvania. An outcome of this studio was a proposed master plan for preserving
this historic site. However, a question surfaced: to what extent is an investment in preserving this
site warranted?
The young men who worked in these camps are part of what has become popularly known as
the greatest generation. This generation has emerged as a cultural phenomenon. The
achievements and character of this generation have been prominently featured in popular film
and print, spawning new interest and appreciation in this era.
The CCC has special historical significance in Pennsylvania and this site is particularly notable.
Almost 185,000 young men enrolled in Pennsylvania, more than in any other state except New
York. Camp ANF-1 was Pennsylvanias first camp and the nations second. While popular
interest may be appreciating the cultural value of these heritage assets, decisions regarding which
assets to preserve and what amounts to invest are bounded by limited resources.
This thesis adopts a value-based approach for assessing the economic and cultural values
associated with this place. The approach is designed to elicit a hill range of tangible and
intangible values ascribed by various stakeholder groups.
This research concludes with a conceptual model that may be generalized and potentially reused.
The model adds a stakeholder dimension onto the basic value typology and emphasizes an
iterative elicitation process. In addition, this study endorses a value-based approach for assessing
or designing cultural landscapes. Finally, several future research opportunities are identified,
including possibilities involving the CCC history, value-based theory, and emerging technologies.
This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidates thesis. I recommend its
publication.
Si


DEDICATION
First of all, I would like to thank my wife, Cathe, and kids, Mika and Rory, who put up with me
throughout this process. I love you guys and could not have completed this thesis without your
ongoing support.
I would also like to thank my entire committee: Austin for opening the door and always being
available; Ann for cultivating my ideas, keeping my thesis within the realm of landscape, and
getting me over the finish line; and Chris for his open door and ongoing encouragement.
The many people that I have met throughout this researchKathy May Smith, Charlie Varro,
Joan Sharpe, the Summers, and othershave been both obliging and genuine. However, Im
reserving the final dedication for a special friend, my CCC Mentor, Mike Schultz. Mike, I
learned much from you and appreciate your passion, unending support, and friendship. You
embody everything that the CCC symbolizes. Go Pens!!


ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I would like to thank Don Brandes for sponsoring the Brandes Scholarship. I am honored to be
a recipient and appreciative of the financial support.


TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Figures......................................................viii
List of Tables.......................................................x
1.0 Background and Research Question..............................11
1.1 Background....................................................11
1.2 Research Question.............................................12
1.3 Organization of Thesis........................................13
2.0 Literature Review.............................................14
2.1 Theory and Economics of Value-Based Historic Preservation....14
2.2 Economics and Cultural Economics..............................20
2.3 Landscape Architecture and the Cultural Landscape.............24
2.4 The Civilian Conservation Corps...............................29
3.0 Background and History........................................33
3.1 The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC).........................33
3.1.1 History.......................................................33
3.1.2 CCC Work Projects.............................................46
3.1.3 Camp Architecture, Administration, and Life...................48
3.1.4 CCC in Pennsylvania...........................................53
3.2 Site History..................................................58
3.2.1 Forestry, Oil & Gas Era.......................................58
3.2.2 Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) Era.........................61
3.2.3 World War II Era..............................................79
3.2.4 Recreation & Tourism Era......................................80
4.0 Economic and Cultural Value...................................82
4.1 Value-Based Preservation......................................82
4.2 Cultural Values...............................................86
4.3 Economic Values...............................................89
4.4 Value Typologies..............................................92
(vi)


4.5 Values in the Cultural Landscape............................96
4.6 Role of the Expert.......................................100
4.7 Theory of Cultural Capital.................................102
5.0 Methodology................................................106
5.1 Alternative Methods........................................106
5.2 Preliminary Assessment.....................................Ill
5.3 Value Assessment Model.....................................112
5.4 Scope of Analysis..........................................117
6.0 Baseline Value-Based Assessment of Camp ANF-1..............118
6.1 Aesthetic Value............................................119
6.2 Historic Value.............................................125
6.3 Spiritual Value............................................128
6.4 Symbolic Value.............................................130
6.5 Social Value...............................................135
6.6 Recreational Value.........................................138
6.7 Economic Value.............................................141
6.8 Summary....................................................145
7.0 Summary, Conclusions, and Future Research..................146
7.1 Summary....................................................146
7.2 Conclusions................................................148
7.3 Future Research............................................150
Appendix
A. Images of Major Aesthetic Features.........................154
B. Remaining CCC Camps in the Nation..........................158
C. Focus Group Script.........................................160
Bibliography.......................................................170


LIST OF FIGURES
Figure
1 Camp AN F-l Context Map.............................................11
2 Roosevelts Hand Drawn Sketch of the CCC Administrative Structure...37
3 CCC Camps Established During the First Enrollment Period............39
4 Number of Camps, 1933 to 1936.......................................41
5 Number of Camps, 1937 to 1938.......................................43
6 Number of Camps, 1939 to 1942.......................................45
7 Organizational Structure............................................48
8 Layout of a Typical CCC Camp........................................50
9 Camp Baseball Team, ANF-13..........................................52
10 Distribution of CCC Camps in Pennsylvania, 1933-1942................54
11 Context Maps of Camp ANF-1..........................................62
12 Marker Commemorating the First Trees Planted by the CCC in the Nation.. 64
13 Camp ANF-1, 1933....................................................65
14 Camp AN F-1, Site Plan..............................................66
15 Camp Officers, ANF-1,1934...........................................66
16 ANF-1 Mess Hall Staff...............................................68
17 John Danton, Camp Educational Advisor...............................70
18 Camp Library, ANF-1.................................................72
19 Camp ANF-1 Recreation Hall..........................................73
20 Recreation Hall Canteen Sketch......................................74
21 Total Economic Value................................................90
22 Value-Based Approach................................................93
23 Conceptual Model of Cultural Values Typology........................96
24 Surface and Embedded Values.........................................99
25 The Overall Planning Process........................................113
26 Value-Assessment Model..............................................114
27 Stakeholder Value Matrix............................................116
(viii)


28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
Project Scope........................................................117
Value Typology.......................................................118
Camp ANF-1 Site Plan.................................................130
Topology Map and South and
A/iMirc fmm C'omn AKIP-1
Recreation Hall Fireplace............................................124
Layout of a Typical CCC Camp vs. Figure-Ground of ANF-1..............132
Camp ANF-1 Officer Quarters..........................................133
CCC Recruitment Poster...............................................133
Hometowns of ANF-1 Enrollees, 1939-1942..............................135
Surrounding Communities..............................................137
Camp ANF-1...........................................................138
Spring Creek, 1933...................................................139
Recreational Uses....................................................140
Stakeholder Value Matrix Model.......................................146
Value-Assessment Model...............................................147
()


LIST OF TABLES
Table
1 Daily Schedule in the CCC.......................................51
2 CCC Camps by Camp Type and Enrollment Period....................57
3 Commanding Officers, 1933-1942..................................67
4 Menu for September 24,1933, Camp ANF-1..........................75
5 Project Superintendents, ANF-1, 1933-41.........................76
6 ANF Completed Work, 1933-38.....................................79
7 Summary of Heritage Value Typologies............................92
8 . Alternative Economic Valuation Methodologies.................107
9 Alternative Cultural Assessment Methodologies..................109
10 Sociocultural and Economic Values..............................119
11 Inventory of Camp ANF-1 Aesthetic Landscape Elements...........121
12 Remaining CCC Camps in the Nation..............................126
13 ANF-1 Camp Morale, 1937-1941...................................129
14 ANF County Visitor Spending, 2007..............................141
15 ANF Tourism Employment, 2007...................................142
16 Forest County Industry Breakdown...............................143
17 Key Economic Indicators .......................................144
18 Remaining CCC Camps in the Nation..............................158
M


1.0 BACKGROUND AND REARCH QUESTION
The underlying historic and socio-economic contexts are essential aspects of this
thesis. This section, therefore, provides a brief introduction in order to frame the
research question. Once the question and objectives have been established, this section
concludes with an overview of the organization and structure of this thesis.
1.1 Background
The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) was part of President Franklin D. Roosevelts New
Deal. Operating for nine years between 1933 and 1942, the program employed millions of
young men and had an enduring impact. After an impressive start and a somewhat uneven
history, the CCC essentially faded away. Still, the Corps left an indelible mark not only our
on landscapes but also on the men who worked them.
In terms of enrollment and number of work camps, the CCC peaked sometime between late
spring 1935 and early 1936 when there were 500,000 young men, or enrollees, in 2,652
camps.1 In total, approximately
5,000 camps were established, but
only a few remain, including CCC
Camp ANF-1 in northwestern
Pennsylvania.2
Camp ANF-1 is located within the
Alleghany National Forest, in Forest
County, near the small town of
Duhring. This camp was the second
1 Joseph M. Speakman, At Work in Penns Woods: The Civilian Conservation Corps in Pennsylvania
(University Park, PA: Penn State Press, 2006), 68.
2 The camp was variably referred to as Pigeon, Pebble Dell, ANF-1, Company 318, Camp Landers, or
FI. For consistency, this thesis will refer to the camp as Camp ANF-1.
Alleghany National Forest
Regional Counties
V /
-<\Wn
-A.- S' / AXCCampANF 1
Loieta r r i J |\*. )>
: v/tkar Ciecfc State Park
AMegheny National
Forest
Camp ANF -1
Figure 1. Camp ANF-1 Context Map
11


established in the nation and one of the longest running operations, eventually being
decommissioned in the spring of 1942. Its remnants currendy exist on private property and
have been used as a base camp for a horse trail riding operation for the past thirty-five years.
Forest County is bordered by Warren, McKean, Elk, Jefferson, Clarion, and Venango
Counties. As its name implies, Forest County is predominandy forested and rural. With only
4,946 residents and a population density of 11.6 persons per square mile, this county is the
smallest and most sparsely populated in Pennsylvania.
The Allegheny National Forest, located in northwest Pennsylvania, is the only national
forest in the state and one of the few east of the Mississippi. In 1923, President Calvin
Coolidge established the Allegheny National Forest in accordance with the National Forest
mission, which at that time was to improve the forest, provide favorable conditions for
water flows and furnish a continuous supply of timber.3 Over time, the purpose expanded
to include recreation, wildlife habitat, and other uses.
The forest is located 120 miles northwest of Pittsburgh and is administered by the Forest
Service of the U.S. Department of Agriculture. The Allegheny National Forest is considered
multiple use land, meaning the oil, gas, and logging industries share space with hikers,
campers, and hunters. While the federal government owns much of the land within the
forest border, there is significant private and state land contained within.
1.2 Research Question
Camp ANF-1 is currently at a tipping point and decisions will soon need to be made
regarding its preservation and ultimate fate. The concept of value underlies these
questions because value has always been the reason underlying heritage conservation. It is
self-evident that no society makes an effort to conserve what it does not value.4
3 The Organic Act of 1897.
4 Marta de la Torre and Randall Mason, Assessing the Values of Cultural Heritage (Los Angeles, CA: The
Getty Conservation Institute, 2002), 3.
12


During the summer of 2008, a landscape architecture studio from the University of
Colorado Denver visited and studied the camp. One of the findings was an apparent
paradox: while local property values were modest, and even depressed, the value placed on
this property by various stakeholders was evident. Thus, it became apparent that value was
being ascribed to the site, above that attributed by the market.
While it may be true that a society strives to conserve that which it values, it is also true that
it may not conserve that which does have value, if that value is not apparent. Thus, if we wish to
sustain our cultural assets, their values need to be revealed and made apparent. Accordingly,
the research question for this thesis is:
Horn can the cultural and economic values of CCC Camp ANF-1 he revealed and
articulated?
Camp ANF-1 will be used as a case study to generalize this question. Therefore, in addition
to this primary research question, the supporting aims and objectives include:
develop a conceptual model or framework for future assessments;
establish a baseline analysis;
test the methodology for assessing the value of Camp ANF-1; and
develop recommendations for future research.
1.3 Organization of Thesis
This thesis adopts a broad and holistic approach. Therefore, context and perspective are
essential in pursuing the underlying research question.
The research question is inherently multi-disciplinary. Thus, this thesis reviews the relevant
and influential literature in economics, historic preservation, landscape architecture, and
history. The history of the CCC and the site itself provides context for analysis and
interpretation. A theoretical chapter has been dedicated to the concept of value, leading
into methodological and analysis chapters. Finally, the thesis concludes with a conceptual
framework, implications and conclusions, and recommendations for future research.
13


2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW
As a multi-disciplinary thesis, this literature review draws upon historic preservation,
cultural economics, landscape architecture, and American history. The relevant
literature from each of these domains will be presented within the context of this
thesis.
2.1 Theory and Economics of Value-Based Historic Preservation
Within the historic preservation literature, there is a strand of research and speciali2ation that
specifically addresses value-based approaches. This subsection introduces the various
contributors and their main ideas. In Section 4.0, the foundational principles of value-based
preservation will be revisited in order to develop the framework for analysis.
In his book Contemporary Theory of Conservation, Salvador Mufioz-Vitias provides a comprehensive
review and critical analysis of the preservation field.5 The author draws upon related disciplines
such as philosophy, architecture, science, history, and archaeology, all of which have played a
significant part in shaping prevailing preservation theories.
Munoz-Vitias contends that there are two opposing theories of conservation: classical theory,
characterized as traditional, object-focused, and dependent on hard science; and
contemporary theory, which considers the objects meanings to various stakeholder
constituencies. The author claims the latter theory is more sophisticated, universal, and
sustainable.
Using the process of treating a sheet of paper as an example, Mufioz-Vitias claims that, The
ultimate goal of conservation as a whole is not to conserve the paper, but to retain or improve
the meaning it has for people.6 That is, preservation is a means to an end rather than an end
5 Salvador Mufioz-Vitias, Contemporary Theory of Conservation (Burlington MA: Elsevier Butterworth-
Heinemann, 2005).
6 Ibid., 213.
14


unto itself. With this example, Munoz-Vinas illustrates that conservation is only meaningful so
long as stakeholders ascribe value to the process.
Munoz-Vinas endorses value-based preservation because it is fully contemporary and has
widespread applications.7 The author credits the approach for being internally coherent and
responding to many of his criticisms of classical theory.8 He also equates value-led approaches to
those based on functionalism and meaning.
The author discusses the many professions currently serving the preservation field.9 10
Traditionally, the field has been rather narrow, limited to such experts as architects,
archeologists, and historians. The expanded field of professionals, including economists among
others, reflects the need for a holistic and broad approach.
The Historic Preservation Act was passed in 1966. This act paved the way for the preservation
movement in this country and has paralleled the growth and interest in cultural economics.
Within this subfield, an interest in heritage economics emerged in response to industry growth,
applied research in the field of ecological economics, increased use of tax credit incentives, and
growth in heritage tourism. As the preservation field has matured and grown, Mason claims
there is an increasing need for an economic perspective:
Heritage conservation has transformed in the last generation, from a fairly
closeted practice ... As part of this transformation, economic concepts,
values, goals, and discourse applied to heritage have grown in prominence."'
However, despite this emergence, Mason concedes, the economics of preservation is an
embryonic field compared with research in other economic disciplines.11
7 Ibid., 179.
8 Ibid., 179-180.
9 Ibid., 10-11.
10 Randall Mason, Be Interested and Beware: Joining Economic Valuation and Heritage Conservation,
International journal of Heritage Studies 14 No. 4 (July, 2008): 303.
15


While there is a general consensus that investment in historic preservation is sound, the
relationship between economists and culturists is somewhat uneasy and tense.11 12 Mason
describes the relationship between these two perspectives: Economists regard preservation first
as a market phenomenon, a set of goods and services best appraised in terms of prices. But
conservation discourse regards heritage as priceless, and therefore beyond economic analysis
[and] from the perspective of heritage professionals, economics is regarded as an alien,
threatening discourse.13
This divergence appears to stem from a lack of understanding of where the common ground
exists between economists and culturalists. In general, the role of economics is narrowly defined,
essentially limited to measuring the impact of tourism, financial management, and economic
development. A broader area for collaboration would include the valuation of heritage assets.
However, while economists have a propensity to measure various phenomena, culturalists are
less inclined. Such valuations and assessments bring culture from the periphery of development
thinking and places it in center stage.14
The Getty Conservation Institute (GCI) has pioneered much of the research relating
preservation to economics and developing a value-based approach.15 These reports explore
alternative analytical valuation tools, value typologies, and offer a conceptual framework for
11 Randall Mason, Economics and Historic Preservation: A Guide and Review of the Literature (W ashington, D.C.:
The Brookings Institution Metropolitan Policy Program, 2005), ii,
http://www.brookings.edu/reports/2005/09metropolitanpolicy_mason.aspx (accessed 2/23/08).
12 Arjo Klamer, Social, Cultural and Economic Values of Cultural Goods, 2001,
http: / / culturalheritage.ceistorvergata.it/virtual_library/Art_KLAMER_A_2001 -
Social_cultural_and_economic_values.pdf (accessed 8/14/09).
13 Mason, (2008), 304.
14 Throsby, 67.
15 Marta de la Torre, and Randall Mason, Economics and Heritage Conservation: Issue and Ideas on Valuing
Heritage (1999), http://www.icomos.org/usicomos/Symposium/SYMP99/delatorre.htm (accessed
2/23/08); Erica Avrami, Randall Mason, and Marta de la Torre, Values and Heritage Conservation (Los
Angeles, CA: The Getty Conservation Institute, 2000).; Marta de la Torre, Assessing the Values of
Cultural Heritage (Los Angeles, CA: The Getty Conservation Institute, 2002).
16


assessment. The research contends that values are characteristically multivalent, subject to shifts,
and socially constructed.16
Mason also provides a comprehensive review of economic research and tools in the preservation
field.17 He claims the preservation field had traditionally been autonomous and inward-looking,
dominated by a relatively small group of people and led by specialists and experts. Consequendy,
economic analysis has typically been limited to advocacy studies. Mason concludes that more
detached analyses are needed.18
The Heritage Reader is a collection of forty-one essays from various contributors.19 The
contributing authors are leading and notable experts from Europe, North America, and
Australia. The stated intent of the book brings together a collection of key works that represent
a culmination of established principles and new thinking in cultural heritage management.20
Despite the contributors diverse backgrounds, the editors weave a number of common themes
through the book, including sustainability, value-based approaches, landscape preservation, and
new resource management trends.
In Sustaining the Historical Environment, the English Heritage outlines the principles of
sustainability.21 These authors, as well as others, draw the parallel between cultural sustainability
and ecological sustainability.22 This has implications regarding the future and potential of
preservations role as well as specific methodologies that might be employed. Likewise, Kate
Clarke, in her article Sustainability and Heritage, cites Arjun Appaduri who identified an
16 The concept and theory of value will be dealt with in greater detail in Chapter 4.0.
17 Mason (2005).
18 Ibid., 19.
19 The Heritage Reader, ed. Graham Fairdough, Rodney Harrison, John Schofield and John Jameson. (New
York, NY: Roudedge, 2008).
20 Rodney Harrison, Graham Fairdough, John H. Jameson Jr., and John Schofield, Introduction:
Heritage, Memory and Modernity, in The Heritage Reader, 7.
21 The English Heritage is the government agency responsible for various aspects of the Englands
historic environment.
22 English Heritage, Sustaining the Historic Environment: New Perspectives on the Future, in The
Heritage Reader, 318.
17


important shift in the sustainment development discourse that linked cultural diversity
heritage and sustainable development and noted that progress on sustainable development could
not be made unless cultural values were closely embedded.23
Another recurring theme in The Heritage Reader is that of values-based approaches to heritage
assessment and management. This concept is essentially a functionalist response to an object-
centralist paradigm. Citing Tainter and Lucas, Byme makes the distinction:
... that meaning is inherently fixed in the object of perception ... contradicts
basic anthropological theory and experience. To anyone familiar with cross-
cultural variation in symbol systems, it should be clear that meaning is assigned
by the human mind.24
These various discussions on value-based perspectives also have methodological implications.
One repercussion is that because values are contended to be largely socially constructed more
democratic and participatory methods are appropriate. Traditionally, such assessments have
been expert-led. Clarke suggests ten tools to support sustainable development. The author is
critical of conventional measures and suggests a willingness to pay methodology:
Positive values are attributed to the conservation or restoration of heritage
assets, clearly demonstrating that the degradation of the historical environment
detracts from the wellbeing of individuals and society in aggregate and showing
the public is willing to pay to mitigate this damage.25
However, there is a full range of values that need to be considered even beyond social values.
John Jameson makes this point in his contribution, Presenting Archaeology to the Public,
concluding that market-based analysis cannot be the only basis for assessment.26 Citing cultural
economist Joan Poor, Jameson concludes that if cultural values are omitted, making
management decisions for society at large is not only difficult, the resultant decisions are likely to
23 Kate Clark, Only Connect Sustainable Development and Cultural Heritage, in The Heritage Reader, 90.
24 Dennis Byme, Heritage as Social Action, in The Heritage Reader, 161.
25 Clarke, 94.
26 John H. Jameson Jr., Presenting Archaeology to the Public, in The Heritage Reader, 430-431.
18


be insufficient and in many cases can be very controversial.27 The English Heritage identifies a
full range of values for consideration, including cultural values, education values, economic
values, resource values, recreation values, and aesthetic values. Randall Mason presents a
typology of values and proposes an economic-cultural distinction, while acknowledging that a
hard-and-fast separation of economic and cultural spheres is untenable.28
Various authors also discuss the distinction between historic register listings and the importance
to local values. For example, John Schofield claims that national registers, in fact, take little
account of the local values.29 Dennis Byme warns that Heritage inventories, if not carefully
managed, can actually bring about the commoditization of heritage and cites John Carmans
view that archeological material is not protected because of its value, but rather it is valued
because it is protected.30 The English Heritage claims such a focus on our finest assets
provides an incomplete picture.31 Finally, Graham Fairclough concludes that there is a need for
contemporary approaches in addition to designation-based systems.32
The importance of landscape in preservation is another recurring theme in The Heritage Reader. In
the introductory section, the editors identify the landscape as the basis for many of the proposed
approaches: it is not coincidental that many of these new approaches operate through, or, at
the scale of landscape since it is through landscape in particular (in its conceptual sense of a
perception of the environment) that people locate themselves in their surroundings and
reconcile themselves to its evolutions.33 Fairclough adds that Landscape (or place) and
character are central to many of the new heritage approaches. Landscape is quintessentially
27 Ibid.
28 Randall Mason, Assessing Values in Conservation Planning: Methodological issues and Choices, in The
Heritage Reader, 103.
MJohn Schofield, Heritage Management, Theory and Practice, in The Heritage Reader, 18.
30 Byme, 160.; Schofield, 27.
31 English Heritage, 315.
32 Graham Fairclough, The Long Chain: Archaeology, Historical Landscape Characterization and Time
Depth in the Landscape, in The Heritage Reader, 412.
33 Rodney Harrison, Graham Fairclough, John H. Jameson Jr., and John Schofield. Introduction:
Heritage, Memory and Modernity, in The Heritage Reader, 9.
19


multiple in its meanings, significance, ownership, social and individual relevance and its
possible futures.14
Fairclough also discusses the significance of seeing heritage as a landscape because it captures
the plurality of meaning. He maintains that people think in terms of landscapes rather than
individual elements. Byrne states that We have come to an understanding of how any given
landscape can have different layers of signs, some of them more publicly accessible than
others.-15 All heritage assets have various degrees of plurality of meaning but landscapes are
particularly noteworthy.
In summary, the field of historic preservation is evolving and expanding. Traditional professions
remain focused on the preservation of materials and fabrics. However, the emergence of new
professions, coupled with social changes, has resulted in the inclusion of a broader range of
values. Even a theorist such as Munoz-Vinas, who comes from a traditional background,
advocates a value-based approach. The Getty Conservation Institute has also espoused and
advanced these ideas. Still there is a natural tension between culturalists and economists in
assessing cultural assets.
2.2 Economics and Cultural Economics
In order to approach the research question holistically, this thesis considers a full range of
values. This frequently involves conflicting values and alien concepts and perspectives. This
subsection attempts to bridge that gap with reference to popular literature and by reviewing
notable contributors in the field of cultural economics, a subspecialty of economics.
Economics is everywhere. That is the main premise of Freakonomics and an inspiration for this
thesis.-16 Economics, the dismal science, suffers from a chronically maligned image. Steven
14 Graham Fairclough, New Heritage, an Introductory Essay People, Landscape and Change, in The
Heritage Reader, 303.
15 Byme, 153.
36 S. D. Levitt and S. J. Dubner, Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist Explores the Hidden Side of Everything (New
York, NY: Harper Collins Publishers Inc., 2005).
20


Levitt and Stephen Dubner counter with a book that is both accessible and understandable to
those outside the discipline.
Many people equate economics to financial markets and accountants. Rather, economic thought
is grounded in philosophy and John Smith, founder of classical economics, was primarily a
phil osopher. Levitt and Dubner bridge this gap by employing nuances of microeconomic theory
to explain and predict human behavior that might otherwise have eluded the uninidated.
Architecture school does not normally teach such fundamental economic concepts as limited
resources, incentives, and opportunity costs. However, exposure to these concepts can be
enlightening and insightful.
Economists view the world through the lens of incentives, opportunity costs, value, and utility.
Just as landscape architects have a design language, economists also have their own language.
The richness and adaptability of economists language, however, have enabled them to expand
the disciplines frontiers. Economics is a relatively mature discipline and may be considered by
creative professionals to be dry. However, Levitt and Dubner demonstrate, through the
richness of its language and concepts, economics can also be creatively applied.
Levitt and Dubner also provide examples of how economic thought can cut through rhetoric
and conventional thought. A working knowledge of microeconomics provides a basis for
clear, critical thought and analysis. Furthermore, economics has application in many areas, from
everyday life to inter-disciplinary problems. The authors, for example, explain why prostitutes
earn more than architects:
The architect would appear to be more skilled (as the word is usually defined)
and better educated (again, as usually defined). But little girls dont grow up
dreaming of becoming prostitutes, so the supply of potential prostitutes is
relatively small... As for the demand? Lets just say that an architect is more
likely to likely to hire a prostitute than vice versa.37
The authors demonstrate how to understand relationships that may not be immediately
apparent, referring to this as the hidden side. The authors advocate a novel way of looking,
37 Ibid, 106.
21


of discerning, of measuring.38 This perspective is useful in examining cultural assets and their
unseen valuessocial, symbolic, historic, spiritual, etcthat may otherwise be elusive.
Mason traces academic writings about the arts as an economic activity date to John Kenneth
Galbraiths book The Liberal Hour in 1960 and, more influentially, to Performing Arts: The Economic
Dilemma by Baumol and Bowen in 1966.39 These latter writings marked the beginnings of
cultural economics, a subspecialty of economics that applies neoclassical theory to issues
regarding artwork, theater, festivals, and other cultural endeavors. Since 1973, the International
Association for Cultural Economics has published related research in The Journal of Cultural
Economics.
This interest in economics and the arts has been spurred on by the rising market for art during
the 1990s, Richard Floridas influential research, questions of public financing, and academic
curiosities.40 Public good aspects and nonuse value have also posed some interesting and
intriguing questions. Such issues have attracted a growing but still relatively small body of
scholarly research and literature.
One of the major contributors to this field is David Throsby, professor of economics at
Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia. In Economics and Culture, Throsby provides a
comprehensive overview of the subject, including contributions on historic preservation and
value theory. Economics and Culture attempts to bring economic analysis to bear on cultural issues.
Throsby offers a framework for analysis, suggests a number of tools, and methods, and
stimulates further discourse.
Throsby positions cultural value in the forefront, sharing the stage with economic value, which,
in his view, too often dominates the discourse. The author maintains that cultural value should
be given equal weight. He also suggests a number of methods for determining an objects
38 Ibid., 205.
39 Mason (2005), 25.; John Kenneth Galbraith, The Liberal Hour (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, I960).;
William J. Baumol and William G. Bowen, Pe forming Arts, the Economic Dilemma: a Study of Problems
Common to Theater, Opera, Music and Dance (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1968).
40 Richard L. Florida, The Rise of the Creative Class: And How Its Tranforming Work, Leisure, Community and
Everyday Life (New York, NY: Basic Books, 2002).
22


cultural value, including contextual analysis, content analysis, social survey methods,
psychometric measurement, and expert appraisal.
Throsby not only advances an academic definition of cultural value but builds upon this
definition to develop the concept of cultural capital. He defines cultural capital as an asset
which embodies, stores or provides cultural value in addition to whatever economic value it may
possess.41
The concept of cultural capital adds a cultural dimension to sustainability.42 This form of capital
is comprised of a variety of cultural assets, such as heritage buildings, cultural landscapes, and
monuments. Cultural capital has much in common with other theories of capitalphysical,
human, and naturalsuch as the need for reinvestment. These various forms of capital are
subject to the same guiding principles for sustaining them: intergenerational and
intragenerational equity; maintenance of diversity; recognition of interdependence; and the
precautionary principle regarding irrevocable change.
However, the first criterion in judging the sustainability of a cultural asset, Throsby maintains, is
in its flows of economic and cultural value.43 Like environmental goods, cultural assets may not
be priced appropriately by the market.
Cultural economists may differ with each other on specific issues and in a matter of degree.
However, there is general consensus, if not amongst economists at least between cultural
economists, that there is a full range of values that are not reflected in the marketplace. Arjo
Klamer summarizes this underlying sentiment:
Nobody will determine the value of friendship by trying to establish a
monetary equivalent. You rather weigh in values like warmth, openness,
honesty, joyfulness, sincerity, and trustworthiness. Likewise, in the case of the
art museum, cultural and social values make an impact even if they do not
41 Throsby, 46.
42 Ibid, 44-60.
43 Ibid, 54.
23


allow a comparison in terms of monetary equivalent. Much deliberation takes
place outside the sphere of exchange.44
The literature suggests that misconceptions and disciplinary biases have contributed to a
fragmented worldview. Cultural economists are a relatively small contingent but offer an
interesting and balanced perspective. This subspecialty is generally concerned with issues such as
cultural valuation and sustainability. Unlike many of their mainstream brethren, cultural
economists generally believe that much valuation transpires outside the sphere of markets.
2.3 Landscape Architecture and the Cultural Landscape
This subsection reviews literature from various writers and theorists of the landscape, including
landscape architectures, geographers, and environmental historians.
D.W. Meinig, in his seminal essay, The Beholding Eye: Ten Versions of the Same Scene,
proposes an exercise whereby a diverse group of individuals is taken to a view that includes both
city and countryside.45 The group is then asked to describe the landscape, and identify its
elements, composition and meaning:
It will soon be apparent that even though we gather together and look in the
same direction at the same instant, we will notwe cannotsee the same
landscape. We may certainly agree that we will see many of the same elements
houses, roads, trees, hillsin terms of such denotations as number, form,
dimension, and color, but such facts take on meaning only through association;
they must be fitted together according to some coherent body of ideas. Thus we
confront the central problem: any landscape is composed not only of what lies
before our eyes but what lies within our heads.46
In discussing the ten different perceptions, Meinig reveals how different biases affect landscape
interpretation. Essentially, for any given landscape, there is not just one, but multiple versions.
Every individual develops a different mental construct from the characteristics of a landscape, its
44 Arjo Klamer, A Pragmatic View on Values in Economics, Journal of Economic Methodology 10, no. 2 (2003),
208.
45 D.W. Meinig, The Beholding Eye: Ten Versions of the Same Scene, in The Interpretation of Ordinaty
Landscapes, ed. D.W. Meinig, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979).
46 Ibid., 33.
24


interrelationships, and the associations that are evoked. Accordingly, Meinig describes how a
landscape can be seen as nature, a habitat, an artifact, a system, a problem, a design problem,
wealth, an ideology, history, a place, and an aesthetic.
Meinigs essay echoes the literature pertaining to value-based preservation and has many of the
same implications. In evaluating a cultural landscape, Meinig suggests that various perceptions
should be solicited. A single perspective provides only one way of looking at the landscape
among many, yielding a partial, fragmented view. To obtain a holistic perspective, various
perspectives from multiple stakeholder groups should be consulted. This implies the need for a
systems approach which incorporates interdisciplinary thought and participatory teamwork.
Also, because cultural landscapes are socially constructed, they are dynamic and their
interpretation and valuation are subject to change over time. Landscapes are temporal; those
who perceive them, reinvent their constructs over time in response to external factors, trends,
and shifting tastes.
Multivalency also implies that conflicts are inevitable. Various stakeholders, such as
environmentalists, tourists, and indigenous people, will ascribe values to a landscape. If these
values come into conflict, stakeholders will vie for the same space. In evaluating a cultural
landscape, one must be aware of and willing to negotiate such contestation. Furthermore,
different vested interests are represented in a landscape and are therefore subject to hegemonial
influences as experts, or other groups, may assert influence over an evaluation.
Disenfranchised or underserved groups may, on the other hand, be underrepresented.
Swentzellas essay provides a case study of conflicting values, providing an example of
conflicting values within the landscape.47
While Meinig describes the complexities of values in landscapes, Lewis laments that Americans
have difficulties in reading the landscape because Ordinary landscape seems messy and
disorganized and most Americans are unaccustomed to reading landscape.48 However, he
47 Rina Swentzell, Conflicting Landscape Values: The Santa Clara Pueblo and Day School. In
Understanding Ordinary Landscapes, ed. Paul. E. Groth and Todd W. Bressi, 5.6-66, New Haven, CT:
Yale University Press, 1997.
48 Pierce K. Lewis, Axioms for Reading the Landscape: Some Guides to the American Scene. In The
Interpretation of Ordinary Landscapes: Geographical Essays, eds. D. W. Meinig and J. B. Jackson.
New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1979, 2.
25


contends, few academic disciplines teach or encourage this skill. Still, he maintains that all
human landscape has cultural meaning.49 In response, Lewis offers seven axioms for guiding
students and others in interpreting a cultural landscape.5,1
Likewise, Groth observes that Americans are like fish who cant see the water because they
do not notice their everyday environments and rarely have concepts for pondering,
discussing, or evaluating their cultural environments.51 That is, intangible values are not only
ubiquitous but fragile and often difficult to perceive. Yet they undeniably exist and are subject to
forces such as globalization, commodification, and prevailing hegemonies.
Groth identifies six tenets that give coherence to landscape studies: (1) everyday, ordinary
landscapes are important; (2) both rural and urban landscapes, as well as landscapes of
production and consumption, should be studied; (3) contrasts of diversity and uniformity frame
debates; (4) landscape studies call for popular as well as academic writing; (5) the many choices
of theory and method stem from the subjects interdisciplinary nature; and, (6) visual and spatial
data are subject to landscape interpretation.
Attempts to understand landscapes by their symbolic meanings are relatively recent. Daniels and
Cosgrove are generally concerned with the status of landscape as image and symbol.52 The
authors explain iconographic study as a means to conceptualize pictures as encoded texts to be
deciphered by those cognizant of the culture as a whole in which they were produced.53
Borrowing the idea of iconography from art history, Cosgrove attempts to make sense of
landscapes from their visual clues.
49 Ibid., 1.
511 The seven axioms include: l.The Axiom of Landscape as Clue to Culture; 2. The Axiom of Cultural
Unity and Landscape Equality; 3. The Axiom of Common Things; 4. The Historic Axiom; 5. The
Geographic (or Ecologic) Axiom; 6. The Axiom of Environmental Control; and 7. The Axiom of
Landscape Obscurity.
51 Paul E. Groth and Todd W. Bressi, Understanding Ordinary Landscapes (New Haven, CT: Yale University
Press, 1997), 1.
52 Stephen Daniels and Dennis Cosgrove, Introduction: Iconography and Landscape, in The Iconography of
Landscape, eds. Stephen Daniels and Dennis Cosgrove, (Cambridge Studies in Historical Geography,
1988), 1.
53 Ibid, 2.
26


Melnick compiled scholarly essays in Preserving Cultural Landscapes in America. The book addresses
a broad range of issues associated with the preservation of landscapes.54 Melnick draws a parallel
between wilderness and cultural preservation and concludes there are historical, aesthetic,
scientific, and educational reasons for protecting these environments, but cultural landscape
preservation can assist us in understanding, appreciating, and valuing an even broader range of
landscapes and landscape types.55
Several major themes emerge from the book. First, each author espouses that landscapes are
dynamic and both a product and a process.56 The primary challenge is, therefore, to frame,
capture, and preserve the essence of the landscape resource while retaining its dynamism.
Landscapes are not only dynamic but also diverse, geographically and topically, as evidenced by
the cases provided in the book: heritage landscapes, urban parks and cemeteries, Puerto Rican
neighborhoods in New York City, vernacular landscapes in small towns and rural areas,
ethnographic landscapes, and Asian American imprints on the Western landscape.
This theme of misplaced or underappreciated landscape values has an historical basis. Values
have always been important in shaping the American landscape, but core values are deeply
rooted and slowly evolving. Traditionally, Americans have had an economic relationship with
the land, but without a long history of making places, they have had difficulty legitimizing
emotional, symbolic, or sacred meanings. Instead Americans tend to seek a rational basis for
resource allocations.
In Wilderness and the American Mind, Nash details the evolving relationship between humans and
nature, starting from the European discovery of the New World and progressing through the
contemporary environmental movement.57 Initially, this relationship was adversarial, based on
54 Preserving Cultural Landscape in America, ed. Arnold R. Alanen and Robert Z. Melnick (Baltimore, MD:
The John Hopkins University Press, 2000), 250
35 Robert Z. Melnick, Nature and Culture in Landscape Preservation, in Preserving Cultural Landscape in
America, 21.
56 Ibid, 16.
57 Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press), 2001.
27


fear and struggle, and has progressed to one which is relatively complex and interconnected:
Traditional American assumptions about the use of undeveloped country did not include
reserving it in national parks for its recreational, aesthetic, and inspirational values.5H
Intangible values are much more difficult to perceive, never mind much less to articulate. Nash,
for example, writes that arguments in favor of roads are direct and concrete, while those
against them are subtle and difficult to express.58 59 This generally tilts such debates toward an
economic argument: Opponents of dams frequendy argued over benefit-cost ratios, discussing
kilowatt-hours, acre-feet and the prime rate of interest instead of explaining the values of wild
rivers and their canyons.60
Simpson, in his book, Visions of Paradise, examines how the values and behaviors of people
transformed the American landscape.61 By seeing landscapes merely as property, scenery, or in
scientific terms, the author argues that limiting perimeters are imposed. He stresses its relation
to the human psyche, to the aesthetic senses, to love of place, to community, and to a full
bonding in nature.
Instilled with Judeo-Christian and European values, American pioneers feared landscape as
wilderness. These values manifested themselves in property rights, conquest, separatism,
utilitarianism, and land ethics. These values dominated land use until the mid-Nineteenth
century, when Transcendentalists and nature advocates like Henry David Thoreau began to
ascribe aesthetic values to nature. Still, this was an elitist movement and the underlying values
remain entrenched:
... ours is a rational landscape shaped by the values and perceptions of the
Enlightenment. Land is known intellectually. Economic, functional, and
practical concerns overwhelm appeals to aesthetics, emotions, and intuition.
Science and reason serve as the basis for our actions, not myth, or superstition.
... Freedom and opportunity, order and disorder, equality and democracy,
58 Ibid, 181.
59 Ibid, 204.
60 Ibid, 239.
61 John Warfield Simpson, In Visions of Paradise-. Glimpses of Our Landscape's legacy (Berkley and Los Angeles,
CA: University of California Press, 1999).
28


permanence and transience, and rationality, each of these characteristics stems
from our traditional Judeo Christian, Euro-American landscape values, values
that are little changed ... Land remains a commodity for our use and benefit,
property to be bought and sold. We remain separate from and superior to the
land. And we continue to see the land mosdy in nonemotional, nonhistoric
terms. Some values have changed. Our moral and practical hostility towards
the wilderness has lessened. So has our blindness to action and outcome. We
no longer believe in limitedless abundance and resiliency. Our behavior,
however, has yet to fully reflect these changes.62
Like Nash, Simpson concludes that American values are shifting, albeit slowly. Traditional
values obscure less tangible values that are inherent in the landscape. This difficulty to see the
landscape holistically stems from our inclination to set ourselves apart, our inability to adopt
systematic perceptions.
Several relevant themes emerge from this review: landscapes are inherently layered, subject to a
multiplicity of values, and socially constructed. However, intangible values are often difficult to
see and comprehend and functional values tend to dominate. These themes and qualities echo
many of the principles inherent in a value-based approach to preservation. However, a value-
based approach has had relatively few precedents for assessing cultural landscapes.63 Therefore,
this question will be readdressed in Section 4.0, once the theoretical framework has been
developed.
2.4 The Civilian Conservation Corps
The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) was created as part of President Franklin D. Roosevelts
New Deal and, despite some apparent limitations, is generally recalled fondly and nostalgically
by its alumni and others. However, scholarly work on the subject is somewhat limited.64 The
62 W. J. Thomas Mitchell, Landscape and Power (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2002).
63 Marta de la Torre, Margaret G.H. MacLean, Randall Mason, and David Myers, Heritage Values in Site
Management: Four Case Studies (Los Angeles, CA: Getty Conservation Institute, 2005); Randall Mason,
Management for Cultural Landscape Preservation, in Cultural Landscapes: Balancing Nature and Heritage
in Preservation Practice, ed. Richard Longstreth (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2008).
64 Joseph M. Speakman, The New Deal Arrives in Penns Woods: The Beginnings of the Civilian
Conservation Corps in Pennsylvania, The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 130 no. 2,
(2006): 213.
29


academic literature may be somewhat sparse but much of the available literature is characterized
by oral histories, first-hand accounts, camp newsletters, and personal letters.65 While such
publications tend to be sincere and nostalgic accounts, they often lack academic rigor, are
anecdotal, and have a narrow perspective. Furthermore, research in this field is limited by poor
records that are dispersed between the government archives, the Forest Service, and the U.S.
Army. However, there are some notable exceptions.
John A. Salmonds The Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942: A New Deal Case Study provides a
comprehensive review.66 Salmond offers a chronological account of the CCC and, forty years
later, his book remains one of the most important contributions. The study focuses on the
CCCs administration, but also portrays every day camp life. Although Salmond does not
overlook the segregation of African Americans and other controversial issues, his account
retains a positive and favorable tone.
Recently, new academic research has emerged. Joseph Speakmans book is a well-researched and
documented publication. Speakman provides an historic, economic, and political treatment of
the CCC. Although the book is likely targeted at Pennsylvanian readers, the author positions the
book in a national context, providing a broad perspective and an historical context.
Pennsylvanias program was one of the most successful in the nation, sustained by a large pool
of unemployed youth and coupled with ready conservation work. Pennsylvania enrolled almost
185,000 young men in 152 camps, the second most of any state, outside of California. The
author, therefore, contends that, Because Pennsylvania had such a large and successful CCC
program, it offers an ideal microcosm in which to study the successes and limitations of the
CCC.67 Speakman provides a balanced account. Although the program is fondly remembered, it
was not without flaws: the economics are inconclusive, camps were segregated, and recruitment
excluded women. The author addresses these issues tactfully and unapologetically. In fact, an
entire chapter is devoted to black CCC camps and enrollees.
65 For a complete bibliography, see: Larry N. Sypolt, Civilian Conservation Corps: A Selectively Annotated
Bibliography (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2005).
66 John A. Salmond, The Civilian Conservation Corps 1932-1942: A New Deal Case Study (Durham, NC: Duke
University Press, 1967).
67 Speakman, 3.
30


Speakman provides a post-mortem on the CCC. While still a proponent, he critically analyzes
the program and reveals some of its less admirable aspects. On the other hand, he also highlights
the programs many achievements and some of its more enduring results, such as its impact on
the Youth Corps and other programs as well as Americas conservation legacy.
In summary, the author concurrently provides a national perspective as well as a regional one,
but perhaps limits his scope in the process. The term sustainability did not appear once in his
book, although the CCC arguably had an impact on todays environmental movement.
Nonetheless, despite taking a broad view, he may have missed an opportunity to portray the
CCC in an even larger context and overcome some proclivity towards localism.
Where Speakman arguably fell short, Neil Maher provides a sweeping account of the CCC. In
his recent scholarly book, Maher asserts that the CCC transformed the conservation
movement.68 Prior to the CCCs inception, Progressive Era conservatism had been a narrow and
elite-based movement. Maher casts the CCC into a broad and contemporary perspective, arguing
that the conservation of natural resources was popularized by exposing and educating enrollees,
communities, and the media to its principles and practices. Many enrollees eventually continued
with educations and careers related to their CCC experiences. The author contends that the CCC
effectively transformed the conservation movement into a grass-roots environmental movement.
Essentially, Maher argues that the CCC provided the missing link between Progressive Era
conservation and the post-war environmental movement. The popular notion is that, following
the Hetch Hetchy controversy, the preservation movement wandered in the wilderness, only
to reemerge at Dinosaur National Monument.69 Contrary to this popular conception, Maher
contends that the CCC was at the roots of the environmental movement. The significance of his
research is that it positions the historical significance of the CCC in an entirely new context.
68 Neil M. Maher, Natures New Deal and the Roots of the American Environmental Movement (New York, NY:
Oxford University Press, 2008).
69 Ibid., 5.
31


Whereas Maher broadens our understanding of the CCC in regard to its impact on the
environmental movement in this country, in Soldiers of Labor, Kiran Patel provides a transnational
perspective. Traditionally, the CCC has been studied as part of the New Deal, but this research
places it in a larger context. In the wake of the global economic collapse of the late 1920s and
early 1930s, more than twelve nations utilized labor services.711 These countries initiated state-
sponsored work projects, organized through militarized camp systems, to overcome the
economic turmoil. Patel compares Nazi Germanys Reichsarbeitsdienst (RAD) with the Civilian
Conservation Corps (CCC) to understand how the United States and Germany responded to the
crisis. In so doing, Patel analyzes the social identity, the role and culture of militarism,
symbolism, and underlying political factors. By comparing the two movements, Patel
demonstrates how the RAD, through perceptions, pedagogical value, and intercultural
transfers, not only influenced the CCC but also stood in stark contrast.
In order to assess the historical value of Camp ANF-1, it is important to provide an historical
perspective. Certainly historical value is but one in a spectrum of values but it has traditionally
been a predominant value for historic preservation assessments. These varying resources and
others, such as Paige and Otis, provide an objective and balanced context for this overview.* 71
711 Patel defines labor services as an organization somewhat similar to a public work scheme, but also
including an explicit educational dimension. See Kiran Klaus Patel, Learning from the Enemy?
Transatlantica, May 2006, http://transatlantica.revues.org/document785.html (accessed May 28, 2009).
71 Alison T. Otis, William D. Honey, Thomas C. Hogg, and Kimberly K. Lakin, The Forest Service and The
Civilian Conservation Corps: 1933-42 (Corvalis: U.S. Dept, of Agriculture, Forest Service).; John C. Paige,
The Civilian Conservation Corps and The National Parks Service, 1933-1942. A.n Administrative History.
(Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, U.S. Dept, of the Interior, 1985).
32


3.0 BACKGROUND AND HISTORY
This chapter provides an historical overview of the Civilian Conservation Corps
(CCC), the Corps experience in Pennsylvania, and a history of the site. The CCC
was obviously an important part of the sites history. However, as with any
cultural landscape, its history is layered and the CCCs predominance is not presumed.
3.1 The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC)
The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) was part of President Franklin D. Roosevelts New
Deal. The program employed millions of young men and has had an enduring impact both
on the American landscape and the psyche of an entire generation. This subsection
examines the program within the relevant economic, political, and social contexts.
3.1.1 History
The CCC operated for nine years, between 1933 and 1942. After an impressive start and a
somewhat uneven history, the program faded into relative obscurity by the end of its
existence. Still, the Corps left an indelible mark on not only our landscapes but also the
young men who served in the program. The CCCs history is characterized by a number
of converging trends and profoundly historical figures.
The U.S. stock market crash on October 29, 1929, marked the onslaught of the Great
Depression. Chronic unemployment and stagnant economic conditions persisted under
President Herbert Hoover. By 1933, the stock market had lost nearly 90 percent of its
value and the national unemployment rate had increased from 3 to 25 percent.72
Unemployment for workers under the age of twenty was nearly twice as high, and this
demographic was at risk of becoming a lost generation. These economic conditions
were compounded by deflation, depressed manufacturing and agriculture sectors, and tens
of thousands of foreclosed mortgages.
72 Because the government did not report reliable employment statistics, this figure is based on various
estimates which are generally accepted. See Speakman (2006), 15.
33


Not only was the economy depressed but many natural resources had been depleted by
extensive industrialization and development. Only 100 million of 800 million acres of
virgin timber remained in the continental United States.73 In 1932, the Copeland Report
concluded that America was consuming approximately twice as much wood as it was
producing and that the forest resources of this country are being seriously depleted.74
Other problems, such as soil erosion, were also becoming apparent: more than 300
million acres of arable land---one sixth of the continenthad disappeared.75
The CCC was foreshadowed by small-scale projects and philosophical literature. Some
states had experimented with labor camps for individuals on relief, forestry restoration
being a common project. As governor of New York, Roosevelt had developed a similar
program and others were launched in California and Pennsylvania.76 Comparable
programs were also being pioneered in Europe and the Corps intellectual roots can
arguably be traced to early twentieth century literature.77
Roosevelt had a long-standing personal interest in conservation. At age twenty-eight, he
assumed responsibility for his familys estate in Hyde Park, New York or, as they called
the property, Springwood. Roosevelt managed the propertys restoration and it became
a life time pursuit:
73 Salmond, http://www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/ccc/salmond/chapl.htm (accessed
3/19/2009).
74 The Copeland Report, also known as the National Plan for American Forestry, was commissioned by the
federal government to update the Capper Report of 1920.
75 The Reconnaissance Erosion Survey of 1935 determined that approximately one-half of the nations land
mass was experiencing moderate to severe erosion, much more than previously thought. See
Maher, 60.
76 In 1931, Roosevelt established a temporary emergency relief administration to hire unemployed
workers in various reforestation projects; R. L. Deering, Camps for the Unemployed in the Forests
of California. journal of Forestry 30, no. 5 (1932): 554-557.
77 William James, Memories and Studies. 290-291. New York, NY, 1912. James was a professor of
philosophy at Harvard University. Although a student of James, Roosevelt denied that his teachings
had an influence on the development of the CCC.
34


Roosevelt supervised the planting of a few thousand trees in 1912 and
continued an annual planting regimen until his death in 1945, at which
time he had overseen the planting of more than a half million trees
covering 556 acres of the estate. In 1933, the year the CCC was formed
he had 36,000 trees planted at Hyde Park ... In light of this extensive
effort, it is not surprising that each year when voting in Hyde Park,
Roosevelt listed his occupation as tree grower.78
In 1910, Roosevelt embarked on his political career as a New York senator. His first
senatorial appointment was chair of the Senates Forest, Fish, and Game Committee. In
this capacity, Roosevelt publicized threats to the states natural resources and introduced
eight separate bills to conserve them. Starting with this experience, the young senator
integrated environmental conservation with his political career. By the time he became the
Governor of New York in 1929, Roosevelts conviction to Progressive Era
conservation was apparent by his affiliations and political support.79
Roosevelt also believed that the Depressions persistent unemployment was essentially an
urban problem that threatened the nations youth.8" He was deeply involved with the Boy
Scouts and this experience cultivated his belief that the physical environment was
formative to developing youths. Roosevelt had became president of the Boy Scout
Foundation of Greater New York in 1922, and his cousin, Theodore Roosevelt, was the
Boy Scouts first chief scout citizen.81
These converging ideological and cultural factors paved the way for the CCC. During his
1932 presidential campaign, Roosevelt first alluded to a national program that would
address these social and environmental problems. He proposed a definite land policy to
fight a future of soil erosion and timber famine. By doing so, Roosevelt claimed that
employment can be given to a million men. That is the kind of public work that is self-
78 Maher, 20-21.
79 Ibid., 28.
m Ibid, 29.
81 Ibid, 34.
35


sustaining ... Yes, I have a very definite program for providing employment by that
means.82 *
Upon accepting the 1932 Democratic nomination for president, Roosevelt promised
drastic measures within one hundred days. Included in his Hundred Days package was
the Emergency Conservation Work program, the original and official tide for what was
popularly called the Civilian Conservation Corps.81
Roosevelt was inaugurated on March 4, 1933. In his address, the new president made only
indirect reference to the conservation program, but immediately started taking action. On
March 9, the President convened a meeting with the Secretaries of Agriculture, the
Interior, and War to discuss and outline his proposal.84
On March 21, Roosevelt sent a message to the 73rd Congress regarding the Relief of
Unemployment in which he describes his vision of the program:
I have proposed to create a civilian conservation corps to be used in simple work,
not interfering with normal employment, and confining itself to forestry, the
preservation of soil erosion, flood control and similar projects.. The enterprise
will... conserve our precious natural resources and more important will be the
moral and spiritual value of such work.85
On March 31,1933, the Senate passed an amended bill and President Roosevelt signed
the legislation into law, less than a month after taking office.86 The program was originally
82 Roosevelts Nomination Address, 1932, in The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Vol.
1,1928-32, (New York, NY: Random House, 1938), 647.
85 In 1937, the programs official name was changed to the Civilian Conservation Corps, although
press and public had referred to the program by that name from its inception.
w Paige, http://www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/ccc/cccla.htm (accessed 3/19/2009).
85 Franklin D. Roosevelt, Three Essentials for Unemployment Relief, in the Public Papers and Addresses
of Franklin D. Roosevelt (New York, NY: Random House, 1938).
86 Paige.
36


authorized for six months by executive order on April 5 and subsequendy extended on an
ongoing basis.87
The CCC was designed primarily as a work relief program for needy youth; however, in
the minds of Roosevelt and many CCC administrators, the program also had objectives of
reforming the moral health of the nations youth while promoting more rational
conservation policies. The program also promoted economic recovery by requiring
enrollees to send a substantial portion of their $30 monthly earnings back to their families.
On April 3,1933, Roosevelt held a meeting at the White House to establish the CCCs
administrative structure. A complicated organization emerged. Robert Fechner, former
Machinist Union Vice President from Tennessee, was
appointed National Director in an effort to appease
organized labor.88 The Departments of Labor, War,
Agriculture, and the Interior reported to Fechners
office. Labor was assigned the responsibility of
recruiting young men in cooperation with state relief
agencies. The Army assumed responsibility for
conditioning enrollees and managing the work camps,
while the Interior and Agriculture departments would
supervise the work projects.
This organizational structure largely resulted from the
logistical need to quickly mobilize a large number of
men to destinations across the country. The structure
would ultimately influence daily camp life, camp culture, and work projects. This structure
was not without flaws and conflicts, which would only later become evident. However, it
was a pragmatic response that would facilitate Roosevelts early goal: 250,000 men in work
camps by midsummer.
Drawn Sketch of the CCC
Administrative Structure
87 Speakman (2006), 65.
88 Speakman, Joseph M. Into the Woods: The First Year of the Civilian Conservation Corps, Prologue
38, no. 3 (2006).
37


On April 5, decisions from that organizational meeting were embodied in Executive
Order No. 6101 and the CCC began its official existence. Plans were quickly developed to
enroll the first 25,000 men and, two days later, Henry Rich of Alexandria, Virginia was
inducted as its first enrollee.89 On April 10, the first fifty camps and their locations were
approved and announced.90
Initially, applicants were required to be male, unmarried, able-bodied, between eighteen
and twenty-five years old, U.S. citizens, and from a family on relief.91 Remuneration was
set at $30 per month, of which between $22 and $25 was sent home to their dependent
families. Each volunteer enrolled for six months, with an option to re-enroll for a
maximum service of one year.
After being approved by a local relief board, recruits reported to Army collecting stations
for a series of inoculation shots, a physical exam, and, if passed, a swearing in. Prior to
being deployed, enrollees spent several weeks in conditioning camps at designated
Army bases before being transported to their designated work camps.
89 Paige.
90 Fifty Forest Camps Chosen for CorpThe New York Times, April 12, 1933., n.p.
91 In 1935, the age restrictions were expanded to seventeen to twenty-eight and, in 1938, the maximum
age was set at twenty-three.
38


Figure 3. CCC Camps Established During the First Enrollment Period
(source: First Report of the Director of the ECW, Record Group 35: CCC Entry 3: Annual, Final Reports, NARA, 27)
On April 17,1933, the nations first CCC camp, Camp Roosevelt in Virginia in the
George Washington National Forest, was established. A week later, camps were settled in
other parts of the country. Despite this impressive start, the goal of deploying 250,000
men was not without serious challenges. By early May, only 52,000 men had been placed
in 42 camps.92 Nonetheless, the interventions and heroics of some key individuals and
organizations ultimately helped realize this goal.
On July 1, 1933, Colonel Duncan K. Major, the War Departments representative on the
CCC Advisory Council, reported that 274,375 men were enrolled in 1,330 camps.93 This
was the largest peace-time mobilization of government labor in American history and it
was achieved despite significant logistical and organizational challenges and through the
cooperation of the affiliated governmental branches and agencies.
Given its initial success, Roosevelt extended the program for an additional six months and
issued an executive order on August 19, 1933. The subsequent period from 1933 to 1936
92 Salmond, http://www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/ccc/salmond/chap2.htm (accessed
3/19/2009).
93 Ibid.
39


was arguably the golden years of the CCC. The program expanded in different ways,
morale was high, and enrollment reached peak levels. During this period, a formal
educational program was instituted and semi-permanent buildings were also constructed.
After the first enrollment period, enrollees lived in canvas tents, many from World War I.
Designed for six men, these tents had wooden floors and portable stoves.94 The condition
of the tents was suspect and became a concern as winter neared. As a result, Director
Fechner received authori2ation to build more permanent structures.95
The Army and the American Forest Products, Inc., an industry group, began to
demonstrate the feasibility of lumber products.96 By November 1933, the Armys proposal
was accepted. This innovation created a great demand for local carpenters and other
trades, stimulating local economies. Nearly 15,000 buildings were constructed in 1,400
camps during the spring and winter months of 1933-34, putting an estimated forty
thousand carpenters to work.97
The illiteracy rate among enrollees had become glaring and, after a trial period, an
education program was implemented in 1934. This program offered formal classroom
instruction on a variety of subjects. Course offerings were expanded and by the end of
this period, more than 1,800 Education Advisors had been hired, approximately one for
each camp.98 Although the benefits of this program have been disputed and its mission
was debated within the agency, education became an integral part of camp life.
94 Speakman (2006), 43.
95 Ibid., 57.
96 Rolf T. Anderson, Rabideau Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) Camp, National Historic
Landmark Nomination, Form NPS Form 10-900, (November 15, 2003), 40.
97 Otis et al., www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/ccc/ccc/chapl2.htm (accessed 3/19/2009).
98 Maher, 89.
40


Figure 4. Number of Camps, 1933 to 1936
(Source: Maher, 50)
The Corps peaked, in terms of enrollment and camp numbers, sometime between late
spring 1935 and early 1936 when there were 500,000 men in 2,652 work camps.99 101 While
the program edged toward permanency, it was never quite attained. In fact, the personnel
reductions in 1936 were not only an economic measure but also an attempt to create a
smaller agency that would be more politically saleable.1"11 Initially authorized for only a six
month period, the CCC received periodic extensions. However, the looming uncertainty
made planning difficult and sometimes led to wasteful decisions.
Beginning in 1937, telltale signs of the Corps destiny started to emerge.1"1 Most notably,
Roosevelts efforts to make the CCC a permanent agency were rebuked. Roosevelt had
recommended this change in his annual address to Congress, proposing a permanent
agency of between 300,000 and 350,000 men. This failure was a political set-back and
future attempts to make the CCC permanent were ill-fated.
99 Speakman (2006), 68.
kmi Paige, http://www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/ccc/ccclb.htm (accessed 3/19/2009).
101 Speakman (2006), 71.
41


During this period, desertion became a troubling issue. This problem was demoralizing
because the word had emotional overtones and undermined cosdy recruitment and
placement efforts. Fechner identified the problem as early as 1936, when a desertion rate
of 11.6 percent was revealed. The issue became increasingly disconcerting as desertions
rates continued to trend upward. Desertions climbed to over 20 percent over the next
several years.112
Despite the desertions, the program was semingjy healthy. Public support and recruitment
remained high. However, the underlying demographics were shifting. Enrollees were
younger, reflecting the improved economy and an increased opportunity cost of
enrolling.1"1 These younger enrollees were more impulsive and less responsible,
contributing to the upward desertion trends.
On June 28,1937, Congress passed new legislation that formally established the Civilian
Conservation Corps. The bill, however, differed from the proposal in several significant
ways, most notably that the Corps was not made into a permanent agency. On the other
hand, a provision was inserted that reserved ten hours per week for general education or
vocational training.1114 In retrospect, the end was inevitable. Congress granted the Corps a
three-year extension but the program was subject to annual budgetary authorizations. 102 104
102 Ibid., 126.
1111 Ibid., 86.
104 Ibid, 126.
42


Figure 5. Number of Camps, 1937 to 1938
(Source: Maher, 50)
In 1939, the agency still enjoyed high enrollments and had matured administratively. The
program also enjoyed strong public support. In a Gallup Poll from that year, 11 percent of
the respondents identified the CCC as the greatest accomplishment of the entire New
Deal.1'15 Enrollment remained high, with approximately four applicants for every
opening.1116 The agency, however, lost its independence when, in the spring of 1939, it
became part of a new Federal Security Agency. This change made the Corps more
politically vulnerable.
Director Robert Fechner died of heart failure on New Years Day, December 31,1939.
Fechner had played an essential role with the CCC and was instrumental in its formative
years by facilitating the cooperating agencies. Fechner was effective at promoting public
relations and avoided any serious scandals. While his attempts to centralize the
organization caused some internal strife and he was frequently criticized for deferring to
the Army, his death was a loss.1"7 105 106 *
105 Ibid., 1.
106 Ibid., 83.
1,17 Ibid., 79.
43


James J. McEntee, Fechners successor and understudy, faced additional struggles that had
not become apparent under the previous administrator. Desertions continued to rise and
recruitment was challenging. By late summer 1941, the Corps was in obvious trouble.
Furthermore, war seemed imminent and the economy had improved, leaving the CCCs
relevancy in question.
The program was ultimately overcome by its own flawed structure. Created as an
emergency organization, many features were not well conceived and, with the militarys
involvement, the CCC eventually assumed a paramilitary flavor. From its beginning, the
agency had struggled to maintain its civilian identity. As early as December 1938, a Gallup
poll found that 75 percent of the public supported military training in CCC camps.1"8
Roosevelt and Fechner had initially opposed any such changes. After the fall of France in
1940, Congress passed a resolution that would provide training in the event of war. While
weapons training was never offered, instruction was provided for radio operations,
demolition, and first-aid.1119 By 1941, even Roosevelt justified the CCC on grounds of
domestic defense and, in the last six months, military drills were introduced.
The end of the CCC era was rather poignant. In the last six months, the number of
enrollees and camps dramatically declined, from 190,000 to 60,000 men and from 1,235 to
350 camps.11" In the end, the CCC was a victim of annual budgetary authorizations with
Congress failing to appropriate funds for the program. Overshadowed by World War II,
the CCC simply faded from existence and officially ended its operations on June 30,1942. 108 109 110
108 Ibid, 154.
109Ibid., 87.
110 Ibid, 15.
44


Total Number of Camps by Enrollment Period
EnraNnMnt Period
Figure 6. Number of Camps, 1939 to 1942
(Source: Maher, 50)
It is difficult to perform a post-mortem of the Corps. Many accounts are clouded by
nostalgia, and scholarly research is impeded by a lack of financial data and poor historical
records. It is debatable whether the CCC could be justified solely on economic terms.
However, its impacts on the countrys environment, human capital, and future
movements are difficult to deny.
The Corps had recruited and employed more than three million young men during its nine
year existence.111 Two billion trees were planted, accounting for more than half of the
public and private reforestation in the nations history. The Corps also cleared 125,000
miles of trails and conservative estimates indicate that Corps work projects across the
nation altered more than 118 million acres, an area approximately three times the size of
Connecticut.112 The CCC provided a model for the Job Corps, VISTA, and AmeriCorps,
and also influenced the countrys conservation movement and labor politics.111 Finally, the
Corps prepared many enrollees for World War II and helped the country to quickly
111 Determining the total number of enrollees or total number of camps has been difficult because
statistics were maintained using six-month census rather than on a cumulative basis. Therefore
estimates vary, depending on the source, from 2.5 to 3.0 million enrollees and from 4,500 to 5,000
camps.
112 Maher, 44.
1,1 Jonathan Alter, The Defining Moment (New York, NY: Simon and Schuster, 2007), 299.; Maher, 76.
45


mobilize forces for the war effort. As many as 90 percent of the enrollees eventually
fought in World War 11."
Finally, the Corps provided a transformative experience: In camp newsletters, essays
reprinted in national magazines, and letters mailed home to family and friends, the more
than 3 million young men who joined the CCC during the Great Depression went out of
their way to describe the transformative character of their outdoor work."5
3.1.2 CCC Work Projects
The CCC reshaped the American landscape through a variety of projects. Typical projects
included reforestation; construction of dams, diversions, roads, trails, buildings, and
bridges; and control of erosion, forest fires, and ecological disease.
During the first eighteen months, the Corps quickly became associated with the national
forests, earning the moniker, The Tree Army. However, the variety of projects
increased over time. This trend can be attributed to shifting priorities, geo-political
decisions, and responses to emerging environmental and social conditions.
For the first year and a half, the CCC assigned the great majority of its project to the
Forest Service.* 115 116 The type of forestry projects varied and expanded over time but
essentially comprised improvement and protection work. Improvements involved
restoration and related activities, as well as the development of the existing stock.
Protection, on the other hand, involved safeguarding timber resources from further
destructive forces.
The early focus had been on reforestation. It was not until the 1934 Dust Bowl and the
release of national soil survey findings that these priorities shifted. The CCC responded by
>" Ibid., 213.
115 Ibid., 77.
116 Ibid., 51-52.
46


greatly expanding its soil conservation work. By 1935, there were 544 designated soil
erosion camps, approximately 20 percent of the total number of camps.
During the mid-1930s, the Corps began expanding their projects beyond conservation to
include construction of outdoor recreational amenities.1,7 Prior to the summer of 1935,
these types of projects had been limited, largely constrained by the National Parks
mission and culture. Many Park Service administrators felt that such structures obscured
park scenery.
However, starting in 1935, Americans rushed to the outdoors, forcing Roosevelt and the
CCC administrators to reconsider their policies. Whereas less than 3.5 million people
visited national parks in 1933, by 1938 visitation had increased to 16 million.117 118 In June
1935, the Corps responded to this trend by announcing that the National Parks Service
would oversee 120,000 enrollees for recreational work.119 120 This eventually resulted in new
and better recreational facilities, including hiking trails, campgrounds, motor roads, and
other tourist amenities.
In addition to these core activities, the CCC was employed in wildlife conservation and
provided relief work for natural disasters. Some units were involved in establishing
wildlife refuges and conducting wildlife surveys. In addition to regularly fighting forest
fires, the CCC was also mobili2ed in response to natural disasters.12"
In summary, what began as work in state and national forests during the early 1930s,
shifted to the countrys farms in the middle of the decade and to the national parks during
the latter years. These shifts were reflected in the types of projects that were undertaken
and ultimately in the landscape itself.
117 Ibid., 8.
118 Ibid., 78.
119 Ibid., 70.
120 Patel, 370.
47


3.1.3 Camp Architecture, Administration, and Life
Camps were typically located in rustic and isolated settings. Each camp had approximately
200 enrollees and an administrative staff of three officers, who were commissioned
officers or reservists. The camps Commanding Officer was responsible for the enrollees
while they were in the camp. Commanding officers usually held the rank of captain or first
lieutenant in the army, navy, marine corps, or the reserves. On the other hand, the Camp
Superintendent was in charge of work projects and had supervisory authority over the
men when they left camp to work in the field. The Supervisor had several foremen
reporting to him and together they comprised the technical personnel staff.
RESPONSMLmESWTTHIN AN NPSCAMP, 1933
ARMY
care and supervision Camp Commander
ofenraieet (regular or res. Army officer)
cook lupply sergeant mess sergeant doctor chaplain dentist educational
(labor ctvflian) (tabor dvffian) (labor dvMan) (part-time) (part-time) (part-time) advisor

camp superintendent
one/200men
(dunged to 19)4 to
Jgojeaagrjnttndin^
Park Superintendent
landscape historical
architects Sechnidam
natural science
skilled workers one foreman/40-SO men
(machine operators, Insert control
construction workers, Ulster rust control
supervisory mechanics, truck tnl construction
truck Irak locators, fire suppression
blacksmith, tool sharpeners, landscaping
tractor and pienp Ulster rust control checker
mechanics) miscetianeos
Figure 7. Organizational Structure within a National Park Service (NPS) Camp121
Army doctors and chaplains generally rotated between regional camps. Some camps had a
resident Army surgeon or an Army chaplain but those were uncommon. However,
121 Paige, http://www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/ccc/images/ccccl.jpg (accessed
3/19/2009).
48


between the Armys full- and part-time itinerant chaplains and community based
clergymen, the men usually had ample opportunity to attend service at camp or in nearby
towns.
Recruits were diverse, providing opportunities for interaction between enrollees with
varying backgrounds. Still camps were racially segregated, women were not permitted to
enroll, and discriminatory recruitment practices existed.122
Camp designs were relatively standard, but over time incorporated many subtle variations,
reflecting responses to regional conditions and shifts in policies. Still, their designs are
relatively standard reflecting the Armys involvement and the agencys hurried
beginnings.* 121 A typical camp is depicted in Figure 8.
122 First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt initiated a program to employ women, nicknamed She She She
Camps. The camps employed over 8,000 women in ninety camps but the work did not involve
conservation and was not officially part of the CCC. The Eleanor Roosevelt Papers. She-She-She
Camps. Teaching Eleanor Roosevelt, ed. by Allida Black, June Hopkins, et. al. (Hyde Park, New York:
Eleanor Roosevelt National Historic Site, 2003), http://www.nps.gov/archive/elro/glossary/she-
she-she-camps.htm (accessed June 1, 2009).
121 A typical CCC camp is described as having 11 buildings including 4 barracks, a mess hall, a
recreation hall, an infirmity, officer quarters, truck garages, latrines, and shower buildings. The
recreation hall, not included in tent camps, was 20 by 140 feet and contained writing and reading
rooms, a library, and a lecture hall.; Otis et al.,
http://www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/ccc/ccc/chapl2.htm (accessed 3/19/2009).
49


L.
m

11 Recreation Hall|j ,
j IjOfBCOT'Qtrt]
ET
*
Barrack

Barrack
j [jyWcerr'Qtn.
Barrack

Barrack {
_^||Ofpcy>,Qtr$|
.1 Barrack
\1_____!.'_____________l
|--------------------------|
l____________________U___________________________________________!i_________

^Vpt'Qtr5~~|
_____________11___________________________________J
Figure 8. Layout of a Typical CCC Camp
In 1934, the first portable camp buildings were introduced as a cost-effective measure.124
These portable building had no foundations and were designed to be temporary
structures. Although camp administrators preferred the rigid structures, portable buildings
became the official standard in 1937.125
The daily regimen was relatively ordered. The men were awoken at 6:00 am and
performed calisthenics before leaving for the field work. Weekends were free, unless
makeup work was pending or emergency work was necessary. Three meals were served
daily.
124 Paige, http://www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/ccc/ccc3a.htm (accessed 3/19/2009).
125 Otis et al., www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/ccc/ccc/chapl2.htm (accessed March 19,
2009).
50


Table 1. Daily Schedule in the CCC126
6:00 A.M Reveille, washing, bed-making
6:30 Morning exercises
6:45 Breakfast
7:00 Morning roll call
7:45 Departure for work
12:00 Lunch in the field
4:00 P.M. Return from work
until 5:00 Free Time
5:00 Flag parade/roll call
5:30 Dinner
After 6:00 Evening classes in various subjects
10:00 Lights out
Because the mens work day was set at eight hours, camp officers were initially concerned
about how to occupy them for the rest of the day. Outdoor recreation, at least in the
summer months, was usually a first choice. Baseball, basketball, boxing, and other
individual and team sports were favorite pastimes. Camps generally competed with other
regional camps or with community teams. By 1942, for example, 90 percent of all camps
had a sports field, in addition to facilities that were provided by neighboring
communities.126 127
126 Patel, 268.
127 Ibid., 272.
51


Figure 9. Camp Baseball Team, ANF-13
(Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed.)
In addition to recreational opportunities, formal educational programs were introduced.
Initially, course offerings were rather modest and in response to high illiteracy rates rather
than the result of a well-defined pedagogical mission. This reflects a period of uncertainty
and debate regarding the role of classroom education and the Corps expedient
beginnings.
After the first year, however, a formal camp education program received a more serious
hearing and the President authorized such a program in December 1933. Formal
education involved a system of voluntary night classes.128 'Ilie program evolved and grew
over time:
Over the years an amazing variety' of subjects taught after hours in the
CCC camps evolved ... Lessons covered almost every' conceivable
academic topic as well as arts and crafts and highly technical subjects like
auto mechanics or metalworking. The courses were as varied as camp
personnel felt qualified to offer, and instructors included not just the
educational adviser but also the military, technical personnel from the
Interior or Agriculture, and even enrollees themselves. By 1938, for
example, there were 603 different subjects being taught in camps.1
128 Maher, 82.
l2<-> Speakman (2006), 56.
52


There were tensions and differences within the CCC administration regarding the role and
value of education. Nonetheless, a wide variety of courses was offered and education was
an integral part of camp life.
3.1.4 CCC in Pennsylvania
Pennsylvania was one of the most successful state programs, buoyed by a large pool of
unemployed youth and plenty of available conservation work. In the end, Pennsylvania
enrolled 184,916 young men in 152 CCC camps.1311
As was the case nationally, significant historical figures converged with economic,
political, and environmental conditions. Gifford Pinchot, one of the most important
conservationists of the early twentieth century, was one such pivotal figure. Pinchot was
Americas first trained forester, first chief of the U.S. Forest Service, and, at the time of
the Depression, Governor of Pennsylvania. His influence on the conservation movement
cannot be understated.
13"Ibid., 93, 212.
53


Figure 10. Distribution of CCC Camps in Pennsylvania, 1933-1942
Source: Pennsylvania, Department of Conservation and Natural Recourses.
http://www.dcnr.state.pa.us/index.aspx (accessed March 22,2010).
Pinchot became Governor in 1921 and two early inidatives played significant roles in the
success and proliferadon of the CCC in Pennsylvania. In 1923, Pinchot created the
Department of Forests and Waters. Furthermore, Governor Pinchot pre-dated the CCC
by introducing labor camps designed to improve environmental conditions in rural areas.
The Corps significance in Pennsylvania can be traced to not only Pinchots programs and
initiatives but also his professional and personal relationship with Franklin Roosevelt.
Pinchot enlightened and informed Roosevelt about forest abuses earlier in their careers.111
Roosevelt was, in fact, a devotee of Pinchots philosophy of Progressive Era
conservatism.112 Roosevelt and Pinchot were also personally linked: their friendship
extended back to Roosevelts childhood, their wives were close friends, and Pinchot was
an intimate acquaintance of Theodore Roosevelt.
111 Otis et al., http://www.nps.gov/histoiyVhistory/online_books/ccc/ccc/chap2.htni (accessed
3/19/2009).
112 Speakman (2006), 10.
54


Pinchot began his second term as governor in 1931. The Depression was deepening and
Pennsylvania had been particularly hard hit. In 1930, Pennsylvanias population was more
than nine million, second in the nation behind New York. The states reliance on heavy
industry made it especially susceptible to the prevailing economic conditions. By 1932, the
economic conditions were so dire that the Community Council of Philadelphia described
the slow starvation and progressive disintegration of family life.
As was the case nationally, Pennsylvanias economy mirrored its environmental
conditions. Pennsylvanias forests had been depleted since the arrival of large-scale
commercial lumbering in the 1850s. These operations largely denuded forests, leaving
vast acres of unsightly stumps. By the turn of the twentieth century, only about one-third
of the states acreage remained:
Of what was left, fires consumed about 400,000 acres a year, and timber was
actually being imported into Penns Woods. People used language like desert or
The Allegheny Briar Patch in referring to the millions of acres of once prime
timber lands then standing in ugly and ecologically dangerous conditions.111
By 1933, Pennsylvanias forests had actually recovered significandy.* 114 The most serious
problem, however, was forest fires. Fires were caused accidendy by lightning, campers,
and arson, but the main culprit was sparks emitting from railway locomotives.115
Given this backdrop, Pennsylvania had two primary advantages for accommodating the
influx of CCC projects and recruits, especially relative to other eastern states.
Pennsylvanias half-million acre Allegheny National Forest afforded many opportunities
for work projects. This land was under the direct control of the Forest Service and
locating camps in the forest involved relatively few constraints. In fact, five of the first
fifty camps were located in Pennsylvania, all in national forests. Secondly, Pennsylvania
was administratively prepared. The Department of Forests and Water, headed by one of
Pinchots proteges Lewis Staley, was well prepared and proactive in its preparations. Staley
111 Ibid, 7.
114 Ibid, 11.
115 Ibid.
55


identified work projects and sent 54 projects to Fechners office for approval on April 6.
By April 23, these projects had been approved.136
The first states to receive enrollees were those having existing Army collection stations.
Pennsylvania had collecting stations in Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Harrisburg, Altoona,
Johnstown, Williamsport, Allentown, Easton, Pottsville, Reading, Buder, Erie,
Greensburg, Uniontown, Wilkes-Barre, and Scranton.137 The initial reaction to the new
program was enthusiastic:
The creation of the CCC created intense curiosity, interest, and
excitement throughout Pennsylvania. On April 3, before any specific
plans had been set up in Washington, a crowd of two thousand
hopeful young men, dressed in their Sunday best converged on the
State Employment Bureau in downtown Philadelphia.138
Pennsylvania enrollees were sent to various army bases in Maryland, Virginia, and
Pennsylvania for conditioning and training. Of the national goal to put 250,000 men in
camps by mid-summer, Pennsylvania was allotted 19,500. Byjune 2, Director Fletcher
had approved 97 camps in Pennsylvania, second only to California. The number of camps
peaked in Pennsylvania in September of 1935 at 141. Enrollment and demographic trends
mirrored national trends.
136 Ibid., 33.
137 Ibid., 29.
138 Ibid., 26.
56


Table 2. CCC Camps by Camp Type and Enrollment Period139
Enrollment Period________________Camp by Category1
F SCS A NPS S Number of Camps
July 1933 7 3 87 97
November 1933 7 6 91 104
April 1934 7 7 82 96
November 1934 7 8 82 97
April 1935 14 9 2 15 99 139
September 1935 14 9 2 15 101 141
November 1935 12 9 2 13 86 122
January 1936 10 9 2 12 75 108
April 1936 8 9 2 12 75 106
November 1936 7 9 2 12 69 99
April 1937 7 9 2 12 60 90
November 1937 4 8 9 36 57
April 1938 4 7 6 33 50
November 1938 3 7 6 33 49
April 1939 3 7 6 33 49
November 1939 3 7 6 33 48
April 1940 3 7 6 32 48
November 1940 3 7 6 33 48
April 1941 3 7 6 32 48
November 1941 2 5 6 20 33
January 30,1942 1 3 4 9 17
April 30,1942 1 4 6
May 31,1942 3 4
1 F-Forest SCS-Soil Conservation A-Army NPS-National Parks Service S-Department of Forest and Waters
The CCCs work in Pennsylvania were in state and national forests, and the principle
work done in those places involved reforestation, harvesting of seeds, planting of
seedlings and promoting of healthy growth in existing forest stands.1411 However, other
camps were also involved in recreation development, soil conservation work, and historic
preservation. CCC Camps spent considerable time and energy in combating forest fires
and preventative actions. Supervised by experienced foresters, the CCC and its organized
fire brigades reduced the amount of acreage lost to forest fires by half between 1933 and
1938.* 141
1,9 Ibid, 94.
1411 Ibid, 104.
141 Ibid, 105.
57


3.2 Site History
This section provides an historical overview of the ANF-1 site and its surrounding region.
This site history can be divided into four eras: Forestry, Oil & Gas; Civilian Conservation
Corps; World War II; and Recreation & Tourism. While the CCC era is most apparent, the
ANF site history is layered and deserves full treatment, at least since the arrival of early setders
and speculators. The history prior to this is virtually unknown and therefore the arrival of
setders marks the starting point for this narrative.
3.2.1 Forestry, Oil & Gas Era
The first permanent Euro-American setders from eastern Pennsylvania and New York
State began arriving in the Allegheny Plateau after 1795. These early setders were attracted
by timber and logging and by 1800 the first saw mill was established, spawning a modest
growth in the region.142
The region had effectively been bypassed by commercial development because the forest
was impenetrable, environmental conditions were inhospitable, and conditions were
generally not favorable for agriculture. Northwestern Pennsylvania was covered by a
dense forest, a mix of eastern hemlock, American beech, eastern white pine, and other
hardwoods. The forests first supplied wood to power and maintain the railway and later
were used to supply construction materials and other forest products. Through the mid-
1800s, Pennsylvania was the chief supply of timber for a rapidly growing nation.
Eastern white pine was the staple of the regional economy until the Civil War. Decades
earlier, white pine had been used for ship masts. White pinestraight, long, durable,
easily worked, and buoyantwas ideal for logging and building materials. Scores of
sawmills operated in the forest and lumber was transported from the forest by raft,
ultimately supplying markets from Pittsburgh to New Orleans. These early sawmills were
typically small, semi-permanent, and seasonally operated. By the early 1800s, many of the
valleys had been depleted, but the forests interior remained relatively untouched.
142 In 1800, the white population of neighboring Warren County was 233 and twenty years late it was
still home to only two thousand pioneers.
58


The white pine era lasted until the middle of the century and gave way to a second wave
of forest utilisation and oil exploration. Many large forest landowners simply abandoned
the land and moved west in search of new forests, leaving delinquent tax rolls. In the late
1850s, tanneries began acquiring these large tracts, sometimes merely in return for the
back taxes. Hemlock bark, or tanbark, is a rich source of tannin, an essential ingredient
in the curing process. The industry was bolstered by the Civil War and the demand for
harness, beltings and other wartime products. Demand was further spurred on by an
influx of immigrants who needed clothing and shoes, and industrialization which required
leather machine belts.
By 1890, tanneries controlled almost all of the states hemlock and became a major
industry. Approximately twenty-five tanneries operated in the four Allegheny National
Forest counties and large complexes employed up to three hundred workers. By 1930,
hemlock, which once stretched across northern Pennsylvania, could only be found in
isolated pockets.
The year 1885 begat the railroad logging era.143 Operators and speculators used new
technologies to capitalize on these natural resources, accelerating the rate of forest
utilization. Portable steam-powered locomotives enabled operators to build crude,
temporary railroads into previously inaccessible areas, allowing them to cut large swatches
of forest. As supplies of white pines became exhausted, vast forests of hemlock, once
considered relatively inferior, became an attractive and viable commodity. The
introduction of round nails also made hemlock lumber feasible as a building material.
In addition to these portable operations, large, efficient sawmills were built. Mill towns
sprang up around the sawmill, replete with saloons, company stores, and company houses.
Between 1889 and 1913, the Central Pennsylvania Lumber Company (CPL) operated one
such facility in Loleta, approximately 13 miles from the site.
143 Samuel A. Macdonald, The Agony of an American Wilderness: Loggers, Environmentalists, and the Struggle for
Control of a Forgotten Forest (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Litdefield Publishers, 2005), 14.
59


Titusville was a small, but thriving, lumbering town before the worlds first commercial
well was successfully struck and produced oil in 1859. Following this discovery, the
regional economy boomed, immense fortunes were earned, and a new industry was
spawned. Nearby Ridgway, for example, claimed to have had more millionaires per capita
than anywhere else in the country. Used primarily for lighting and heating, oil induced a
demand that quickly led to frantic drilling along Oil Creek. The technology employed by
the Drake Well was adopted by others and drilling soon spread away from the banks of
Oil Creek to sites along the Allegheny River and in valleys of other tributaries. By the end
of the century, thousands of wells had been drilled in the Allegheny National Forest.
Production peaked in 1881 and, until the East Texas oil boom of 1901, Pennsylvania
continued to produce one half of the worlds oil.
In addition to tanneries and sawmills, wood chemical plants produced products such as
charcoal and wood alcohol for fuel. Between 1890 and 1930, charcoal making became
another forest industry. Hardwood distillation plants, fueled by abundant natural gas,
extracted methanol, acetic acid, and charcoal from the cordwood.
Within this flurry of economic development, the history of the site began to unfold. The
federal government initially owned the property now known as Duhring and the
surrounding areas. In return for their service in the army, many unpaid veterans were
given warrants of land. Colonel Crabtree was given the warrants for this property and
became its first private owner.
The Duhring family from England subsequendy purchased the property comprising the
ANF-1 site and surrounding lands for logging. Timber was floated on the Spring Creek
eastward to the Clarion River. W.H. Frost acquired these holdings in the early 1880s, and
a sawmill and lumber camp operated on the ANF-1 site.144 Lumber, logs, chemical wood
and tanbark were transported to Parrish, about 1.5 miles from Duhring, to Sheffield via a
railroad spur that had been built for this purposes.
144 Paul Frederick, Camps Owner Recalls Days of CCC Work, n.d. Newspaper article from Forest
County Historical Society Archives, n.p.
60


Oil and gas drilling began in the Duhring area in the 1890s. E.H. Frost started drilling on
the site when the timber business dwindled. Pipelines, buildings, oil derricks and pumps
were built and remain from this era. By 1915, the Duhring oil field reached peak
production at 75 barrels per day. The property was subsequently purchased by the
Chesebrough Company, the manufacturer of Vaseline and Chapstick. Because of its high
paraffin content, Pennsylvania crude is considered to be one of the best lubricating oils in
the world. E.L. Summers, from West Virginia, managed Chesebroughs operations and his
decedents have assumed ownership and operations of the property. Summers formed
Duhring Development Company and purchased the property from the Chesebrough
Company in 1918.
The oil boom also spurred secondary industries and growth. For example, the Knox Glass
Company, which operated from 1914 to 1982, manufactured glass at Marienville. Glass
manufacturing relies on the abundance of natural gas, which produces intense heat
quickly. Marienvilles population concomitandy peaked in 1900 at 11,000. Duhring grew
rapidly during the early nineteen hundreds. The town of Duhring had a clothes pin
factory, store, school, and of large of dwellings. A sand plant used to crush the sandstone
into fine sand for use at surrounding glass plants was also located nearby.
Unbridled growth and environmental damage ultimately led to the Weeks Act of 1911.
This legislation allowed the federal government to purchase forestlands from private
interests for the purpose of managing and conserving them. The Weeks Act eventually
paved the way for the establishment of the Allegheny National Forest.
The Allegheny National Forest was established in 1923 by Presidential Proclamation
under authority of the 1911 Weeks Act. After 1923, many natural resources became
protected from further abuses and exploitation. However, much of the land remained
scarred and prone to threats.
3.2.2 Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) Era
By 1933, much of the central and northern tier of Pennsylvania was decimated by
intensive logging activities and industrialization. Seven years earlier, the Bear Creek Fire
61


had burned over 30,000 acres of forest, leaving the land barren and plagued by annual
forest fires. Camp ANF-1, therefore, was strategically located within a geographical
triangle formed by the towns of Kane, Ridgway and Marienville. Annual forest fires had
threatened Ridgway and Marienville as well as a dozen hamlets within that triangle.
Officials identified a prospective site for the camps location at Pebble Dell, about 15
miles north east of Marienville. This site was located near the CPL Railroad, a narrow gage
railway that ran between Ridgway and Sheffield. The location was deemed attractive for
logistical reasons and because its terrain was relatively flat.
Allegheny National Forest
Figure 11. Context Maps of Camp ANF-1 and Surrounding Regions
In early April,
Colonel C.H.
Landers, the Chief
of Staff of the 99th
Division U.S. Army
and District
Commander of
CCC camps in
Western
Pennsylvania, visited
the proposed site
with his junior
officers in advance
of its occupation.145 Landers did not approve this site and directed his staff to find an
alternative. The junior officers recommended another location, still parallel to the railway
line and two miles east, on Spring Creek near Duhring.146 This ultimately became the site
of Camp ANF-1.
143 Pebble Beach is Now Camp Landers, July 21,1933. Newspaper article from Forest County
Historical Society Archives.
146 The Army had experience in establishing camps and this likely explains the change in venue:
...consultation with the Army was necessary before a camps specific location was approved. The
Army had experience of setting up camps with respect to safe water and sewage, ease of
transportation, and suitability of terrain. See Speakman (2006), 31.
62


The preferred site was located on the private property of the Duhring Development
Corporation, a company selling natural gas. The Corporation agreed to lease the land to
the Forest Service for one dollar per year. Under Captain Moran, the camp was organized
and supplies procured in anticipation of the first group of enrollees.
On April 25,1933, the first enrollees, 217 young men recruited from the Pittsburgh area,
were transported by special train.147 The men arrived at Byromtown and were transported
approximately three miles by school bus to the camp site. These enrollees had received
training and conditioning at Fortress Monroe in Monroe, Virginia. A local newspaper
report describes the first arrivals: Wearing their work suits of blue denim, and equipped
with blanket rolls and duffel, the forest soldiers presented a snappy appearance. They
plainly showed that their conditioning camp experience, under military discipline, had been
very beneficial in preparing them for their new work in the forests. To observe their
rugged and healthful appearance, one would scarcely believe that they were but recently
roaming the streets of our cities, jobless, homeless and hungry.148 However, this glowing
report may reflect the communitys enthusiastic reception as Henry Bier, a Camp ANF-1
alumni, provides an alternative version of the event:
Our first dress uniforms were from the World War I, olive drab, with wrap-
around leg coverings. Some fit, others were way large. Two fellows could almost
get into one pair of trousers. Our work uniforms or fatigues were blue denim and
they, like our dress uniforms, were sometimes many times too large for the
enrollee receiving them. Shoes were in most cases heavy and always too large.
Arties [sp] were four buckle and likewise too large. You could take one step ahead
and slide back two. Most of all the equipment was surplus from World War I. It
was the Armys way of getting rid of their surplus.149
147 225 Officers and Men at Duhring, April 27,1933. Newspaper article from Forest County
Historical Society Archives, n.p.
148 Ibid.
149 Civilian Conservation Corps Celebrates 50,h, n.d. Newspaper article from Forest County Historical
Society Archives, n.p.
63


Captain Moran almost immediately put the enrollees to work: Hardly before they had
time to pitch the last tent at the campsite, enrollees began their work of planting trees on
denuded and burned over forest land in the
vicinity of the camp.15" Before they were
finished that spring, over one million small
trees had been planted.* 151 This camp is
credited with planting the first trees, out of
the two billion trees that were eventually
planted by the CCC. Within its first six
months, the camp had been involved in
truck trail construction, betterment, and
maintenance, as well as timber stand
improvement, and campground
construction.
The provisions and accommodations
reflected the expediency with which the
agency was created. In these early days, both
were meager and modest. Biers describes these
Figure 12. Marker Commemorating the First
Trees Planted by the CCC in the Nation
(Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed.)
provisions in his diary:
One of the rations we had for several months was canned com beef from
World War I. It was canned in Argentina in 1917. It was good and came
in cans, approximately 10 to 12 lbs. to the can. The outside of the cans
were gold tint. Before leaving Fort Munro, each enrollee was given a five-
day ration kit consisting of beans, bread, hardtack, coffee, com beef and
fruit.152
For the first six months, enrollees lived in bell tents without electricity. In 1933, ANF-
ls first building, the mess hall, was constructed. By winter, two barracks had been
constructed and within a year another three barracks and a garage had also been built. The
1511 Third Anniversary of the Civilian Conservation Corps, April 30, 1936, Newspaper article from Forest
County Historical Society Archives, n.p.
151 Ibid.
152 Civilian Conservation Corps Celebrates 50th, n.d. Newspaper article from Forest County Historical Society
Archives, n.p.
64


number of men in the camp varied through the years but there were generally 200 men,
living in five barracks.
Figure 13. Camp ANF-1,1933
(Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed.)
Camp ANI'-l was one of the longest running camps. The camp was officially disbanded
on March 6, 1942.151
,3' Shipping Ticket, Subject Disbandment of CCC Camp (dated March 6, 1942).
65


(source: University of Colorado architectural studio, student drawing, 2008}
Camp life centered on work, education, and recreation. The camp reports were
consistendy posidve, and frequendy exemplary, over the camps nine year history. There
were no signs of tension between the Forest Service and the Army, a common source of
disharmony at CCC camps, and desertions were below average. Over its lifedme, the
camp matured administradvely and amenides accumulated, making the experience more
comfortable and rewarding.
Figure 15. Camp Officers, ANF-1,1934
(Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed.)
The camps commanding
officer was responsible for the
health and welfare of the men.
He was military personnel and
had a support staff of two or
three officers. The Third
Corps army regulations
required at least one officer to
reside in the camp. Other
officers could reside outside
the camp if they received
66


permission, and many lived with their families in nearby Duhring.154 The Army also
provided a part-time doctor, dentist, chaplain, and, later on, a full-time educational
advisor. Camp ANF-1 was fortunate because, at different times, the camp had both a
resident doctor and a resident chaplain.
Initially, camps were managed by commissioned officers but over time this duty was
transitioned to reserve officers and veterans. Later in the CCCs existence, the Army
rotated its officers every six months in order to provide them with a broad experience.
Because this provision resulted in high turnover in a key position, it created some tension
within the agency. This rotation is apparent at Camp ANF-1 (see Table 3) but any such
tensions were not reported in the camp reports.
Table 3. Commanding Officers, 1933-19421
Tenure Commanding Officer
1933 Cpt. Moran
1933 1" Lt. William L. Richardson
1933 1st Lt. T.G.McMullan
1934 Cpt. George M. Demorest2
1934-35 1st Lt. Malcolm Reed
1936 1st Lt. A.L. Schaidler
1936-37 Cpt. Albert J. Bintrim
1938 1st Lt. Oscar W. Pease3
1938-39 Cpt. Herbert R Watson
1938 1s'Lt. William R. Taube
1939-40 Sol L. Kauffman
1940-41 Bert Lindquist, Subaltern
1941-unknown 1 Lt. Charles L. Hill4
'Compiledfrom Camp Reports, 1933-42.
Relieved of his command as a result of a trial.
3 Pease was demoted to a junior position after it was found that he was "unsuited for this type of
work."
3 Assumed command as of December, 1941.
At any point in time, approximately 25 enrollees worked in the mess hall, provided
administrative support, or maintained the camp. Classified as overhead by the Army,
these entrusted enrollees enjoyed special status within the camp. 134
134 Captain Reed, for example, resided in Duhring with his family.
67


Figure 16. ANF-1 Mess Hall Staff
(Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed.)
\XTtile enrollees could be dishonorably discharged, the commanding officer had little
formal authority over the men and violations were handled pragmatically. Disciplinary
action was limited to suspending privileges, assigning extra work, and assessing small
fines. If discipline overreached, morale could be negatively impacted and mutinies and
strikes could ensue. The commanding officers, therefore, were required to be tactful and
possess effective interpersonal and leadership skills.155 This position was key to the camps
success.
After its first year, Director Fechner sent a letter to Major General McKinley praising 1st
Lt. Reed, ANF-1 Commanding Officer at the time.156 In addition, the various camps in
the Allegheny National Forest were commended as model camps: It is my firm belief, *
Speakman (2006), 126.
1:16 Robert Fechner, Letter to General James F. McKinley, June 27, 1934.
68


after travelling 50,000 miles during the year, that the above mentioned District could be
studied by comparison of what might be expected elsewhere.157 During its tenure, the
camp generally received favorable reviews and commendations. In particular, desertion
rates were below national averages and morale was consistendy rated highly.
Camp ANF-ls educational needs were initially met by a traveling library and small
permanent library. The first camp report provides a profile:
Permanent and travelling libraries in camp, full subscription of
magazines and newsletters received regularly. Travelling library well
patronized and men show much interest in reading. Foresters lecture
weekly during the summer. Camp Commander and other Officers
have lectured to men frequently on matters for the good of the
service. Educational work now in progress in vocational subjects.158
By April, 1934, John Danton was appointed Educational Adviser at Camp ANF-1.
Danton initially divided his time between Camp ANF-1 and Camp ANF-6. The first
classes included Military and Social Etiquette; Hygiene; Civics and Community Living,
Arithmetic, Short hand; Typewriting; Electricity; Dramatics; Calculus & Trigonometry;
and First Aid.159 137 138 139
137 Charles H. Kenlan, Letter to Robert Fechner, June 23, 1934.
138 Camp Report, October 6, 1933.
139 Camp Report, June 21,1934.
69


Figure 17. John Danton, Camp Educational Advisor
(Source: Spring Murmurs, May 1939, volume 3, Number 10,11.)
Danton served ANF-6 until March 12, 1935 and continued with the ANF-1 until at least
March 1941.'611 This tenure is notable because friction between educators and the military
caused more than one half of the education advisors to leave after only one year.16'
Danton, who lived in Oakmont, Pennsylvania, was one of the longest serving
administrators at the camp and a camp commanding officer once praised him:
Mr. Danton is an ambitious educational adviser; a help to the
company morale. Because of his closeness to the men . and his
willingness to pass on . helpful data to his commanding officer.
Affecting discipline, welfare and . .morale.* 161 162
16(1 The exact ending date is not known. The last available newsletter was December, 1941 and Mr.
Danton was still listed as the Education Advisor. However, the final Camp Report from December,
1941 was provided by Millard T. Weber.
161 Patel, 282.
162 Spring Creek Murmurs, 3 no. 10, 11 (May 1939).
70


Classes were optional but well attended: Tarticipation in the Education Activities in this
Camp is wide spread. Every member actively engages in several activities during his leisure
time as well as participating in the various work projects.'63 The most popular courses,
other than mandatory safety courses, were Glee Club, Forest Recreation, and various
survey courses; the least popular were Arithmetic, English, and History.163 164 By 1941, the
course offering had expanded considerably and the camp had a dedicated education
building.
Unit Certificates were issued to enrollees attending classes regularly. To qualify they
must have a designated number of hours. These are tokens that could be presented as
evidence of scholastic attainment and were highly valued by the recipients.165
By 1940, the library housed over 1,000 books.166 There were books of fiction, travel,
exploration, and others. The camp received approximately fifty magazines, as well as daily
newspapers from various parts of the state. This is an active activity on the part of
enrollees, reported a camp inspector, The library and reading room join each other with
the latter comfortably fixed to make a home like atmosphere, in which magazines and
papers are at hand for the enrollees convenience.167
163 While participation was officially voluntary, enrollees were encouraged to partake and frequently this
involved some gentle pressure. See Patel, 270.
164 Statistical Report on Education, Camp ANF-1, Company 318, December 8,1937.
165 Educational and Recreational Activities of the 318h Company Camp ANF-1 of the Civilian Conservation Corps for
the FallJ Winter, and Spring of 1937-1938, 10.
166 Spring Creek Murmurs, March 1940, 4, no. 9, 4.
167 Camp Inspection Report, December 1,1941, n.p.
71


Figure 18. Camp Library, ANF-1
(Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed.)
In addition to the education training provided by the Educadon Advisors, camp officers,
and supervisors and technical staff, courses were also offered by fellow enrollees and
teachers and qualified individuals from the surrounding community.
As was the case in most camps, recreation was popular and an integral part of ANF-ls
camp life. Camp newsletters typically dedicated four of ten pages to sports coverage.
Recreational opportunities existed both indoors and outdoors, but baseball was the
obvious favorite.
While recreation may have initially been limited, baseball was played at the camp from its
very beginning. A camp report from 1933 notes that Baseball is the major athletic
activity, volley ball and mush ball also constituted minor activity.168 In fact, at least one
enrollee from ANF-1 was invited to a professional baseball camp and this apparently was
not uncommon.1
168 Camp Report, Emergency Conservation Work Camps, October 6, 1933.
w> Patel, 272.
72


Team sports were popular outdoor recreational endeavors. The sites flat terrain
contributed to the popularity of these sports. Competitions were carried on within the
camp and with other camps and neighbor athletic associations. A report from 1938
describes the athletic activities at that time and how camp amenities had evolved:
There is always something to do for the athletically minded. On the
Camp grounds are to be found an adequate base-ball diamond (a new
one is under construction) two volley ball courts, two horse shoe
pitching courts, an out-door basket-ball court, high jump pits, broad
jump pits, climbing poles, and fields for soccer foot-ball and touch
foot-ball. In winter the neighboring hill-sides are ideal for coasting,
sleighing, and toboggoning [sp]. A small lake on the Camp grounds is
ideal for skating and ice-hockey. The firemens hall in Marienville is
used for in-door basket-ball. The Camp is, indeed, proud of the quality
and quantity of its athletic products. Every man is encouraged to
participate in the sport of his choosing and every man does so
participate. There are no wall flowers at Camp ANF-1.17"
For indoor recreation, the recreation hall was the center of activities: Three billiard
tables, two ping pong tables, numerous tables for reading, writing and table games such as
checkers, chess and cards... it is the centre for all extra-curricular activities of the
Camp...* 171
Figure 19. Camp ANF-1 Recreation Hall
(Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed.)
1711 Prospectus of Educational and Recreational Activities of the 318!'' Company Camp ANF-1 of the Civilian
Conservation Corps, Fall, Winter and Spring of 1937-1938, 12.
171 Ibid.
73


The canteen, or company store, was located in the recreation hall, providing a
place for the men to buy tobacco and small articles for personal and recreational
use. The rec hall was also equipped with a barber shop and the postal exchange. In
addition, the rec hall featured a stone chimney and contains a splendidly equipped
stage for dramatic productions and choral work. Before a dedicated education
building was built, the rec hall contained the library, the Educational Advisors
office, and the museum. The camp was equipped with movie projectors for
showing educational and entertainment movies and weekly motion pictures were
shown.
Figure 20. Recreation Hall Canteen Sketch
(Spring Creek Murmurs, June 1940, Vol. 4 No. 12)
Meals were an important part of camp life. The CCC espoused the virtues of the meals,
heralding an image of rebuilding young bodies and weight gain, to promote the programs
74


success.172 Furthermore, food was also a strong determinant of morale and the quality of
camp life.173 174
Meals were served three times per day, with lunch provided in the fields. The menu was
supervised and varied. Food was plentiful and filling at Camp ANF-1.
Table 4. Menu for September 24,1933, Camp ANF-1174
Breakfast Cantaloupe Milk
Com flakes French toast
Sirup-Butter Coffee
Dinner Chicken pot pie Mashed potatoes Green peas Celery Bread-Butter
Layer cake Ice cream
Coffee
Supper Boiledfrankfurters Boiled cabbage Baked potatoes Stewed kidney beans Beets Bread-Butter
Apple cobbler Tea
The men at ANF-1 were involved with a variety of work projects, including planting trees,
constructing roads and other infrastructure, forest fire fighting and prevention, and
recreational construction and maintenance projects. The type of work evolved over time
as it had nationally.
172 Patel, 271.
173 Patel, 271-272.
174 Emergency Conservation Work, Camp Report, October 6,1933. Menus for week of September 24,1933.
75


Table 5. Project Superintendents, ANF-1,1933-411
Tenure Project Superintendent
1933-unknown Stanton G. Smith
unknown-1937 Richard R. Haupt
1937-1940 Judson A. Anderson
1941 Harry H. Jefferson
1 Compiled from Camp Reports, 1933-42.
The Technical Personnel included a staff of six or seven. Each camp had a Project
Superintendent who was assisted by eight to ten foremen (see Table 5). The Supervisor
was responsible for developing the work project, providing instructions to aid his
foremen, and organizing the enrollees into small work groups.
Field work was considered to be part of the educational experience in addition to
classroom instruction. The project supervisors and foremen were commended for their
roles:
Camp ANF-1 has always been fortunate in the type of men it has had
as project superintendent and foremen. They have, without
exception, been men of unusual character and attainments. They
have always taken a keen interest in their respective work and in the
members assigned to work with them. As a result, enrollees have
derived great benefits from their contacts with their technical
supervisors and from the instruction given them both on the job and
the correlated instruction during leisure time.175
Daily work crews were directed by the foremen assigned to supervise their work. These
foremen were classified according to tasks performed, such as insect control, blister rust
control, truck trail construction, fire suppression, landscaping, blister rust control checker,
and miscellaneous projects.
Like many camps in Pennsylvania, Camp ANF-ls work primarily involved forest
restoration projects. The camp was located in a national forest and the Allegheny National
175 Prospectus of Educational and Recreational Activities of the 31 Sh Company Camp ANF-1 of the Civilian
Conservation Corps, Fall, Winter and Spring of 1937-1938, 20.
76


Forest had endured tremendous environmental damage. The Forest Service personnel
oversaw the daily work assignments.
The tree planting season began in mid-April and lasted until the end of May. Planting
involved nine man crews. Two-men teams planted saplings every five steps. One earned
the trees, while the other dug the hole and planted. Each team planted up to 150 trees per
day.
In addition to the actual planting, forest restoration involved related and underlying
activities. Before trees could be planted, seeds needed to be collected, nurtured into
seedlings, and transported back to the forests for planting. ANF-1 enrollees collected tree
seeds from white ash sugar maple and black cherry trees and sent them to a government
nursery in West Virginia. Workers would climb trees to pick the seeds and skim them off
streams and lakes. Such work was labor intensive but greatly enhanced the capacity of
federal and state nurseries. A small green house was built on the camp site in 1938.
Enrollees also removed white currant and gooseberry bushes in order to prevent white
pine blister rust. In order to batde the diseases plaguing trees, the CCC workers eradiated
the host plants. Between 1933 and 1938, the enrollees at ANF-1 treated 800 acres of
forestland by hand.
Camp ANF-1 enrollees were actively involved in fighting forest fires. Between 1933 and
1938, enrollees reportedly fought and extinguished 24 forest fires. The camp newsletter
routinely reported accounts of forest fires. Camp ANF-1 not only fought forest fires but
also undertook preventive measures. The camp strung miles of telephone lines in order to
speed communications and cleared strips, called firebreaks, in order to slow fires from
spreading. Eleven miles of new forest roads were also constructed to help the forest
officers in protecting the forest from fire.
In addition to various conservation, recreation, and other types of projects, Camp ANF-1
played a key role during the March floods of 1936. From all camps in Western
Pennsylvania, Camp ANF-1 was selected by the Signal Corps of the United States Army
as a base communication center. In March of 1934, Station WVHD began clearing
77


messages for all camps in the region. During the flooding the Station and its operator,
Ernest Hlinsky, played an instrumental role in handling traffic to and from the stricken
area.176
As the Corps matured, the camp undertook more recreational projects, as was the national
trend. Camp ANF-1 aided in the construction of Loleta Dam project at Loleta Forest
Camp, south of Marienville. Completed in 1936, the site had swimming, picnicking and
camping facilities. Once completed, Camp ANF-1 was involved in the life guarding and
maintenance at this recreational area as well as at the Twin Lakes recreational area.177 The
camp was also involved in other recreational activities such as a game counts, stocking the
streams with trout and foot trail construction and maintenance. Forty two miles of forest
road had been either improved or maintained, thereby providing important connecting
links to schools and towns for residents of the district.
176 Civilian Conservation Corps 1936 Annual Report.
177 Spring Creek Murmurs, 4 no. 1, June 1939.
78


Table 6. ANF Completed Work, 1933-38
Desrrintion Ouantitv
Forest Area 100.000 acres
Truck Trails Constructed 12 miles
Bridaes Constructed 5
Truck Trail Maintenance 110 miles
Foot Trail Constructed 36 Miles
Foot Trail Maintained 72 Miles
Trees Dlanted 3.500.000
Blister Rust Control 800 Acres
Rodent Control 5.500 Acres
Timber Stand Imorovement 12.000 Acres
Timber Survevs 25.000 Acres
Forest Camo Construction 1
Forest Camo Reconstruction 1
Buildina Constructed 4
Razina CCC Camo (ANF-4) 1
Fires Controlled 28
Firebreak 85 Miles
Comoartment Lines Constructed 88 Miles
Lines Remarked 30 Miles
Roadside Beautification 2 Miles
Hazard Reduction IFire Control) 2.000 Acres
Pumo Sets Constructed (Fire Control) 17
Fire Hazard Reduction Roadsides 45 Miles
Teleohone Line Constructed 25 Miles
Teleohone Line Maintained 25 Miles
Teleohone Line Salvaaed 15 Miles
Road Surfaced 3 Miles
Stream Imorovement 35 Miles
Timber Marked for Sale 2.000.000 Bd. Ft.
Game Enclosures Constructed 2
Fish Stocking 100.000 Fish
3.2.3 World War II Era
The site served as a Prisoner of War camp during World War II for both German and
Italian prisoners from Erwin Rommels Afrika Korps. From 1942-1946, at least 375,000
POWs were held at more than 500 camps across the country.178 A number of former CCC
camps that had not already had their building materials salvaged for the war or other
purposes were converted into POW camps. The first prisoners started arriving at Camp
ANF-1 in November 1944.179
178 http://wnmutv.nmu.edu/media/pow_book72.pdf (accessed 5/10/09).
179 Roy Marker Oral Interview, 200 or More Nazi Prisoners Arrive by Train at Kane, Kane Republican,
December, 1944, n.p.
79


An estimated 200 or more Nazi war prisoners, described as a bewildered bunch
of kids and said to have landed Friday from a prison ship at an undisclosed
eastern port, arrived here at 2:30 a. m. Saturday on a special train over the
Pennsylvania railroad and were immediately convoyed to a former CCC camp at
Duhring about 17 miles south of Kane.180
Because of the camps remote location, there were few escape attempts. Guard towers
were added and other modifications were made but the CCC camps were well suited to
this reuse. Most POWs resigned themselves to a relatively comfortable existence. The
POWs worked at constructing roads and cutting pulpwood. When it was a POW camp,
it was operated by the Army, said Summers. They erected a barbed wire around the
entire area, and machine guns were placed at all four comers. As many as 200 POWs were
kept there. They mostly cut pulpwood. People from the area had negotiated contracts
with the government to hire the POWs to cut pulpwood for them. The crews went out
every day. Every one [sp] was accompanied by guards.181
To ease the transition between the period of civilian labor shortage and the return of U.S.
soldiers, some POW camps remained in operation for a year after the war. Eventually, the
camps were dismantled around the summer of 1946, and the prisoners were allowed to
return home. World War II ended on August 14,1945 and the last prisoner was released
from Camp ANF-1 in the fall of 1946.
3.2.4 Recreation & Tourism Era
After World War II, the camp was decommissioned and ownership of the buildings was
transferred to Forest County. The site was used by different groups for use as a summer
retreat, including the 4-H, band camp, football camp, and other summer camps. Forest
County Camp Association rented the camp for summer programs, including a Kiwanis
18(1 200 or More Nazi Prisoners Arrive by Train at Kane Saturday for Duhring, Forest County, Camp,
n.d. Newspaper article from Forest County Historical Society Archives, n.p.
181 Paul Frederick, Camps Owner Recalls Days of CCC Work, n.d. Newspaper article from Forest
County Historical Society Archives, n.p.
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Kids summer camp. The Montour School Band and the Neville Island Football team also
rented the facilities.
The Fryburg Boot and Saddle Club started an equestrian trail ride at the CCC camp in
1959. Each year the trail ride was in a different place within the Allegheny National
Forest. In 1969, the Summers family purchased the facilities. Bill Summers started the
Alleghany Trail Ride in 1974 and the camp has since been used as a base camp for horse
trail rides. The remaining barracks were transformed into stables in 1977. The rides
peaked in 1970s, when more than 300 rides would partake, reportedly the largest such
trail riders in the country.
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4.0 ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL VALUE
Nowadays people know the price of everything and the value of nothing
Oscar Wilde
What is worth preserving? This seemingly simple question is challenging and elusive
because of limited resources, difficulties with valuation and assessment
methodologies, and the wide breadth of preservation objects. Ultimately, though,
the question is one of value.
Value underlies this question because value has always been the reason underlying heritage
conservation. It is self-evident that no society makes an effort to conserve what it does not
value.182 183 This may be so, but it is also true that society may not conserve that which has value
if it is not apparent. Therefore, appraising our significant cultural assets is instrumental if we wish
to sustain them.
4.1 Value-Based Preservation
A value-based framework has emerged as an approach for assessing and managing heritage
assets.181 This orientation is a grassroots response to a growing awareness that traditional
approaches are not adequately addressing societal needs.184 A number of trends and
developments have led to this emergence, dating back to the early twentieth century.
In 1903, with the publication of Der modeme Denkmalkult (The Modem Cult of
Monuments), art historian Alois Riegl developed a framework that included age, historical,
use, and newness values. Riegl postulated that monuments are deemed significant because
we attribute values to theman idea that would suffice to set Riegl apart from other
182 Marta de la Torre and Randall Mason, Assessing the Values of Cultural Heritage (Los Angeles, CA: The
Getty Conservation Institute, 2002), 3.
183 The literature interchangeably employs the terms value-based, value-led, and value-centered.
For consistency, this thesis will adopt the term value-based.
184 Mason (2008), 183.
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theorists.185 His ideas were profound and exceptional in several respects: Riegl recognized a
multiplicity of values, believed that values are socially constructed, and developed a framework
that could be applied to a wide range of preservation objects.
However, Riegl remained a somewhat isolated exception, as his thinking was probably too
advanced for his times.186 While the concept of multiplicity was also apparent in the Athens
Charter (1931) and the Venice Charter (1964), the values addressed in these charters were
largely tangible. The preservation field remained focused in the physical and material aspects
of heritage and within the domain of a handful of experts, including archeologists,
architects, and historians, while intangible values were generally overlooked.
In the second half of the twentieth century, new legislation broadened what was considered to
be significant. After the 1966 Preservation Act, there was a greater sensitivity towards the
cultural heritage of minorities and inclusion of a broader array of preservation objects.
Consequendy, as preservation diversified, so did the specter of values that needed to be
considered.
The value set has also been expanded by an influx of nontraditional practitioners. Historic
preservation has traditionally been a fairly closeted practice.187 These experts approached
heritage individually and exclusively, prioritizing scientific values. As a result, assessments were
typically fragmented because each discipline tends to promote those values inherent in its own
worldviews. However, as the field matured and responded to extraneous factors, new
disciplines became engaged. For example, anthropological concepts such as significance,
meanings, language diversity, collective memories, and identities were introduced in addition
to traditional aesthetic-historic values.
International charters contribute to preservation theory by consolidating the important
questions, doubts, and conflicts while addressing emergent issues. The Burra Charter, first
issued in 1979 and reissued in 1990 by Australia ICOMOS, has been particularly instrumental
185 Munoz-Vinas, 37.
186 Ibid.
187 Mason (2008), 303.
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in advancing and codifying value-based preservation. This charter was the first to discuss the
place, implicidy recognizing the social value of historic sites. In its preamble, the Burra
Charter clearly addresses the question of intangible value:
Places of cultural significance enrich peoples lives, often providing a deep
and inspirational sense of connection to community and landscape, to the
past and to lived experiences. They are historical records that are important as
tangible expressions of Australian identity and experience. Places of cultural
significance reflect the diversity of our communities, telling us about who we
are and the past that has formed us and the Australian landscape. They are
irreplaceable and precious.88
The Burra Charter was influential not only with regards to its progressive definitions of
significance but also the decision-making processes. The Charter encouraged a participatory
and open process of consultation and offered it as a model framework, adaptable to many
situations. Furthermore, the framework can be applied to all types of cultural assets including
natural, indigenous, and historic places.
Despite such contributions, the Burra Charter does not include economic values. Economic
values were considered to be secondary, arising from inherent historical and aesthetic values;
that is, these values were considered to exist only as a function of heritage values and thought
to dilute the focus on core heritage values. However, economic factors are difficult to
overlook, given the general prevalence of market ideology and, more specifically, the rise of
heritage tourism. The emergence of heritage tourism has introduced a broad array of values
for consideration.
Economic values were explicitly recognized by the English Heritage in 1997 and several
authors associated with the Getty Conservation Institute (GCI) subsequently built on this
notion.188 189 These various contributors have proposed that economic values stand alongside of
188 The Burra Charter. The Australia ICOMOS Charter for Places of Cultural Significance. 4 th ed. Canberra:
Australia ICOMOS Inc., 1999, http://www.icomos.org/australia/burra.html (accessed March 23,
2010).
189 The English Heritage is the government agency responsible for various aspects of the Englands
historic environment. The 1997 publication Sustaining the Historic Environment accounts for a more
complete specter of values; Erica Avrami, Randall Mason, and Marta de la Torre. Values and Heritage
Conservation (Los Angles, CA: The Getty Conservation Institute, 2000).
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broadly categorized cultural values in order to create a balanced approach. These inclusions
reflect the increased cultural relationship with and interest in economic and market activities.
Whereas cultural spheres once operated separately and independently from the market, they
now seek market dynamics as partners. This trend is evidenced by the proliferation of
advocacy studies, promoting the economic rationale for investing in the arts and historic
preservation.
Finally, both ecological and cultural sustainability is slowly being embraced by the
preservationists. This orientation requires a holistic understanding and appreciation of the
underlying values. Sensitivity to current values and how they may be related to and passed on
to future generations is fundamental to this movement.
Together, these factorsintellectual development, social enlightenment, legislative changes,
economic ideology, and sustainable orientationshave influenced the development of a
value-based framework for assessing and managing heritage assets. This framework
incorporates both contemporary and traditional values and, by adopting a holistic or trans-
disciplinary perspective, reduces disciplinary biases and hegemonial tendencies. Rather than
adopting a traditional black box approach, this multivalent framework considers and parses
a broad spectrum of values. The approach is not a specific methodology but a general
conceptual approach that adopts certain underlying principles and concepts.
Munoz-Vinas explains the relevance and promise of this approach:
Both functional and value-led conservation are fully contemporary as they
substitute the classical notion of truth for those of usefulness and value
both of which are dependent upon on the subjects who use and evaluate the
object in different ways ... value-led conservation is interesting not because
it allows for a precise, numerical estimation of values, but because the idea
of value is applicable to a wide range of conservation ethical issues.190
Value-based preservation does not involve any one, single method for assessment. Rather, it
is a broad approach that adheres to some unifying principles and underlying assumptions.
1,0 Munoz-Vinas, 179.
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Key principles include a common theoretical basis regarding values and value formation and
an inclusion of a broad range of tangible and intangible values.
4.2 Cultural Values
There are philosophical differences regarding value source and formation. This gap
essentially involves an argument between object-centrists and functionalists.91 The
traditional object-centrist view maintains that values are intrinsic and, therefore, fixed,
universal, and outside the sphere of human valuation. As an example, this view may
consider a given material to be a witness to history and, therefore, possessing significant
value. Value, in this view, emanates from the object itself.
This traditional view purports that individual judgments and market prices are irrelevant
and, in fact, misleading in determining a heritage assets real value. Object-centrists would
argue that it is impossible to determine the function of a cultural object, because doing so
involves human interest and taste and these are prone to subjective judgments. The only real
way to establish value, in this view, is by expert appraisal.
Functionalism, a more contemporary and expanded view, contends that values are extrinsic.
This view maintains that value formation is a social process which takes place outside the
object itself and that values are shaped from an interaction between the object and its
context. Individuals derive value from experiential factors such as community pride,
identity, and memory.
These opposing views are arguable and unresolved, but a value-based approach to
preservation emphasizes a functional perspective. This view essentially rejects the notion of
intrinsic value and assumes that values are socially constructed. Individuals and groups
shape their values by practices and experiences and ascribe them to such preservation
objects as buildings, movable art, or cultural landscapes. Lipe describes this underlying
belief: 191
191 de la Torre, 8.
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Value is not inherent in any cultural items or properties received from
the past, at least not in the same sense as, say, size or color or hardness,
Value is learned about or discovered by humans, and thus depends on
the particular cultural, intellectual, historical, and psychological frames
of references held by the particular individuals or groups involved.192
Given this perspective, cultural values are assumed to be characteristically multivalent,
complex, dynamic, and frequendy conflicting. These assumptions have implications in
regards to how values are assessed, elicited, and managed. This view also challenges the
traditional role of the expert in the preservation process.
Multivalence, or a multiplicity of values, acknowledges a plurality and range of values.
Various stakeholders are recognized and flexibility is promoted by including different
perspectives, rather than allowing the interests of one group to be imposed upon those of
others. Thus, this principle also discourages any one value from dominating others and
positions the assessment of heritage assets in the domain of diverse stakeholders, rather
than in just that of experts.
Rather than being fixed and absolute, values are assumed to be dynamic and changing. This
trait has ramifications for planners and resource managers. Because values change, resource
management is open-ended and any plan should be flexible enough to adapt and values
should be monitored over time.
By parsing the values, this approach recognizes such complexities but addresses them in way
that is lost in the more conventional black box approach. Such conflicts are normal and
to be expected but also raise ethical questions for the designer and analyst. While conflicts
may need to be mediated, they also provide an opportunity for enriching the site by
enhancing its diversity and internal tension.
192 William D. Lipe, Value and Meaning in Cultural Resources, in Approaches to the Archeological Heritage,
ed. Henry Cleere (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1983): 2.
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Finally, this approach represents a shift from object to subject. Individuals who ascribe a
value to heritage assets are referred to as stakeholders.193 This is a departure from the
traditional view which emphasizes the role of the expert. Smith describes the traditional
view as typified by experts, who see heritage as a thing as opposed to the values and
meanings ascribed to it.194 This reliance on experts and their privileged positions can
obscure the full range of values. Experts, unwittingly or perhaps not, may insert their values
in the process and impose them over those of marginalized or diffused stakeholders.
Munoz-Vinas, while conceding the technical aspects to experts, maintains that the work of
experts usually affects many other people, and these people have the moral right to be
heard.195
Such an approach does not, however, exclude the expert, but only modifies his or her role.
Mason reconciles the relationship between these views:
The emphasis on values and cultural significance as opposed to the
traditional emphasis on fabric is an important though subde shift. This
argument does not suggest that fabric and materiality cease to be a main
concern for preservation. Though concern with fabric remains central to
values-centered preservation and all activities and discourses of the
historic preservation field, values-centered preservation decisions place
priority on understanding why the fabric is valuable and how to keep it that
way, and only then moving on to decide how to arrest decay.196
In summary, cultural value refers to the shared meanings derived from cultural affiliations
and living together. These values express judgments, something good or bad, about a person,
place, or object at a certain point in time. Values are ascribed to an object because it holds
special meaning for people or groups.
193 Erica Avrami, Randall Mason, and Marta de la Torre, Values and Heritage Conservation (Los Angeles,
CA: The Getty Conservation Institute, 2000), 9.
194 Laurajane Smith, Uses of Heritage (New York, NY: Routledge, 2006), 12.
1,3 Munoz-Vinas, 162.
196 Randall Mason, Theoretical and Practical Arguments for Values-Centered Preservation, CRM 3 no.
2 (2006).
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4.3 Economic Values
Whereas cultural values are ascribed to an object based on meanings and associations,
economic value is an outcome based on consumer behavior. Neoclassical economic theory
assumes that humans have sets of hierarchically ordered preferences and they will maximize
their utility, given competitive market conditions and budget constraints. These decisions are
expressed in monetary terms and in this sense value is a statement of worth.
In contrast with the formulation of cultural values, economics is value neutral. That is,
economic theory assumes that value judgments do not enter direcdy into individual economic
decisions. Preference orderings are a given and it is not necessary to consider their
composition or origins, whether it be biological, psychological, or underlying values. Whereas
cultural values are dynamic and socially constructed, preferences are relatively stable.
Total economic value includes both use and nonuse values. Economic use value is simply
the real and potential benefits that individuals attach to the consumption of a good. In a
neoclassical economic theory, rational consumers, fully-informed and acting in their own self-
interests, would determine prices based on their individual preferences. The most important
actor is the individual consumer, household, firm, industry, or government. The principle of
consumer sovereignty asserts the autonomy of freely choosing consumers and their ultimate
right to determine what is ultimately valuable and what is not.
Economic value arises through processes of exchange in perfectly-functioning markets.
However, while markets establish prices, price is not always a good indicator of value. There
are many reasons why the price may overstate or understate value, including the imposition of
taxes, quotas, and price controls.
More generally, there is a difference between price and willingness to pay because the seller is
not able to price discriminate. The difference between market price and willingness to pay in
such a transaction is consumer surplus and economic value would include this surplus up
and above the market price. Even when markets fail, a consumers willingness-to-pay
expresses the economic value for the goods in question.
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For example, value is defined by the largest amount of money a consumer would willingly pay
for a good. If a consumer is willing to pay $25,000 for a new car, but the price is only $20,000,
the value to that consumer is his willingness to pay (WTP), not the market price. In this case
the value would be $25,000 and the consumer surplus would be $5,000 ($25,000-
$20,000=$5,000).
Use values are consumable and tradable through markets and, therefore, are relatively
straightforward to price, quantify, and analyze. In the case of a heritage site, tourist visitation
to the site and paid admission would be an example of an economic use value.
Income Community Preserving Identity Historic
Revenue image Option for Existence Legacy
Employment Environmental Future Use
Quality
Tangibility
Figure 21. Total Economic Value Conceptual Model
[Source: Ismail Serageldin, Very Special Places: The Architecture and
Economics of Intervening in Historic Cities (Washington, DC: The World
Bank, 1999), 27.]
Though it encompasses commercial valueas expressed through monetary exchange within
marketseconomic value is not restricted to values that are revealed through markets. The
full schema of economic value incorporates commercial (or market) value; use values not
captured within markets; and nonuse values. This concept is illustrated in Figure 21.
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Though some historic preservation activity is priced within the marketplace, heritage assets
often embody the qualities of a public good and therefore possess a range of economic values
that are relatively less tangible. Nonuse values are not consumable by individuals or traded on
markets and can only be estimated indirectly. This concept was first introduced by Weisbrod,
who argued that a consumer, unsure whether he or she would ever visit a national park would
still be willing to pay a sum over and above his or her consumer surplus just for the option for
doing so.197 Krutilla expanded Weisbrods argument by introducing existence and bequest
values. Klamer delineates between these underlying economic values:
In their valuations citizens will presumably take into account non-
economic values such as the option value (even though I never go, I might
want to go one day), existence value (I like the idea that the museum is in
town even though I never will go myself), and bequest value (Id like the
museum to be there for my children).198
In fact, nonuse value can be a very important part of the total value of an environmental asset,
and by extension, of cultural heritage. A World Bank study reports, for example, that nonuse
value can be three times that of use value in some cases.199
In summary, the economic sphere has a full range of values. Because preservation assets are
frequently public goods, accounting for this full range is pertinent. Quantifiable economic
values tend to provide a rhetorical aid, discipline the cultural assessment, and reduce the
emotional argument frequently associated with saving a preservation object. In the absence of
such evidence, preservationists have been forced to resort to an emotional appeal in order to
plea their case.200
1,7 B.A. Weisbrod, Collective-Consumption Services of Individualized-Consumption Goods, Quarterly
Journal of Economics, LXXVIII, (Aug., 1964).
198 Arjo Klamer, A Pragmatic View on Values in Economics, Journal of Economic Methodology 10, no. 2
(2003).
199 Ismail Serageldin, Very Special Places: The Architecture and Economics of Intervening in Historic Cities
(Washington, DC: The World Bank, 1999), 27.
200 por example, the emotional appeal by the Womens Society at Mount Vernon.
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4.4 Value Typologies
An effective typology is required for a value-based assessment. Values not captured by a
given typology fail to be legitimized and, therefore, risk being ignored. Therefore, a typology
should account for the full nature and spectrum of values. A typology should also be flexible
and adaptable to a variety of cultural assets, including landscape, movable art, and the built
environment.
While cultural values are subjective and complex and developing a clear framework is
challenging, this is precisely what is needed to facilitate the assessment and integration of
different heritage values in conservation planning and management.201 202 Table 7 presents
alternative typologies that have been proposed by various scholars and organizations.
Table 7. Summary of Heritage Value Typologies202
Reigl (1902) Lipe (1984) Burra Charter (1998) Frey (1997) English Heritage (1997)
Age Economic Aesthetics Monetary Cultural
Historical Aesthetic Historic Option Educational &
Commemorative Associative- Scientific Existence Academic
Use symbolic Social Bequest Economic
Newness Informational Prestige Educational Recreational Aesthetics
This thesis, however, adopts a framework that has gained some favor in the current cultural
economics literature.203 A broad delineation is made between economic and cultural values,
representing the two primary meta-categories. Underlying these meta-values are
subcategories. For example, social and cultural values would be subcategories of cultural
values, while use and non-use values are subcategories of economic values.
201 de la Torre, 9.
202 Ibid.
203 Throsby.
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Throsby explains the fundamental distinction between these two spheres: the economic
impulse is individualistic, the cultural impulse is collective.2114 A second distinction is that
economic values may be traded in markets and expressed in monetary units. Cultural values, on
the other hand, do not have a common unit of measurement and resist quantification.
Figure 22. Value-Based Approach
Figure 22 illustrates these two spheres of meta-values. The overlapping area implies that the
cultural and economic values may be interrelated. For example, consider a cultural asset with
high historic value. The economic value may be a function of cultural values and individual
consumers may factor that quality into their demand for the asset and, for example, the ticket
price for admission.
One other hand, this model also demonstrates that there are areas of cultural value that are
outside the sphere of economic valuation. Whereas economic values are individual-based,
cultural values are held collectively. That is, cultural values are those values shared by a group
or community and largely do not enter the sphere of individual valorization.2"5 Such values 205
Ibid., 13.
205 Ibid.
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cannot be realized in private acts of use, but reside in shared public understanding of the
meaning and significance of the good.206
Finally, this duality suggests a balanced and synthesized approach to valuation. Essentially, this
model illustrates two different lenses for looking at the same asset, one economic and the
other cultural. Cultural values are socially constructed, reflect shared meanings, generally resist
quantification, incorporate value judgments, and encompass local beliefs, associations, and
affiliations. On the other hand, economic values are expressed in monetary terms and are
based on individual preferences. Still both perspectives are needed for a balanced perspective
because, The heritage project is concerned with an item of cultural capital yielding both
economic and cultural value. Thus an evaluation of net benefit streams in both economic and
cultural terms will be required.207
Just as height measures complement weight measures in describing an object so do cultural
and economic values. Neither measurement by itself adequately describes the object and one
without the other would be incomplete. Mason discusses the dynamics and benefits from
considering both views:
The lens of cultural value multiplies the aspects of a places value, celebrating
them as idiosyncratic, contingent, and constructed by the person or group
valorising the object. The lens of economic value tends to discipline and
reduce the places complexity.208
Unfortunately, economists often present economic values not as one segment of the total
spectrum of values but as a totalizing system that encompass all types of values. This
sentiment is most typified in the work of the Chicago School economists, such as Gary
Becker, who suggest that everything can be priced. However, there are dissenting and moderate
206 Daniel R. Williams, Social Construction of Arctic Wilderness: Place Meanings, Value Pluralism, and
Globalization, in Wilderness in the Circumpolar North: Searching for Compatibility in Ecological, Traditional,
and Ecotourism Values, ed. Alan E Watson, Lilian Alessa, and Janet Sproull, 2002,127.
207 Throsby, 77.
208 Mason (2008), 306.
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voices.209 In addition to complementing the economic values, cultural values provide context
for interpreting them.
Mason reinforces this sentiment and illustrates economics limitation in quantifying cultural
values and the hazards of focusing unduly on economic measures:
By focusing on price and pricing, however, economists overlook the
valuations that occur outside the sphere of exchange. Nobody will determine
the value of friendship by trying to establish a monetary equivalent. You
rather weigh in values like warmth, openness, honesty, joyfiilness, sincerity,
and trustworthiness. Likewise, in the case of the art museum, cultural and
social values make an impact even if they do not allow a comparison in terms
of a monetary equivalent. Much deliberation takes place outside the sphere of
exchange.210
The emphasis on community rather than solely on production and consumption expands the
sources of value that must be given consideration in economic analysis and policy.
Consequently, Throsby has proposed a typology of cultural values that sometimes transcend
or complement economic values. These cultural values include aesthetic, spiritual, social,
historic, symbolic, and authentic values.211
209 For example, see the work of Arjo Klamer.
2111 Mason (2008), 208.
211 Throsby, 28.
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Symbolic

Figure 23. Conceptual Model of Cultural Values Typology
These values represent a baseline for a generic cultural good. Cultural goods are multifaceted
and range from movable art to cultural landscapes. One of the purported strengths of a value-
based approach is that it is adaptable to different preservation objects and circumstances.
4.5 Values in the Cultural Landscape
Hayden defines cultural landscapes as .. .that combination of natural landforms and buildings
that defines a particular place or region.212 A cultural landscape is a special case of a cultural
good and heritage asset. As such, in theory, many of the attributes of value apply to landscapes
as they do to any other cultural goods; in reality, there is precedent for adopting a value-based
approach to assessing landscapes.213 Still, a landscape needs to be understood within its own
context: In the world of historic preservation, a robust and dynamic landscape cannot be
thought of as simply a historic resource or a natural system.214 That is, landscapes have
nuances and special qualitiessuch as dynamism, multi-layers, localized values, and natural
212 Dolores Hayden, Forward, in Preserving Cultural Landscape in America, edited by Arnold R. Alanen
and Robert Z. Melnick. (Baltimore, MD: The John Hopkins University Press, 2000), ix.
213 de la Torre et al. (2005); Mason (2008).
214 Melnick, 25.
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capacitythat distinguish them from other cultural assets. These attributes need to be
understood in order to fully appreciate and validate the application of a value-based approach.
D.W. Meinig writes about the multiplicity and contingency of values in landscape.215 For a
given landscape, there are a plurality of values and multiple stakeholders. Meinigs essay also
suggests that very few landscapes have universal value. Rather, landscapes are simultaneously
valued in multiple ways, especially by those most closely associated with them. This meaning is
continually being reinvented through social interaction and practices.
While values are socially constructed, certain values have historically been predominant in the
American landscape. Early pioneers constructed a pristine landscape, empty of civilization.
These settlers saw the landscape as alien and threatening and themselves as being
fundamentally separate from nature. This disconnection from the landscape made it easier to
alter the landscape with little guilt or self restraint.216
Judeo-Christian values held that God created people in this image and were essentially
separate from other forms of life. Paradise was conceived as a peaceful, pastoral landscape.
Early Americans essentially believed that they were ethically free and even empowered to use
the land to fulfill Gods will.
Economic values have traditionally had a strong basis in American landscapes. This
foundation has been derived from early pioneers who saw the landscape primarily as a
resource, one that was virtually unlimited and potentially valuable. This functional and
utilitarian philosophy, coupled with private property rights, shaped the basis for land use
practices and relationships. Simpson states, No single concept has so shaped the American
landscape, nor more distinguishes it from others around the world. Private ownership of land
rests at the very core of America.217
213 Meinig.
216 Simpson, 24.
217 Ibid., 21.
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Slowly the American landscape values have become more complex and nuanced. Only after
extensive setdement, could Americans imagine a symbolic value to preserving, as opposed
to using, the land. In the mid-nineteenth century, John Muirs writings advanced thinking
toward an appreciative and benevolent attitude. While his work and his philosophy was the
genesis of the American preservation movement, his was a minority view. In the twentieth
century, recreational and social value of the landscape of the landscape became appreciated.
Still, Americans have had difficulty legitimating emotional, symbolic, or sacred meanings in the
landscapes. Instead they tend to seek a rational basis for resource allocations. Their core
values economic, utilitarianism, functionalismtend to obscure other values, particularly
the more intangible values such as symbolism and sacredness. However, landscape values are
not only bound by cultural perspectives, but also by the nature of the assets themselves.
Landscapes are inherendy complex. One implication is that land managers and design
professionals ... have come to rely upon narrowly defined understandings of landscape
values.218 Thus, landscape evaluations are subject to different disciplinary experts.
Landscapes are also dynamic and this indeed creates what might seem like an oxymoron to
some people; because landscapes are composed of natural elements that grow, mature, erode,
move, die, and revive again, how can they be preserved?219 Indeed, Bimbaum has suggested
that efforts should be directed at preserving those dynamic qualities rather than restoring to
how we think they should have looked at a particular point in time.
Landscapes are inherendy layered. By interacting with the landscape, various groups deposit
their values, thereby shaping the landscape over time. Values are not limited to the physical
forms of landscapes, but are also related to contemporary or past practices, and to
relationships with and within the landscape. Thus, landscapes represent the cumulative values
ascribed into the landscape over time and can represent multiple cultures.
218 Alanen and Melnick, 42.
219 Ibid., 3.
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Present
Figure 24. Surface and Embedded Values
Stephenson distinguishes between surface and embedded values.220 221' She observes that
those with a relatively short experience of the landscape tended to express its significance in
terms of physicality and sensory responses, whereas those with a longer experience spoke
about relationships and understandings of the landscape that arose from its temporality (e.g.
historic events, traditions). She developed the terms surface valuesand embedded values:
surface values are the perceptual response to the directly perceived forms, relationships and
practices, while embedded values arise out of an awareness of past forms, practices and
relationships. This distinction is valuable for assessing and inventorying cultural values related
to a landscape.
In summary, although landscapes share many of the values of the general case, the difference
is a matter of degree and intensity. Americans tend to have difficulty ascribing intangible
values, such as historic, social, and spiritual values, towards the landscape. But much of the
difficulties for resource management has been that the more tangible meanings and values
have been easier to represent in resource assessment and inventories, and in the process the
220 Janet Stephenson, The Cultural Values Model: An Integrated Approach to Values in Landscapes,
Landscape and Urban Planning 84 (2008).
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more subjective, diverse, and contentious cultural and symbolic meanings have been
ignored.221
4.6 Role of the Expert
A value-based assessment implies a more democratic approach than traditional valuations and
redefines the role of the expert. Traditionally, preservation has legitimately depended on a
host of experts for a range of opinions, assessments, and analysis. This dependency, however,
has also extended into the valuations of cultural assets, evoking some degree of
connoisseurship. A value-based approach, on the other hand, contends that values belong
to stakeholders and, therefore, must be elicited rather than discovered. Still the experts
traditional role remains well-entrenched:
... fabric focused, professionally defined (rather than community defined)
value assessments remain the dominant paradigm of significance. Those
who have cultural values that are not those of the dominant class, or
whose values are based on informally acquired knowledge, will need to
hire degree-holders to validate their knowledge. This will tend to
reinforce Euro-American cultural systems of validation and
significance.222
In addition to perpetuating values of the dominant class, an expert-led approach has other
risks and weaknesses. For example, such an approach may obscure the full range of values:
a continuing emphasis on physical rather than spiritual remains. While folklorists can and
do assist in the preservation of the intangible, in the end bureaucracies and their servants,
the professionals, will tend for the most part to focus on the material.221 Munoz-Virias
echoes this sentiment as he describes an experts-only zone in which social values are
221 Williams, 124.
222 Lisanne Gibson, Cultural Landscape and Identity in Valuing Historic Environments, ed. Lisanne
Gibson and John Pendlebury (England: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2009).
221 Frits Pannekoek, The Rise of the Heritage Priesthood or the Decline of Community Based
Heritage, National Trust for Historic Preservation 12, no. 3 (Spring 1998): 1.
100


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VALUE-BASED APPROACH TO ASSESSING THE HISTORIC PRESERVATION OF CIVILIAN CONSERVATION CORPS (CCC) CAMP ANF-1 by Douglas Neal Futz B. Comrn., University of Manitoba, 1983 M.Sc., University of Manitoba, 1988 A thesis submitted to the University of Colorado Denver in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Landscape Architecture 2010

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This thesis for the Masters in Landscape Architecture degree by Douglas Neal Futz has been approved by Ann omara Date

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Futz, Douglas N. (MLA) Value-Based Approach to Assessing the Historic Preservation of Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) Camp ANF-1 Thesis directed by Professor Austin Allen, Associate Professor ABSTRACT During the summer of 2008, the University of Colorado Denver's Department of Landscape Architecture undertook a design studio at the site of a former Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) camp in the Allegheny National Forest, near Marienville, Pennsylvania. An outcome of this studio was a proposed master plan for preserving this historic site. However, a question surfaced: to what extent is an investment in preserving this site warranted? The young men who worked in these camps are part of what has become popularly known as the "greatest generation." This generation has emerged as a cultural phenomenon. The achievements and character of this generation have been prominently featured in popular filin and print, spawning new interest and appreciation in this era. The CCC has special historical significance in Pennsylvania and this site is particularly notable. Almost 185,000 young men enrolled in Pennsylvania, more than in any other state except New York. Camp ANF-1 was Pennsylvania's first camp and the nation's second. While popular interest may be appreciating the cultural value of these heritage assets, decisions regarding which assets to preserve and what amounts to invest are bounded by limited resources. This thesis adopts a "value-based" approach for assessing the economic and cultural values associated with this place. The approach is designed to elicit a full range of tangible and intangible values ascribed by various stakeholder groups. This research concludes with a conceptual model that may be generalized and potentially reused. The model adds a stakeholder dimension onto the basic value typology and emphasizes an iterative elicitation process. In addition, this study endorses a value-based approach for assessing or designing cultural landscapes. Finally, several future research opportunities are identified, including possibilities involving the CCC history, value-based theory, and emerging technologies. This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidate's thesis. I recommend its publication.

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DEDICATION First of all, I would like to thank my wife, Cathe, and kids, Mika and Rory, who put up with me throughout this process. I love you guys and could not have completed this thesis without your ongoing support. I would also like to thank my entire conunittee: Austin for opening the door and always being available; Ann for cultivating my ideas, keeping my thesis within the realm of "landscape," and getting me over the finish line; and Chris for his open door and ongoing encouragement. The many people that I have met throughout this research-Kathy May Smith, Charlie Varro, Joan Sharpe, the Summers, and others-have been both obliging and genuine. However, I'm reserving the final dedication for a special friend, my "CCC Mentor," Mike Schultz. Mike, I learned much from you and appreciate your passion, unending support, and friendship. You embody everything that the CCC symbolizes. Go Pens!!

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would like to thank Don Brandes for sponsoring the Brandes Scholarship. I am honored to be a recipient and appreciative of the fmancial support.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures .......................................................................................................... viii List of Tables ............................................................................................................... x 1.0 Background and Research Question ...................................................... 11 1.1 Background ................................................................................................ 11 1.2 Research Question .................................................................................... 12 1.3 Organization of Thesis ............................................................................. 13 2.0 Literature Review ...................................................................................... 14 2.1 Theory and Economics ofValue-Based Historic Preservation ......... 14 2.2 Economics and Cultural Economics ..................................................... 20 2.3 Landscape Architecture and the Cultural Landscape .......................... 24 2.4 The Civilian Conservation Corps ........................................................... 29 3.0 Background and History .......................................................................... 33 3.1 The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) ............................................... 33 3.1.1 History ........................................................................................................ 33 3.1.2 CCC Work Projects .................................................................................. 46 3.1.3 Camp Architecture, Administration, and Life ...................................... 48 3.1.4 CCC in Pennsylvania ................................................................................ 53 3.2 Site History ................................................................................................. 58 3.2.1 Forestry, Oil & Gas Era ........................................................................... 58 3.2.2 Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) Era ............................................... 61 3.2.3 World War II Era ...................................................................................... 79 3.2.4 Recreation & Tourism Era ...................................................................... 80 4.0 Economic and Cultural Value ................................................................. 82 4.1 ValueBased Preservation ........................................................................ 82 4.2 Cultural Values .......................................................................................... 86 4.3 Economic Values ...................................................................................... 89 4.4 Value Typologies ....................................................................................... 92 (vi)

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4.5 Values in the Cultural Landscape ........................................................... 96 4.6 Role of the "Expert" .............................................................................. 100 4. 7 Theory of Cultural Capital ..................................................................... 102 5.0 Methodology ............................................................................................ 106 5.1 Alternative Methods ............................................................................... 106 5.2 Prelinllnary Assessment ......................................................................... 111 5.3 Value Assessment Model... .................................................................... 112 5.4 Scope of Analysis .................................................................................... 117 6.0 Baseline Value-Based Assessment of Camp ANF-1 ......................... 118 6.1 Aesthetic Value ........................................................................................ 119 6.2 I-Iistoric Value .......................................................................................... 125 6.3 Spiritual Value .......................................................................................... 128 6.4 Symbolic Value ........................................................................................ 130 6.5 Social Value .............................................................................................. 135 6.6 Recreational Value .................................................................................. 138 6. 7 Economic Value ...................................................................................... 141 6.8 Summary ................................................................................................... 145 7.0 Summary, Conclusions, and Future Research .................................... 146 7.1 Summary ................................................................................................... 146 7.2 Conclusions .............................................................................................. 148 7.3 Future Research ....................................................................................... 150 Appendix A. Images of Major Aesthetic Features .................................................... 154 B. Remaining CCC Camps in the Nation ................................................ 158 C. Focus Group Script ................................................................................ 160 Bibliography ......................................................................................................... 170 (vii)

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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 Camp ANF-1 Context Map ....................................................................................... 11 2 Roosevelt's Hand Drawn Sketch of the CCC Administrative Structure ........... 37 3 CCC Camps Established During the First Enrollment Period ........................... 39 4 Number of Camps, 1933 to 1936 ........................................................................... .41 5 Number of Camps, 1937 to 1938 ........................................................................... .43 6 Number of Camps, 1939 to 1942 ............................................................................ 45 7 Organizational Structure ........................................................................................... 48 8 Layout of a Typical CCC Camp ............................................................................... 50 9 Camp Baseball Team, ANF-13 ................................................................................ 52 10 Distribution of CCC Camps in Pennsylvania, 1933-1942 ................................... 54 11 Context Maps of Camp ANF-1 ............................................................................... 62 12 Marker Commemorating the First Trees Planted by the CCC in the Nation .. 64 13 CampANF-1, 1933 .................................................................................................... 65 14 Camp ANF-1, Site Plan ............................................................................................. 66 15 Camp Officers, ANF-1, 1934 ................................................................................... 66 16 AN F -1 Mess Hall Staff. ............................................................................................. 68 17 John Danton, Camp Educational Advisor ............................................................. 70 18 Camp Library, ANF-1 ............................................................................................... 72 19 Camp ANF-1 Recreation Hall .................................................................................. 73 20 Recreation Hall Canteen Sketch ............................................................................... 7 4 21 Total Economic Value ............................................................................................... 90 22 Value-Based Approach .............................................................................................. 93 23 Conceptual Model of Cultural Values Typology .................................................. 96 24 Surface and Embedded Values ................................................................................ 99 25 The Overall Planning Process ................................................................................. 113 26 Value-Assessment Model ......................................................................................... 114 27 Stakeholder Value Matrix ......................................................................................... 116 (viii)

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28 Project Scope ............................................................................................................. 117 29 Value Typology .......................................................................................................... 118 30 Camp ANF-1 Site Plan ............................................................................................. 130 31 Topology Map and South and 1'\Tr.rth ,,;,.,,c f",.,....., r.,.., ... 4NI=-1 1?? 32 Recreation Hall Fireplace ......................................................................................... 124 33 Layout of a Typical CCC Camp vs. Figure-Ground of ANF-1 ........................ 132 34 Camp ANF-1 Officer Quarters ............................................................................... 133 35 CCC Recruitment Poster .......................................................................................... 133 36 Hometowns of AN F-1 Enrollees, 1939-1942 ...................................................... 135 37 Surrounding Comrnunities ....................................................................................... 137 38 Camp ANF-1 ............................................................................................................. 138 39 Spring Creek, 1933 .................................................................................................... 139 40 Recreational Uses ...................................................................................................... 140 41 Stakeholder Value Matrix Model ............................................................................ 146 42 Value-Assessment Model ......................................................................................... 147 (ix)

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LIST OF TABLES Table Daily Schedule in the CCC ............................................................................... 51 2 CCC Camps by Camp Type and Enrollment Period ................................... 57 3 Commanding Officers, 1933-1942 .................................................................. 67 4 Menu for September 24, 1933, Camp ANF-1... ............................................ 75 5 Project Superintendents, ANF-1, 1933-41... .................................................. 76 6 ANF Completed Work, 1933-38 ..................................................................... 79 7 Summary of Heritage Value Typologies ........................................................ 92 8 Alternative Economic Valuation Methodologies ..................................... 107 9 Alternative Cultural Assessment Methodologies ........................................ 109 10 Sociocultural and Economic Values ............................................................. 119 11 Inventory of Camp ANF-1 Aesthetic Landscape Elements ..................... 121 12 Remaining CCC Camps in the Nation ......................................................... 126 13 ANF-1 Camp Morale, 1937-1941 ................................................................. 129 14 ANF County Visitor Spending, 2007 ........................................................... 141 15 ANF Tourism Employment, 2007 ................................................................ 142 16 Forest County Industry Breakdown ............................................................. 143 17 Key Economic Indicators ............................................................................. 144 18 Remaining CCC Camps in the Nation ......................................................... 158 (x)

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1.0 BACKGROUND AND REARCH QUESTION The underlying historic and socio-economic contexts are essential aspects of this thesis. lbis section, therefore, provides a brief introduction in order to frame the research question. Once the question and objectives have been established, this section concludes with an overview of the organization and structure of this thesis. 1.1 Background The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) was part of President Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal. Operating for nine years between 1933 and 1942, the program employed millions of young men and had an enduring impact. After an impressive start and a somewhat uneven history, the CCC essentially faded away. Still, the Corps left an indelible mark not only our on landscapes but also on the men who worked them. In terms of enrollment and number of work camps, the CCC peaked sometime between late spring 1935 and early 1936 when there were 500,000 young men, or "enrollees," in 2,652 camps.1 In total, approximately 5,000 camps were established, but only a few remain, including CCC Camp ANF-1 in northwestern Pennsylvania. 2 Camp ANF-1 is located within the Alleghany National Forest, in Forest County, near the small town of Duhring. This camp was the second AllothonY-'-AH1 Figure 1. Camp ANF-1 Context Map 1 Joseph M. Speakman, At Work in Penn's Woodr: The Civilian Conservation Corps in Penn.rylvania (University Park, PA: Penn State Press, 2006), 68. 2 The camp was variably referred to as Pigeon, Pebble Dell, ANF-1, Company 318, Camp Landers, or Fl. For consistency, this thesis will refer to the camp as "Camp ANF-1." 11

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established in the nation and one of the longest running operations, eventually being decommissioned in the spring of 1942. Its remnants currently exist on private property and have been used as a base camp for a horse trail riding operation for the past thirty-five years. Forest County is bordered by Warren, McKean, Elk, Jefferson, Clarion, and Venango Counties. As its name implies, Forest County is predominantly forested and rural. With only 4,946 residents and a population density of 11.6 persons per square mile, this county is the smallest and most sparsely populated in Pennsylvania. The Allegheny National Forest, located in northwest Pennsylvania, is the only national forest in the state and one of the few east of the Mississippi. In 1923, President Calvin Coolidge established the Allegheny National Forest in accordance with the National Forest mission, which at that time was to "improve the forest, provide favorable conditions for water flows and furnish a continuous supply of timber."3 Over time, the purpose expanded to include recreation, wildlife habitat, and other uses. The forest is located 120 miles northwest of Pittsburgh and is administered by the Forest Service of the U.S. Department of Agriculture. The Allegheny National Forest is considered "multiple use land," meaning the oil, gas, and logging industries share space with hikers, campers, and hunters. \Vhile the federal government owns much of the land within the forest border, there is significant private and state land contained within. 1.2 Research Question Camp ANF-1 is currently at a "tipping point" and decisions will soon need to be made regarding its preservation and ultimate fate. The concept of "value" underlies these questions because "value has always been the reason underlying heritage conservation. It is self-evident that no society makes an effort to conserve what it does not value."4 3The Organic Act of1897. Marta de Ia Torre and Randall Mason, Assessing the Values of Cultural Heritage (Los Angeles, CA: The Getty Conservation Institute, 2002), 3. 12

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During the summer of 2008, a landscape architecture studio from the University of Colorado Denver visited and studied the camp. One of the findings was an apparent paradox: while local property values were modest, and even depressed, the value placed on this property by various stakeholders was evident. Thus, it became apparent that value was being ascribed to the site, above that attributed by the market. While it may be true that a society strives to conserve that which it values, it is also true that it may not conserve that which does have value, if that value is not apparent. Thus, if we wish to sustain our cultural assets, their values need to be revealed and made apparent. Accordingly, the research question for this thesis is: "How can the cultural and economic values of CCC Camp.ANF-1 be revealed and articulated?" Camp ANF-1 will be used as a case study to generalize this question. Therefore, in addition to this primary research question, the supporting aims and objectives include: develop a conceptual model or framework for future assessments; establish a baseline analysis; test the methodology for assessing the value of Camp ANF-1; and develop recommendations for future research. 1.3 Organization ofThesis This thesis adopts a broad and holistic approach. Therefore, context and perspective are essential in pursuing the underlying research question. The research question is inherently multi-disciplinary. Thus, this thesis reviews the relevant and influential literature in economics, historic preservation, landscape architecture, and history. The history of the CCC and the site itself provides context for analysis and interpretation. A theoretical chapter has been dedicated to the concept of "value," leading into methodological and analysis chapters. Finally, the thesis concludes with a conceptual framework, implications and conclusions, and recommendations for future research. 13

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2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW A s a multi-disciplinary thesis, this literature review draws upon historic preservation, cultural economics, landscape architecture, and American history. The relevant literature from each of these domains will be presented within the context of this thesis. 2.1 Theory and Economics ofValue-Based Historic Preservation Within the historic preservation literature, there is a strand of research and specialization that specifically addresses value-based approaches. This subsection introduces the various contributors and their main ideas. In Section 4.0, the foundational principles of value-based preservation will be revisited in order to develop the framework for analysis. In his book Contemporary Theory of Conservation, Salvador MunozViii.as provides a comprehensive review and critical analysis of the preservation field.S The author draws upon related disciplines such as philosophy, architecture, science, history, and archaeology, all of which have played a significant part in shaping prevailing preservation theories. Munoz-Viiias contends that there are two opposing theories of conservation: "classical" theory, characterized as traditional, object-focused, and dependent on "hard" science; and "contemporary" theory, which considers the objects' meanings to various stakeholder constituencies. The author claims the latter theory is more sophisticated, universal, and sustainable. Using the process of treating a sheet of paper as an example, MunozViii.as claims that, "The ultimate goal of conservation as a whole is not to conserve the paper, but to retain or improve the meaning it has for people."6 That is, preservation is a means to an end rather than an end ; Salvador Munoz-Viiias, Contemporary Theory of Conservation (Burlington Elsevier Butterworth Heinemann, 2005). 6 Ibid., 213. 14

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unto itself. With this example, MunozViii.as illustrates that conservation is only meaningful so long as stakeholders ascribe value to the process. Muiioz-Viii.as endorses "value-based preservation" because it is "fully contemporary" and has widespread applications.? The author credits the approach for being internally coherent and responding to many of his criticisms of classical theory.s He also equates value-led approaches to those based on functionalism and meaning. The author discusses the many professions currently serving the preservation field.? Traditionally, the field has been rather narrow, limited to such "experts" as architects, archeologists, and historians. The expanded field of professionals, including economists among others, reflects the need for a holistic and broad approach. The Historic Preservation Act was passed in 1966. This act paved the way for the preservation movement in this country and has paralleled the growth and interest in cultural economics. Within this subfield, an interest in heritage economics emerged in response to industry growth, applied research in the field of ecological economics, increased use of tax credit incentives, and growth in heritage tourism. As the preservation field has matured and grown, Mason claims there is an increasing need for an economic perspective: Heritage conservation has transformed in the last generation, from a fairly closeted practice ... As part of this transformation, economic concepts, values, goals, and discourse applied to heritage have grown in prominence.111 However, despite this emergence, Mason concedes, "the economics of preservation is an embryonic field compared with research in other economic disciplines."11 7 Ibid., 179. s Ibid., 179-180. 9 Ibid., 10-11. 10 Randall Mason, ''Be Interested and Beware: Joining Economic Valuation and Heritage Conservation," International Journal of Heritage Studies 14 No.4 Quly, 2008): 303. 15

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'Wbile there is a general consensus that investment in historic preservation is sound, the relationship between economists and "culturists" is somewhat uneasy and tense.l2 Mason describes the relationship between these two perspectives: "Economists regard preservation first as a market phenomenon, a set of goods and services best appraised in terms of prices. But conservation discourse regards heritage as priceless, and therefore beyond economic analysis" [and] "from the perspective of heritage professionals, economics is regarded as an alien, threatening discourse. "13 Tills divergence appears to stem from a lack of understanding of where the common ground exists between economists and culturalists. In general, the role of economics is narrowly defined, essentially limited to measuring the impact of tourism, financial management, and economic development. A broader area for collaboration would include the valuation of heritage assets. However, while economists have a propensity to measure various phenomena, culturalists are less inclined. Such valuations and assessments bring "culture from the periphery of development thinking and places it in center stage."l4 The Getty Conservation Institute (GCI) has pioneered much of the research relating preservation to economics and developing a value-based approach.IS These reports explore alternative analytical valuation tools, value typologies, and offer a conceptual framework for 11 Randall Mason, Economics and Historic Preseroation: A Guide and Review of the Literature (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution Metropolitan Policy Program, 2005), ii, http://www. brookings.edu/reports /2005 I 09metropolitanpolicy _mason.aspx (accessed 2/23 I 08). 1 2 Arjo Klamer, "Social, Cultural and Economic Values of Cultural Goods," 2001, http:// culturalheritage.ceistorvergata.it/ virtual_library / Art_KLAMER_A_2001Social_ cultural_and_economic_ values. pdf (accessed 8 I 14 I 09). 13 Mason, (2008), 304. 14 Throsby, 67. 15 Marta de Ia Torre, and Randall Mason, Economics and Heritage Conseroation: Issue and Ideas on Valuing Heritage (1999), http:/ /www.icomos.org/usicomos/Symposium/SYMP99 / delatorre.htm (accessed 2/23/08); Erica Avrami, Randall Mason, and Marta de Ia Torre, Values and Heritage Conseroation (Los Angeles, CA: The Getty Conservation Institute, 2000).; Marta de Ia Torre, Assessing the Values of Cultural Heritage (Los Angeles, CA: The Getty Conservation Institute, 2002). 16

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assessment. The research contends that values are characteristically multivalent, subject to shifts, and socially constructed.16 Mason also provides a comprehensive review of economic research and tools in the preservation field.17 He claims the preservation field had traditionally been autonomous and inward-looking, dominated by a relatively small group of people and led by specialists and experts. Consequently, economic analysis has typically been limited to advocacy studies. Mason concludes that more "detached" analyses are needed.IR The Heritage Reader is a collection of forty-one essays from various contributors. 19 The contributing authors are leading and notable experts from Europe, North America, and Australia. The stated intent of the book "brings together a collection of key works that represent a culmination of established principles and new thinking in cultural heritage management."Z
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important shift in the sustainment development discourse that linked "cultural diversity" heritage and sustainable development and noted that progress on sustainable development could not be made unless cultural values were closely embedded."2.l Another recurring theme in The Heritage Reader is that of "values-based" approaches to heritage assessment and management. This concept is essentially a functionalist response to an object centralist paradigm. Citing Tainter and Lucas, Byrne makes the distinction: ... that meaning is inherently fixed in the object of perception ... contradicts basic anthropological theory and experience. To anyone familiar with cross cultural variation in symbol systems, it should be clear that meaning is assigned by the human mind.24 These various discussions on value-based perspectives also have methodological implications. One repercussion is that because values are contended to be largely socially constructed more democratic and participatory methods are appropriate. Traditionally, such assessments have been "expert-led." Clarke suggests ten tools to support sustainable development. The author is critical of conventional measures and suggests a "willingness to pay" methodology: Positive values are attributed to the conservation or restoration of heritage assets, clearly demonstrating that the degradation of the historical environment detracts from the wellbeing of individuals and society in aggregate and showing the public is willing to pay to mitigate this damage.25 However, there is a full range of values that need to be considered even beyond social values. John Jameson makes this point in his contribution, "Presenting Archaeology to the Public," concluding that market-based analysis cannot be the only basis for assessment.26 Citing cultural economist Joan Poor, Jameson concludes that if cultural values are omitted, "making management decisions for society at large is not only difficult, the resultant decisions are likely to 23 Kate Clark, "Only Connect Sustainable Development and Cultural Heritage," in The Heritage Reader, 90. 24 Dennis Byrne, "Heritage as Social Action," in The Heritage Reader, 161. 25 Clarke, 94. 26 John H. Jameson Jr., "Presenting Archaeology to the Public," in The Heritage Reader, 430-431. 18

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be insufficient and in many cases can be very controversial."27 The English Heritage identifies a full range of values for consideration, including cultural values, education values, economic values, resource values, recreation values, and aesthetic values. Randall Mason presents a typology of values and proposes an economic-cultural distinction, while acknowledging that a "hard-and-fast separation of economic and cultural spheres is untenable."28 Various authors also discuss the distinction between historic register listings and the importance to local values. For example, John Schofield claims that national registers, in fact, take little account of the local values.29 Dennis Byrne warns that "Heritage inventories, if not carefully managed, can actually bring about the commoditization of heritage" and cites John Carman's view that "archeological material is not protected because of its value, but rather it is valued because it is protected."Jo The English Heritage claims such a focus on our "finest assets" provides an incomplete picture.Jl Finally, Graham Fairclough concludes that there is a need for contemporary approaches in addition to designation-based systems.J2 The importance of landscape in preservation is another recurring theme in The Heritage Reader. In the introductory section, the editors identify the landscape as the basis for many of the proposed approaches: "it is not coincidental that many of these new approaches operate through, or, at the scale of landscape since it is through landscape in particular (in its conceptual sense of a perception of the environment) that people locate themselves in their surroundings and reconcile themselves to its evolutions."33 Fairclough adds that "Landscape (or place) and 'character' are central to many of the new heritage approaches. Landscape is quintessentially 27 Ibid. 2 8 Randall Mason, "Assessing Values in Conservation Planning: Methodological issues and Choices," in The Heritage Reader, 103. 29John Schofield, "Heritage Management, Theory and Practice," in The Heritage Reader, 18. 3o Byrne, 160.; Schofield, 27. 31 English Heritage, 315. 32 Graham Fairclough, "The Long Chain: Archaeology, Historical Landscape Characterization and Time Depth in the Landscape," in The Heritage Reader, 412. 33 Rodney Harrison, Graham Fairclough,John H. Jameson Jr., and John Schofield. "Introduction: Heritage, Memory and Modernity," in The Heritage Reader, 9. 19

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multiple in its meanings, significance, 'ownership,' social and individual relevance and its possible futures."J4 Fairclough also discusses the significance of seeing heritage as a landscape because it captures the plurality of meaning. He maintains that people think in terms oflandscapes rather than individual elements. Byrne states that ''We have come to an understanding of how any given landscape can have different layers of signs, some of them more publicly accessible than others."3S All heritage assets have various degrees of plurality of meaning but landscapes are particularly noteworthy. In summary, the field of historic preservation is evolving and expanding. Traditional professions remain focused on the preservation of materials and fabrics. However, the emergence of new professions, coupled with social changes, has resulted in the inclusion of a broader range of values. Even a theorist such as MunozVinas, who comes from a traditional background, advocates a value-based approach. The Getty Conservation Institute has also espoused and advanced these ideas. Still there is a natural tension between culturalists and economists in assessing cultural assets. 2.2 Economics and Cultural Economics In order to approach the research question holistically, this thesis considers a full range of values. This frequently involves conflicting values and alien concepts and perspectives. This subsection attempts to bridge that gap with reference to popular literature and by reviewing notable contributors in the field of cultural economics, a subspecialty of economics. Economics is everywhere. That is the main premise of rreakonomit-s and an inspiration for this thesis.J6 Economics, the "dismal science," suffers from a chronically maligned image. Steven Graham Fairclough, "New Heritage, an Introductory EssayPeople, Landscape and Change," in The Heritage Reader, 303. 35 Byrne, 153. 36 S.D. Levitt and S. J. Dubner, Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist Explores the Hidden Side of Everything (New York, NY: Harper Collins Publishers Inc., 2005). 20

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Levitt and Stephen Dubner counter with a book that is both accessible and understandable to those outside the discipline. Many people equate economics to fmancial markets and accountants. Rather, economic thought is grounded in philosophy and John Smith, founder of classical economics, was primarily a philosopher. Levitt and Dubner bridge this gap by employing nuances of microeconomic theory to explain and predict human behavior that might otherwise have eluded the uninitiated. Architecture school does not normally teach such fundamental economic concepts as limited resources, incentives, and opportunity costs. However, exposure to these concepts can be enlightening and insightful. Economists view the world through the lens of incentives, opportunity costs, value, and utility. Just as landscape architects have a "design language," economists also have their own language. The richness and adaptability of economists' language, however, have enabled them to expand the discipline's frontiers. Economics is a relatively mature discipline and may be considered by creative professionals to be "dry." However, Levitt and Dubner demonstrate, through the richness of its language and concepts, economics can also be creatively applied. Levitt and Dubner also provide examples of how economic thought can cut through rhetoric and "conventional thought." A working knowledge of microeconomics provides a basis for clear, critical thought and analysis. Furthermore, economics has application in many areas, from everyday life to inter-disciplinary problems. The authors, for example, explain why prostitutes earn more than architects: The architect would appear to be more skilled (as the word is usually defmed) and better educated (again, as usually defmed). But little girls don't grow up dreaming of becoming prostitutes, so the supply of potential prostitutes is relatively small ... As for the demand? Let's just say that an architect is more likely to likely to hire a prostitute than vice versaY The authors demonstrate how to understand relationships that may not be immediately apparent, referring to this as "the hidden side." The authors advocate a "novel way of looking, 3 7 Ibid., 106. 21

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of discerning, of measuring."3R This perspective is useful in examining cultural assets and their unseen values-social, symbolic, historic, spiritual, etc-that may otherwise be elusive. Mason traces academic writings about the arts as an economic activity date to John Kenneth Galbraith's book The uberal Hour in 1960 and, more influentially, to PerjomJingArts: The Economic Dilemma by Baumol and Bowen in 1966.39 These latter writings marked the beginnings of cultural economics, a subspecialty of economics that applies neoclassical theory to issues regarding artwork, theater, festivals, and other cultural endeavors. Since 1973, the International Association for Cultural Economics has published related research in The Journal rif Cultural Economics. This interest in economics and the arts has been spurred on by the rising market for art during the 1990s, Richard Florida's influential research, questions of public financing, and academic Public good aspects and nonuse value have also posed some interesting and intriguing questions. Such issues have attracted a growing but still relatively small body of scholarly research and literature. One of the major contributors to this fleld is David Throsby, professor of economics at Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia. In Economics and Culture, Throsby provides a comprehensive overview of the subject, including contributions on historic preservation and value theory. Economics and Culture attempts to bring economic analysis to bear on cultural issues. Throsby offers a framework for analysis, suggests a number of tools, and methods, and stimulates further discourse. Throsby positions cultural value in the forefront, sharing the stage with economic value, which, in his view, too often dominates the discourse. The author maintains that cultural value should be given equal weight. He also suggests a number of methods for determining an object's 38 Ibid., 205. 39 Mason (2005), 25.; John Kenneth Galbraith, The Liberal Hour (Boston, ;\fA: Houghton Mifflin, 1960).; William J. Baumol and William G. Bowen, Peiforming Arts, the Economic Dilemma: a 5 tut!J of Problems Common to Theater, Opera, Music and Dance (Cambridge, ;\L\: MIT Press, 1968). 40 Richard L. Florida, The Rise of the Creative Class: And How It's Transforming Work, Leisure, Communiry and Everydt:ry Life (New York, NY: Basic Books, 2002). 22

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cultural value, including contextual analysis, content analysis, social survey methods, psychometric measurement, and expert appraisal. Throsby not only advances an academic deftnition of cultural value but builds upon this definition to develop the concept of "cultural capital." He deftnes cultural capital as "an asset which embodies, stores or provides cultural value in addition to whatever economic value it may possess."41 The concept of cultural capital adds a cultural dimension to sustainability.42 This form of capital is comprised of a variety of cultural assets, such as heritage buildings, cultural landscapes, and monuments. Cultural capital has much in common with other theories of capital-physical, human, and natural-such as the need for reinvestment. These various forms of capital are subject to the same guiding principles for sustaining them: intergenerational and intragenerational equity; maintenance of diversity; recognition of interdependence; and the precautionary principle regarding irrevocable change. However, the ftrst criterion in judging the sustainability of a cultural asset, Throsby maintains, is in its flows of economic and cultural value.4 3 Like environmental goods, cultural assets may not be priced appropriately by the market. Cultural economists may differ with each other on specific issues and in a matter of degree. However, there is general consensus, if not amongst economists at least between cultural economists, that there is a full range of values that are not reflected in the marketplace. Arjo Klamer summarizes this underlying sentiment: Nobody will determine the value of friendship by trying to establish a monetary equivalent. You rather weigh in values like warmth, openness, honesty, joyfulness, sincerity, and trustworthiness. Likewise, in the case of the art museum, cultural and social values make an impact even if they do not Throsby, 46. Ibid., 44-60. 4 3 Ibid., 54. 23

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allow a comparison in terms of monetary equivalent. Much deliberation takes place outside the sphere of exchange.44 The literature suggests that misconceptions and disciplinary biases have contributed to a fragmented worldview. Cultural economists are a relatively small contingent but offer an interesting and balanced perspective. This subspecialty is generally concerned with issues such as cultural valuation and sustainability. Unlike many of their mainstream brethren, cultural economists generally believe that much valuation transpires outside the sphere of markets. 2.3 Landscape Architecture and the Cultural Landscape This subsection reviews literature from various writers and theorists of the landscape, including landscape architectures, geographers, and environmental historians. D.W. Meinig, in his seminal essay, "The Beholding Eye: Ten Versions of the Same Scene," proposes an exercise whereby a diverse group of individuals is taken to a view that includes both city and countryside.4 5 The group is then asked to describe the landscape, and identify its elements, composition and meaning: It will soon be apparent that even though we gather together and look in the same direction at the same instant, we will not-we cannot-see the same landscape. We may certainly agree that we will see many of the same elementshouses, roads, trees, hills-in terms of such denotations as number, form, dimension, and color, but such facts take on meaning only through association; they must be fitted together according to some coherent body of ideas. Thus we confront the central problem: any landscape is composed not only of what lies before our eyes but what lies within our heads.46 In discussing the ten different perceptions, Meinig reveals how different biases affect landscape interpretation. Essentially, for any given landscape, there is not just one, but multiple versions. Every individual develops a different mental construct from the characteristics of a landscape, its Arjo Klamer, "A Pragmatic View on Values in Economics, "journal of Economic Methodowgy 10, no. 2 (2003), 208. H D.W. Meinig, "The Beholding Eye: Ten Versions of the Same Scene," in The Interpretation of Ordinary 0Jndscapes, ed. D.W. Meinig, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979). Ibid., 33. 24

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interrelationships, and the associations that are evoked. Accordingly, Meinig describes how a landscape can be seen as nature, a habitat, an artifact, a system, a problem, a design problem, wealth, an ideology, history, a place, and an aesthetic. Meinig's essay echoes the literature pertaining to value-based preservation and has many of the same implications. In evaluating a cultural landscape, Meinig suggests that various perceptions should be solicited. A single perspective provides only one way of looking at the landscape among many, yielding a partial, fragmented view. To obtain a holistic perspective, various perspectives from multiple stakeholder groups should be consulted. This implies the need for a systems approach which incorporates interdisciplinary thought and participatory teamwork. Also, because cultural landscapes are socially constructed, they are dynamic and their interpretation and valuation are subject to change over time. Landscapes are temporal; those who perceive them, reinvent their constructs over time in response to external factors, trends, and shifting tastes. Multivalency also implies that conflicts are inevitable. Various stakeholders, such as environmentalists, tourists, and indigenous people, will ascribe values to a landscape. If these values come into conflict, stakeholders will vie for the same space. In evaluating a cultural landscape, one must be aware of and willing to negotiate such contestation. Furthermore, different vested interests are represented in a landscape and are therefore subject to hegemonial influences as "experts," or other groups, may assert influence over an evaluation. Disenfranchised or underserved groups may, on the other hand, be underrepresented. Swentzella's essay provides a case study of conflicting values, providing an example of conflicting values within the landscape. 47 \Vhile Meinig describes the complexities of values in landscapes, Lewis laments that Americans have difficulties in "reading" the landscape because "Ordinary landscape seems messy and disorganized" and "most Americans are unaccustomed to reading landscape."411 However, he 47 Rina Swentzell, "Conflicting Landscape Values: The Santa Clara Pueblo and Day School." In Understanding Ordinary Landscapes, ed. Paul. E. Groth and Todd. W. Bressi, 5.6-66, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997. 48 Pierce K. Lewis, "Axioms for Reading the Landscape: Some Guides to the American Scene." In The Interpretation of Ordinary Landscapes: Geographical Essays, eds. D. W. Meinig andJ. B. Jackson. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1979, 2. 25

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contends, few academic disciplines teach or encourage this skill. Still, he maintains that "all human landscape has cultural meaning."49 In response, Lewis offers seven axioms for guiding students and others in interpreting a cultural landscape. 50 Likewise, Groth observes that "Americans are like fish who can't see the water" because they "do not notice their everyday environments" and "rarely have concepts for pondering, discussing, or evaluating their cultural environments."51 That is, intangible values are not only ubiquitous but fragile and often difficult to perceive. Yet they undeniably exist and are subject to forces such as globalization, commodification, and prevailing hegemonies. Groth identifies six tenets that give coherence to landscape studies: (1) everyday, ordinary landscapes are important; (2) both rural and urban landscapes, as well as landscapes of production and consumption, should be studied; (3) contrasts of diversity and uniformity frame debates; (4) landscape studies call for popular as well as academic writing; (5) the many choices of theory and method stem from the subject's interdisciplinary nature; and, (6) visual and spatial data are subject to landscape interpretation. Attempts to understand landscapes by their symbolic meanings are relatively recent. Daniels and Cosgrove are generally concerned with "the status of landscape as image and symbol."52 The authors explain iconographic study as a means to "conceptualize pictures as encoded texts to be deciphered by those cognizant of the culture as a whole in which they were produced."SJ Borrowing the idea of iconography from art history, Cosgrove attempts to make sense of landscapes from their visual clues. Ibid., 1. 50 The seven axioms include: 1.The Axiom of Landscape as Clue to Culture; 2. The Axiom of Cultural Unity and Landscape Equality; 3. The Axiom of Common Things; 4. The Historic Axiom; 5. The Geographic (or Ecologic) Axiom; 6. The Axiom of Environmental Control; and 7. The Axiom of Landscape Obscurity. 5I Paul E. Groth and Todd W. Bressi, Understanding Ordinary Llndscapes (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997), 1. 52 Stephen Daniels and Dennis Cosgrove, "Introduction: Iconography and Landscape," in The of Llndscape, eds. Stephen Daniels and Dennis Cosgrove, (Cambridge Studies in Historical Geography, 1988), 1. 53 Ibid., 2. 26

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Melnick compiled scholarly essays in Preseroing Cultural Lindscapes in America. The book addresses a broad range of issues associated with the preservation of landscapes. 5 4 Melnick draws a parallel between "wilderness" and cultural preservation and concludes "there are historical, aesthetic, scientific, and educational reasons for protecting these environments, but cultural landscape preservation can assist us in understanding, appreciating, and valuing an even broader range of landscapes and landscape types."SS Several major themes emerge from the book. First, each author espouses that landscapes are "dynamic" and both "a product and a process."56 The primary challenge is, therefore, to frame, capture, and preserve the essence of the landscape resource while retaining its dynamism. Landscapes are not only dynamic but also diverse, geographically and topically, as evidenced by the cases provided in the book: heritage landscapes, urban parks and cemeteries, Puerto Rican neighborhoods in New York City, vernacular landscapes in small towns and rural areas, ethnographic landscapes, and Asian American imprints on the Western landscape. This theme of misplaced or underappreciated landscape values has an historical basis. Values have always been important in shaping the American landscape, but core values are deeply rooted and slowly evolving. Traditionally, Americans have had an economic relationship with the land, but without a long history of making places, they have had difficulty legitimizing emotional, symbolic, or sacred meanings. Instead Americans tend to seek a "rational" basis for resource allocations. In Wilderness and the American Mind, Nash details the evolving relationship between humans and nature, starting from the European discovery of the New World and progressing through the contemporary environmental movement.S7 Initially, this relationship was adversarial, based on Preserving Cultural lAndscape in America, ed. Arnold R. Alanen and Robert Z. Melnick (Baltimore, MD: The John Hopkins University Press, 2000), 250 55 Robert Z. Melnick, "Nature and Culture in Landscape Preservation," in Preserving Cultural lAndscape in America, 21. 56 Ibid., 16. 5 7 Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press), 2001. 27

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fear and struggle, and has progressed to one which is relatively complex and interconnected: "Traditional American assumptions about the use of undeveloped country did not include reserving it in national parks for its recreational, aesthetic, and inspirational values."58 Intangible values are much more difficult to perceive, never mind much less to articulate. Nash, for example, writes that "arguments in favor of roads are direct and concrete, while those against them are subde and difficult to express."59 This generally tilts such debates toward an economic argument: "Opponents of dams frequendy argued over benefit-cost ratios, discussing kilowatt-hours, acre-feet and the prime rate of interest instead of explaining the values of wild rivers and their canyons."6C1 Simpson, in his book, Visions rif Paradise, examines how the values and behaviors of people transformed the American landscape.61 By seeing landscapes merely as property, scenery, or in scientific terms, the author argues that limiting perimeters are imposed. He stresses its relation to the human psyche, to the aesthetic senses, to love of place, to community, and to a full bonding in nature. Instilled with Judeo-Christian and European values, American pioneers feared landscape as wilderness. These values manifested themselves in property rights, conquest, separatism, utilitarianism, and land ethics. These values dominated land use until the mid-Nineteenth century, when Transcendentalists and nature advocates like Henry David Thoreau began to ascribe aesthetic values to nature. Still, this was an elitist movement and the underlying values remain entrenched: ... ours is a rational landscape shaped by the values and perceptions of the Enlightenment. Land is known intellectually. Economic, functional, and practical concerns overwhelm appeals to aesthetics, emotions, and intuition. Science and reason serve as the basis for our actions, not myth, or superstition . . Freedom and opportunity, order and disorder, equality and democracy, 58 Ibid., 181. 5 9 Ibid., 204. 60 Ibid., 239. 61 John Warfield Simpson, In Visions of Paradise: Glimpses of Our LAndscape's Legary (Berkley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1999). 28

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permanence and transience, and rationality, each of these characteristics stems from our traditional Judea Christian, Euro-American landscape values, values that are little changed ... Land remains a commodity for our use and benefit, property to be bought and sold. We remain separate from and superior to the land. And we continue to see the land mostly in nonemotional, nonhistone terms. Some values have changed. Our moral and practical hostility towards the wilderness has lessened. So has our blindness to action and outcome. We no longer believe in limitedless abundance and resiliency. Our behavior, however, has yet to fully reflect these changes.62 Like Nash, Simpson concludes that American values are shifting, albeit slowly. Traditional values obscure less tangible values that are inherent in the landscape. This difficulty to see the landscape holistically stems from our inclination to set ourselves apart, our inability to adopt systematic perceptions. Several relevant themes emerge from this review: landscapes are inherently layered, subject to a multiplicity of values, and socially constructed. However, intangible values are often difficult to "see" and comprehend and functional values tend to dominate. These themes and qualities echo many of the principles inherent in a value-based approach to preservation. However, a value based approach has had relatively few precedents for assessing culturallandscapes.63 Therefore, this question will be readdressed in Section 4.0, once the theoretical framework has been developed. 2.4 The Civilian Conservation Corps The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) was created as part of President Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal and, despite some apparent limitations, is generally recalled fondly and nostalgically by its alumni and others. However, scholarly work on the subject is somewhat limited.64 The 62 W. J. Thomas l\Iitchell, Lmdscape and Power (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2002). 6 3 Marta de Ia Torre, Margaret G.H. MacLean, Randall Mason, and David Myers, Heritage Values in Site Management: Four Case Studies (Los Angeles, CA: Getty Conservation Institute, 2005); Randall Mason, "Management for Cultural Landscape Preservation," in Cultural undscapes: Balancing Nature and Heritage in Preservation Practice, ed. Richard Longstreth (l\Iinneapolis, MN: University of l\Iinnesota Press, 2008). 64 Joseph M. Speakman, "The New Deal Arrives in Penn's Woods: The Beginnings of the Civilian Conservation Corps in Pennsylvania," The Pennsylvania Maga:jne of History and Biograpl!J 130 no. 2, (2006): 213. 29

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academic literature may be somewhat sparse but much of the available literature is characterized by oral histories, first-hand accounts, camp newsletters, and personalletters.65 \Vhile such publications tend to be sincere and nostalgic accounts, they often lack academic rigor, are anecdotal, and have a narrow perspective. Furthermore, research in this field is limited by poor records that are dispersed between the government archives, the Forest Service, and the U.S. Army. However, there are some notable exceptions. John A. Salmond's The Civilian Conseroation Corps, 1933-1942: A New Deal Case Stucfy provides a comprehensive review.66 Salmond offers a chronological account of the CCC and, forty years later, his book remains one of the most important contributions. The study focuses on the CCC's administration, but also portrays every day camp life. Although Salmond does not overlook the segregation of African Americans and other controversial issues, his account retains a positive and favorable tone. Recently, new academic research has emerged. Joseph Speakman's book is a well-researched and documented publication. Speakman provides an historic, economic, and political treatment of the CCC. Although the book is likely targeted at Pennsylvanian readers, the author positions the book in a national context, providing a broad perspective and an historical context. Pennsylvania's program was one of the most successful in the nation, sustained by a large pool of unemployed youth and coupled with ready conservation work. Pennsylvania enrolled almost 185,000 young men in 152 camps, the second most of any state, outside of California. The author, therefore, contends that, "Because Pennsylvania had such a large and successful CCC program, it offers an ideal microcosm in which to study the successes and limitations of the CCC."67 Speakman provides a balanced account. Although the program is fondly remembered, it was not without flaws: the economics are inconclusive, camps were segregated, and recruitment excluded women. The author addresses these issues tactfully and unapologetically. In fact, an entire chapter is devoted to black CCC camps and enrollees. 65 For a complete bibliography, see: Larry N. Sypolt, Civilian Conservation Corps: A Selective!JAnnotated Bibliography (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2005). 66 John A. Salmond, The Civilian Conservation Corps 1932-1942: A New Deal Case Stut!J (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1967). 67 Speakman, 3. 30

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Speakman provides a post-mortem on the CCC. While still a proponent, he critically analyzes the program and reveals some of its less admirable aspects. On the other hand, he also highlights the program's many achievements and some of its more enduring results, such as its impact on the Youth Corps and other programs as well as America's conservation legacy. In summary, the author concurrently provides a national perspective as well as a regional one, but perhaps limits his scope in the process. The term "sustainability" did not appear once in his book, although the CCC arguably had an impact on today's environmental movement. Nonetheless, despite taking a broad view, he may have missed an opportunity to portray the CCC in an even larger context and overcome some proclivity towards localism. Where Speakman arguably fell short, Neil Maher provides a sweeping account of the CCC. In his recent scholarly book, Maher asserts that the CCC transformed the conservation movement.6B Prior to the CCC's inception, Progressive Era conservatism had been a narrow and elite-based movement. Maher casts the CCC into a broad and contemporary perspective, arguing that the conservation of natural resources was popularized by exposing and educating enrollees, communities, and the media to its principles and practices. Many enrollees eventually continued with educations and careers related to their CCC experiences. The author contends that the CCC effectively transformed the conservation movement into a grass-roots environmental movement. Essentially, Maher argues that the CCC provided the "missing link" between Progressive Era conservation and the post-war environmental movement. The popular notion is that, following the Hetch Hetchy controversy, the preservation movement "wandered in the wilderness," only to reemerge at Dinosaur National Monument.69 Contrary to this popular conception, Maher contends that the CCC was at the roots of the environmental movement. The significance of his research is that it positions the historical significance of the CCC in an entirely new context. 68 Neil M. Maher, Natures New Deal and the Roots of the American Environmental Movement (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2008). 69 Ibid., 5. 31

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Whereas Maher broadens our understanding of the CCC in regard to its impact on the environmental movement in this country, in Soldiers ojLJbor, Kiran Patel provides a transnational perspective. Traditionally, the CCC has been studied as part of the New Deal, but this research places it in a larger context. In the wake of the global economic collapse of the late 1920s and early 1930s, more than twelve nations utilized "labor services."70 These countries initiated state sponsored work projects, organized through militarized camp systems, to overcome the economic turmoil. Patel compares Nazi Germany's Reichsarbeitsdienst (RAD) with the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) to understand how the United States and Germany responded to the crisis. In so doing, Patel analyzes the social identity, the role and culture of militarism, symbolism, and underlying political factors. By comparing the two movements, Patel demonstrates how the RAD, through perceptions, pedagogical value, and "intercultural transfers," not only influenced the CCC but also stood in stark contrast. In order to assess the historical value of Camp ANF-1, it is important to provide an historical perspective. Certainly historical value is but one in a spectrum of values but it has traditionally been a predominant value for historic preservation assessments. These varying resources and others, such as Paige and Otis, provide an objective and balanced context for this overviewJt 7 Patel defines labor services as "an organization somewhat similar to a public work scheme, but also including an explicit educational dimension." See Kiran Klaus Patel, "Learning from the Enemy?" Transatlantica, May 2006, http:/ /transatlantica.revues.org/document785.html (accessed May 28, 2009). 71 Alison T. Otis, William D. Honey, Thomas C. Hogg, and Kimberly K. Lakin, The Forest Seroice and The Civilian Conseroation Corps: 193342 (Corvalis: U.S. Dept. of Agriculture, Forest Service).; John C. Paige, The Civilian Conseroation Corps and The National Parks S enlice, 19 3 3-1942. An Administrative History. (Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, U.S. Dept. of the Interior, 1985). 32

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3.0 BACKGROUND AND HISTORY T his chapter provides an historical overview of the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), the Corps' experience in Pennsylvania, and a history of the site. The CCC was obviously an important part of the site's history. However, as with any cultural landscape, its history is layered and the CCC's predominance is not presumed. 3.1 The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) was part of President Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal. The program employed millions of young men and has had an enduring impact both on the American landscape and the psyche of an entire generation. This subsection examines the program within the relevant economic, political, and social contexts. 3.1.1 History The CCC operated for nine years, between 1933 and 1942. After an impressive start and a somewhat uneven history, the program faded into relative obscurity by the end of its existence. Still, the Corps left an indelible mark on not only our landscapes but also the young men who served in the program. The CCC's history is characterized by a number of converging trends and profoundly historical figures. The U.S. stock market crash on October 29, 1929, marked the onslaught of the Great Depression. Chronic unemployment and stagnant economic conditions persisted under President Herbert Hoover. By 1933, the stock market had lost nearly 90 percent of its value and the national unemployment rate had increased from 3 to 25 percent.72 Unemployment for workers the age of twenty was nearly twice as high, and this demographic was at risk of becoming a "lost generation." These economic conditions were compounded by deflation, depressed manufacturing and agriculture sectors, and tens of thousands of foreclosed mortgages. 72 Because the government did not report reliable employment statistics, this figure is based on various estimates which are generally accepted. See Speakman (2006), 15. 33

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Not only was the economy depressed but many natural resources had been depleted by extensive industrialization and development. Only 100 million of 800 million acres of virgin timber remained in the continental United States.73 In 1932, the Copeland Report concluded that America was consuming approximately twice as much wood as it was producing and that "the forest resources of this country are being seriously depleted."74 Other problems, such as soil erosion, were also becoming apparent: more than 300 million acres of arable land--one sixth of the continent-had disappearedJ5 The CCC was foreshadowed by small-scale projects and philosophical literature. Some states had experimented with labor camps for individuals on relief, forestry restoration being a common project. As governor of New York, Roosevelt had developed a similar program and others were launched in California and PennsylvaniaJ6 Comparable programs were also being pioneered in Europe and the Corps' intellectual roots can arguably be traced to early twentieth century literatureJ 7 Roosevelt had a long-standing personal interest in conservation. At age twenty-eight, he assumed responsibility for his family's estate in Hyde Park, New York or, as they called the property, "Springwood." Roosevelt managed the property's restoration and it became a life time pursuit: 73 Salmond, http:/ /www.nps.gov /history /history/ online_books/ ccc/ salmond/ chap1.htm (accessed 3/19/2009). N The Copeland Report, also known as the National Plan for American Forestry, was commissioned by the federal government to update the Capper Report of 1920. 75 The Reconnaissance ErosionS uroey of 1935 determined that approximately one-half of the nation's land mass was experiencing moderate to severe erosion, much more than previously thought. See Maher, 60. 76 In 1931, Roosevelt established a temporary emergency relief administration to hire unemployed workers in various reforestation projects; R. L. Deering, "Camps for the Unemployed in the Forests of California." Journal of Forestry 30, no. 5 (1932): 554-557. 77 William James, "Memories and Studies." 290-291. New York, NY, 1912. James was a professor of philosophy at Harvard University. Although a student of James, Roosevelt denied that his teachings had an influence on the development of the CCC. 34

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Roosevelt supervised the planting of a few thousand trees in 1912 and continued an annual planting regimen until his death in 1945, at which time he had overseen the planting of more than a half million trees covering 556 acres of the estate. In 1933, the year the CCC was formed he had 36,000 trees planted at Hyde Park ... In light of this extensive effort, it is not surprising that each year when voting in Hyde Park, Roosevelt listed his occupation as "tree grower."7B In 1910, Roosevelt embarked on his political career as a New York senator. His flrst senatorial appointment was chair of the Senate's Forest, Fish, and Game Committee. In this capacity, Roosevelt publicized threats to the state's natural resources and introduced eight separate bills to conserve them. Starting with this experience, the young senator integrated environmental conservation with his political career. By the time he became the Governor of New York in 1929, Roosevelt's conviction to "Progressive Era conservation" was apparent by his affiliations and political support.79 Roosevelt also believed that the Depression's persistent unemployment was essentially an urban problem that threatened the nation's youth.811 He was deeply involved with the Boy Scouts and this experience cultivated his belief that the physical environment was formative to developing youths. Roosevelt had became president of the Boy Scout Foundation of Greater New York in 1922, and his cousin, Theodore Roosevelt, was the Boy Scouts' ftrst chief scout citizen.81 These converging ideological and cultural factors paved the way for the CCC. During his 1932 presidential campaign, Roosevelt ftrst alluded to a national program that would address these social and environmental problems. He proposed "a deflnite land policy'' to ftght "a future of soil erosion and timber famine." By doing so, Roosevelt claimed that "employment can be given to a million men. That is the kind of public work that is self-78 Maher, 20-21. 79 Ibid., 28. 80 Ibid., 29. 81 Ibid., 34. 35

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sustaining ... Yes, I have a very definite program for providing employment by that means."82 Upon accepting the 1932 Democratic nomination for president, Roosevelt promised drastic measures within one hundred days. Included in his "Hundred Days" package was the "Emergency Conservation Work" program, the original and official title for what was popularly called the Civilian Conservation Corps.B3 Roosevelt was inaugurated on March 4, 1933. In his address, the new president made only indirect reference to the conservation program, but immediately started taking action. On March 9, the President convened a meeting with the Secretaries of Agriculture, the Interior, and War to discuss and outline his proposal.B4 On March 21, Roosevelt sent a message to the 73rd Congress regarding the "Relief of Unemployment" in which he describes his vision of the program: I have proposed to create a civilian conservation corps to be used in simple work, not interfering with normal employment, and confming itself to forestry, the preservation of soil erosion, flood control and similar projects ... The enterprise will ... conserve our precious natural resources and more important will be the moral and spiritual value of such work.85 On March 31, 1933, the Senate passed an amended bill and President Roosevelt signed the legislation into law, less than a month after taking office.86 The program was originally 82 "Roosevelt's Nomination Address, 1932," in The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Vol. 1, 1928-32, (New York, NY: Random House, 1938), 647. 83 In 1937, the program's official name was changed to the "Civilian Conservation Corps," although press and public had referred to the program by that name from its inception. http:/ /www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/ccc/ccc1a.htm (accessed 3/19/2009). 8 5 Franklin D. Roosevelt, "Three Essentials for Unemployment Relief," in the Public Papers and Addresses o[Frank/in D. Roosevelt (New York, NY: Random House, 1938). 86 Paige. 36

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authorized for six months by executive order on April 5 and subsequently extended on an ongoing basis. R7 The CCC was designed primarily as a work relief program for needy youth; however, in the minds of Roosevelt and many CCC administrators, the program also had objectives of reforming the moral health of the nation's youth while promoting more rational conservation policies. The program also promoted economic recovery by requiring enrollees to send a substantial portion of their $30 monthly earnings back to their families. On April 3, 1933, Roosevelt held a meeting at the White House to establish the CCC's administrative structure. A complicated organization emerged. Robert Fechner, former Machinist Union Vice President from Tennessee, was appointed National Director in an effort to appease organized labor.88 The Departments of Labor, War, Agriculture, and the Interior reported to Fechner's office. Labor was assigned the responsibility of recruiting young men in cooperation with state relief agencies. The Army assumed responsibility for conditioning enrollees and managing the work camps, while the Interior and Agriculture departments would supervise the work projects. This organizational structure largely resulted from the logistical need to quickly mobilize a large number of men to destinations across the country. The structure -Figure 2. Roosevelt's Hand Drawn Sketch of the CCC Administrative Structure would ultimately influence daily camp life, camp culture, and work projects. This structure was not without flaws and conflicts, which would only later become evident. However, it was a pragmatic response that would facilitate Roosevelt's early goal: 250,000 men in work camps by midsummer. 87 Speakman (2006), 65. 88 Speakman, Joseph M. "Into the Woods: The First Year of the Civilian Conservation Corps," Prologue 38, no. 3 (2006). 37

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On April 5, decisions from that organizational meeting were embodied in Executive Order No. 6101 and the CCC began its official existence. Plans were quickly developed to enroll the first 25,000 men and, two days later, Henry Rich of Alexandria, Virginia was inducted as its first "enrollee."89 On April 10, the first fifty camps and their locations were approved and announced.911 Initially, applicants were required to be male, unmarried, able-bodied, between eighteen and twenty-five years old, U.S. citizens, and from a family on relief.91 Remuneration was set at $30 per month, of which between $22 and $25 was sent home to their dependent families. Each volunteer enrolled for six months, with an option to re-enroll for a maximum service of one year. After being approved by a local relief board, recruits reported to Army collecting stations for a series of inoculation shots, a physical exam, and, if passed, a swearing in. Prior to being deployed, enrollees spent several weeks in "conditioning camps" at designated Army bases before being transported to their designated work camps. 89 Paige. 90 'Fifty Forest Camps Chosen for Corp, "The New York Times, April12, 1933., n.p. 91 In 1935, the age restrictions were expanded to seventeen to twenty-eight and, in 1938, the maximum age was set at twenty-three. 38

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... ------Figure 3. CCC Camps Established During the First Enrollment Period (source: First Report of the Director of the ECW, Record Group 35: CCC Entry 3: Annual, Final Reports, NARA, 27) On April 17, 1933, the nation's flrst CCC camp, Camp Roosevelt in Virginia in the George Washington National Forest, was established. A week later, camps were settled in other parts of the country. Despite this impressive start, the goal of deploying 250,000 men was not without serious challenges. By early May, only 52,000 men had been placed in 42 camps.92 Nonetheless, the interventions and heroics of some key individuals and organizations ultimately helped realize this goal. On July 1, 1933, Colonel Duncan K. Major, the War Department's representative on the CCC Advisory Council, reported that 274,375 men were enrolled in 1,330 camps.93 This was the largest peace-time mobilization of government labor in American history and it was achieved despite significant logistical and organizational challenges and through the cooperation of the affiliated governmental branches and agencies. Given its initial success, Roosevelt extended the program for an additional six months and issued an executive order on August 19, 1933. The subsequent period from 1933 to 1936 92 Salmond, http:/ /www.nps.gov /history /history/ online_books/ ccc/ salmond/ chap2.htm (accessed 3/19/2009). 93 Ibid. 39

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was arguably the "golden years" of the CCC. The program expanded in different ways, morale was high, and enrollment reached peak levels. During this period, a formal educational program was instituted and semi-permanent buildings were also constructed. After the ftrst enrollment period, enrollees lived in canvas tents, many from World War I. Designed for six men, these tents had wooden floors and portable stoves.94 The condition of the tents was suspect and became a concern as winter neared. As a result, Director Fechner received authorization to build more permanent structures.95 The Army and the American Forest Products, Inc., an industry group, began to demonstrate the feasibility of lumber products.96 By November 1933, the Army's proposal was accepted. This innovation created a great demand for local carpenters and other trades, stimulating local economies. Nearly 15,000 buildings were constructed in 1,400 camps during the spring and winter months of 1933-34, putting an estimated forty thousand carpenters to work.97 The illiteracy rate among enrollees had become glaring and, after a trial period, an education program was implemented in 1934. This program offered formal classroom instruction on a variety of subjects. Course offerings were expanded and by the end of this period, more than 1,800 "Education Advisors" had been hired, approximately one for each camp.98 Although the benefits of this program have been disputed and its mission was debated within the agency, education became an integral part of camp life. 94 Speakman (2006), 43. 95 Ibid., 57. 96 RolfT. Anderson, "Rabideau Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) Camp," National Historic Landmark Nomination, Form NPS Form 10-900, (November 15, 2003), 40. 97 Otis eta!., www.nps.gov /history /history/ online_books/ ccc/ ccc/ chap12.htm (accessed 3/19 /2009). 98 Maher, 89. 40

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Tot1l Number of Clmps by Enrollment Period 3500 f 3000 2500 u u 2000 u 'S 1500 J 1000 E 500 z A I "--.. "' '-01933 1942 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 Enrolment Pwlod Figure 4. Number of Camps, 1933 to 1936 (Source: Maher, 50) The Corps peaked, in terms of enrollment and camp numbers, sometime between late spring 1935 and early 1936 when there were 500,000 men in 2,652 work camps.99 While the program edged toward permanency, it was never quite attained. In fact, the personnel reductions in 1936 were not only an economic measure but also an attempt to create a smaller agency that would be more politically saleable. HNJ Initially authorized for only a six month period, the CCC received periodic extensions. However, the looming uncertainty made planning difficult and sometimes led to wasteful decisions. Beginning in 1937, telltale signs of the Corps' destiny started to emerge.wt Most notably, Roosevelt's efforts to make the CCC a permanent agency were rebuked. Roosevelt had recommended this change in his annual address to Congress, proposing a permanent agency of between 300,000 and 350,000 men. This failure was a political set-back and future attempts to make the CCC permanent were ill-fated. 99 Speakman (2006), 68. I!MJ Paige, http:/ /www.nps.gov /history /history I online_books/ ccc/ cccl b.htm (accessed 3/19 /2009). JOt Speakman (2006), 71. 41

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During this period, desertion became a troubling issue. Tbis problem was demoralizing because the word had emotional overtones and undennined costly recruitment and placement efforts. Fechner identified the problem as early as 1936, when a desertion rate of 11.6 percent was revealed. The issue became increasingly disconcerting as desertions rates continued to trend upward. Desertions climbed to over 20 percent over the next several years.lll2 Despite the desertions, the program was seemingly healthy. Public support and recruitment remained high. However, the underlying demographics were shifting. Enrollees were younger, reflecting the improved economy and an increased opportunity cost of enrolling.lll3 These younger enrollees were more impulsive and less responsible, contributing to the upward desertion trends. On June 28, 1937, Congress passed new legislation that formally established the Civilian Conservation Corps. The bill, however, differed from the proposal in several significant ways, most notably that the Corps was not made into a permanent agency. On the other hand, a provision was inserted that reserved ten hours per week for general education or vocational training.H14 In retrospect, the end was inevitable. Congress granted the Corps a three-year extension but the program was subject to annual budgetary authorizations. 102 Ibid., 126. 1113 Ibid., 86. 10-t Ibid., 126. 42

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"' f u u u u 0 J E z Total Number of Camps by Enrollment Period 3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 I\. I'--..... .-J "" '--01933 1942 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 Enrolment Period FigureS. Number of Camps, 1937 to 1938 (Source: Maher, 50) In 1939, the agency still enjoyed high enrollments and had matured administratively. The program also enjoyed strong public support. In a Gallup Poll from that year, 11 percent of the respondents identified the CCC as "the greatest accomplishment" of the entire New Deal.ltl5 Enrollment remained high, with approximately four applicants for every opening.ltl6 The agency, however, lost its independence when, in the spring of 1939, it became part of a new Federal Security Agency. This change made the Corps more politically vulnerable. Director Robert Fechner died of heart failure on New Year's Day, December 31, 1939. Fechner had played an essential role with the CCC and was instrumental in its formative years by facilitating the cooperating agencies. Fechner was effective at promoting public relations and avoided any serious scandals. \Vhile his attempts to centralize the organization caused some internal strife and he was frequently criticized for deferring to the Army, his death was a loss. Ill? 10s Ibid., 1. 106 Ibid., 83. 107 Ibid., 79. 43

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James J. McEntee, Fechner's successor and understudy, faced additional struggles that had not become apparent under the previous administrator. Desertions continued to rise and recruitment was challenging. By late swnmer 1941, the Corps was in obvious trouble. Furthermore, war seemed inuninent and the economy had improved, leaving the CCC's relevancy in question. The program was ultimately overcome by its own flawed structure. Created as an emergency organization, many features were not well conceived and, with the military's involvement, the CCC eventually assumed a paramilitary flavor. From its beginning, the agency had struggled to maintain its civilian identity. As early as December 1938, a Gallup poll found that 75 percent of the public supported military training in CCC camps. JOB Roosevelt and Fechner had initially opposed any such changes. After the fall of France in 1940, Congress passed a resolution that would provide training in the event of war. While weapons training was never offered, instruction was provided for radio operations, demolition, and flrst-aid.109 By 1941, even Roosevelt justifled the CCC on grounds of domestic defense and, in the last six months, military drills were introduced. The end of the CCC era was rather poignant. In the last six months, the number of enrollees and camps dramatically declined, from 190,000 to 60,000 men and from 1,235 to 350 camps.110 In the end, the CCC was a victim of annual budgetary authorizations with Congress failing to appropriate funds for the program. Overshadowed by World War II, the CCC simply faded from existence and officially ended its operations on June 30, 1942. tos Ibid., 154. 109Ibid., 87. 110 Ibid., 15. 44

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.. A E u u u '; I :II z Total Number of C.mps by Enrollment Period )500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 1\. I'-.. "' '\.... ._ 01933 1942 1 2 ) 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 Enn.,uaantPwiDd Figure 6. Number of Camps, 1939 to 1942 (Source: Maher, 50) It is difficult to perform a post-mortem of the Corps. Many accounts are clouded by nostalgia, and scholarly research is impeded by a lack of financial data and poor historical records. It is debatable whether the CCC could be justified solely on economic terms However, its impacts on the country's environment, human capital, and future movements are difficult to deny. The Corps had recruited and employed more than three million young men during its nine year existence.111 Two billion trees were planted, accounting for more than half of the public and private reforestation in the nation's history. The Corps also cleared 125,000 miles of trails and "conservative estimates indicate that Corps work projects across the nation altered more than 118 million acres, an area approximately three times the size of Connecticut."112 The CCC provided a model for the Job Corps, VISTA, and AmeriCorps, and also influenced the country's conservation movement and labor politics.113 Finally, the Corps prepared many enrollees for World War II and helped the country to quickly 111 Determining the total nwnber of enrollees or total nwnber of camps has been difficult because statistics were maintained using six-month census rather than on a cwnu1ative basis. Therefore estimates vary, depending on the source, from 2.5 to 3.0 million enrollees and from 4,500 to 5,000 camps. 112 Maher, 44. 113 Jonathan \Iter, The Defining Moment (New York, NY: Simon and Schuster, 2007), 299.; Maher, 76. 45

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mobilize forces for the war effort. As many as 90 percent of the enrollees eventually fought in World War Il.114 Finally, the Corps provided a transformative experience: "In camp newsletters, essays reprinted in national magazines, and letters mailed home to family and friends, the more than 3 million young men who joined the CCC during the Great Depression went out of their way to describe the trans formative character of their outdoor work."115 3.1.2 CCC Work Projects The CCC reshaped the American landscape through a variety of projects. Typical projects included reforestation; construction of dams, diversions, roads, trails, buildings, and bridges; and control of erosion, forest flres, and ecological disease. During the flrst eighteen months, the Corps quickly became associated with the national forests, earning the moniker, "The Tree Army." However, the variety of projects increased over time. This trend can be attributed to shifting priorities, geo-political decisions, and responses to emerging environmental and social conditions. For the flrst year and a half, the CCC assigned the great majority of its project to the Forest Service.116 The type of forestry projects varied and expanded over time but essentially comprised "improvement" and "protection" work. Improvements involved restoration and related activities, as well as the development of the existing stock. Protection, on the other hand, involved safeguarding timber resources from further destructive forces. The early focus had been on reforestation. It was not until the 1934 Dust Bowl and the release of national soil survey fmdings that these priorities shifted. The CCC responded by 114 Ibid., 213. 115 Ibid., 77. 116 Ibid., 51-52. 46

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gready expanding its soil conservation work. By 1935, there were 544 designated soil erosion camps, approximately 20 percent of the total number of camps. During the mid-1930s, the Corps began expanding their projects beyond conservation to include construction of outdoor recreational amenities.117 Prior to the summer of 1935, these types of projects had been limited, largely constrained by the National Park's mission and culture. Many Park Service administrators felt that such structures obscured park scenery. However, starting in 1935, Americans rushed to the outdoors, forcing Roosevelt and the CCC administrators to reconsider their policies. Whereas less than 3.5 million people visited national parks in 1933, by 1938 visitation had increased to 16 million. 118 In June 1935, the Corps responded to this trend by announcing that the National Parks Service would oversee 120,000 enrollees for recreational work.119 This eventually resulted in new and better recreational facilities, including hiking trails, campgrounds, motor roads, and other tourist amenities. In addition to these core activities, the CCC was employed in wildlife conservation and provided relief work for natural disasters. Some units were involved in establishing wildlife refuges and conducting wildlife surveys. In addition to regularly fighting forest fires, the CCC was also mobilized in response to natural disasters.12o In summary, what began as work in state and national forests during the early 1930s, shifted to the country's farms in the middle of the decade and to the national parks during the latter years. These shifts were reflected in the types of projects that were undertaken and ultimately in the landscape itself. 117 Ibid., 8. 118 Ibid., 78. 119 Ibid., 70. 120 Patel, 370. 47

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3.1.3 Camp Architecture, Administration, and Life Camps were typically located in rustic and isolated settings. Each camp had approximately 200 enrollees and an administrative staff of three officers, who were commissioned officers or reservists. The camp's Commanding Officer was responsible for the enrollees while they were in the camp. Commanding officers usually held the rank of captain or first lieutenant in the anny, navy, marine corps, or the reserves. On the other hand, the Camp Superintendent was in charge of work projects and had supervisory authority over the men when they left camp to work in the field. The Supervisor had several foremen reporting to him and together they comprised the "technical personnel" staff. IIESPONS8U1"ES WITIIN Nj NPS CAMP. 1933 I I ump...,-neudom I ....... II .,._.. II --II..=.. 11n::=1 one/100"'"" llltNII!ctJ (chongod In li:MID I tldlled-""" one fonmonl-40-50 mon (mochirw__.. lnMrt CDnUDI conltfUCUan _..... bl-rust c.antJDI oupeMIOI)I "*'--a. well nil CDni1JUCdGn lludl11311-.. 1ft-"*"' biKicJmiiii.IDOI,.,_ l.whc.lplne ---bl-rust c.antJDI ct-. mtehlnlu) mlFigure 7. Organizational Structure within a National Park Service (NPS) Camp121 Army doctors and chaplains generally rotated between regional camps. Some camps had a resident Army surgeon or an Army chaplain but those were uncommon. However, 121 Paige, http:/ /www.nps.gov /history /history/ online_books/ ccc/images/ ccccl.jpg (accessed 3/19/2009). 48

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between the Army's fulland part-time itinerant chaplains and conununity based clergymen, the men usually had ample opportunity to attend service at camp or in nearby towns. Recruits were diverse, providing opportunities for interaction between enrollees with varying backgrounds. Still camps were racially segregated, women were not permitted to enroll, and discriminatory recruitment practices existed.122 Camp designs were relatively standard, but over time incorporated many subtle variations, reflecting responses to regional conditions and shifts in policies. Still, their designs are relatively standard reflecting the Army's involvement and the agency's hurried beginnings. m A typical camp is depicted in Figure 8. 122 First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt initiated a program to employ women, nicknamed "She She She Camps." The camps employed over 8,000 women in ninety camps but the work did not involve conservation and was not officially part of the CCC. The Eleanor Roosevelt Papers. "She-She-She Camps." Teaching Eleanor Roosevelt, ed. by Allida Black, June Hopkins, et. al. (Hyde Park, New York: Eleanor Roosevelt National Historic Site, 2003), http:/ /www.nps.gov/archive/elro/glossary/she she-she-camps.htm (accessed June 1, 2009). m "A typical CCC camp is described as having 11 buildings including 4 barracks, a mess hall, a recreation hall, an infirmity, officer quarters, truck garages, latrines, and shower buildings. The recreation hall, not included in tent camps, was 20 by 140 feet and contained writing and reading rooms, a library, and a lecture hall."; Otis et al., http:/ /www.nps.gov/history/history/online_books/ccc/ccc/chap12.htm (accessed 3/19/2009). 49

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Figure 8. Layout of a Typical CCC Camp In 1934, the first portable camp buildings were introduced as a cost-effective measure.124 These portable building had no foundations and were designed to be temporary structures. Although camp administrators preferred the rigid structures, portable buildings became the official standard in 1937.125 The daily regimen was relatively ordered. The men were awoken at 6:00 am and performed calisthenics before leaving for the field work. Weekends were free, unless "makeup" work was pending or emergency work was necessary. Three meals were served daily. Paige, http:/ /www.nps.gov /history /history/ online_books/ ccc/ ccc3a.htm (accessed 3/19/2009). 125 Otis et al., www.nps.gov /history /history/ online_books/ ccc/ ccc/ chap12.htm (accessed March 19, 2009). 50

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Table 1. Daily Schedule in the CCC126 6:00A.M 6:30 6:45 7:00 7:45 12:00 4:00P.M. until5:00 5:00 5:30 After 6:00 10:00 Reveille, washing, bed-making Morning exercises Breakfast Morning roll call Departure for work Lunch in the field Return from work Free Time Rag parade/ roll call Dinner Evening classes in various subjects Lights out Because the men's work day was set at eight hours, camp officers were initially concerned about how to occupy them for the rest of the day. Outdoor recreation, at least in the summer months, was usually a first choice. Baseball, basketball, boxing, and other individual and team sports were favorite pastimes. Camps generally competed with other regional camps or with community teams. By 1942, for example, 90 percent of all camps had a sports field, in addition to facilities that were provided by neighboring communities.127 126 Patel, 268. 127 Ibid., 272. 51

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Figure 9. Camp Baseball Team, ANF-13 (Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed.) In addition to recreational opportunities, formal educational programs were introduced. Initially, course offerings were rather modest and in response to high illiteracy rates rather than the result of a well-defined pedagogical mission. This reflects a period of uncertainty and debate regarding the role of classroom education and the Corps' expedient beginnings. After the first year, however, a formal camp education program received a more serious hearing and the President authorized such a program in December 1933. Formal education involved a system of voluntary night classes.128 1be program evolved and grew over time: Over the years an amazing variety of subjects taught after hours in the CCC camps evolved ... Lessons covered almost every conceivable academic topic as well as arts and crafts and highly technical subjects like auto mechanics or metalworking. The courses were as varied as camp personnel felt qualified to offer, and instructors included not just the educational adviser but also the military, technical personnel from the Interior or Agriculture, and even enrollees themselves. By 1938, for example, there were 603 different subjects being taught in camps_l2'J 12H .\Iaher, 82. Speakman (2006), 56. 52

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There were tensions and differences within the CCC administration regarding the role and value of education. Nonetheless, a wide variety of courses was offered and education was an integral part of camp life. 3.1.4 CCC in Pennsylvania Pennsylvania was one of the most successful state programs, buoyed by a large pool of unemployed youth and plenty of available conservation work. In the end, Pennsylvania enrolled 184,916 young men in 152 CCC camps.130 As was the case nationally, significant historical figures converged with economic, political, and environmental conditions. Gifford Pinchot, one of the most important conservationists of the early twentieth century, was one such pivotal figure. Pinchot was America's first trained forester, first chief of the U.S. Forest Service, and, at the time of the Depression, Governor of Pennsylvania. His influence on the conservation movement cannot be understated. l:lOJbid., 93, 212. 53

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..... . ...... .. .... . .. . . t ...... ...... ..,, . : .. --::-,.,I.M. ... L e -e. ..._ .. ., ... . '"fffl . "-. f .. .:. .... 1r'l Figure 10. Distribution of CCC Camps in Pennsylvania, 1933-1942 Source: Pennsylvania, Department of Conservation and Natural Recourses. http://www.dcnr.state.pa.uslindex.aspx (accessed March 22, 2010). Pinchot became Governor in 1921 and two early initiatives played significant roles in the success and proliferation of the CCC in Pennsylvania. In 1923, Pinchot created the Department of Forests and Waters. Furthermore, Governor Pinchot pre-dated the CCC by introducing labor camps designed to improve envirorunental conditions in rural areas. The Corps' significance in Pennsylvania can be traced to not only Pinchot's programs and initiatives but also his professional and personal relationship with Franklin Roosevelt. Pinchot enlightened and informed Roosevelt about forest abuses earlier in their careers.131 Roosevelt was, in fact, a devotee of Pinchot's philosophy of Progressive Era conservatism.m Roosevelt and Pinchot were also personally linked: their friendship extended back to Roosevelt's childhood, their wives were close friends, and Pinchot was an intimate acquaintance of Theodore Roosevelt. 131 Otis et al., http:/ /www.nps.gov /history /history/ online_books/ ccc/ ccc/ chap2.htm (accessed 3/19/2009). m Speakman (2006), 10. 54

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Pinchot began his second term as governor in 1931. The Depression was deepening and Pennsylvania had been particularly hard hit. In 1930, Pennsylvania's population was more than nine million, second in the nation behind New York. The state's reliance on heavy industry made it especially susceptible to the prevailing economic conditions. By 1932, the economic conditions were so dire that the Community Council of Philadelphia described the "slow starvation and progressive disintegration of family life." As was the case nationally, Pennsylvania's economy mirrored its environmental conditions. Pennsylvania's forests had been depleted since the arrival of large-scale commercial lumbering in the 1850's. These operations largely denuded forests, leaving vast acres of unsightly stumps. By the tum of the twentieth century, only about one-third of the state's acreage remained: Of what was left, ftres consumed about 400,000 acres a year, and timber was actually being imported into "Penn's Woods." People used language like desert or "The Allegheny Briar Patch" in referring to the millions of acres of once prime timber lands then standing in ugly and ecologically dangerous conditions.m By 1933, Pennsylvania's forests had actually recovered signiftcantly.1 3 4 The most serious problem, however, was forest ftres. Fires were caused accidently by lightning, campers, and arson, but the main culprit was sparks emitting from railway locomotives.135 Given this backdrop, Pennsylvania had two primary advantages for accommodating the influx of CCC projects and recruits, especially relative to other eastern states. Pennsylvania's half-million acre Allegheny National Forest afforded many opportunities for work projects. This land was under the direct control of the Forest Service and locating camps in the forest involved relatively few constraints. In fact, ftve of the ftrst ftfty camps were located in Pennsylvania, all in national forests. Secondly, Pennsylvania was administratively prepared. The Department of Forests and Water, headed by one of Pinchot's proteges Lewis Staley, was well prepared and proactive in its preparations. Staley m Ibid., 7. 134 Ibid., 11. 135 Ibid. 55

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identified work projects and sent 54 projects to Fechner's office for approval on April 6. By April23, these projects had been approved.136 The first states to receive enrollees were those having existing Army "collection stations." Pennsylvania had collecting stations in Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Harrisburg, Altoona, Johnstown, Williamsport, Allentown, Easton, Pottsville, Reading, Butler, Erie, Greensburg, Uniontown, Wilkes-Barre, and Scranton.137 The initial reaction to the new program was enthusiastic: The creation of the CCC created intense curiosity, interest, and excitement throughout Pennsylvania. On April 3, before any specific plans had been set up in Washington, a crowd of two thousand hopeful young men, dressed in their Sunday best converged on the State Employment Bureau in downtown Philadelphia.138 Pennsylvania enrollees were sent to various army bases in Maryland, Virginia, and Pennsylvania for conditioning and training. Of the national goal to put 250,000 men in camps by mid-surruner, Pennsylvania was allotted 19,500. By June 2, Director Fletcher had approved 97 camps in Pennsylvania, second only to California. The number of camps peaked in Pennsylvania in September of 1935 at 141. Enrollment and demographic trends mirrored national trends. 136 Ibid., 33. 137 Ibid., 29. 138 Ibid., 26. 56

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Table 2. CCC Camps by Camp Type and Enrollment Period139 Enrollment Period hr Categ:o!!l F scs A NPS s Number of Camps July 1933 7 3 87 97 November 1933 7 6 91 104 April1934 7 7 82 96 November 1934 7 8 82 97 April1935 14 9 2 15 99 139 September 1935 14 9 2 15 101 141 November 1935 12 9 2 13 86 122 January 1936 10 9 2 12 75 108 April1936 8 9 2 12 75 106 November 1936 7 9 2 12 69 99 April1937 7 9 2 12 60 90 November 1937 4 8 9 36 57 April1938 4 7 6 33 50 November 1938 3 7 6 33 49 April1939 3 7 6 33 49 November 1939 3 7 6 33 48 April1940 3 7 6 32 48 November 1940 3 7 6 33 48 April1941 3 7 6 32 48 November 1941 2 5 6 20 33 January 30, 1942 3 4 9 17 April 30, 1942 4 6 May 31, 1942 3 4 1 F-Forest SCS-Soil Conservation A-Army NPS-National Parks Service S-Department of Forest and Waters The CCC's work in Pennsylvania "were in state and national forests, and the principle work done in those places involved reforestation, harvesting of seeds, planting of seedlings and promoting of healthy growth in existing forest stands."140 However, other camps were also involved in recreation development, soil conservation work, and historic preservation. CCC Camps spent considerable time and energy in combating forest fires and preventative actions. Supervised by experienced foresters, the CCC and its organized fire brigades reduced the amount of acreage lost to forest fires by half between 1933 and 1938.141 m Ibid., 94. Ibid., 104. I Ibid., 105. 57

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3.2 Site History This section provides an historical overview of the ANF-1 site and its surrounding region. This site history can be divided into four eras: Forestry, Oil & Gas; Civilian Conservation Corps; World War II; and Recreation & Tourism. While the CCC era is most apparent, the ANF site history is layered and deserves full treatment, at least since the arrival of early settlers and speculators. The history prior to this is virtually unknown and therefore the arrival of settlers marks the starting point for this narrative. 3.2.1 Forestry, Oil & Gas Era The flrst permanent Euro-American settlers from eastern Pennsylvania and New York State began arriving in the Allegheny Plateau after 1795. These early settlers were attracted by timber and logging and by 1800 the first saw mill was established, spawning a modest growth in the region.I42 The region had effectively been bypassed by commercial development because the forest was impenetrable, environmental conditions were inhospitable, and conditions were generally not favorable for agriculture. Northwestern Pennsylvania was covered by a dense forest, a mix of eastern hemlock, American beech, eastern white pine, and other hardwoods. The forests flrst supplied wood to power and maintain the railway and later were used to supply construction materials and other forest products. Through the mid1800s, Pennsylvania was the chief supply of timber for a rapidly growing nation. Eastern white pine was the staple of the regional economy until the Civil War. Decades earlier, white pine had been used for ship masts. White pine-straight, long, durable, easily worked, and buoyant-was ideal for logging and building materials. Scores of sawmills operated in the forest and lumber was transported from the forest by raft, ultimately supplying markets from Pittsburgh to New Orleans. These early sawmills were typically small, semi-permanent, and seasonally operated. By the early 1800's, many of the valleys had been depleted, but the forest's interior remained relatively untouched. IH In 1800, the white population of neighboring Warren County was 233 and twenty years late it was still home to only two thousand pioneers. 58

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The white pine era lasted until the middle of the century and gave way to a second wave of forest utilization and oil exploration. Many large forest landowners simply abandoned the land and moved west in search of new forests, leaving delinquent tax rolls. In the late 1850s, tanneries began acquiring these large tracts, sometimes merely in return for the back taxes. Hemlock bark, or "tanbark," is a rich source of tannin, an essential ingredient in the curing process. The industry was bolstered by the Civil War and the demand for harness, beltings and other wartime products. Demand was further spurred on by an influx of immigrants who needed clothing and shoes, and industrialization which required leather machine belts. By 1890, tanneries controlled almost all of the state's hemlock and became a major industry. Approximately twenty-five tanneries operated in the four Allegheny National Forest counties and large complexes employed up to three hundred workers. By 1930, hemlock, which once stretched across northern Pennsylvania, could only be found in isolated pockets. The year 1885 begat the "railroad logging era."143 Operators and speculators used new technologies to capitalize on these natural resources, accelerating the rate of forest utilization. Portable steam-powered locomotives enabled operators to build crude, temporary railroads into previously inaccessible areas, allowing them to cut large swatches of forest. As supplies of white pines became exhausted, vast forests of hemlock, once considered relatively inferior, became an attractive and viable commodity. The introduction of round nails also made hemlock lumber feasible as a building material. In addition to these portable operations, large, efficient sawmills were built. Mill towns sprang up around the sawmill, replete with saloons, company stores, and company houses. Between 1889 and 1913, the Central Pennsylvania Lumber Company (CPL) operated one such facility in Loleta, approximately 13 miles from the site. IH Samuel A Macdonald, The Ago try of an American Wilderness: Loggers, Environmentalists, and the Struggle for Control of a Forgotten Fomt (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2005), 14. 59

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Titusville was a small, but thriving, lumbering town before the world's flrst commercial well was successfully struck and produced oil in 1859. Following this discovery, the regional economy boomed, immense fortunes were earned, and a new industry was spawned. Nearby Ridgway, for example, claimed to have had more millionaires per capita than anywhere else in the country. Used primarily for lighting and heating, oil induced a demand that quickly led to frantic drilling along Oil Creek. The technology employed by the Drake Well was adopted by others and drilling soon spread away from the banks of Oil Creek to sites along the Allegheny River and in valleys of other tributaries. By the end of the century, thousands of wells had been drilled in the Allegheny National Forest. Production peaked in 1881 and, until the East Texas oil boom of 1901, Pennsylvania continued to produce one half of the world's oil. In addition to tanneries and sawmills, wood chemical plants produced products such as charcoal and wood alcohol for fuel. Between 1890 and 1930, charcoal making became another forest industry. Hardwood distillation plants, fueled by abundant natural gas, extracted methanol, acetic acid, and charcoal from the cordwood. Within this flurry of economic development, the history of the site began to unfold. The federal government initially owned the property now known as Duhring and the surrounding areas. In return for their service in the army, many unpaid veterans were given warrants of land. Colonel Crabtree was given the warrants for this property and became its flrst private owner. The Duhring family from England subsequently purchased the property comprising the ANF-1 site and surrounding lands for logging. Timber was floated on the Spring Creek eastward to the Clarion River. W.H. Frost acquired these holdings in the early 1880s, and a sawmill and lumber camp operated on the ANF-1 site.144 Lumber, logs, chemical wood and tanbark were transported to Parrish, about 1.5 miles from Duhring, to Sheffield via a railroad spur that had been built for this purposes. t+l Paul Frederick, "Camp's Owner Recalls Days of CCC Work," n.d. Newspaper article from Forest County Historical Society Archives, n.p. 60

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Oil and gas drilling began in the Duhring area in the 1890's. E.H. Frost started drilling on the site when the timber business dwindled. Pipelines, buildings, oil derricks and pumps were built and remain from this era. By 1915, the Duhring oil field reached peak production at 75 barrels per day. The property was subsequently purchased by the Chesebrough Company, the manufacturer of Vaseline and Chapstick. Because of its high paraffin content, Pennsylvania crude is considered to be one of the best lubricating oils in the world. E.L. Summers, from West Virginia, managed Chesebrough's operations and his decedents have assumed ownership and operations of the property. Summers formed Duhring Development Company and purchased the property from the Chesebrough Company in 1918. The oil boom also spurred secondary industries and growth. For example, the Knox Glass Company, which operated from 1914 to 1982, manufactured glass at Marienville. Glass manufacturing relies on the abundance of natural gas, which produces intense heat quickly. Marienville's population concomitantly peaked in 1900 at 11,000. Duhring grew rapidly during the early nineteen hundreds. The town of Duhring had a clothes pin factory, store, school, and of large of dwellings. A sand plant used to crush the sandstone into fine sand for use at surrounding glass plants was also located nearby. Unbridled growth and environmental damage ultimately led to the Weeks Act of 1911. This legislation allowed the federal government to purchase forestlands from private interests for the purpose of managing and conserving them. The Weeks Act eventually paved the way for the establishment of the Allegheny National Forest. The Allegheny National Forest was established in 1923 by Presidential Proclamation under authority of the 1911 Weeks Act. After 1923, many natural resources became protected from further abuses and exploitation. However, much of the land remained scarred and prone to threats. 3.2.2 Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) Era By 1933, much of the central and northern tier of Pennsylvania was decimated by intensive logging activities and industrialization. Seven years earlier, the Bear Creek Fire 61

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had burned over 30,000 acres of forest, leaving the land barren and plagued by annual forest fires. Camp ANF-1, therefore, was strategically located within a geographical triangle formed by the towns of Kane, Ridgway and Marienville. Annual forest ftres had threatened Ridgway and Marienville as well as a dozen hamlets within that triangle. Officials identified a prospective site for the camp's location at Pebble Dell, about 15 miles north east of Marienville. This site was located near the CPL Railroad, a narrow gage railway that ran between Ridgway and Sheffield. The location was deemed attractive for logistical reasons and because its terrain was relatively flat. First CCC Camps lntheANF ClmpANFl Figure 11. Context Maps of Camp ANF-1 and Surrounding Regions In early April, Colonel C.H. Landers, the Chief of Staff of the 99th Division U.S. Army and District Commander of CCC camps in Western Pennsylvania, visited the proposed site with his junior officers in advance of its occupation.145 Landers did not approve this site and directed his staff to fmd an alternative. The junior officers recommended another location, still parallel to the railway line and two miles east, on Spring Creek near Duhring.146 This ultimately became the site of Camp ANF-1. "Pebble Beach is Now Camp Landers," July 21, 1933. Newspaper article from Forest County Historical Society Archives. w. The Army had experience in establishing camps and this likely explains the change in venue: ... consultation with the Army was necessary before a camp's specific location was approved. The Army had experience of setting up camps with respect to safe water and sewage, ease of transportation, and suitability of terrain." See Speakman (2006), 31. 62

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The preferred site was located on the private property of the Duhring Development Corporation, a company selling natural gas. The Corporation agreed to lease the land to the Forest Service for one dollar per year. Under Captain Moran, the camp was organized and supplies procured in anticipation of the ftrst group of enrollees. On April 25, 1933, the ftrst enrollees, 217 young men recruited from the Pittsburgh area, were transported by special train.147 The men arrived at Byromtown and were transported approximately three miles by school bus to the camp site. These enrollees had received training and conditioning at Fortress Monroe in Monroe, Virginia. A local newspaper report describes the ftrst arrivals: 'Wearing their work suits of blue denim, and equipped with blanket rolls and duffel, the "forest soldiers" presented a snappy appearance. They plainly showed that their conditioning camp experience, under military discipline, had been very beneftcial in preparing them for their new work in the forests. To observe their rugged and healthful appearance, one would scarcely believe that they were but recendy roaming the streets of our cities, jobless, homeless and hungry."148 However, this glowing report may reflect the community's enthusiastic reception as Henry Bier, a Camp ANF-1 alumni, provides an alternative version of the event: Our ftrst dress uniforms were from the World War I, olive drab, with wrap around leg coverings. Some ftt, others were way large. Two fellows could almost get into one pair of trousers. Our work uniforms or fatigues were blue denim and they, like our dress uniforms, were sometimes many times too large for the enrollee receiving them. Shoes were in most cases heavy and always too large. Artics [sp] were four buckle and likewise too large. You could take one step ahead and slide back two. Most of all the equipment was surplus from World War I. It was the Army's way of getting rid of their surplus.1 49 147 "225 Officers and Men at Duhring," .April27, 1933. Newspaper article from Forest County Historical Society Archives, n.p. 148 Ibid. 149 "Civilian Conservation Corps Celebrates SOh," n.d. Newspaper article from Forest County Historical Society .\rchives, n.p. 63

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Captain Moran almost immediately put the enrollees to work: "Hardly before they had time to pitch the last tent at the campsite, enrollees began their work of planting trees on denuded and burned over forest land in the vicinity of the camp."1 5 Before they were finished that spring, over one million small trees had been planted. lSI This camp is credited with planting the first trees, out of the two billion trees that were eventually planted by the CCC. Within its first six months, the camp had been involved in truck trail construction, betterment, and maintenance, as well as timber stand improvement, and campground construction. The provisions and accommodations reflected the expediency with which the agency was created. In these early days, both Figure 12. Marker Commemorating the First Trees Planted by the CCC in the Nation (Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed.) were meager and modest. Biers describes these provisions in his diary: One of the rations we had for several months was canned com beef from World War I. It was canned in Argentina in 1917. It was good and came in cans, approximately 10 to 12lbs. to the can. The outside of the cans were gold tint. Before leaving Fort Munro, each enrollee was given a five day ration kit consisting of beans, bread, hardtack, coffee, com beef and fruit. I 52 For the first six months, enrollees lived in "bell tents" without electricity. In 1933, ANF-1 's first building, the mess hall, was constructed. By winter, two barracks had been constructed and within a year another three barracks and a garage had also been built. The 150 Third Anniversary of the Civilian Conseroation Corps, April 30, 1936, Newspaper article from Forest County Historical Society Archives, n.p. 151 Ibid. 1 5 2 Civilian Conseroation Corps Celebrates 50th, n.d. Newspaper article from Forest County Historical Society Archives, n.p. 64

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number of men in the camp Yaried through the years but there were generally 200 men, living in five barracks. Figure 13. Camp ANF-1, 1933 (Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed.) Camp :\NI -'-1 was one of the longest running camps. The camp was officially disbanded on March 6, 1942.1 5' 1 1 Shipping Ticket, Subject Disbandment of CCC Camp (dated 6, 19-1-2). 65

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CJ .. .,._ D Figure 14. Camp ANF-1, Site Plan (source: University of Colorado architectural studio, student drawing, 2008) Camp life centered on work, education, and recreation. The camp reports were consistently positive, and frequently exemplary, over the camp's nine year history. There were no signs of tension between the Forest Service and the Army, a common source of disharmony at CCC camps, and desertions were below average. Over its lifetime, the camp matured administratively and amenities accumulated, making the experience more comfortable and rewarding. Figure 15. Camp Officers, ANF-1, 1934 (Source: Courtesv of Robert Reed. l 66 The camp's commanding officer was responsible for the health and welfare of the men. He was military personnel and had a support staff of two or three officers. The Third Corps army regulations required at least one officer to reside in the camp. Other officers could reside outside the camp if they received

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permission, and many lived with their families in nearby Duhring.154 The Army also provided a part-time doctor, dentist, chaplain, and, later on, a full-time educational advisor. Camp ANF-1 was fortunate because, at different times, the camp had both a resident doctor and a resident chaplain. Initially, camps were managed by commissioned officers but over time this duty was transitioned to reserve officers and veterans. Later in the CCC's existence, the Army rotated its officers every six months in order to provide them with a broad experience. Because this provision resulted in high turnover in a key position, it created some tension within the agency. This rotation is apparent at Camp ANF-1 (see Table 3) but any such tensions were not reported in the camp reports. Table 3. Commanding Officers, 1933-19421 Tenure Commanding Officer 1933 Cpt. Moran 1933 111 Lt. William l. Richardson 1933 111 Lt. T.G. McMullan 1934 Cpt. Georqe M. Demorest 1934-35 1'1 Lt. Malcolm Reed 1936 111 Lt. A.l. Schaidler 1936-37 Cpt. AlbertJ. Bintrim 1938 111 Lt. Oscar W. Pease1 1938-39 Cpt. Herbert R Watson 1938 111 Lt. William R. Taube 1939-40 SoiL Kauffman 1940-41 Bert lindquist, Subaltern 1941-unknown 111 Lt. Charles l. HiW 1 Compiled from Camp Reports, 1933-42. 1 Relieved of his command as a result of a trial. 1 Pease was demoted to a junior position after it was found that he was "unsuited for this type of work." 4 Assumed command as ofDecember, 1941. At any point in time, approximately 25 enrollees worked in the mess hall, provided administrative support, or maintained the camp. Classified as "overhead" by the Army, these entrusted enrollees enjoyed special status within the camp. Captain Reed, for example, resided in Duhring with his family. 67

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Figure 16. ANF-1 Mess Hall Staff (Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed.) \'V'hile enrollees could be dishonorably discharged, the commanding officer had little formal authority over the men and violations were handled pragmatically. Disciplinary action was limited to suspending privileges, assigning extra work, and assessing small fines. If discipline overreached, morale could be negatively impacted and mutinies and strikes could ensue. The commanding officers, therefore, were required to be tactful and possess effective interpersonal and leadership skills.155 This position was key to the camp's success. After its first year, Director fechner sent a letter to Major General McKinley praising 1 sr Lt. Reed, ANF-1 Commanding Officer at the time.156 In addition, the various camps in the 1\llegheny National Forest were commended as model camps: "It is my firm belief, ISS Speakman (2006), 126. Isr. Robert Fechner, Letter to General James F. i\fchinley, June 27, 1934. 68

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after travelling 50,000 miles during the year, that the above mentioned District could be studied by comparison of what might be expected elsewhere."157 During its tenure, the camp generally received favorable reviews and commendations. In particular, desertion rates were below national averages and morale was consistently rated highly. Camp ANF-1's educational needs were initially met by a traveling library and small permanent library. The ftrst camp report provides a proftle: Permanent and travelling libraries in camp, full subscription of magazines and newsletters received regularly. Travelling library well patronized and men show much interest in reading. Foresters lecture weekly during the summer. Camp Commander and other Officers have lectured to men frequently on matters for the good of the service. Educational work now in progress in vocational subjects.1 58 By April, 1934, John Danton was appointed Educational Adviser at Camp ANF-1. Danton initially divided his time between Camp ANF-1 and Camp ANF-6. The ftrst classes included Military and Social Etiquette; Hygiene; Civics and Community Living, Arithmetic, Short hand; Typewriting; Electricity; Dramatics; Calculus & Trigonometry; and First Aid.1 59 157 Charles H. Kenlan, Letter to Robert Fechner, June 23, 1934. !58 Camp Report, October 6, 1933. 1 5 9 Camp Report, June 21, 1934. 69

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Figure 17. John Danton, Camp Educational Advisor (Source: Spring Murmurs, May 1939, volume 3, Number 10, 11.) Danton served ANF-6 until March 12, 1935 and continued with the ANF-1 until at least March 1941.1611 This tenure is notable because friction between educators and the military caused more than one half of the education advisors to leave after only one year.161 Danton, who lived in Oakmont, Pennsylvania, was one of the longest serving administrators at the camp and a camp commanding officer once praised him: Mr. Danton is an ambitious educational adviser; a help to the company morale. Because of his closeness to the men ... and his willingness to pass on ... helpful data to his commanding officer. Affecting discipline, welfare and ... morale.162 1611 The exact ending date is not known. The last available newsletter was December, 1941 and Mr. Danton was still listed as the Education Advisor. However, the final Camp Report from December, 1941 was provided by T. Weber. 161 Patel, 282. 1 6 2 Spring Creek Murmurs, 3 no. 10, 11 1939). 70

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Classes were optional but well attended: 'Tarticipation in the Education Activities in this Camp is wide spread. Every member actively engages in several activities during his leisure time as well as participating in the various work projects."163 The most popular courses, other than mandatory safety courses, were Glee Club, Forest Recreation, and various survey courses; the least popular were Arithmetic, English, and History.164 By 1941, the course offering had expanded considerably and the camp had a dedicated education building. "Unit Certificates" were issued to enrollees attending classes regularly. To qualify they must have a designated number of hours. These are tokens that could be presented as evidence of scholastic attainment and were "highly valued by the recipients."165 By 1940, the library housed over 1,000 books.166 There were books of fiction, travel, exploration, and others. The camp received approximately fifty magazines, as well as daily newspapers from various parts of the state. "This is an active activity on the part of enrollees," reported a camp inspector, "The library and reading room join each other with the latter comfortably fixed to make a home like atmosphere, in which magazines and papers are at hand for the enrollees' convenience."167 163 While participation was officially voluntary, enrollees were encouraged to partake and frequently this involved some "gentle pressure." See Patel, 270. 164 "Statistical Report on Education, Camp ANF-1, Company 318," December 8, 1937. 165 Educational and Recreational Activities of the 318'h Company Camp ANF-1 of the Civilian Conseroation Corps for the Fall, Winter, and Spring of1937-1938, 10. 166 Spring Creek Murmurs, March 1940, 4, no. 9, 4. 1 6 7 Camp Inspection Report, December 1, 1941, n.p. 71

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Figure 18. Camp Library, ANF-1 (Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed.) In addition to the education training provided by the Education Advisors, camp officers, and supervisors and technical staff, courses were also offered by fellow enrollees and teachers and qualified individuals from the surrounding community. As was the case in most camps, recreation was popular and an integral part of ANF-1's camp life. Camp newsletters typically dedicated four of ten pages to sports coverage. Recreational opportunities existed both indoors and outdoors, but baseball was the obvious favorite. While recreation may have initially been limited, baseball was played at the camp from its very beginning. A camp report from 1933 notes that "Baseball is the major athletic activity, volley ball and mush ball also constituted minor activity."168 In fact, at least one enrollee from ANF-1 was invited to a professional baseball camp and this apparently was not uncommon. 1m lr.s Camp Report, Emergency Conservation Work Camps, October 6, 1933. 169 Patel, 272. 72

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Team sports were popular outdoor recreational endeavors. The site's flat terrain contributed to the popularity of these sports. Competitions were carried on within the camp and with other camps and neighbor athletic associations. A report from 1938 describes the athletic activities at that time and how camp amenities had evolved: There is always something to do for the athletically minded. On the Camp grounds are to be found an adequate base-ball diamond (a new one is under construction) two volley ball courts, two horse shoe pitching courts, an out-door basket-ball court, high jump pits, broad jump pits, climbing poles, and fields for soccer foot-ball and touch foot-ball. In winter the neighboring hill-sides are ideal for coasting, sleighing, and tobogganing [sp]. A small lake on the Camp grounds is ideal for skating and ice-hockey. The firemen's hall in Marienville is used for in-door basket-ball. The Camp is, indeed, proud of the quality and quantity of its athletic products. Every man is encouraged to participate in the sport of his choosing and every man does so participate. There are no wall flowers at Camp ANF-1.1711 For indoor recreation, the recreation hall was the center of activities: "Three billiard tables, two ping pong tables, numerous tables for reading, writing and table games such as checkers, chess and cards ... it is the centre for all extra-curricular activities of the Camp ... "171 Figure 19. Camp ANF-1 Recreation Hall (Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed.) 1711 Prospedus of Educational and Recreational Adivities of the 318'" Compa'!Y Camp Al\'F-1 Civilian Conseroation Corps, Fall, Winter and Spring of 1937-1938, 12. 171 Ibid. 73

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The canteen, or company store, was located in the recreation hall, providing a place for the men to buy tobacco and small articles for personal and recreational use. The rec hall was also equipped with a barber shop and the postal exchange. In addition, the rec hall featured a stone chimney and "contains a splendidly equipped stage for dramatic productions and choral work." Before a dedicated education building was built, the rec hall contained the library, the Educational Advisor's office, and the museum. The camp was equipped with movie projectors for showing educational and entertainment movies and weekly motion pictures were shown. 5 UPPJRI I..1:iL. CAN1HN Figure 20. Recreation Hall Canteen Sketch (Spring Creek Murmurs, June 1940, Vol. 4 No. 12) Meals were an important part of camp life. The CCC espoused the virtues of the meals, heralding an image of rebuilding young bodies and weight gain, to promote the program's 74

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success.m Furthermore, food was also a strong detenninant of morale and the quality of camp life.173 Meals were served three times per day, with lunch provided in the fields. The menu was supervised and varied. Food was plentiful and filling at Camp ANF-1. Table 4. Menu for September 24, 1933, Camp ANF-1174 Breakfast Dinner Supper Cantaloupe Milk Cornflakes French toast Simp-Butter Coffee Chicken pot pie Mashed potatoes Green peas Celery Bread-Butter L:ryercake Ice cream Coffee Boiled franJifurters Boiled cabbage Baked potatoes Stewed kidnry beans Beets Bread-Butter Apple cobbler Tea The men at AN F-1 were involved with a variety of work projects, including planting trees, constructing roads and other infrastructure, forest fire fighting and prevention, and recreational construction and maintenance projects. The type of work evolved over time as it had nationally. 172 Patel, 271. 173 Patel, 271-272. m Emergency Conseroation Work, Camp &port, October 6, 1933. Menus for week of September 24, 1933. 75

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Table 5. Project Superintendents, ANF-1, 1933-411 Tenure Project Superintendent 1933-unknown Stanton G. Smith unknown-1937 Richard R. Haupt 1937-1940 Judson A. Anderson 1941 Harry H. Jefferson 1 Compiled from Camp Reports, 1933-42. The Technical Personnel included a staff of six or seven. Each camp had a Project Superintendent who was assisted by eight to ten foremen (see Table 5). The Supervisor was responsible for developing the work project, providing instructions to aid his foremen, and organizing the enrollees into small work groups. Field work was considered to be part of the educational experience in addition to classroom instruction. The project supervisors and foremen were commended for their roles: Camp ANF-1 has always been fortunate in the type of men it has had as project superintendent and foremen. They have, without exception, been men of unusual character and attairunents. They have always taken a keen interest in their respective work and in the members assigned to work with them. As a result, enrollees have derived great benefits from their contacts with their technical supervisors and from the instruction given them both on the job and the correlated instruction during leisure time.m Daily work crews were directed by the foremen assigned to supervise their work. These foremen were classified according to tasks performed, such as insect control, blister rust control, truck trail construction, fire suppression, landscaping, blister rust control checker, and miscellaneous projects. Like many camps in Pennsylvania, Camp ANF-l's work primarily involved forest restoration projects. The camp was located in a national forest and the Allegheny National 175 Prospectus of Educational and Recreational Activities of the 318'h Company Camp ANF-1 of the Civilian Conservation Corps, Fall, Winter and Spring of1937-1938, 20. 76

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Forest had endured tremendous environmental damage. The Forest Service personnel oversaw the daily work assignments. The tree planting season began in mid-April and lasted until the end of May. Planting involved nine man crews. Two-men teams planted saplings every five steps. One carried the trees, while the other dug the hole and planted. Each team planted up to 150 trees per day. In addition to the actual planting, forest restoration involved related and underlying activities. Before trees could be planted, seeds needed to be collected, nurtured into seedlings, and transported back to the forests for planting. ANF-1 enrollees collected tree seeds from white ash sugar maple and black cherry trees and sent them to a government nursery in West Virginia. Workers would climb trees to pick the seeds and skim them off streams and lakes. Such work was labor intensive but greatly enhanced the capacity of federal and state nurseries. A small green house was built on the camp site in 1938. Enrollees also removed white currant and gooseberry bushes in order to prevent white pine blister rust. In order to battle the diseases plaguing trees, the CCC workers eradiated the host plants. Between 1933 and 1938, the enrollees at ANF-1 treated 800 acres of forestland by hand. Camp ANF-1 enrollees were actively involved in fighting forest fires. Between 1933 and 1938, enrollees reportedly fought and extinguished 24 forest fires. The camp newsletter routinely reported accounts of forest fires. Camp ANF-1 not only fought forest fires but also undertook preventive measures. The camp strung miles of telephone lines in order to speed communications and cleared strips, called "firebreaks," in order to slow fires from spreading. Eleven miles of new forest roads were also constructed to help the forest officers in protecting the forest from fire. In addition to various conservation, recreation, and other types of projects, Camp ANF-1 played a key role during the March floods of 1936. From all camps in Western Pennsylvania, Camp ANF-1 was selected by the Signal Corps of the United States Army as a base communication center. In March of 1934, Station WVHD began clearing 77

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messages for all camps in the region. During the flooding the Station and its operator, Ernest Hlinsky, played an instrumental role in handling traffic to and from the stricken area.176 As the Corps matured, the camp undertook more recreational projects, as was the national trend. Camp ANF-1 aided in the construction of Loleta Dam project at Loleta Forest Camp, south of Marienville. Completed in 1936, the site had swimming, picnicking and camping facilities. Once completed, Camp ANF-1 was involved in the life guarding and maintenance at this recreational area as well as at the Twin Lakes recreational area.177 The camp was also involved in other recreational activities such as a game counts, stocking the streams with trout and foot trail construction and maintenance. Forty two miles of forest road had been either improved or maintained, thereby providing important connecting links to schools and towns for residents of the district. 176 Civilian Conseroation Corps 1936 Annual &port. 177 Spring Creek Murmurs, 4 no. l,June 1939. 78

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Table 6. ANF Completed Work, 1933-38 3.2.3 World War II Era The site served as a Prisoner of War camp during World War II for both German and Italian prisoners from Erwin Rommel's Afrika Korps. From 1942-1946, at least 375,000 POWs were held at more than 500 camps across the country.l78 A number of former CCC camps that had not already had their building materials salvaged for the war or other purposes were converted into POW camps. The flrst prisoners started arriving at Camp ANF-1 in November 1944.179 178 http:/ /wnmutv.nmu.edu/media/pow_book72.pdf (accessed 5/10/09). 179 "Roy Marker Oral Interview; 200 or More Nazi Prisoners Arrive by Train at Kane," Kane &publican, December, 1944, n.p. 79

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An estimated 200 or more Nazi war prisoners, described as a "bewildered bunch of kids" and said to have landed Friday from a prison ship at an undisclosed eastern port, arrived here at 2:30a.m. Saturday on a special train over the Pennsylvania railroad and were immediately convoyed to a former CCC camp at Duhring about 17 miles south of Kane. IIIII Because of the camp's remote location, there were few escape attempts. Guard towers were added and other modifications were made but the CCC camps were well suited to this reuse. Most POWs resigned themselves to a relatively comfortable existence. The POWs worked at constructing roads and cutting pulpwood. ''\Vhen it was a POW camp, it was operated by the Army," said Summers. "They erected a barbed wire around the entire area, and machine guns were placed at all four comers. As many as 200 POWs were kept there. They mostly cut pulpwood. People from the area had negotiated contracts with the government to hire the POWs to cut pulpwood for them. The crews went out every day. Every one [sp] was accompanied by guards."tBt To ease the transition between the period of civilian labor shortage and the return of U.S. soldiers, some POW camps remained in operation for a year after the war. Eventually, the camps were dismantled around the summer of 1946, and the prisoners were allowed to return home. World War II ended on August 14, 1945 and the last prisoner was released from Camp ANF-1 in the fall of 1946. 3.2.4 Recreation & Tourism Era After World War II, the camp was decommissioned and ownership of the buildings was transferred to Forest County. The site was used by different groups for use as a summer retreat, including the 4-H, band camp, football camp, and other summer camps. Forest County Camp Association rented the camp for summer programs, including a Kiwanis 11111 "200 or i\lore Nazi Prisoners Arrive by Train at Kane Saturday for Duhring, Forest County, Camp," n.d. Newspaper article from Forest County Historical Society Archives, n.p. 181 Paul Frederick, "Camp's Owner Recalls Days of CCC Work," n.d. Newspaper article from Forest County Historical Society Archives, n.p. 80

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Kids summer camp. The Montour School Band and the Neville Island Football team also rented the facilities. The Fryburg Boot and Saddle Club started an equestrian trail ride at the CCC camp in 1959. Each year the trail ride was in a different place within the Allegheny National Forest. In 1969, the Summers family purchased the facilities. Bill Summers started the Alleghany Trail Ride in 1974 and the camp has since been used as a base camp for horse trail rides. The remaining barracks were transformed into stables in 1977. The rides peaked in 1970's, when more than 300 rides would partake, reportedly the largest such trail riders in the country. 81

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4.0 ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL VALUE "Nowadays people know the price of everything and the value of nothing' -Oscar Wilde What is worth preserving? This seemingly simple question is challenging and elusive because of limited resources, difficulties with valuation and assessment methodologies, and the wide breadth of preservation objects. Ultimately, though, the question is one of value. Value underlies this question because "value has always been the reason underlying heritage conservation. It is self-evident that no society makes an effort to conserve what it does not value."182 This may be so, but it is also true that society may not conserve that which has value if it is not apparent. Therefore, appraising our significant cultural assets is instrumental if we wish to sustain them. 4.1 Value-Based Preservation A "value-based" framework has emerged as an approach for assessing and managing heritage assets.183 This orientation is a "grassroots" response to a growing awareness that traditional approaches are not adequately addressing societal needs.184 A number of trends and developments have led to this emergence, dating back to the early twentieth century. In 1903, with the publication of Der moderne Denkmalkult ("The Modem Cult of Monuments''), art historian Alois Riegl developed a framework that included age, historical, use, and newness values. Riegl postulated that "monuments" are deemed significant because we "attribute values to them-an idea that would suffice to set Riegl apart from other 182 Marta de Ia Torre and Randall Mason, Assessing the Values of Cultural Heritage (Los Angeles, CA: The Getty Conservation Institute, 2002), 3. 183 The literature interchangeably employs the terms "value-based," "value-led," and "value-centered." For consistency, this thesis will adopt the term "value-based." ll!-1 Mason (2008), 183. 82

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theorists."18 5 His ideas were profound and exceptional in several respects: Riegl recognized a multiplicity of values, believed that values are socially constructed, and developed a framework that could be applied to a wide range of preservation objects. However, "Riegl remained a somewhat isolated exception, as his thinking was probably too advanced for his times."186 \Vhile the concept of multiplicity was also apparent in the Athens Charter (1931) and the Venice Charter (1964), the values addressed in these charters were largely tangible. The preservation field remained focused in the physical and material aspects of heritage and within the domain of a handful of "experts," including archeologists, architects, and historians, while intangible values were generally overlooked. In the second half of the twentieth century, new legislation broadened what was considered to be significant. After the 1966 Preservation Act, there was a greater sensitivity towards the cultural heritage of minorities and inclusion of a broader array of preservation objects. Consequently, as preservation diversified, so did the specter of values that needed to be considered. The value set has also been expanded by an influx of nontraditional practitioners. Historic preservation has traditionally been a fairly "closeted" practice.187 These experts approached heritage individually and exclusively, prioritizing scientific values. As a result, assessments were typically fragmented because each discipline tends to promote those values inherent in its own worldviews. However, as the field matured and responded to extraneous factors, new disciplines became engaged. For example, anthropological concepts such as significance, meanings, language diversity, collective memories, and identities were introduced in addition to traditional aesthetic-historic values. International charters contribute to preservation theory by consolidating the important questions, doubts, and conflicts while addressing emergent issues. The Burra Charter, first issued in 1979 and reissued in 1990 by Australia ICOMOS, has been particularly instrumental 185 Munoz-Vinas, 37. 186 Ibid. 187 Mason (2008), 303. 83

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in advancing and codifying value-based preservation. This charter was the first to discuss the "place," implicitly recognizing the social value of historic sites. In its preamble, the Burra Charter clearly addresses the question of intangible value: Places of cultural significance enrich people's lives, often providing a deep and inspirational sense of connection to community and landscape, to the past and to lived experiences. They are historical records that are important as tangible expressions of Australian identity and experience. Places of cultural significance reflect the diversity of our communities, telling us about who we are and the past that has formed us and the Australian landscape. They are irreplaceable and precious.tss The Burra Charter was influential not only with regards to its progressive definitions of significance but also the decision-making processes. The Charter encouraged a participatory and open process of consultation and offered it as a model framework, adaptable to many situations. Furthermore, the framework can be applied to all types of cultural assets including natural, indigenous, and historic places. Despite such contributions, the Burra Charter does not include economic values. Economic values were considered to be secondary, arising from inherent historical and aesthetic values; that is, these values were considered to exist only as a function of heritage values and thought to dilute the focus on core heritage values. However, economic factors are difficult to overlook, given the general prevalence of market ideology and, more specifically, the rise of heritage tourism. The emergence of heritage tourism has introduced a broad array of values for considera cion. Economic values were explicitly recognized by the English Heritage in 1997 and several authors associated with the Getty Conservation Institute (GCI) subsequently built on this notion.189 These various contributors have proposed that economic values stand alongside of 188 The Burra Charter. The Australia ICOMOS Charter for Places of Cultural Significance. 4th ed. Canberra: Australia ICOMOS Inc., 1999, http:/ /www.icomos.org/australia/burra.html (accessed March 23, 2010). 189 The English Heritage is the government agency responsible for various aspects of the England's "historic environment." The 1997 publication Sustaining the Historic Environment accounts for a more complete specter of values; Erica Avram.i, Randall Mason, and Marta de Ia Torre. Values and Heritage Conseroation (Los Angles, C\: The Getty Conservation Institute, 2000). 84

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broadly categorized "cultural values" in order to create a balanced approach. These inclusions reflect the increased cultural relationship with and interest in economic and market activities. 'Whereas cultural spheres once operated separately and independendy from the market, they now seek market dynamics as partners. This trend is evidenced by the proliferation of advocacy studies, promoting the economic rationale for investing in the arts and historic preservation. Finally, both ecological and cultural sustainability is slowly being embraced by the preservationists. This orientation requires a holistic understanding and appreciation of the underlying values. Sensitivity to current values and how they may be related to and passed on to future generations is fundamental to this movement. Together, these factors-intellectual development, social enlightenment, legislative changes, economic ideology, and sustainable orientations-have influenced the development of a value-based framework for assessing and managing heritage assets. This framework incorporates both contemporary and traditional values and, by adopting a holistic or trans disciplinary perspective, reduces disciplinary biases and hegemonial tendencies. Rather than adopting a traditional "black box" approach, this multivalent framework considers and parses a broad spectrum of values. The approach is not a specific methodology but a general conceptual approach that adopts certain underlying principles and concepts. MunozVinas explains the relevance and promise of this approach: Both functional and value-led conservation are fully contemporary as they substitute the classical notion of truth for those of usefulness and valueboth of which are dependent upon on the subjects who use and evaluate the object in different ways ... value-led conservation is interesting not because it allows for a precise, numerical estimation of values, but because the idea of value is applicable to a wide range of conservation ethical issues.190 Value-based preservation does not involve any one, single method for assessment. Rather, it is a broad approach that adheres to some unifying principles and underlying assumptions. 190 MunozVinas, 179. 85

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Key principles include a common theoretical basis regarding values and value formation and an inclusion of a broad range of tangible and intangible values. 4.2 Cultural Values There are philosophical differences regarding value source and formation. This gap essentially involves an argument between object-centrists and functionalists.191 The traditional object-centrist view maintains that values are intrinsic and, therefore, fixed, universal, and outside the sphere of human valuation. As an example, this view may consider a given material to be a witness to history and, therefore, possessing significant value. Value, in this view, emanates from the object itself. This traditional view purports that individual judgments and market prices are irrelevant and, in fact, misleading in determining a heritage asset's real value. Object-centrists would argue that it is impossible to determine the function of a cultural object, because doing so involves human interest and taste and these are prone to subjective judgments. The only real way to establish value, in this view, is by expert appraisal. Functionalism, a more contemporary and expanded view, contends that values are extrinsic. This view maintains that value formation is a social process which takes place outside the object itself and that values are shaped from an interaction between the object and its context. Individuals derive value from experiential factors such as community pride, identity, and memory. These opposing views are arguable and unresolved, but a value-based approach to preservation emphasizes a functional perspective. This view essentially rejects the notion of intrinsic value and assumes that values are socially constructed. Individuals and groups shape their values by practices and experiences and ascribe them to such preservation objects as buildings, movable art, or cultural landscapes. Lipe describes this underlying belief: 191 de la Torre, 8. 86

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Value is not inherent in any cultural items or properties received from the past, at least not in the same sense as, say, size or color or hardness. Value is learned about or discovered by humans, and thus depends on the particular cultural, intellectual, historical, and psychological frames of references held by the particular individuals or groups involved.192 Given this perspective, cultural values are assumed to be characteristically multivalent, complex, dynamic, and frequently conflicting. These assumptions have implications in regards to how values are assessed, elicited, and managed. Ibis view also challenges the traditional role of the expert in the preservation process. Multivalence, or a multiplicity of values, acknowledges a plurality and range of values. Various stakeholders are recognized and flexibility is promoted by including different perspectives, rather than allowing the interests of one group to be imposed upon those of others. Thus, this principle also discourages any one value from dominating others and positions the assessment of heritage assets in the domain of diverse stakeholders, rather than in just that of experts. Rather than being ftxed and absolute, values are assumed to be dynamic and changing. Ibis trait has ramiftcations for planners and resource managers. Because values change, resource management is open-ended and any plan should be flexible enough to adapt and values should be monitored over time. By parsing the values, this approach recognizes such complexities but addresses them in way that is lost in the more conventional "black box" approach. Such conflicts are normal and to be expected but also raise ethical questions for the designer and analyst. While conflicts may need to be mediated, they also provide an opportunity for enriching the site by enhancing its diversity and internal tension. 192 William D. Lipe, "Value and Meaning in Cultural Resources," in Approaches to the Archeological Heritage, ed. Henry Cleere (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1983): 2. 87

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Finally, this approach represents a shift from object to subject. Individuals who ascribe a value to heritage assets are referred to as "stakeholders."19 3 This is a departure from the traditional view which emphasizes the role of the expert. Smith describes the traditional view as typified by "experts," who see heritage as a "thing" as opposed to the values and meanings ascribed to it.194 This reliance on experts and their privileged positions can obscure the full range of values. Experts, unwittingly or perhaps not, may insert their values in the process and impose them over those of marginalized or diffused stakeholders. Munoz-Vinas, while conceding the technical aspects to experts, maintains that "the work of experts usually affects many other people, and these people have the moral right to be heard."195 Such an approach does not, however, exclude the expert, but only modifies his or her role. Mason reconciles the relationship between these views: The emphasis on values and cultural significance as opposed to the traditional emphasis on fabric is an important though subtle shift. This argument does not suggest that fabric and materiality cease to be a main concern for preservation. Though concern with fabric remains central to values-centered preservation and all activities and discourses of the historic preservation field, values-centered preservation decisions place priority on understanding wfry the fabric is valuable and how to keep it that way, and only then moving on to decide how to "arrest decay.196 In summary, "cultural value" refers to the shared meanings derived from cultural affiliations and living together. These values express judgments, something good or bad, about a person, place, or object at a certain point in time. Values are ascribed to an object because it holds special meaning for people or groups. 193 Erica Avrami, Randall Mason, and Marta de Ia Torre, Values and Heritage Conseroation (Los Angeles, CA: The Getty Conservation Institute, 2000), 9. 194 Laurajane Smith, Uses of Heritage (New York, NY: Routledge, 2006), 12. 195 MuiiozVinas, 162. 196 Randall Mason, "Theoretical and Practical Arguments for Values-Centered Preservation," CRM 3 no. 2 (2006). 88

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4.3 Economic Values \Vhereas cultural values are ascribed to an object based on meanings and associations, "economic value" is an outcome based on consumer behavior. Neoclassical economic theory assumes that humans have sets of hierarchically ordered preferences and they will maximize their utility, given competitive market conditions and budget constraints. These decisions are expressed in monetary terms and in this sense "value" is a statement of "worth." In contrast with the formulation of cultural values, economics is "value neutral." That is, economic theory assumes that value judgments do not enter directly into individual economic decisions. Preference orderings are a "given" and it is not necessary to consider their composition or origins, whether it be biological, psychological, or underlying values. \Vhereas cultural values are dynamic and socially constructed, preferences are relatively stable. Total economic value includes both "use" and "nonuse" values. Economic use value is simply the real and potential benefits that individuals attach to the consumption of a good. In a neoclassical economic theory, rational consumers, fully-informed and acting in their own self interests, would detennine prices based on their individual preferences. The most important actor is the individual consumer, household, firm, industry, or government. The principle of "consumer sovereignty" asserts the autonomy of freely choosing consumers and their ultimate right to detennine what is ultimately valuable and what is not. Economic value arises through processes of exchange in perfectlyfunctioning markets. However, while markets establish prices, price is not always a good indicator of value. There are many reasons why the price may overstate or understate value, including the imposition of taxes, quotas, and price controls. More generally, there is a difference between price and willingness to pay because the seller is not able to price discriminate. The difference between market price and willingness to pay in such a transaction is "consumer surplus" and economic value would include this surplus up and above the market price. Even when markets fail, a consumer's willingness-to-pay expresses the economic value for the goods in question. 89

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For example, value is defined by the largest amount of money a consumer would willingly pay for a good. If a consumer is willing to pay $25,000 for a new car, but the price is only $20,000, the value to that consumer is his willingness to pay (\X'TP), not the market price. In this case the value would be $25,000 and the consumer surplus would be $5,000 ($25,000$20,000=$5,000). Use values are consumable and tradable through markets and, therefore, are relatively straightforward to price, quantify, and analyze. In the case of a heritage site, tourist visitation to the site and paid admission would be an example of an economic use value. Income Revenue Employment Community Image Environmental Quality r "" I' 4.-.... Preserving Option for Future Use f.tggibility Identity Existence Historic legacy Figure 21. Total Economic Value Conceptual Model [Source: Ismail Serageldin, Very Special Places: The Architeaure and Economics of Intervening in Historic Cities (Washington, DC: The World Bank, 1999), 27 .] Though it encompasses commercial value-as expressed through monetary exchange within markets-economic value is not restricted to values that are revealed through markets. The full schema of economic value incorporates commercial (or market) value; use values not captured within markets; and nonuse values. This concept is illustrated in Figure 21. 90

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Though some historic preservation activity is priced within the marketplace, heritage assets often embody the qualities of a public good and therefore possess a range of economic values that are relatively less tangible. Nonuse values are not consumable by individuals or traded on markets and can only be estimated indirectly. This concept was ftrst introduced by Weisbrod, who argued that a consumer, unsure whether he or she would ever visit a national park would still be willing to pay a sum over and above his or her consumer surplus just for the option for doing so.197 Krutilla expanded Weisbrod's argument by introducing "existence" and "bequest" values. Klamer delineates between these underlying economic values: In their valuations citizens will presumably take into account non economic values such as the option value ("even though I never go, I might want to go one day"), existence value ("I like the idea that the museum is in town even though I never will go myself'), and bequest value ("I'd like the museum to be there for my children").19H In fact, nonuse value can be a very important part of the total value of an environmental asset, and by extension, of cultural heritage. A World Bank study reports, for example, that nonuse value can be three times that of use value in some cases.199 In summary, the economic sphere has a full range of values. Because preservation assets are frequently public goods, accounting for this full range is pertinent. Quantifiable economic values tend to provide a rhetorical aid, discipline the cultural assessment, and reduce the emotional argument frequently associated with saving a preservation object. In the absence of such evidence, preservationists have been forced to resort to an emotional appeal in order to plea their 197 B.A. Weisbrod, "Collective-Consumption Services of Individualized-Consumption Goods," Quarter!J Journal if Economics, LXXVIII, (Aug., 1964). 198 Arjo Klamer, "A Pragmatic View on Values in Economics," Journal if Economic Methodolo.!!J' 10, no. 2 (2003). 199 Ismail Serageldin, Very Special Places: The Architecture and Economics iflnteroening in Historic Cities (Washington, DC: The World Bank, 1999), 27. 21X 1 For example, the emotional appeal by the Women's Society at Mount Vernon. 91

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4.4 Value Typologies An effective "typology" is required for a value-based assessment. Values not captured by a given typology fail to be legitimized and, therefore, risk being ignored. Therefore, a typology should account for the full nature and spectrum of values. A typology should also be flexible and adaptable to a variety of cultural assets, including landscape, movable art, and the built environment. While cultural values are subjective and complex and developing a clear framework is challenging, "this is precisely what is needed to facilitate the assessment and integration of different heritage values in conservation planning and management."2ot Table 7 presents alternative typologies that have been proposed by various scholars and organizations. Table 7. Summary of Heritage Value Typologies202 Reigl Lipe Burra Charter Frey English Heritage (1902) (1984) (1998) (1997) (1997) Age Economic Aesthetics Monetary Cultural Historical Aesthetic Historic Option Educational & Commemorative Associative-Scientific Existence Academic Use symbolic Social Bequest Economic Newness Informational Prestige Recreational Educational Aesthetics Tills thesis, however, adopts a framework that has gained some favor in the current cultural economics literature.2113 A broad delineation is made between economic and cultural values, representing the two primary "meta-categories." Underlying these meta-values are subcategories. For example, social and cultural values would be subcategories of "cultural values," while use and non-use values are subcategories of "economic values." 201 de Ia Torre, 9. 202 Ibid. 203 Throsby. 92

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Throsby explains the fundamental distinction between these two spheres: "the economic impulse is individualistic, the cultural impulse is collective."204 A second distinction is that economic values mqy be traded in markets and expressed in monetary units. Cultural values, on the other hand, do not have a common unit of measurement and resist quantification. E nom1c alue Figure 22. Value-Based Approach Figure 22 illustrates these two spheres of "meta-values." The overlapping area implies that the cultural and economic values may be interrelated. For example, consider a cultural asset with high historic value. The economic value may be a function of cultural values and individual consumers may factor that quality into their demand for the asset and, for example, the ticket price for admission. One other hand, this model also demonstrates that there are areas of cultural value that are outside the sphere of economic valuation. \Vhereas economic values are individual-based, cultural values are held collectively. That is, cultural values are those values shared by a group or community and largely do not enter the sphere of individual valorization.205 Such "values 20 1 Ibid., 13. 205 Ibid. 93

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cannot be realized in private acts of use, but reside in shared public understanding of the meaning and significance of the good."26 Finally, this duality suggests a balanced and synthesized approach to valuation. Essentially, this model illustrates two different lenses for looking at the same asset, one economic and the other cultural. Cultural values are socially constructed, reflect shared meanings, generally resist quantification, incorporate value judgments, and encompass local beliefs, associations, and affiliations. On the other hand, economic values are expressed in monetary terms and are based on individual preferences. Still both perspectives are needed for a balanced perspective because, "The heritage project is concerned with an item of cultural capital yielding both economic and cultural value. Thus an evaluation of net benefit streams in both economic and cultural terms will be required."2 Just as height measures complement weight measures in describing an object so do cultural and economic values. Neither measurement by itself adequately describes the object and one without the other would be incomplete. Mason discusses the dynamics and benefits from considering both views: The lens of cultural value multiplies the aspects of a place's value, celebrating them as idiosyncratic, contingent, and "constructed" by the person or group valorising the object. The lens of economic value tends to discipline and reduce the place's complexity.2oR Unfortunately, economists often present economic values not as one segment of the total spectrum of values but as a totalizing system that encompass all types of values. This sentiment is most typified in the work of the Chicago School economists, such as Gary Becker, who suggest that everything can be priced. However, there are dissenting and moderate 206 Daniel R. Williams, "Social Construction of Arctic Wilderness: Place Meanings, Value Pluralism, and Globalization," in Wilderness in the Circumpolar North: Searchingfor Compatibility in Ecological, Traditional, and Ecotourism Values, ed. AlanE Watson, Lilian Alessa, and Janet Sproull, 2002, 127. 207 Throsby, 77. 20R Mason (2008), 306. 94

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voices. 2o9 In addition to complementing the economic values, cultural values provide context for interpreting them. Mason reinforces this sentiment and illustrates economics' limitation in quantifying cultural values and the hazards of focusing unduly on economic measures: By focusing on price and pricing, however, economists overlook the valuations that occur outside the sphere of exchange. Nobody will determine the value of friendship by trying to establish a monetary equivalent. You rather weigh in values like wannth, openness, honesty, joyfulness, sincerity, and trustworthiness. Likewise, in the case of the art museum, cultural and social values make an impact even if they do not allow a comparison in terms of a monetary equivalent. Much deliberation takes place outside the sphere of exchange.210 The emphasis on community rather than solely on production and consumption expands the sources of value that must be given consideration in economic analysis and policy. Consequently, Throsby has proposed a typology of cultural values that sometimes transcend or complement economic values. These cultural values include aesthetic, spiritual, social, historic, symbolic, and authentic values.211 209 For example, see the work of Arjo Klamer. 2111 Mason (2008), 208. 211 Throsby, 28. 95

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Figure 23. Conceptual Model of Cultural Values Typology These values represent a baseline for a generic cultural good. Cultural goods are multifaceted and range from movable art to cultural landscapes. One of the purported strengths of a value based approach is that it is adaptable to different preservation objects and circumstances. 4.5 Values in the Cultural Landscape Hayden defmes cultural landscapes as ... that combination of natural landforms and buildings that defines a particular place or region."212 A cultural landscape is a special case of a cultural good and heritage asset. As such, in theory, many of the attributes of value apply to landscapes as they do to any other cultural goods; in reality, there is precedent for adopting a value-based approach to assessing landscapes.213 Still, a landscape needs to be understood within its own context: "In the world of historic preservation, a robust and dynamic landscape cannot be thought of as simply a historic resource or a natural system."214 That is, landscapes have nuances and special qualities-such as dynamism, multi-layers, localized values, and natural 212 Dolores Hayden, "Forward," in Preserving Cultural undscape in America, edited by :\mold R. Alanen and Robert Z. Melnick. (Baltimore, MD: The John Hopkins University Press, 2000), ix. 213 de Ia Torre et al. (2005); Mason (2008). 214 Melnick, 25. 96

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capacity-that distinguish them from other cultural assets. These attributes need to be understood in order to fully appreciate and validate the application of a value-based approach. D.W. Meinig writes about the multiplicity and contingency of values in landscape.m For a given landscape, there are a plurality of values and multiple stakeholders. Meinig's essay also suggests that very few landscapes have universal value. Rather, landscapes are simultaneously valued in multiple ways, especially by those most closely associated with them. This meaning is continually being reinvented through social interaction and practices. While values are socially constructed, certain values have historically been predominant in the American landscape. Early pioneers "constructed" a pristine landscape, empty of civilization. These settlers saw the landscape as alien and threatening and themselves as being fundamentally separate from nature. This "disconnection from the landscape made it easier to alter the landscape with little guilt or self restraint."216 Judea-Christian values held that God created people in this image and were essentially separate from other forms of life. Paradise was conceived as a peaceful, pastoral landscape. Early Americans essentially believed that they were ethically free and even empowered to use the land to fulfill God's will. Economic values have traditionally had a strong basis in American landscapes. This foundation has been derived from early pioneers who saw the landscape primarily as a resource, one that was virtually unlimited and potentially valuable. This functional and utilitarian philosophy, coupled with private property rights, shaped the basis for land use practices and relationships. Simpson states, "No single concept has so shaped the American landscape, nor more distinguishes it from others around the world. Private ownership of land rests at the very core of America."217 215 Meinig. 216 Simpson, 24. m Ibid., 21. 97

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Slowly the American landscape values have become more complex and nuanced. Only after extensive settlement, could Americans imagine a symbolic value to "preserving," as opposed to "using," the land. In the mid-nineteenth century, John Muir's writings advanced thinking toward an appreciative and benevolent attitude. While his work and his philosophy was the genesis of the American preservation movement, his was a minority view. In the twentieth century, recreational and social value of the landscape of the landscape became appreciated. Still, Americans have had difficulty legitimating emotional, symbolic, or sacred meanings in the landscapes. Instead they tend to seek a "rational" basis for resource allocations. Their "core values"economic, utilitarianism, functionalism-tend to obscure other values, particularly the more intangible values such as symbolism and sacredness. However, landscape values are not only bound by cultural perspectives, but also by the nature of the assets themselves. Landscapes are inherently complex. One implication is that "land managers and design professionals ... have come to rely upon narrowly defined understandings of landscape values."218 Thus, landscape evaluations are subject to different disciplinary "experts." Landscapes are also dynamic and this indeed creates "what might seem like an oxymoron to some people; because landscapes are composed of natural elements that grow, mature, erode, move, die, and revive again, how can they be preserved?"219 Indeed, Birnbaum has suggested that efforts should be directed at preserving those dynamic qualities rather than restoring to how we think they should have looked at a particular point in time. Landscapes are inherently layered. By interacting with the landscape, various groups "deposit" their values, thereby shaping the landscape over time. Values are not limited to the physical forms of landscapes, but are also related to contemporary or past practices, and to relationships with and within the landscape. Thus, landscapes represent the cumulative values ascribed into the landscape over time and can represent multiple cultures. 218 Alanen and Melnick, 42. 219 Ibid., 3. 98

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Present Figure 24. Surface and Embedded Values Stephenson distinguishes between "surface" and "embedded" values.2211 She observes that those with a relatively short experience of the landscape tended to express its significance in terms of physicality and sensory responses, whereas those with a longer experience spoke about relationships and understandings of the landscape that arose from its temporality (e.g. historic events, traditions). She developed the terms "surface values" and "embedded values': surface values are the perceptual response to the directly perceived forms, relationships and practices, while embedded values arise out of an awareness of past forms, practices and relationships. This distinction is valuable for assessing and inventorying cultural values related to a landscape. In summary, although landscapes share many of the values of the general case, the difference is a matter of degree and intensity. Americans tend to have difficulty ascribing intangible values, such as historic, social, and spiritual values, towards the landscape. "But much of the difficulties for resource management has been that the more tangible meanings and values have been easier to represent in resource assessment and inventories, and in the process the 22o Janet Stephenson, "The Cultural Values Model: An Integrated Approach to Values in Landscapes," undscape and Urban Planning 84 (2008). 99

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more subjective, diverse, and contentious cultural and symbolic meanings have been ignored. "221 4.6 Role of the "Expert'' A value-based assessment implies a more democratic approach than traditional valuations and redefmes the role of "the expert." Traditionally, preservation has legitimately depended on a host of experts for a range of opinions, assessments, and analysis. Tbis dependency, however, has also extended into the valuations of cultural assets, evoking some degree of "connoisseurship." A value-based approach, on the other hand, contends that values belong to stakeholders and, therefore, must be elicited rather than discovered. Still the expert's traditional role remains well-entrenched: ... fabric focused, professionally defmed (rather than community defmed) value assessments remain the dominant paradigm of significance. Those who have cultural values that are not those of the dominant class, or whose values are based on informally acquired knowledge, will need to hire degree-holders to validate their knowledge. Tbis will tend to reinforce Euro-American cultural systems of validation and significance.222 In addition to perpetuating values of the dominant class, an expert-led approach has other risks and weaknesses. For example, such an approach may obscure the full range of values: "a continuing emphasis on physical rather than spiritual remains. While folklorists can and do assist in the preservation of the intangible, in the end bureaucracies and their servants, the professionals, will tend for the most part to focus on the material."223 Munoz-Vinas echoes this sentiment as he describes an "experts-only zone" in which social values are 221 Williams, 124. 222 Lisanne Gibson, "Cultural Landscape and Identity" in Valuing Historic Environments, ed. Lisanne Gibson and John Pendlebury (England: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2009). 223 Frits Pannekoek, "The Rise of the Heritage Priesthood or the Decline of Community Based Heritage," National Trust for Historic Preseroation 12, no. 3 (Spring 1998): 1. 100

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"beyond the expert's realm."224 Furthermore, not only does such a perspective endanger intangible values but it also overlooks local values. Expert-led valuations contribute to a discourse that is not only self-referential but also may marginalize other stakeholder groups in the process. In her book, Smith develops the concept of Authorized Heritage Discourse (AHD).225 Smith claims that by perpetuating prevailing values and dominating the discourse, "The AHD structures the way meanings and values are recreated, while also validating or legitimizing certain values and meanings and de-legitimizing others."226 Furthermore, social construction theory suggests that the knowledge gained through this discourse manifests itself in power.227 Such power is not necessarily repressive but may allow dominant groups relative advantages in securing resources and reinforcing their position. A value-based approach implies that expert roles be refmed but not altogether abandoned. Peter Howard, for example, explains that the expert has valid roles to play in invention, authentication, contextualization, and education.228 The reoriented roles, he explains, lie in areas of "matters of opinion": All too often, the expert conducting a landscape survey for planning purposes will make no distinction between matters of fact and matters of opinion. The former might include the date of a building, an attribution to an architect, or the identification of a species, in all of which the local public are likely to accept expert advice. In matters of opinion, such as the significance of a building or the aesthetics appeal of a view, the public expect to have their say, especially when they are paying. The over-riding of public opinion in the latter field is not only undemocratic but calls into public question expert authority in matters of fact also.229 m Munoz-Vinas, 161. 225 Smith. 226 Laura jane Smith, "Deference and Humility: The Social Values of the Country House," in Valuing Historic Environments, edited by Lisanne Gibson and John Pendlebury (Surrey, UK: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2009), 36. 227 Vivien Burr, 5 ocial Constructionism (New York, NY: Routledge, 2003). 228 Peter Howard, "Historical Landscapes and the Recent Past: \Vhose History?," in Valuing Historic Environments. 229 Ibid., 57. 101

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Traditionally, by default, lapses, or intent, experts have assumed a dominant role in the valuation of cultural assets. \Xlhile a value-based approach endorses a relatively democratic approach, this does not suggest a radical shift to what Muiioz-Viiias refers to as "demagogic conservation," whereby all responsibility is shifted to users and subject to their preferences.230 In the extreme, he suggests that such decisions would result in a "Theme Park effect" and take little account of future users. Although convenient and certainly democratic, MunozViiias suggests a more balanced, "negotiatory" approach. In summary, a value-based approach implies a modified role for experts. The alternative is relatively limited and narrow but still represents the status quo. Still contemporary and progressive writers promote this change: So we in the landscape field of heritage need to devise new methods to democratitize the decisions as to which heritage is important ... We have to devise ways of introducing the other agenda-the local, the insider, the amateur, the private, and this will include encouraging insider groups to make decisions for themselves, and safeguard their own heritage.231 4.7 Theory of Cultural Capital David Throsby introduced the concept of "cultural capital."232 He defines cultural capital as "an asset which embodies, stores or provides cultural value in addition to whatever economic value it may possess."m Throsby identifies two types of cultural capital: tangible and intangible. Tangible cultural assets include cultural landscapes, while intangible cultural 2.1o MuiiozVinas, 208-209. m Howard, 61. 2.n Throsby, 44. This term has also been employed in a similar but distinct context. The use of the term cultural capital in economics differs from the concept now widely used in sociology following Bourdieu, where cultural capital refers to an individual's competence in high-status culture. Bourdieu's usage relates to characteristics of human beings and, as such, is very close to the economic concept of human capital. 233 Throsby, 46. 102

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assets include literature, music, language, and mores and beliefs. Preservation is usually concerned with tangible cultural assets. This theory holds potential for reconciling and integrating economic and cultural dimensions of heritage assets. Torres explains: "Economists in tum can readily comprehend that artifacts, artworks, buildings, sites, and so on have the characteristics of capital assets and that the depreciation, maintenance, restoration, and so on of such assets can be analyzed as economic processes. Given that heritage as capital has some characteristics (such as the production of cultural value) that are different from those of other sorts of capital, it seems that a notion of "cultural capital" to describe heritage might be able to integrate its principal economic and cultural characteristics.234 Cultural capital theory has much in common with other theories of capital, including economic, natural, and human.235 These various forms of capital are exclusive and independent but share many of the same underlying principles. In particular, cultural capital shares many of the characteristics of natural capital, notably issues regarding fmite resources, intergenerational and intragenerational equity, and the precautionary principle that irrevocable change demands a high degree of caution. Both promote a long term and sustainable outlook. Capital is a "stock concept." Throsby explains: "Like physical capital, it is created by human activity, lasts for a period of time, can increase through investment of current resources in its manufacture, etc."2.16 Flows emanate to and from capital stock. In the case of cultural capital, outflows can be both economic and cultural value.:m These flows can include both material and non-material benefits. Such flows are easier to articulate and realize as publicgood benefits accruing to the collective. m de Ia Torre, 101. m There are no consensus regarding the various forms of capital but these categories are commonly cited in the literature. Different terminology is also encountered but this paper will adopt that which has been employed by Throsby (2001). 2.% Throsby, 46. 237 Ibid., 4 7. 103

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However, in order to sustain these outflows and the value of the heritage asset, ongoing reinvestment and maintenance, an inflow concept, is required: "the capital stock may decay over time and may require the expenditures of resources for maintenance." 2J81brosby explains: "As individuals or as a society, we can allow cultural capital to deteriorate over time, we can maintain it, or we can augment it, in short we can manage it in a way that suits our individual or collective purpose."l.W Within this framework, the role of preservationists and heritage is crystallized: while historic heritage serves certain, well defmed social purposes, preservation performs the essential social function of sustaining heritage. As noted above, these valuation techniques have been developed in environmental economics. The reason why they are readily applicable to heritage derives from the close parallels between the concepts of natural capital and cultural capital. The former comprises natural resources, natural ecosystems and biodiversity, whilst cultural capital in the economic sense is made up of cultural assets (both tangible and intangible), cultural "ecosystems" or networks, and cultural diversity. The parallel extends further into the arena of sustainable resource management: the well-known paradigm of ecologically sustainable development has an obvious counterpart in the emerging concept of culturally sustainable development. In summary, this perspective has implications for the valuation and assessment of historical assets. Throsby observes that "Already heritage projects are beginning to be evaluated as investment proposals amenable to the sorts of appraisal procedures applied elsewhere in the economy."240 However, the application of such concepts is constrained by apparent measurement issues. Still, many of the concepts parallel that of a fmancial asset: "An interesting twist offered on the cultural capital notion was viewing heritage as an asset that appreciates over time, requires investment, incurs risk, and so on."241 As with cultural assets, 2.1s de Ia Torre, 105. m Throsby, 53. Ibid. W "Economia and Heritage Conseroation, "in A Meeting Or;ganized lry the Getty Conseroation Institute (Los Angeles, CA: The Getty Conservation Institute, 1998), 12. 104

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financial assets have intangible aspects and the accounting profession has developed standards to address them. For example, deprecation is an intangible cost, rather than an expense, recognizing that a financial asset will be depleted over time. Without this accounting treatment, financial reporting would be misstated and managerial decisions would be uninformed or misinformed. 105

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5.0 METHODOLOGY 5.1 Alternative Methods C ultural assessments and economic valuations do not utilize a universal, encompassing tool; rather, there is a diverse set of methods and tools from which to choose.242 The analyst or researcher should, therefore, understand the alternatives and select tools that best serve the given research problem and underlying objectives. Economic tools have been used to analyze a wide variety of assets and phenomenon. For example, the contingency valuation method (CVM) is frequently used to value environmental assets and may have potential for greater use by preservationists. Cultural assets share many characteristics with their environmental counterparts but economic analysis of cultural assets is relatively less conunon. Many cultural assets share characteristics of public goods and, likewise, their value is not easily determined by the market. However, any such assessments require adequate information or these assets are susceptible to degradation and deterioration. Mason explains the role for such tools in valuing cultural assets: ... economic values must be taken seriously if conservation work and decisions are to be seen as credible by larger society. We cannot act on belief and faith in the importance of cultural heritage to social well-being on the basis of unquantifiable cultural values alone ... We also need to make rigorous, transparent decisions that consider the ma'!Y uses society makes of heritage, including economic and business uses.243 Table 8 sununarizes and compares alternative economic methods that may be relevant for valuing or assessing a cultural asset. Such tools include both "market data" analyses (economic impact studies, regression analyses, basic cost studies) and "non market" based valuations 2 H de Ia Torre. m Mason (2008), 309. 106

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(contingent valuation method, choice modeling). Each alternative typically expresses value quantitatively in financial terms. Economics is fundamentally concerned with the allocation of scarce resources. Preservation activities, for example, involve such resources as fmances, materials, and labor. But such allocation requires efficient markets and access to relevant information. In absence of such conditions, resources may be misallocated and unfortunate or suboptimal decisions may ensue.244 Table 8. Alternative Economic Valuation Methodologies Method Description Pros Cons analyze and justify provides a single "bottom line" does not capture nonuse values policy programs and monetary figure prone to methodological bias decisions findings are easy to does not consider opportunity advocacy groups to communicate and use in public costs Economic Impact promote their funding advocacy no standards; disclosure and Studies objectives may provide useful information transparency issues about the impacts of demand based on gross assumptions and supply on the regional economies reliance on relatively higher useful as a rhetorical aid absolutely higher numbers widely used in measures nonuse values conceptually more complex Contingent ecological economic provide a single, economic sensitive to the valuation Valuation valuations measurement of the good in context Methods (Willingness To limited use for cultural question "free-rider" problem Pay, Willingness economics analyses flexible design: can be can be costly To Accept) "narrative, visual, scenario "democratic" approach based" Regression used for forecasting and ability to establish casual dependent upon data predictive uses relationships availability Analysis effects on property ability to develop economic (Hedonic, Travel-value, etc models Cost) statistically based Basic Cost Studies primarily for business straightforward calculations unconcerned with nonuse (Pro Formas, uses considers alternatives values Fiscal Impact not comprehensive Study) 2-1-1 de Ia Torre, 101. 107

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Whereas economists have developed a number of tools that could be used to value heritage assets, cultural disciplines have been "challenged to elaborate on existing tools and devise additional tools to evaluate noneconomic, cultural values." 245 Cultural values resist measurement, much less share a common unit of measurement or unified methodology. 1bis limitation makes inter-disciplinary comparisons difficult: "The units and yardsticks used by art historians, sociologists, and economists, for instance, are not readily comparable or translatable. "246 Consequently, cultural value assessments are generally limited to qualitative analysis. Still, a qualitative assessment provides a basis and can also be illuminating and reveal sentiment in a way that fmancial or qualitative measures do not express. Randall Mason, "Economics and Heritage Conservation: Concepts, Values and "\gendas for Research," in Economics and Heritage Conseroation, A meeting organized lry the Getry Conseroation Institute, (December, 15, 1998). de Ia Torre, 9. 108

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Table 9. Alternative Cultural Assessment Methodologies Method Description Pros Cons most suited to policy reusable as an education tool not easily summarized and Case Studies analysis rather than communicated economic valuation subject to anecdotal evidence without a clear framework Cultural employs key indicators quantitative largely under development Indicators no generally agreed-upon indicators exist Delphi Method technique for arriving at a establishes consensus between process may be time consuming consensus between a panel diverse stakeholders of diverse interests relies on information participant observation allows not easily summarized and Ethnography I gathering activities such as confirmation of actor behavior communicated Thick interviews, oral histories, "approachable to other Description observation, and recording researchers" of the characteristics of material culture exemplified by the expertise in a variety of few opportunities to compare or Expert "connoisseurship disciplines can lead to a better verify the judgments made Analysis judgments" of art informed assessment relying only on expert judgment historians, curators, and may lead to improper allocation of collectors resources, arbitrariness, paternalism, and biases a carefully planned pretesting and development geographical limitations Focus Groups discussion designed to interactive obtain perceptions on a creates goodwill designed area of interest data plotted on a map or potentially simple way to display dependent upon primary or Mapping plan in order to organize complex information secondary data information ability to present multivariate data used extensively by landscape architects Primary basic humanistic provides context and dependent upon availability of (Archival) methodology of research, understanding primary research Research & interpretation, and writing may provide an effective Writing a narrative account complement to other methods Historical Narratives The choice of tools is situational, depending on the research objectives and prevailing circumstances (see Table 9). Thus, selection requires a preliminary assessment of such factors. De Ia Torre prescribes "tool box" approach: 109

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... conservation professionals need to understand the values as seen by that community, which suggest a whole range of methodologies for articulating those values (ranging from ethnographic studies, to focus groups and interviews, to community involvement and "mapping" processes).247 Mason advocates a hybrid approach, one that is not only inclusive but also equally balanced in order to avoid economics from "trump[ing] all other values."248 Just as height measures complement weight measures in describing an object so do cultural and economic values. Neither measurement by itself would adequately describe the object and one without the other would be incomplete. This mixed-method approach, or triangulation, provides context and enables a fuller range of values to be revealed. Understanding the full range is important for different reasons. If all relevant values are not understood or appreciated, they could be overlooked and understated. By assuming this broader perspective, the appropriate valuation and assessment tools can be applied. If not, inappropriate results may be obtained and unintentional consequences may ensue. The most appropriate method depends on the objectives for conducting such research, as well as other factors such as budgets, project scope, and data availability. Among the more common reasons for valuing or assessing a heritage asset are: Advocacy. Preservation has historically involved passionate advocates, attempting to raise public consciousness or achieve specific agendas. This may involve concerted efforts to preserve a specific asset, organized efforts to sustain or garner public support, etc. Advocacy literature is less oriented toward research, in the sense of shedding light on a question with some objectivity. Economic Development. Economic development routinely uses community culture to provide competitive advantages for recruiting new business. Preservation planning m Ibid., 15. m (2008), 314. 110

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recognizes the economic aspects of heritage projects but tends to focus on the reuse of potential economic development rather than broader public benefits. Planning and Public Financing. Historic preservation frequently involves public goods or "mixed goods" with both private and public good characteristics. As such, valuation from private interests as well as governmental or nonprofit perspective will influence the method or approach adopted for valuation. Academic Research. Academic research will influence the selected tool in terms of time spent, the rigor applied, and methodological validity of the selected approach. 5.2 Preliminary Assessment Thus, for a given case, the selected methodology is circwnstantial. Based on the following factors, focus groups have been selected as the most appropriate method for conducting research on Camp ANF-1: This site remains privately owned and is somewhat disconnected from socio-cultural values. Still, based on the value analysis, certain values appear to be embedded into the community and woven into its social fabric.249 Focus groups would be well suited for eliciting this response from local stakeholders. There appear to be considerable intangible values associated with this site. A focus group provides facilitators with an interactive forwn to explore these aspects. The findings, albeit qualitative less concise, are richer and sensitive to nuances. Local values are key to heritage, providing a sense of identity and meaning. Again, focus groups would provide a forum to validate and explore these values. The planning process is in the early stages. A focus group approach would be appropriate at this stage for eliciting values. These findings can be used to for subsequent phases and quantitative analysis. m See Section 6.5. 111

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The resources available to conduct this research are limited and a focus group is a cost-effective alternative. Focus group results can be used as a basis for developing a more rigorous approach and provide an opportunity to test the value topology and stakeholder groups before the scope is expanded. This analysis adopts a modified focus group for the economic and cultural values. A separate economic analysis would be ideal; however, resources and time constraints dictate a more pragmatic compromise. 5.3 Value Assessment Model Value assessment is part of an overall planning process (see Figure 25). In this context, valuation follows the Identification and Description phase, providing a foundation and basis for the assessment. The Identification and Description phase is comparatively expert dependent and its outcome may be technical and detailed. The assessment, on the other hand, summarizes and synthesizes initial findings in a format that can be used to elicit a response from the stakeholder. 112

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I. Identification & Descrlptilon II. Assessments & Analysis Figure 25. The Overall Planning Process250 Ill. Response Establish Policies Value assessment is performed concurrently with the physical condition assessment and the management context assessment. The results are synthesized and ultimately support the design and ongoing management, as shown in Figure 25. Within this context, the "Value-Assessment Model" has developed for this thesis (see Figure 26). This model emphasizes the underlying processes and offers a general approach for future research. The process is iterative and dynamic, affording feedback loops to evolved baseline value typologies and stakeholder groups. The process has potential applications to multiple situations and scenarios, for both design and cultural heritage management. zso Randall i\fason, ".\ssessing Values in Conservation Planning: l\fethodological Issues and Choices," in The Hen"tage Reader, 108. 113

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Develop Baseline Value Typology Identify Baseline Stakeholders & Formulate Focus Group Scrlpt(s) Refine Stakeholder and Typologies Fadlitate Focus Groups Figure 26. Value-Assessment Model Sythesize Assessments The baseline value typology is designed to facilitate comparison and discourse, as well as provide support the stakeholders' interests and disciplines. Typologies are essentially a "first order research tool," organizing knowledge so that it builds upon itself. The typology is provisional, not static or fixed, a baseline refined by the assessment process. The typology must also be appropriate for the cultural asset in question. Cultural assets are diverse, ranging from cultural landscapes to moveable art. Therefore, to develop or fmd an appropriate typology, a review of precedents and some preliminary analysis is an appropriate step. These categorical values need not be mutually exclusive or independent but should attempt to account for the full spectrum of values. Values are assumed to be inherently in conflict and non-hierarchal in nature. One given value does not supersede another within the assessment. Certainly through discourse, certain dominant values will emerge and others will subordinate. However for the purposes of the analysis, both subordinate and dominant values are documented. 114

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Given these context, the following baseline value typology has been adopted for this analysis: Historic Aesthetics Symbolic Social Spiritual Recreational Economic Stakeholder and constituent groups are also identified, including both insiders and outsiders. Outsiders may be excluded from the process, particularly if their values are diffused or dispersed. They may be underserved or simply geographically disadvantaged. Nonetheless, each focus group represents a stakeholders group and participants are representative. For the purposes of this thesis, the following baseline stakeholder groups have been identified: Local Community CCC Alumni and Descendents National Forest Service Researchers Property Owners Heritage Tourists Recreational Users (ATV, Hikers, and Trail Riders) Educators and Public History Figure 27 illustrates that not every stakeholder group shares the same values or an entire range of values. However, the researcher must have a holistic perspective in order to facilitate the focus group discussion, identify conflicts, and integrate and synthesize the results. Therefore the context analysis is necessary in order to facilitate this process. 115

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v X 0 0 v 4 0 0 0 0 v l 0 0 v 2 0 0 v 1 0 0 SG SG SG SG SG 1 2 3 4 n 1 where, r SG= total stakeholders groups n 1 r v = full range of values X Figure 27. Stakeholder Value Matrix Model Once the value analysis has been completed, the focus group script should be formulated. Each script is customized for a focus group and each focus group represents a stakeholder or constituency group. Finally, the focus group results fit into the site planning and designing process. The results will be integrated and synthesized into an overall plan which will account for conflicting values, subordinate stakeholders groups, and a maintenance plan that is focused on the sustainability of values, rather than the material itself. This model also explicitly adds another dimension-stakeholders groups-to the basic value typology. Different stakeholder groups may have different values and values between groups may conflict, effecting creative challenges for the designer or preservationist. The challenge for designers and others is to identify and meet the primary stakeholder needs, while "satisficing" those of the secondary stakeholders. 116

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5.4 Scope of Analysis The scope of this research is limited to a "baseline analysis." Specifically, the research will be bounded by the following parameters and illustrated by the shaded entities in Figure 28: The baseline stakeholder groups will be defined A context analysis will be performed The baseline typology will be identified A focus group script will be developed and tested Develop Baseline Value Typology .... --------. . . Formulate Focus Group Salpt(s) Refine Stakeholder and Typologies Facilitate Focus Groups Figure 28. Project Scope 117 Sythesize Assessments

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6.0 BASELINE VALUE ANALYSIS OF CAMP ANF-1 I n this section, the values associated with Camp ANF-1 are analyzed in order to establish a baseline for stakeholder elicitation. Tbis analysis is interpretive, subjective, and provisional but the objective is to provide a basis for developing a focus group script, rather than an "expert" assessment. The analysis incorporates a full range of values, defined by the baseline typology. Conflicting values, interrelationships between values, and other potential issues for stakeholder elicitation will be identified. ) Figure 29. Value Typology The analysis employs Mason's working definitions and typology (see Table 10). These values may overlap and have varying intensities and intangibilities. Conflicts are normal and expected, but may raise ethical questions for the analyst and designer. Such conflicts may, in fact, provide an opportunity for enriching the site by enhancing its diversity and internal tension. 118

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Table 10. Sociocultural and Economic Values251 Value Definition ... aesthetic refers to the visual qualities of heritage" ... "aesthetics can be interpreted more widely to encompass all Aesthetic the senses: smell, sound, and ling, as well as sight."" ... Aesthetic value is a strang contributor to a sense of well-being and is perhaps the most personal and individualistic of the sociocultural value types." Historical/ "Historical value can accrue in several ways: from the heritage material's age, from its association with people or Education events, from its rarity and/or uniqueness, from its technological qualities, or from its archival/documentary potential." "Heritage sites are sometimes associated or imbued with religious or sacred meaning. These spiritual values can Spiritual emanate from the beliefs and teachings beliefs and teachings of organized religion, but can also encompass secular experiences of wonder, awe, and so on [ . r Symbolic "Used to build cultural affiliations in the present and can be historical, political, ethnic, or related to other means of living together" '7he social values of heritage enable and facilitate social connections, networks, and other relations in a broad Social sense.[ . ]. The social value[ ... ] might include the use of a site for social gatherings such as celebrations, markets, picnics, or ball games." Recreational '1he historic environment plays a significant role in providing for people's recreation and enjoyment. Increasingly, the past and its remains in the present are a vital part of people's everyday life and experience." "Economic valuing is one of the most powerful ways in which society identifies, assesses, and decides on the relative Economic value of things ... Economic values stemming from the conservation of heritage are often, by definition, understood to be a public good-reflecting collective decisions rather than individual, market decisions-and therefore not captured by market price measures. n 6.1 Aesthetic Value Aesthetics are typically associated with a contemplative appreciation of flne arts and natural beauty in a relatively detached or academic matter. The aesthetics of the landscape, however, are based on "the perceptual and sensuous features of the landscape we experience."252 The word "aesthetics," in fact, is derived from the Classical Greek word "aisthanesthai," to perceive.m Although primarily visual, other senses-smell, tactual, and auditory-may also be involved. These values would be most closely held by "insiders," those who can appreciate the experiences and qualities flrst hand. 251 Mason, ".\ssessing Values in Conservation Planning," 104-105. 252 Simon Bell, 0Jndscape: Pattern, Perception and Process (London, UK: Taylor & Francis, 1999), 66. 253 Ibid., 64. 119

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To assess aesthetic value in the landscape, Bell suggests separating "each constituent part and then identify it and relate it back to the whole scene."254 These basic elements combine and interact, either in some self-organizing manner or by design, to produce patterns that manifest themselves in the landscape's overall aesthetics. The ftrst step is to inventory and describe the basic elements. These aesthetic qualities are subjective, individual, and fundamentally descriptive and interpretive. This analysis provides a basis for understanding a landscape's underlying character and aesthetic value and formulating a baseline for stakeholder elicitation.zss The basic elements of Camp ANF-1 are summarized in Table 11 and mapped in Figure 30. These elements have their own sensual attributes and aesthetic qualities but also provide the basis for the overall landscape aesthetics. Figure 30. Camp ANF-1 Site Plan 254 Simon Bell, Elements of Visual Design in the Lmdscape (Routledge, 2004), 19. 255 Bell (1999), 104. 120

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Table 11. Inventory of Camp ANF-1 Aesthetic Landscape Elements256 Spring Camp ANF-1 is located on the banks of Spring Creek, which drains into the Clarion River. Moving 1 Creek water can provide a multi-sensual experience, derived from peaceful sounds, reflective qualities, and mist. 2 Pond #1 Pond #1 was constructed prior to the CCC's occupation. Pools generally provide visual interest, cooling qualities, and a habitat for plants and wildlife. Pond #2 was originally a gravel quarry, excavated by the current property owner, and has since 3 Pond #2 filled with water. Like Pond #1, this pond provides visual interest, ecological diversity, and other sensual qualities. 4 Covered The current main entrance includes a covered bridge that was built in the 1960s. Places of arrival Bridge and departure are important and can be emotional and symbolic experiences. 5 Pedestrian The site is adorned with brick pathways. The walks are overgrown but the circulation system Pathway provides an organizing framework (CCC Period). CCC Era By design and for strategic purposes, the camp layout provides enclosure.157 The buildings" 6 Buildings materials and building design also contrast the landscape and provide much of the aesthetic character of a New Deal landscape. 7 Vehicular The roadway was constructed for logistical purposes during the CCC era and remains in use today. Circulation The roadway site circulation provides an organizing framework for the site. The CCC planted rows of white pines at the original entrance and other places within the camp. 8 Tree Stands Trees provide shade and canopy as well as other sensual experiences such as scents, refuge, enclosure, and rhythm. The site is located in a geological saddle, with mountains to the north and south. Natural 9 Typology landforms such as hills and mountains provide vertical interest and can also effect microclimates. Landforms also can provide prospect, overlooking the landscape. 10 Entryway The planted entryway was built by the Corps and remains today. Like the covered bridge, this element provides a transitory gateway into the camp. One strong pattern to emerge from these individual elements is that of endosure. Enclosure is created by "combination of the shape of elements and their positions."258 The type and degree of enclosure can affect the human experience and its use. For example, depending on its degree, enclosure can provide comfort and security, but also may also be oppressive and claustrophobic. 256 See Appendix I for images of these aesthetic elements. 257 See Section 6.4, Symbolic Value, for a detailed discussion on CCC camp layout. 258 Bell (2004), 112. 121

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In the horizontal plane, water features can create a sense of enclosure by separating land mass from the surrounding landscape, thereby promoting feelings of security and separateness.259 This site is enclosed by the three water features. Spring Creek strongly marks the site's southern and southwestern boundaries. The ponds provide partial enclosure and mark the northern boundaries. Tree and landform masses provide another layer of enclosure. Such enclosures are vertically oriented, also providing visual interest. The landforms surrounding camp ANF-1 are gentle and rolling, covered by the relatively dense forest. The topography reflects the underlying geology of the Allegheny Plateau. Figure 31. Topology Map and South and North Views from Camp ANF-1 259 Catherine Dee, "Form and Fabric in LAndscape Architecture" (London, UK: Taylor & Francis, 2001), 80. 122

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The camp itself is surrounded by these natural features, reinforcing this feeling of enclosure. CCC camps had originally been designed to provide some degree of enclosure for defense and security purposes.260 An open area was created within the center of the camp when two barracks were removed by the Forest County Camp for recreational activities such as football and marching band practice. lbis alteration inadvertendy enhanced the degree of enclosure. The remaining buildings are relatively permeable and the views are not restricted, providing an overall comfortable aesthetic. In addition to the visual aesthetics, the site also possesses other notable sensual qualities. The location is secluded and therefore has limited vehicular traffic. However, this generally serene experience is also frequendy interrupted by all-terrain vehicles (AlVs). Furthermore, the horse riding activities also affect the sensual experience, both negatively and positively. The property has retained much of its character from the occupation by the CCC and the remaining architecture. These aesthetics are typical of Depression era architecture: economical, utilitarian, and political. The landscape provides a natural setting for the camp. CCC camps were typically situated in remote areas, often forested locations, providing an interesting contrast with the utilitarian architecture. Because the Army was in charge of camp construction, the buildings' designs were very specific. Directions on types of materials, dimensions, and step-by-step construction from ground clearing to the finished work were given. By 1934, the plans were notably precise. The architecture is characteristically stark and utilitarian. There were three types of camp construction: tent camps, rigid camps, portable camps. Camp ANF-1 is an example of a "rigid camp." Because the camp buildings were generally built according to Army standards, their exteriors generally do not reflect regional or local styles. Although the camp administrators were permitted some latitude and flexibility, 26 See Section 6.4, Symbolic Value, for a detailed discussion on CCC camp layout. 123

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variations were usually subtle.261 For example, at Camp .\NF-1, the mess hall screen doors were supplied by Kane Screen and the bricks for the pathway by another local supplier. A typical CCC camp consisted of approximately twenty buildings, providing shelter and accommodations for two hundred workers and administrators. Camp AN l;-1 has seven of fifteen original buildings remaining. The recreation hall, mess hall, officer headquarters, and barracks were rectangular structures with low-pitch gable roofs. Buildings were typically 20' wide and 65' to 75' long. The mess hall was usually aT-shaped building with the kitchen located in the leg of the T. The siding is batten and tar paper and the roofing consisted of roll roofing or shingles. \Vindows were multi-pane casements or hopper-type.2r2 This simple architecture has only limited examples of the craftsmanship with which the CCC is often associated. On the other hand, the Corps left examples of rustic architecture in campgrounds, picnic areas, and other recreational spots. Limited examples of craftsmanship tend to be found in the building interiors.2c.1 Figure 32. Recreation Hall Fireplace Camp ANF-1 's recreation hall, for example, features a stone fireplace that is characteristically rustic and a newspaper article at the time claims that "it is said to be one of the handsomest [sp] in the state ... it looks as though the intention is to make this camp a 2r>l The Leeds CCC Camp building in Utah was constructed from stone and several camps in northern \linnesota featured vertical log construction. However, these were exceptions to the standard. 2r2 Rolf T. .\ndcrson, "Rabideau Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) Camp," Landmark r-.;omination, Form ::\PS 1-orm 10-900, (I'iovember 15, 2003). 261 Otis eta!., http:/ /www.nps.gov /history/history/ online_books/ ccc/ ccc/ chap12.htm#8 (accessed 5/6/2009). 124-

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permanent recreation place."264 In addition to the ftreplace, the recreation hall also features a stage that was used for Glee Club and other productions and events. The stage features decoratively painted pilasters. 6.2 Historical Value A site's capacity to convey, embody, or stimulate a relation or reaction to the past is part of the fundamental nature and meaning of heritage objects. This value has a broad-base of stakeholders, including educators, students, researchers, and visitors. Camp ANF-1 's rarity and association with significant events forms the basis for its historic value. The camp is not "unique" in the strict sense that it is the on!J remaining camp. However, few remain and, at best, only traces usually exist. Speakman describes the typical case: ... at most of the CCC camp sites today curious or pious pilgrims looking for places where CCC men, sometimes their ancestors, lived worked, and gamboled with youthful energy beyond imagining, will fmd themselves driving on poorly marked gravel roads, traipsing through dark forest, overgrown and snake infested, or grazing across open meadows now devoted to playground equipment.265 Of the approximately 5,000 camps that were built in the nine year period of the CCC's existence, only sixteen others, in varying conditions, are known to have survived (see Table 12). 21H "Expensive Fireplace for CCC Camp," Erie Times, April 18, 1934, n.p. 265 Speakman (2006), 15. 125

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Table 12. Remaining CCC Camps in the Nation266 Camp Name Vicinity IQ Camp Landers Duhring, PA, in the ANF 1 Camp Bear Brook Allenstown, NH 2 Camp Birch Creek Dillon, MO 3 Camp Gibbs Iron River Township, Ml 4 Camp Koke'e Island of Kauia, HI 5 Camp Lodge Custer, SD 6 Camp Morrison Morrison, CO 7 Camp Needmore Ekalaska, MO 8 Camp North Bend North Bend, WA ..... -, 9 Camp Rabideau Blackduck, MN 10 Camp Rockwood Middlecreek Township, PA 11 Camp Smokey Cassville, Ml 12 Camp Thornwood Durbin, WV 13 Jenny Lake CCC Camp Grand Teton National Park, WY 14 Laurel Hill Camp Middlecreek Township, PA 15 Leeds Camp StGeorge, UT 16 Old Forge Camp Waynesboro, PA Wh.i.le few camps have endured nationally, there are three other surviving CCC camps in Pennsylvania. This may compromise ANF-1 's historical value, at least regionally, and is an issue for stakeholder elicitation. Nonetheless, Camp ANF-1 also processes historical value in terms of its historical events: Camp ANF-1, one of 5,000 camps, was the second established in the nation after Camp Roosevelt in Virginia. This precedence was not just happenstance. Rather the camp was the strategically prioritized and benefited from the organizational infrastructure established by Gifford Pinchot.267 266 Based on consultation with Kathy May Smith and reference to Rabideau Civilian Conseroation Corps (CCC) Camp. This analysis is limited to sites where there are a collection of four or more CCC buildings. 267 Speakman (2006), 32. 126

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Out of two billion trees that had been planted by the CCC, Camp ANF-1 has been credited with planting the ftrst trees. This tract is located approximately one mile west of the Camp. In addition, Camp ANF-1 can be argued to be at "ground zero" of America's modem environmental movement. Maher argues that the CCC transformed the environmental movement.268 Prior to the CCC, Progressive Era conservatism had been a narrow, elite based movement. The author contends that the CCC effectively transformed the conservation movement into a grass-roots movement. If Maher's premise is accepted, this places Camp ANF-1 at the very cradle of the modem environmental movement. The Corps was initially conceived as a Progressive Era conservation instrument. The agency had a narrow focus on reforestation, employed efficient, scientific management of resources, and was reliant on a "top-down," centrally planned structure and approach. However, the agency evolved over its life, becoming sensitive to ecological systems and adopting "Olmstedian" philosophies. Furthermore, conservation practices and principles were popularized through the media, local communities, and the enrollees themselves. Many CCC alumni eventually pursued related careers and educations. This revisionist view of environmental history positions the CCC as a "missing link." After Hetch Hetchy, conservationists prevailed over preservationists and the movement was divided. Conventional thought, however, attributes the preservationists' subsequent success at Dinosaur National Monument as being the turning defming point for the modem-day environmental movement. However, litde research had been conducted regarding the interim period and Maher argues that the CCC essentially transformed the movement and "set the stage" for its popular emergence in 1955. The CCC, therefore, sowed the seeds for the events at Dinosaur National Monument. Coupled with a growing economy, the modemday environmental movement was born and these beginnings may be traced to the CCC and, for this particular case, to Camp ANF-1. 268 Maher. 127

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6.3 Spiritual Value Spiritual value can be derived from a sacred place, such as an indigenous site. However, other sources of spirituality may be found in the landscape. For example, some natural landscapes have an ability to inspire a sense of awe. The "sublime" overwhelms the viewer, evoking a spirtual feeling, mostly by stakeholders who are "insiders." Spiritual value can also derived from former ceremonial uses, organized religious activities, by those honoring a tragic or heroic event, or, in the case of Camp ANF-1, by attachment to a place cultivated by personal spiritual growth. During the Depression, the unemployment rate for workers under the age of twenty was nearly twice as high as national averages and this demographic was at risk of becoming a "lost generation." These young men faced struggles, threatening their physical welfare and personal esteem. Roosevelt intended the CCC to rejuvenate the enrollees' well-being through meaningful work, educational programs, plentiful meals, and nature's healing capacity. These dispirited youth also received inspiration through spiritual guidance, prayer, and mentorship. Camp ANF-1 provided a haven and arguably possesses an inherent spiritual quality. The camp also provided a salvation from the pressing socioeconomic conditions: "For the period of camp service, an enrollee's life is completely bound up with his camp. It is for him a complete community."269 Such values may provide special meaning for CCC alumni, their descendants, and other stakeholders paying homage to this generation's struggles and transformation. Enrollees were rejuvenated by a number of factors, which were manifested in the camp's morale. Morale varied by camp and reports of uprisings were not uncommon. However, Camp ANF-1 was generally considered to be exemplary and morale was consistently high 269 Patel, 265. 128

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(see Table 13). These indicators may reflect a sense of spirituality experienced by insiders, such as alumni, family members, and others, towards Camp ANF-1. Table 13. ANF-1 Camp Morale, 1937-1941270 Camp Report Number of Morale Date Enrollees Rating 6/9/1937 109 Good1 12/8/1937 192 Good1 10/15/1938 180 Excellent1 10/18/1939 172 Superior 11/28/1940 183 Excellent1 11/30/1941 116 Good2 1 Based on a scale of "Good, Fair, and Poor" 2 Based on a scale of "Superior, Excellent, Good, Fair, and Poor" Organized religious activities were part of the camp's routine. Initially, regular services were held in nearby towns. Approximately 50 percent of the men participated in these services.271 Over time, Army chaplains visited the site regularly, circulating between approximately ten camps, and local ministers also offered spiritual services.272 As well as the combined efforts of local clergymen and army chaplains, the camp library also contained religious literature for "all faiths" and was also used as a place of prayer. The Chaplain had also organized Bible Study Groups and a "Special Religious Council." The Council was organized to arrange for grace or blessings before each meal and to provide spiritual support in instances where the Chaplain was absent. Camp ANF-1, like so many others, provided a haven for the young men and helped them cope with and overcome personal challenges. This spiritual transformation may explain their attachment to this place, as evidenced by the "pilgrimage" 400 alumni made to the camp for 2 70 Derived from the semi-annual Civilian Conseroation Corps Camp Inspection Reports, Camp ANF-1, 1937-1942. 271 Supplemental Report, October 6, 1933. 272 Prospectus of Educational and Recreational Activities, 193 7-1938. 129

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the CCC's SOrh anniversary celebration.m This site, therefore, may possess spiritual value for various stakeholder groups honoring these sacrifices. 6.4 Symbolic Value Symbols are embedded in cultural landscapes and decoding them helps to decipher and unlock the landscape's meaning to different stakeholders. They are also an important determinant of community identity, what makes a community unique, and how it is differentiated from others. This site's symbolic meaning is largely associated with the Great Depression and is most strongly held by individuals from the post-adolescent demographic that would later become known as the "greatest generation." Approximately 90 percent of CCC enrollees reportedly served in the armed forces during World War Il.274 The symbolism associated with this site, therefore, is representative of this generation's readiness and imminent wartime sacrifices, its "metaphoric" war and struggles against economic and environmental threats, and the era's political upheaval and volatility. The camp's architecture reflects the economic conditions of the Great Depression. The buildings were a least-cost alternative, before other portable and even more economic alternatives were developed. The total built cost for such a camp was estimated to be about $20,000.275 The stark architecture, therefore, is an example of New Deal architecture and a symbol of the Depression era. The Corps had always maintained a capricious balance between its military oversight, civilian workers, and the other cooperating governmental agencies. The Army was responsible for enrollees' health and welfare while they were in the camp. Enrollees were subject to military m "400 Attend CCC Reunion," n.d. Newspaper article from Forest County Historical Society "\rchives, n.p. m Maher, 213. 275 Barbara W. Sommer, Hard Work and a Good Deaf (St. Paul, Minnesota Historical Society, 2008), 43. 130

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physicals and inspections, and wore surplus uniforms. Although the Army's responsibilities were primarily administrative and logistics-there was no military court, drilling, saluting, or weapons training-its influence was undeniable, both spatially and culturally. In fact, because much of the authority was informal, army administrators relied on symbolism in order to reinforce camp discipline and hierarchy. Consequently, the landscape was organized and expressed along military lines, reflecting its quasi-military presence and culture. The symbolism is apparent in the forms and landscapes patterns as well as its architecture. \Vhile building construction was standardized there was some variation in the camp layout due to terrain and logistical constraints. Most camp layouts were highly rectangular while others had a pinwheel orientation. A typical camp layout is shown in Figure 33. Despite this variation, certain landscape patterns emerge: "there were consistent elements within each camp site. The flagpole was always the first visual marker when approaching the camp. Located directly behind the flagpole was the administrative building or office. Officers' barracks were in straight military-like rows, in front of the enrollees' tents."276 276 Otis et al., http:/ /www.nps.gov /history /history/ online_books/ ccc/ ccc/ chap 12.htm (accessed May 7, 2009). 131

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1 \ ....... Figure 33. Layout of a Typical CCC Camp vs. Figure-Ground of ANF-1 Regardless of the specific design, camps layouts were centrali z ed, di s ciplined, and organized Officers were separated from enrollees and buildings were grouped together according to rol e s and functions. Initially there were real concerns that the general public may perceive camps as a fascist threat, invoking a violent reaction. In fact, camp officers initially carried firearms for this very reason. Camps therefore, were enclosed and their borders clearly demarked, providing both defense and a refuge for enrollees. Camp ANF1 has a typical rectangular lay out. Officer headquarters and the central flag poles and greeted visitors The enrollee barracks were pos itioned behind, reflecting the symbolic command hierarchy. A b o ardwalk, and later brick pathway, connected the buildings. 132

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Figure 34. Camp ANF-1 Officer Quarters (Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed. Probably from the winter of 1934-35) The CCC's military culture and physical manifestation also reflects a metaphoric conflict. Recruiting posters were reminiscent of army recruiting posters and the agency was variously nicknamed "Roosevelt's Tree Army," "Labor Army," and the "army of conservation." Enrollees were called "soil soldiers."277 The militarization of the CCC evoked a metaphoric enemy, comparable to those of World \X'ar I. However, unlike those in conventional warfare, the enemies were the prevailing economic conditions and environmental threats. These camps, therefore, symbolized this "war." For Americans, the frontier has long symbolized the "limitless possibilities of the American dream, the expansion of American values, the national efforts to tame faraway places, the promise of a boundary just over the horizon, and the essential virtue of the 277 Patel, 376. 133 Figure 35. CCC Recruitment Poster http://www .n ps.gov /history /NR/feature/landsca pe/2008/ccc.htm

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American people who explore and settle these frontiers."2 78 This has a broad-based ideological view of America has been propagated in politics, media, and ftlm. The CCC adapted this "myth" in order to advance recruit young men and to manage public relations. John Salmond, in his comprehensive case study on the CCC, states: "To many, the CCC undoubtedly recalled visions of the frontier, of a pristine, open land quite different from the dirt and teeming life of contemporary urban society."279 Citing an article aptly entitled ''When East Goes West," Maher also notes the use of this symbolism: "while the pioneer days have passed with the crossing of the last frontier, America is being rediscovered. Boys who would never have left the cities now appreciate the beauties and values found in the western part of the country."280 Indeed the frontier symbolization evoked a compelling image. The program enjoyed strong public support throughout its existence and was rarely challenged, even by conservative critics. While CCC Camps were typically located in rustic and isolated settings for a variety of political, economic, and ecological reasons, they also reflected the CCC's pedagogical mission of exposing young men to nature. These locations presented an opportunity to convey the message that rigorous physical labor would rekindle the frontier spirit. This message was adopted in order to maintain support for the program. This symbolism is also evident in the promotional posters, political propaganda, and public addresses.281 The mythology was not only symbolized by the propaganda and rhetoric but also manifested in the landscape itself. Camp ANF-1 was typical and shares many of the elements of an idealized frontier: relative remoteness, surrounding wilderness, and isolation. 278 John Tirman, "The Future of the American Frontier," The American Scholar (Winter 2009), 30. 279 Salmond, http:/ /www.nps.gov /history /history/ online_books/ ccc/ salmond/ chap6.htm (accessed March 20, 2010). 280 Maher, 158. 281 Patel, 370. 134

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In addition to the symbolism associated with the CCC, the site may have meaning for other stakeholder groups, such as those from the oil and gas era and World War II. In fact, the symbolism may be conflict (e.g., industry vs. conservation; World War II veterans vs. German POW's). These potentially conflicting values are ripe for exploration with various stakeholder groups. 6.5 Social Value Social values primarily reflect a site's connection with the local community. This connection may be embedded into the site as a result of its historic use or in some other way. Value may be discerned by reviewing historical public uses and relationships to the local community. CCC camps were initially viewed by local communities with some apprehension and suspicions. These concerns stemmed from questions of public safety, competition with the private sector, and ideological concerns. In addition to community concerns, the camps themselves were cautious. With the exception of "colored camps," such fears were quickly allayed, both through public relation efforts as well as the apparent economic benefits. Once the CCC's reputation had been established, camps were, with very few exceptions, warmly welcomed by nearby communities."282 The Corps established positive relationships with local communities by adopting a policy which favored local labor for the construction of new buildings.283 Over time, the camps became integrated into the communities and politicians lobbied for them to be established in their communities. In some states, there was an imbalance between work projects and labor quotas and the available labor pool. In fact, there was mass unemployment in the eastern urban centers while most projects were located in western states. However, Pennsylvania was an exception 282 Speakman (2006), 229. 283 Otis et a!., http:/ /www.nps.gov /history /history/ online_books/ ccc/ ccc/ chap 12.htm. 135

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because it had both ample natural resources and projects and massive unemployment.284 Consequently, the state was able to fulfill its quota in all but one enrollment period, 1936.285 Figure 36. Hometowns of ANF-1 Enrollees, 1939-1942286 The social value was intertwined through the fabric of the surrounding communities. Rather than "exporting" this relationship back to another state, the experience was ingrained and integrated. Enrollees originated from almost one hundred towns, heavily concentrated in the Pittsburgh and northwestern Pennsylvania areas. In order to determine whether this value has persisted, local community stakeholders should be consulted. Over time, the social value was developed by regular dances, sporting events with local communities, and frequent visitors. Connections were particularly strong between the communities of Ridgway, Kane, Marienville, and Oil City. 28-1 Otis et al., http:/ /www.nps.gov /history /history/ online_books/ ccc/ ccc/ chap lO.htm. 285 Speakman, 70. 286 Created by author, based upon an analysis of the camp newsletters. Camp newsletters welcomed incoming enrollees and named their hometowns. Therefore, it was possible to map this information to Camp ANF-1. 136

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v I I "' \ Figure 37. Surrounding Communities Camp ANF-1 also hosted an annual "Open House," which featured picnics, ballgames, a dance and live music, and a tour of the camp and were also a celebration of the Corps' anniversary. Up to four hundred visitors attended such events. Open houses were an opportunity to showcase the camp to the community, as well as family and friends.2H7 After the World War II era, the social value to the community continued under the auspices of the Forest County 4-H association, football camp, summer programs, and a band camp. Since 197 4, this site offered social value as the base camp for a horse trail operation. The camp offers two major rides per year and is open year-round for individual riders and campers. However, the stakeholders shifted from the local community to a more regional base. In recent years, this social value has not only dispersed but it has also diminished. 2R7 Spring Creek Murmurs, 4 No. 11 ()\fay 1940). 137 Figure 38. Camp ANF-1

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In summary, this site appears to have had a significant connection with the local community. However, this relationship has diminished over time, since it has been privately operated. Currently, the horse ride community was the strongest social connection. This receding but devoted community has bonded with the site over the past thirty years. These dynamics and potential conflicts should be explored in order to respect and accommodate the needs of this group. 6.6 Recreational Value Historically, recreation has been an integral aspect of this site. The site has afforded a variety of recreational opportunities and recreation was important part of the CCC culture, both as a pastime and for construction and work projects. Today, the surrounding areas have popular recreational uses and the site is used for horse trail riding. The historical and current recreational uses, therefore, can provide insights into how the site may be valued by various stakeholders. Furthermore, recreational values may also provide the local community with an amenity to attract visitors to the region. Since being settled by the CCC, this site has had a tradition of recreation.288 Not only did the enrollees recreate but they constructed public recreation amenities at Loleta Dam and Twin Lakes.289 These projects included campgrounds and picnic facilities. After these projects were completed, Camp ANF-1 enrollees assumed responsibility for maintaining the campgrounds and life guarding activities. 288 See Section 3.1.3, the recreational historical use of the site by the CCC. 289 Tills is significant because it represents a broadening and shift from the CCC's initial mandate. The program initially defined conservation narrowly, focusing on reforestation projects. This change was driven by the increased visitation to national parks. In 1933, 3.5 million people visited national parks and by 1938 these visits had increased to 16 million. Roosevelt and the other CCC administrators responded by expanding the resources and projects dedicated to such projects. Essentially, the program became more "Olmsteadian" in its planning approach. See Maher, 73. 138

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Figure 39. Spring Creek, 1933 (Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed.) In the post-World War II era, recreation continued to be a significant activity and use of the site. After 1947, the site was used by different groups for recreational purposes, including the 4-H, band camp, football camp, and other summer camps. Forest County Camp ,\ssociation rented the camp for summer programs and as a Kiwanis Kids summer camp. ;\swell, The Montour School Band and the Neville Island Football team used the property for various pursuits. In 1959, the Fryburg Boot and Saddle Club established an equestrian trail ride. The trail ride was held in a different place in the Allegheny National Forest each year. In 1969, the Summers family purchased the facilities, and Bill Summers started the Alleghany Trail Ride in 197 4. The camp has since been used for a base camp for horse trail rides. The remaining barracks were transformed into horse stables in 1977. Tne rides peaked in the mid-1970s, when more than 400 riders would participate. It reportedly was the largest such trail ride in the eastern United States. Today, only about 50 riders participate. The site possesses natural features that encourage its recreational use. Spring Creek has traditionally been used for swimming and fishing. Spring Creek is also an excellent trout stream. Hunting continues to be a popular pastime and recreational use. Neighboring properties are used as seasonal hunting lodges and camp facilities have been rented to hunters. 139

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The top of the Allegheny Plateau is naturally flat. This topography is ideal for outdoor sports such as snowmobiling, cross-country skiing, hiking, mountain biking, and A 1V riding. The Marienville and Timberline A 1V /Bike Trail is 76.3 miles long, interconnecting trails traversing scenic, forested hills of the Marienville District of the Allegheny National Forest. The trails are designed for A 1V and motorbike riders. The trail seasons extends from the Memorial Day weekend to the end of September. Figure 40. Recreational Uses In summary, recreation has been a recurring theme for this site and surrounding areas since the CCC era. The CCC enrollees built recreational infrastructures and partook in recreational activities themselves. This theme has continued into its modem-day uses and may be explored with various stakeholder groups for not only its current and prospective value but also conflicting values (e.g., recreational uses vs. historic preservation). 140

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6. 7 Economic Value Economic value is particularly relevant to the local community, property owners, and other stakeholders who may be interested in the economic development and the opportunity cost of this site. This section provides an overview of the regional economy, providing an economic context for any value elicitation. Beginning in the mid-1930s, the region has shifted from a resource-based economy to a service-based economy, with a focus on recreation. In addition, the public sector also plays a significant role in this economy. Because of thin soil and harsh conditions, agriculture has never been very successful, representing only about two percent of the land use. The Allegheny National Forest is located within a single day drive for one-third of the nation's population and approximately four million people visit it each year. Of this, a significant portion of visitorship involves heritage travel. A 1999 report for the Pennsylvania Center for Travel, Tourism and Film attributed 25 percent of all leisure trip expenditures made in the state to heritage tourism. Travel and tourism has linkages to many sectors of the State's economy including lodging, food, and transportation. Table 14. ANF Visitor Spending, by County (million $'s), 2007290 Trans %of County F&B Lodging Shopping Entertain Other Total County p. Economy Elk 7.83 14.16 7.26 9.99 5.08 2.86 48.08 1.5% Forest 1.91 3.25 5.49 0.22 0.17 0.70 11.74 3.9% McKean 12.57 24.36 16.80 13.46 5.65 4.36 77.18 1.5% Warren 8.89 18.61 11.33 7.63 5.08 3.48 56.11 0.9% The travel and tourism industry had an even larger impact on employment in Pennsylvania, with over 10 percent of all jobs in the State generated or supported by travel and tourism activity. Travel and tourism was directly responsible for nearly 400,000 jobs, or 29 Globallnsight, The Economic Impact of Travel & Tourism in Penmy/vania -Travel Year 2007, (Pennsylvania Tourism Office Department of Community and Economic Development), 2007. 141

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6.8 percent of the state's total in 2007 and an additional212,000 jobs that were generated from supplier linkages and/ or induced impacts. Table 15. ANF Tourism Employment, 2007291 Share of County Direct Indirect Induced Total County Economy Elk 686 157 209 1,055 6.3% Forest 168 38 51 258 14.6% McKean 1.105 m 336 1,694 9.4% Warren 789 181 240 1,210 6.9% \Vhile the recreation sector has grown, the resource-based economy still endures. The industries, however, have been characterized by smaller businesses and operations than had historically been the case. When the Allegheny National Forest was created, acreage acquired by the federal government did not include subsurface mineral rights. For years, large companies such as Quaker State and Pennzoil drilled and pumped oil from wells on leases within the forest. These larger companies have relocated their operations, but smaller flnns are still active. About eighty companies, from sole proprietors to large national operations, are now involved in oil and gas development within the forest. Approximately 11,000 oil and gas wells now operate in the Allegheny National Forest, more than in all other national forests combined. A typical oil well produces about $157,500 in income over a 10-year period and each well requires construction and maintenance.292 According to the Forest Service, on average, 288 new wells were put into operation each year between 2000 and 2004. However, with increasing commodity prices, oil and gas drilling has resurged in recent years. Last year, 984 new wells were drilled and 1,300 were drilled in 2007. m Ibid. 292 Economic Impact of Oil and Gas Production on the Allegheny National Forest, http:/ /www.reuters.com/ article/ pressRelease/idUS214 733 +24-Mar-2009+ PRN20090324 142

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The lumber industry has also survived. Forest Service officials estimated in 1994 that 925 jobs and economic benefits of $54 million are directly dependent on timber from the Allegheny National Forest .. Both industries have endured but are much smaller. Many resources are protected and some have been depleted. Recreation and tourism, now Pennsylvania's second largest industry, has somewhat filled this economic void. Forest County, with 4,994 residents, is the least populated of the four ANF counties.293 This population has experienced only modest growth, 0.4 percent over the past three decades. Forest County, like much of Pennsylvania, has struggled with out-migration, largely resulting from poor job prospects. Table 16. Forest County Industry Breakdown 1 NAICS Number Gross Annual Payroll Number of Desaiption Receipts Code of Est. ($1,000) ($1,000) Employees 423 Wholesale Trade 1 D D (1-19) 44-45 Retail Trade 27 18,031 1,551 102 51 Information 3 N D (1-19) 53 Real Estate & Rental & Leasing 4 D D (1-19) 54 Professional Services 3 621 217 9 56 Administrative & Other 2 D D (1-19) 62 Health Care & Social Asst. 7 D D (250-499) 71 Arts, Ent., & Rec 2 D D (1-19) 72 Accommodation & Food Serv 25 8,528 2,119 193 81 Other Services 8 2,377 288 40 Total 82 11ncludes only establishments of firms with payroll. In addition to these labor statistics there are a number of firms without payrolls that are also represent employment. 0-sample is too small and cannot be disclosed. m Estimated population in 2004. 143

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Employment opportunities are relatively limited. Other than a state correctional facility, which opened in 2003 and employs approximately seven hundred, few new opportunities for employment have emerged outside the timber and service sectors. Forest County's median household income was $27,581 in 2003 or about 73 percent of the national levels. Forest County's incomes mirror some larger trends. In 1970, nearly nine out of every 10 counties in Pennsylvania had median incomes that were above the national county median. 1birty years later, less than half of Pennsylvania's counties had median incomes that exceeded the national median. Since 1970, Forest County's relative ranking by household income dropped by 60 percentor by more than 1,800 counties on the rank ordering of all U.S. counties. Forest County was the only county in the state designated "distressed" by the Appalachian Regional Commission (ARC) in 2007.294 ARC further categorizes Forest County as a "transitional county," one which is transitioning from a weak to a strong economy. Real estate values reflect these general economic and conunercial conditions. Land values reflect the opportunity cost. Seventy-five percent of all dwellings here are second homes. Table 17. Key Economic Indicators, 20041 Indicator Per Capita Income $13,477 Total Employees 777 Number of Businesses 40 Median House Value $59,800 1 2004 Census Data for Zip Code 16239 294 A "distressed" county has an average rate of unemployment that is 150% higher than the state-wide average or an average per-capita personal income that is equal to or less than 67% of the state-wide average (http:/ /www.arc.gov/index.do?nodeld=3102). 144

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6.8 Summary Tbis analysis was developed to be used as a basis for the elicitation of stakeholder values. Specifically, a focus group or series of focus groups are envisioned but different qualitative approaches may be appropriate, depending on circumstances and budget. Therefore, based on this analysis, a focus group script has been developed for the CCC stakeholders (see Appendix C). Similarly, this baseline analysis could be used to develop scripts for eliciting values from other stakeholder groups Oocal community, historical tourists, etc). Tbis process also identified potential conflicts. Conflicting values can raise challenges and ethical dilemmas for designers and preservationists. For example, the site was occupied during World War II by POW prisoners while many of the CCC enrollees fought in the War. Tourists may value the site for this recreational offering while preservationists may seek to preserve its historic values. These potential conflicts are subjects for focus groups exploration. The analysis also suggests areas for further exploration and value elicitation. Although the site has had a history of social value, this connection may have been diminished over time by private ownership. Likewise, the historical value may be lessened because there are two surviving camps in the state, making the Camp ANF-lless rare, at least regionally. 145

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7.0 SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND FUTURE RESEARCH 7.1 Summary This thesis began with the research question: "How can the mltural and economic values of CCC Camp ANF-1 be revealed and artimlated?"Camp ANF-1 has served as a case study for exploring this question and developing and refining a conceptual model that could be generalized and potentially reused. This model has been reproduced in Figure 41. The Stakeholder-Value Matrix Model conceptualizes and strategizes the value elicitation process for the various stakeholder groups. This model explicitly recognizes that values derive from diverse groups. Each stakeholder group may ascribe one or more value and there may be one or more stakeholder groups for any given assessment. Values may also come into conflict and are characteristically dynamic and multivalent. The model can be applied to a variety of projects and scenarios. v K 0 0 <2> v 0 0 0 0 v ) 0 0 v 2 0 0 v I 0 0 SG SG SG SG 1 l ) SG I where, I SG= total stakeholders groups n IV = full range of values Figure 41. Stakeholder-Value Matrix Model 146

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The basic value typology-historic, aesthetics, symbolic, social, spiritual, recreational, and economic-had been relatively well developed and established in the historic preservation literature. This thesis, however, extends the previous research in two ways. First, a stakeholder dimension has explicitly been added. Previous research had discussed stakeholders but had been somewhat vague with respect to their role and interrelationships. Essentially, stakeholder groups can ascribe one or more values to a place or object. Different stakeholder groups may have different values and values between groups may conflict, effecting creative challenges for the designer or preservationist. The challenge for designers, and others, is to identify and meet the primary stakeholder needs while "satisficing" those of the secondary stakeholders. Second, the Value-Assessment Model (see Figure 42) presumes a process rather than stasis. For example, the value analysis is only a baseline, "God's eye view." The model provides a feedback loop, yielding a "second ordered" understanding by eliciting stakeholder values through multiple iterations. This approach is, therefore, both flexible and emergent. Develop Baseline Value Typology .............. . Formulate fo
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Finally, this model also defines a role for the analyst (e.g., a designer, preservationist, or other). \Vhile the process assumes that the values are those of the stakeholder, it does not defer to what MunozViiias calls "demagogic conservation," where all responsibility is shifted to users and subject to their preferences. The analyst is responsible for developing the baseline "value analysis," facilitating the process, and exercising professional judgment. It is probably naive to believe that the analyst can be entirely divorced or detached from his or her values. Still, to inform the process, elicit a rich response, and attain a holistic perspective, this role and leadership is valuable, and indeed, necessary. This thesis ultimately adopted a focus group approach. Focus groups provide context and allow flexibility and are particularly useful where the research is exploratory. However, other qualitative approaches could also provide valid results. For example, long interviews, oral histories, value mappings, the Delphi method, as well as other methods, could be used to elicit the stakeholder values. The selected method is circumstantial but flts within the model. 7.2 Conclusions In the initial phases of this research, the applicability of a value-based approach to a cultural landscape was questioned. It was unknown whether this approach was better suited for the built environment, movable art, or other preservation objects. Several landscape precedents existed and the literature hinted that it was appropriate, but the application was inconclusive and unclear. I believe that a value-based approach is clearly well-suited for analyzing and deciphering a cultural landscape. Landscapes are inherently multi-layered and multivalent. They are frequently contested and this value typology offers a systematic approach for assessing a complex system with competing and conflicting values. Furthermore, because of private property rights and deeply entrenched traditional values, landscape values are frequently dominated by economic values. The approach developed in this thesis provides a framework for analyzing intangible values such as spiritual or symbolic values. Not only is this more inclusionary but it also provides a richer opportunity for interpretation. 148

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Because this process also explicitly accounts for multiple stakeholder groups, I believe it has additional merit. Unless disparate values are accounted for, cultural assets, particularly historic preservation sites, are subject to dominant discourses and cultural hegemony. Some stakeholders may be excluded from the process because they are physically dispersed or political disadvantaged. Such groups may ascribe a collective value but lack the resources, forum, or political influence to articulate their viewpoints. This proposed process is, therefore, inclusionary by design. However, a value-based approach is more appropriate for a public space, one that is shared with the public or is being considered for future public usage. In the case of Camp ANF-1, the public values ascribed to the landscape may have receded because it has been in private hands for the past decades. Still values are layered and, in this case, public values remain relevant but may require an investment before they resurface. Nonetheless, these values will be revealed during the actual elicitation process. The proposed model has implications not only for value assessments but also for design and analysis. \Vhile landscapes are by nature "messy" and design is a value-laden process, ethical interventions require an empathetic and holistic perspective. This model provides a framework for dealing with complex and conflicting information and offers a "human centered" approach that preempts or tempers a designer's inclination to infuse their own values.295 A value-based typology encourages a broad perspective and potentially could be applied at various scales and for different types of projects. This approach would highlight conflicting values and provide designers with a basis for addressing complex and nuanced challenges. Rather than "working around" the design problem, this framework encourages designers to address a multitude of values and stakeholders. A recurring theme throughout this thesis has been the difficulty we generally have in "seeing" our cultural landscapes. This echoes the literature and is also true for our natural 295 Klaus Krippendorff, The Semantic Turn: A New Foundation for De.rign (Boca Raton, FL: Taylor & Francis, 2006). 149

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environment. If we cannot "see" our environments, for ourselves and unaided by "experts," we are less likely to value them. If we do not value our environments, we are less likely to sustain them. Therefore, my final conclusion is that a value-based approach has implications for sustaining both our cultural and natural environments. If we can reveal and articulate the underlying value, we are more likely to sustain our resources. 7.3 Future Research The approach developed by this thesis is primarily qualitative and used only indicators to represent economic values. Focus groups are defensible for exploratory phenomena; however, to concisely communicate and summarize results, quantitative methods are often beneficial. Most notably, the Contingent Valuation Method (CV!vl) holds promise as a way to quantify both use and non-use values. On the other hand, some quantitative methods may not capture the full range of values or their nuances and interrelationships. This would suggest a triangulated approach to yield balanced and complementary results. Therefore a mixed-methods approach may be an option for future research. Like natural resources, if cultural assets cannot be valued they are at risk of being under-appreciated and, therefore, unsustained. Quantifiable results are concise and easily communicated and provide orders magnitudes, something that was beyond the scope of the current study. Without such information, it is difficult to weigh the relative costs and benefits of preserving a site. If a CVM approach were used, an interesting approach may be to use the willingness-to-pay data as a dependent variable. For example, there may be a relationship between the willingness-to-pay and financing options for a prospective preservation effort. Therefore, such an analysis may be elevated from a valuation to "higher-ordered," casual analysis. The Stakeholder-Value Matrix may also provide further research and development. The model admittedly does not incorporate a resolution process when values are in conflict or yield a single answer. This relativism may or may not be critical, depending on the application of the model. For example, in a traditional, physical preservation project, where competing stakeholders may vie to assert their values, conflicting values could be critical 150

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because one group may need to be honored over another's. With alternative digital media, this may be less important because opposing views could perhaps both be represented. In addition, the conceptual model may be useful in dealing with the sheer complexity of a cultural landscape. If resolution and decision-making are important parts of the process, the Delphi method may have some potential, allowing users to "see" each others' values while arriving at a consensus. The Stakeholder-Value Matrix remains untested and, therefore, should be tested before it is operationalized. However, the focus group script has been tested and reviewed by stakeholder experts and the results were generally endorsed. One challenge for value elicitation is that the various stakeholder groups are geographically dispersed and the site is relatively remote. A solution that has been explored and tested is that of on-line focus groups. Although there are tradeoffs involved with such on-line methods, on-line focus groups may have potential for future research. This option can be synchronous or asynchronous and have various tradeoffs. The system is self-documenting and may be cost effective; however, visual cues and other group dynamics may be offset. Other tradeoffs include convenience, accessibility, and anonymity. Nonetheless this option may be viable where stakeholder groups are dispersed. Much of the value-based literature remains conceptual and undeveloped. For example, definitions are not consistent and concepts and interrelationships between economic and cultural values require some clarification. Therefore, research which would fortify the current theoretical base would be valuable and welcomed. There are also opportunities for exploring the history of the Civilian Conservation Corps. Traditionally, the Corps had been considered a little-researched New Deal Program. Most research was not critical and, even during its tenure, the Corps was rarely challenged politically. More recently, researchers have taken a more critical tact with fruitful results. Therefore, there may be fertile opportunities to examine the CCC from new perspectives. For example, the socio-economic viability of the CCC might be relevant to the current expansion of public services and programs. Furthermore, the "dark side" (e.g., militaristic, 151

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sexist, oppressive, and racial elements) of the CCC might provide some balance to the generally nostalgic perspective found in most research. One common theme throughout this thesis has been the difficulties that our society has in "reading" our cultural landscapes. As a result, landscapes may not be valued because they are not understood and are "expert reliant." Emerging technologies, such as "augmented reality," may extend our inherently rational interpretation of landscapes. Such technology may layer information, data, and media in such a way that it enhances the experiential relationship to the landscape. Furthermore, this technology is also intriguing because it conforms well to the relativism implicit in the Stakeholder-Value Matrix. In other words, competing histories could be represented equally and separately. This application has intriguing possibilities and merits further research. Cultural heritage management and tourism have experimented with augmented reality, but such systems have typically been proprietary and prototypical. Not many years ago, the technology involved unwieldy head mounted displays and heavy backpacks, but this is quickly changing. Mobile handheld devices-specifically smartphones-have emerged as the dominant platform for delivering augmented experiences. Not only are smartphones mobile, location aware, and capable of rendering 3D images, but they are increasingly becoming the de facto standard. Mobile augmented reality is promising for not only cultural landscapes but also historic preservation in general. Multiple layers can be created, representing different, and sometimes conflicting, perspectives and values. Such technology may enable users to appreciate intangible heritage and "see the unseeable." However, this technology is new and user expectations are generally untested. Therefore, the initial research opportunities may exist for examining stakeholders' meanings and adopting a human-centered approach to the design problem. Essentially, the design of "digital places" falls into the domain of architects and landscape architects. Architects and landscape architects are uniquely positioned to lead in this opportunity. Human-centered design has its origins in the design of personal computer interfaces. 152

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However, architects' have an intimate understanding of place and design suggests a natural role that would translate well into the design of augmented places and landscapes. Otherwise, our augmented places may resemble this: Does anyone want chirpy little advisors (such as the animated paperclip in lvlicrosoft Word) to escape beyond the desktop and hit the streets? Instead of 'Hi! You appear to be writing a letter!' you would have to put up with 'Hi! You appear to be walking past shop!' Nevertheless, even without speculation, we can observe plenty of annoyance in the form of petty information pollution. It is muzak spewing out of gas pump handles. In general, potential users are generally unacquainted with the technologies, capabilities, and interfaces. Although the potential is clear, questions abound regarding potential use of an augmented environment, including stakeholder interactions, meanings, technical interfaces, and preferences. With little precedent, this research could establish a model for future development and a new role for architects and planners. 153

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APPENDIX A: IMAGES OF MAJOR AESTHETICS Reference Aesthetic Feature 1 Spring Creek 2 Pond #1 3 Pond #2 154

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Reference 4 5 6 Aesthetic Feature Covered Bridge Pedestrian Pathway CCC Buildings 155 ,.. 1 \\ ....... ..-..

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Reference 7 Aesthetic Feature Vehicular Circulation 8 Tree Stands 9 Typology 156 Image llJII.... -Milt l,..... ... ...... ,. ... .. .. .._......,. ,,....__.. .... u,._., IJ,..,.J ,....,.,

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Reference Aesthetic Feature 10 Entryway 157

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APPENDIX B: REMAINING CCC CAMPS IN THE NATION T bl 18 R a e ema1n1n9 ecce amps 1n t h N e at1on National Camp Name Vicinity Overview Current Use Register Duhring, Of 15 original CCC buildings, 7 remain: the administration 0 Camp Landers Pennsylvania, in the building, recreation hall, mess hall, Base camp for a privately DOE (ANF-1/Co_ 318) Allegheny National owned horse trail ride Forest two barracks, education building, and a tool shed. Several museums are housed Allenstown, in CCC structures, including Camp Bear Brook New Hampshire, in Of the original13 buildings, 7 the Museum of Family 1 (SP-2/ Co. 112]jl the Bear Brook State remain. Camping, the Richard Diehl 1992 Park CCC Museum, and the New Hampshire Snowmobile Museum Dillon, Montana, Used by Western Montana 2 Camp Birch Creek in the Beaverhead-7 of 15 buildings remain College for its environmental 1982 (F-60/ Co. 1501) Deerlodge National education program Forest Iron River Township, Currently used as a Camp Gibbs Gibbs City, Michigan, Of the 19 nineteen original 3 (G-10/Co. 66]jl in the Ottawa buildings, 13 reportedly remain recreational camp/ private 1994 National Forest club (archery, shooting, etc) Provides "room for Hui o Laka offices, operations, and Island of Kauia, program." The site houses 4 Camp Koke'e4 Hawaii, in Koke'e 11 oftheoriginal12 CCC building the offices of Koke' e 1996 State Park. complex remain Resources Conservation Program and accommodations can be rented for retreats Used to house the operations Camp lodge Custer, South Dakota 12 buildings used by the CCC of the Black Hills Playhouse, a 5 in Custer State Park summer theater associated DOE (SP-4/Co. 119W remain with the University of South Dakota Camp Morrison Retains 14 of the original15 Camp Morrison is relatively" Morrison, Colorado, well preserved, retaining 14 6 (SP-13/ near Red Rocks Park buildings, only an "oil house" is ofthe original15 buildings-1990 Co. 1848 & 1860) missing. only an "oil house" is missing The main mess hall/kitchen, six bunkhouses, tank house Used by various community Ekalaska, Montana, in bathroom/shower and pump groups, including the 4-H 7 Camp Needmore' Custer National house are all original CCC unlisted Forest structures. Two large barracks also survive from the camp but they were split. Extant buildings at the camp The camp has housed the High line School District's 8 Camp North Bend North Bend, include a dining hall, barracks, outdoor education program 1992 (F-65/ Co. 2911) Washington office, Forest Service quarters, and since the 1950s. Now known an education building. as Camp Waskowitz Blackduck, Originally had 24 CCC buildings Currently used for Forest Camp Rabideau Minnesota, in the Service Officer Quarters. The 9 (F-50/Co. 708)' Chippewa National and most remain. Notably, the site became a National 1976 Forest mess hall is not original. Historic Landmark in 2006 158

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National Camp Name Vicinity Overview Current Use Register Middlecreek Contains founeen buildings, Camp Rockwood Township, Somerset including a mess hall, a recreation The camp reaeation hall is 1987 10 (SP-15/ Co. County, hall, officers' quaners, an currently used as the Laurel 2332)' Pennsylvania, Laurel infirmary, a garage and eight Hill State Park Amphitheater Hill State Park barracks. The four buildings are still in Camp Smokey Cassville, Missouri, in existence including the officers' 11 (SP-4/ Co. 1713)9 Roaring River State quaners, foreman's quaners, unknown 1985 Park hospital, and the education/supply building. Durbin, West Now known as Camp Camp Thornwood Virginia, in the Several original camp buildings Pocahontas, the site has been 12 (F-6/ Co. 521)10 Monongahela survive including the recreation used for the National Youth unlisted National Forest, building and several barracks Science Camp for the past 40 years Jenny Lake Wyoming in Grand The two surviving structures 13 CCC Camp include a mess hall and a unknown 1998 (NP-4/Co. 744)11 Teton National Park bathhouse. Middlecreek The facilities have been Laurel Hill Camp Township, Somerset Contains thineen original remodeled and are being 1987 14 (SP-8/ Co. 2330) County, buildings remain, including a used for organized group Pennsylvania, Laurel recreation hall, an infirmary, a camping with capacities Hill State Park, wood shed, and nine barracks. ranging from 47 to 148 The camp now consists of four Leeds Camp buildings and one structure. The 15 (SCS-7/ Co. 585 ) StGeorge, Utah buildings are unique in that they Not in Use 1993 feature coursed sandstone construction. ln1945, the United Brethren The camp contains twelve original Church leased the propeny Old Forge Camp/ Waynesboro, and staned a summer 16 Camp Penn Pennsylvania, in the buildings including a recreational camping program which unlisted (S-70/ Co. 307)10 Michaux State Forest building, a dining hall and at least continues today under the four barracks. oversight of the United Methodist Church 1 Based on consultation with Kathy May Smith and reference to Rabideau Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) Camp. This analysis is limited to sites where there are a collection of four or more CCC buildings. 2 http://www.ucampnh.com/museum/History.html 1 http://www .upheritage.org/iron.htm 4 http://www .kokee.org/historic -ccc -camp/camp-history 5 Peggy Sanders. The Civilian Conservation Corps in and Around the Black Hills, 104. 6 http:/ /www.campneedmore.org/ 7 http:/ /www.fs.fed.us/r9/chippewa/camp/camprabideau.htm; Rabideau Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) Camp. 8 http://www.waymarking.com/waymarks/WM6EZN_ Camp_SP _1 5 _Recreation_Haii_Rockwood_Pennsylvania 9 E. C. W. Architecture in Mo. State Perks T.R., National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 10http://www.wvgazette.com/Opinion/Editorials/200806280252; http://www.nysc.org/prog_fa.html 11 Jenny Lake CCC Camp #NP-4, National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 12 https:/ /www.cpcumcamps.org/cms/name/Camp+Penn 159

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I. Introduction APPENDIX C: FOCUS GROUP SCRIPT (IUILilln COnS{RUliTIOn CORPS (((() GROUP This focus group is being conducted in order to gain insights into the associated values of the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) alumni, their decedents, and other related parties regarding the CCC and Camp ANF-1 (Company #318). The information will be integrated with other focus group research ultimately used to develop a comprehensive preservation plan and clearly articulated statements of significance. II. Objectives: The major objectives of this research are to: validate the baseline stakeholder groups and the value typology; understand the associated values related to CCC Camp ANF -1; identify intangible values (e.g., symbolic, spiritual) associated with the site; assess "non-use values"; provide a foundation for clearly articulated statement(s) of significance; and gain a "global" perspective and context for CCC Camp ANF-1. Ill. Strategy 160

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8-10 participants. The participants will be selected based on the following criteria: o CCC Alumni & Decedents o CCC Researchers (authors, academics, historians) o others Doug Futz will coordinate and facilitate the meeting and record the responses. The meeting will be recorded, audibly and visually. Equipment and supplies include: o Video and Audio recording equipment o Name tags o White board and markers o Flip Chart The session will take approximately 45 minutes Pizza and soda will be served before the meeting (10 minutes) The outcome will be a written report IV. Script A. Opening (5 minutes) 1. Welcome to our focus group. This focus group is one of several that we are conducting in order to gain an intimate understanding of the value of preserving CCC Camp ANF-1. The planning team hopes that by understandingyour associated values, we can develop a well-articulated plan for the future uses of this site. 2. Let's introduce the P"!Ject team and explain our roles: My name is Doug futz and I will be the facilitator of this group. My role is to lead the discussion, monitor the time, mediate a'!Y destrnctive exchanges, and keep the discussions on track. I will be recordingyour comments and will be preparing a final report. You'll be provided with a copy of this report. During this focus group, I will also be using a PowerPoint presentation. 161

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My name is [TBD]. I will be assisting and recording todcry's session. 3. I"d like you to each introduce yourselves to the rest of the group [facilitator ensures all participants are wearing name tags] 4. A focus group enables people to come together in one place to share their opinions on a given topic. Each of you is representingyour own opinions;you do not need to view your comments as representative of an organization or a group of people. Please be as honest and open as possible in your responses. Your anotrymity will be protected. The results will be used to help us make this assessment. We will move through these questions in about an hour. There are no wrong answers. B. Background (5 minutes) Camp ANF-1 is located in the Alleghany National forest, near Duhring, Penn.rylvania in Forest County. This camp was the second camp established in the nation and was one of the longest operating camps. The camp's remnants cumntfy exist on private property and have been used as a base camp for a horse trail riding operation for the past thirty-five years. Allegheny National Forest Figure 1. Context Map CampANF-1 CampANF-1 is at a "tippingpoint" and decisions will soon be made regarding its preseroation and suroival. This raises the question of "what is worth preseroing?" In order to 162

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answer this question, we are soliciting responses from various groups to understand how they mqy value such an historic site. Figure 2. Recreation Hall, circa 1936 Figure 3. CCC Camp ANF-1 Recreation Hall, 2008 163

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C. Questions (40 minutes) 1. (1 0 minutes) Before we get into specific questions, I"d like your general feedback on several issues. 1.a. There arc various groups of individuals who might attach a value to this site or a place like this. We call these individuals "stakeholders" and have indentified the following stakeholder groups [present list of stakeholders]: Local Community CCC Alumni and Descendents Researchers, Historians, Academics Property Owners Heritage Tourists Recreational Users (ATV, Hikers, and Trail Riders) Educators 1. b. Associated values mqy be "tangible" or "Spiritual or .rymbolic values arc examples of intangible value, while economic value is tangible. As well, you don "t necessarify need to even visit use a site in order to place a value on it. ror example, even though you mqy never visit the pyramids, almost everyone treasures them in some wqy. [present value typology]: Aesthetics Symbolic Social Spiritual Recreational Economic Given this background, what ''values" would you attach to a place such as Camp CCC ANF-1? Wry? What values would you expect other stakeholder groups to attach to such a site? 164

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2. (1 0 minutes) I am now going to show you some images from the CCC era and Camp ANF-1 site. What things, people, places, or events do you associate with these images? Figure 4. CCC Recruiting Poster 165

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Figure S. CCC Recruiting Poster Figure 6. Aerial View of Camp ANF-1, circa 1936 What does this camp .rymboiize to you? What would you expect or hope that it might .rymboiize or represent to others? 166

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We have developed a working statement of the site's .rymbolism and would like your feedback [present statement and scale]: "Camp ANF-1.rymbolizes this generation's readiness and imminent wartime sacrifices, its metaphoric war and stmggles against economic and environmental threats, and the eras political upheaval and volatiliry. Do you: Strongly Agree Somewhat Agree Neither Agree nor Disagree Somewhat Disagree Strongly Disagree 3. (5 minutes) Consider the following statement [present statement and scale]: "I would place a high value of this site, even though I mqy never use it. "How strongly do you agree with this statement: Strongly Agree Somewhat Agree Neither Agree nor Disagree Somewhat Disagree Strongly Disagree If you are a CCC alumni, how about for your decedents? Would you be willing to pqy some amount in order to preseroe the site? Do you believe future generations would benefit from understanding this history and, if so, in what wqys? 4. (5 minutes) This generation was azy,uabfy at risk of being a ''lost generation." l'or maf!J young men, the CCC helped to mend their broken spirits. l-'zrst, do you agree with these statement and would you like to comment [present statement and factors]? Assuming this is tme, to what do you mostfy attribute this rejuvenation? That is, which of the following would attribute the following: Training/Education Prayer/Spiritual Training Work Experience Camaraderie Nature Other 167

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5. (5 minutes) Recent research traces the roots of the modern environmental movement back to the CCC (Neil Maher, 2009). Are you familiar with this research? Do you agree with this statement? Have you seen the historical value of the CCC shift over recent years? ........, Lllld!aptl!-.......... ........... fiRIDIIt. o.n-Clllllll ............ __ mlily--.._..... ......... lomiiJmhllolor._ ......... ood(9nfor..._ __ ,....,..... ........ -.... .....,. .... __ fnl lldiiJFR
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younger generations shown an appreciation in the CCC or are they re/ative!J indifferent? In what has the recent economic crisis affected public perception and interest? D. Closing Please take a sheet tif paper and note a'!Y last thoughts, comments, or af!Ything else you wish to emphasize for the planning team. You also ca/J me at 303-349-3171 or email me at [post contact information on flip chart]. Thank you for your participation. You wi/J receive copy tif the final report. 169

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Camp Report, Emergency Conservation Work Camps. October 6, 1933. Camp Report, Emergency Conservation Work Camps. November 24, 1933. Camp Report, Emergency Conservation Work Camps. June 9, 1937. Camp Report, Emergency Conservation Work Camps. December 8, 1937. Camp Report, Civilian Conservation Corps. October 15, 1938. Camp Report, Civilian Conservation Corps. October 18, 1939. Camp Report, Civilian Conservation Corps. November 28, 1940. Camp Report, Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC Form INV-610). November 28, 1940. Camp Inspection Report, Civilian Conservation Corps. November 30, 1941. Civilian Conservation Corps 1936 Annual Report. Economics and Heritage Conseroation. Proceedings from A Meeting Organized I?J the Getty Conseroation Institute. Los Angles: The Getty Conservation Institute, 1998. F-1 Pennsylvania. Transfer and Correspondence to U.S. Forest Service. "Fifty Forest Camps Chosen for Corps," The New York Times, April 12 1933. Marienville 1833-1976. The Woman's Club of Marienville. Tionesta, PA: Forest Press, Inc., 1976. Master lntetpretive Plan for the Allegheny National Forest. Prospectus of Educational and Recreational Activities of the 318th Company Camp ANF-1 of the Civilian Conservation Corps, Fall, Winter and Spring of 1937-1938. Rabideau Civilian Conseroation Cotps (CCC) Camp. NPS Form 10-900. The BuTTa Charter. The Australia !COM OS Charter for Places of Cultural Significance. 4th ed. Canberra: Australia ICOMOS Inc., 1999. http:/ /www.icomos.org/ australia/burra.html (Accessed March 23, 2010). Alan en, Arnold R., and Robert Z. Melnick. Preseroing Cultural Lmdrcapes in America. Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press, 2001. 170

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Allison, Gerald, Susan Ball, Paul Cheshire, Alan Evans, and Mike Stabler. The Value of Conseroation? A Literature Review of the Economic and Social Value of the Cultural Built Heritage. London, UK: English Heritage, 1996. Alter, Jonathan. 2007. The Defining Moment: FDR's Hundred Dqys and the Triumph of Hope. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster. Avrami, Erica, Randall Mason, and Marta de la Torre. Values and Heritage Conseroation. Los Angeles, CA: The Getty Conservation Institute, 2000. Bell, Simon. Lmdscape: Pattern, Perception and Process. London, UK: Taylor & Francis, 1999. ____ .Elements of Visual Design in the LAndscape. London, UK: Taylor & Francis, 2004. Birnbaum, Charles A. Design with Culture: Claiming Americas LAndscape Heritage. Charlottesville and London: University of Virginia Press, 2005. Brown, Greg, and Pat Reed. An Evaluation of LAndscape Value and Special Place Mappingfor National Forest Planning and a Protocol for NFS Implementation. Draft Report, 2007. http:/ /www.landscapevalues.org/ (Accessed March 23, 2010). Buggey, Susan. "Associative Values: Exploring Nonmaterial Qualities in Cultural Landscapes." APT Bulletin 31, no. 4 (2000): 21-27. Burr, Vivien. Social Constructionism. New York, NY: Roudedge, 2003. Cochrane, Phoebe. "Exploring Cultural Capital and Its Importance in Sustainable Development." Ecologital Economics 57 (2006): 318-330. Daniels, Stephen, and Dennis Cosgrove, eds. The Iconograpf!J of LAndscape. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1989. de la Torre, Marta. Assessing the Values of Cultural Heritage. Los Angeles, CA: The Getty Conservation Institute, 2002. ____ Heritage Values in Site Management: Four Case Studies: J. Paul Getty Trust, 2005. de la Torre, Marta, Margaret G.H. MacLean, Randall Mason, and David Myers. Heritage Values in Site Management: Four Case Studies. Los Angeles, CA: Getty Conservation Institute, 2005. Dee, Catherine. Form and Fabrit in LAndscape Architetture. London, UK: Taylor & Francis, 2001. Deering, R.L. 1932. "Camps for the Unemployed in the Forests of California." Journal of Forestry 30 (5):554-557. 171

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Fairclough, Graham, Rodney Harrison, John Schofield, and John Jameson, eds. The Heritage Reader. London, UK: Routledge, 2008. Fechner, Robert. Letter to General James F. McKinley, June 27, 1934. Frey, Brono S. Arls & Economics: Anafysis & Cultural Poliry. New York, NY: Springer, 2000. Gins burgh, Victor A. and David Throsby. Handbook of the Economics of Arl and Culture. Amsterdam: Elsevier, 2006. Gibson, Lisanne and John Pendlebury, eds. Valuing Historic Environments. Surrey, UK: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2009. Groth, Paul E., and Todd W. Bressi. Understanding Ordinary Lmdscapes. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997. Holden, John. Capturing Cultural Value. How Culture has Become a Tool of Government Poliry. London, UK: Demos, 2005. James, William. The Moral Equivalent of War, and Other Esscrys. New York, NY: Harper & Row, 1971. Kenlan, Charles H. Letter to Robert Fechner, June 23, 1934. Kennedy, Christina B., James L. Sell, and Ervin H. Zube. "Landscape Aesthetics and Geography." Environmental Review: ER 12, no. 3 (1988): 31-55. Kerr, Alastair. "Considerations for a Values-Based Approach to Heritage Conservation within Canada," December 2007, a forthcoming article to be published by the National Institute for Anthropology and History (INAH), Mexico. http: I I www.vancouverheritagefoundation.orgl documentsiValuesBasedApproach_HeritageConservation.pdf (Accessed March 23, 2010). Klamer, Arjo. "A Pragmatic View on Values in Economics." Journal of Economic Methodology 10, no. 2 (2003): 191-212. Krippendorff, Klaus. The Semantic Turn: A New Foundation for Design. Boca Raton, FL: Taylor & Francis, 2006. Labadi, Sophia. "Representations of the Nation and Cultural Diversity in Discourses on World Heritage." Journal of SotiaiAn:haeology 7 (2007): 147-170. Lee, Antoinette J. "From Historic Architecture to Cultural Heritage: A Journey through Diversity, Identity, and Community." Future Anterior1, no. 2 (2004): 15-23. Levitt, S. D., and S. J. Dubner. Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist Explores the Hidden Side of Everything. New York, NY: Harper Collins Publishers Inc., 2005. 172

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Loulanski, Tolina. "Cultural Heritage in Socio-economic Development: Local and Global Perspectives." Environments Journal 34, no. 2 (2006): 52-65. ____ "Revising the Concept for Cultural Heritage: The Argument for a Functional Approach." International Journal of Cultural Properry 13 (2006): 207-233. ____ "Cultural Heritage and Sustainable Development: Exploring a Common Ground." The Journal of International Media, Communication, and Tourism Studies 5 (2007): 37-58. Maher, Neil M. Natures New Deal and the Roots of the American Environmental Movement. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2008. Mason, Randall. Economics and Historic Preservation: A Guide and Review of the Uterature. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution Metropolitan Policy Program, 2005. ____ "Theoretical and Practical Arguments for Values-Centered Preservation." CRM 3 no. 2 (Summer 2006). http:// crrnjournal.cr.nps.gov /Print.cfm?articleiDN =3119 (accessed January 1, 2009) ____ "Economic and Built Heritage." In Nordic Council of Ministers. Copenhagen, Denmark, 2007. ____ "Be Interested and Beware: Joining Economic Valuation and Heritage Conservation." International Journal of Heritage Studies 14, no. 4 (2008): 303-318. ____ "Management for Cultural Landscape Preservation. In Cultural Lmdscapes: Balancing Nature and Heritage in Preservation Practice, ed. Richard Longstreth, 180-196. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2008. Meinig, D. W. and J. B. Jackson, eds. The Interpretation of Ordinary Lzndscapes. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1979. Mitchell, W. J. Thomas. Lzndscape and Power. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2002. Munoz-Viii.as, Salvador. Contemporary Theory of Conservation. Burlington, MA: Elsevier Butterworth Heinemann, 2005. Murtagh, William J. Keeping Time, The History and Theory of Preservation in America. 3rd ed. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2006. Narud, Stale and Richard C. Ready, eds. Valuing Cultural Heritage. App!Jing Valuation Techniques to Historic Buildings, Monuments, and Artefacts. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd., 2002. 173

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Otis, Alison T., William D. Honey, Thomas C. Hogg, and Kimberly K Lakin. The Forest Service and the Civilian Conservation Corps: 193342 United States Forest Service, FS-395, August 1986. accessed March 19,2009 www.nps.gov /history /history/ online_books/ ccc/ ccc/ chap 12.htm. Paige, John C. The Civilian Conservation Corps and the National Parks Service, 19 3 3-1942. An Administrative History National Park Service, 1985. http:/ /www.nps.gov /history /history/ online_books/ ccc/index.htm. Pannekoek, Frits. "The Rise of the Heritage Priesthood or the Decline of Community Based Heritage." Historic Preservation Fornm 12, no. 3, (Spring 1998): 4-10. Patel, Kiran Klaus. Soldiers ofLlbor. Llbor Service in Natf Germany and New Deal America, 1933-1945. Translated by Thomas Dunlap. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Raymond, Christopher, and Gregory Brown. "A Method for Assessing Protected Area Allocations Using a Typology of Landscape Values." Journal of Environmental Planning and Management49, no. 6 (2006): 797-812. Roosevelt, Franklin D. ''Roosevelt's Nomination Address, 1932." Works of Franklin D. Roosevelt, 1932. Rybczynski, Witold. A Clearing in the Distance: Frederide Llw Olmsted and America in the Nineteenth Century. New York, NY: Simon and Schuster, 1999. Salmond, John A. The Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942: A New Deal Case Stuc!J. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1967. http:/ /www.nps.gov /history /history/ online_books/ ccc/ salmond/index.htm. Schultz, Michael). In the Shadow of the Trees. Thomaston, .ME: Dan River Press, 1997. Scott, Carol A. "Museum and Impact." Curator. The Museum ]ournal46 no. 3 Quly 2003): 293-310. Serageldin, Ismail. Very Special Places: The Architecture and Economics of Intervening in Historic Cities. Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, 1999. Silvio Mendes, Zancheti. 'Values, Built Heritage and Cyberspace." Museum International 54, no. 3, (2002): 19-28. Simpson, John Warfield. Visions of Paradise: Glimpses of Our Llndscape's Legary. Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1999. Smith, Laurajane. Uses of Heritage. New York, NY: Routledge, 2006. 174

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Snowball, Jeanette D. Measuring the Value of Culture: Methods and Examples in Cultural Economics. Verlag Berlin Heidelberg: Springer, 2008. Saini, Katriina. "Exploring Human Dimensions of Multifunctional Landscapes through Mapping and Map-Making." Lmdscape and Urban Planning 57, no. 3-4 (2001): 225-239. Speakman, Joseph M. 'The New Deal Arrives in Penn's Woods: The Beginnings of the Civilian Conservation Corps in Pennsylvania." The Pennsylvania Magaifne of History and 130 no. 2, (April2006): 212-232. ____ .At Work in Penns Woods: The Civilian Conseroation Corps in Pennrylvania. University Park: Penn State Press, 2006. ____ "Into the Woods: The First Year of the Civilian Conservation Corps." Prologue 38, no. 3 (Fall 2006). http:/ /www.archives.gov / publications/prologue/2006/ fall/ ccc.html?templ. Spring Creek Murmurs 3 no. 5 (October 1938). Spring Creek Murmurs 3 no. 6 (November 1938). Spring Creek Murmurs 3 no. 8 (March 1939). Spring Creek Murmurs 3 no. 9 (April 1939). Spring Creek Murmurs 3 no. 10, 11 (May 1939). Spring Creek Murmurs 4 no. 1 Oune 1939). Spring Creek Murmurs 4 no. 2 Ouly 1939). Spring Creek Murmurs 4 no. 3 (August 1939). Spring Creek Murmurs 4 no. 4 (September 1939). Spring Creek Murmurs 4 no. 5 (October 1939). Spring Creek Murmurs 4 no. 6 (November 1939). Spring Creek Murmurs 4 no. 7 Oanuary 1940). Spring Creek Murmurs 4 no. 9 (March 1940). Spring Creek Murmurs 4 no. 10 (April 1940). 175

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Spring Creek Mu17!1urs 4 no. 11 (M:ay 1940). Spring Creek Mu17!1urs 4 no. 12 0 une 1940). Spring Creek Mu17!1urs 5 no. 1 Ouly 1940). Spring Creek Mu17!1urs 5 no. 2 (August 1940). Spring Creek Mu17!1urs 5 no. 3 (September 1940). Spring Creek Mu17!1urs 5 no. 4 (October 1940). Spring Creek Mu17!1urs 5 no. 5 (November 1940). Spring Creek Mu17!1urs 5 no. 6 (December 1940). Spring Creek Mu17!1urs 5 no. 7 O anuary 1941). Spring Creek Mu17!1urs 5 no. 9 (M:arch 1941). Stephenson, Janet. ''The Cultural Values Model: An Integrated Approach to Values in Landscapes." Lmdscape and Urban Planning 84, (2008): 127-139. Stipe, Robert E. and Antoinette J. Lee, eds. The American Mosaic: Preseroing a Nation's Heritage. Washington, D.C.: US/ICOMOS, 1987. Sypolt, Larry N. Civilian Conseroation Corps: A Seledive!J Annotated Bibliograpf(y. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2005. Terkenli, Terkenli. "Towards a Theory of the Landscape: The Aegean Landscape as a Cultural Image." Lmdscape and Urban Planning 57 (2001): 197-208. Thompson, Ian H. Ecoloo, Community and Delight: Sources of Values in LJndscape Architedure: London and New York: E & FN Span, 1999. Throsby, David. Economics and Culture. Cambridge, UK; New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Tyler, Norman. Historic Preseroation: An Introduction to Its History, Principles, and Practice. 2nd ed. New York, NY: Norton & Company, 2000. 176

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Vecvagars, Kaspars. Valuing Damage and usses in Cultural Assets after a Disaster. Concept Paper and &search Options. New York, NY: United Nations Publication, 2006. Williams, Daniel R. "Social Construction of Arctic Wilderness: Place Meanings, Value Pluralism, and Globalization." In Wilderness in the Circumpolar North: Searchingfor Compatibility in Ecological, Traditional, and Ecotourism Values, ed. Alan E. Watson, Lilian Ales sa, and Janet Sproull, (2002):120-132. 177

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VALUE-BASED APPROACH TO ASSESSING THE HISTORIC PRESERVATION OF CIVILIAN CONSERVATION CORPS (CCC) CAMP ANF-1 by Douglas Neal Futz B. Comm., University of Manitoba, 1983 M Sc., University of Manitoba, 1988 A thesis submitted to the University of Colorado Denver in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Landscape Architecture 2010

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This thesis for the Masters in Landscape Architecture degree b y Douglas Neal Futz has been approved b y Date

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Futz, Douglas N. (MLA) Value-Based Approach to Assessing the Historic Preservation of Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) Camp A F-1 Thesis directed by Professor Austin Allen, Associate Professor ABSTRACT During the summer of 2008, the University of Col orado Denver's Department of Landscape Architecture undertook a design studio at the site of a former Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) camp in the Allegheny National Forest, near Marienville, Pennsylvania. An outcome of this studio was a proposed master plan for preserving this historic site However, a question surfaced: to what extent is an investment in preserving this site warranted? The young men who worked in these camps are part of what has become popularl y known as the "greatest generation." This generation has emerged as a cultural phenomenon. The achievements and character of this generation have been prominently featured in popular film and print, spawning new interest and appreciation in this era. The CCC has special historical significance in Pennsylvania and this site is particularly notable. Almost 185,000 young men enrolled in Pennsylvania, more than in any other state except New York. Camp ANF-1 was Pennsylvania's first camp and the nation's second. While popular interest may be appreciating the cultural value of these heritage assets, decisions regarding which assets to preserve and what amounts to invest are bounded b y limited resources This thesis adopts a "value-based" approach for assessing the economic and cultural values associated with this place. The approach is designed to elicit a full range of tangible and intangible va lu es ascribed b y various stakeholder groups. This research concludes with a conceptual model that may be generalized and potentially reused. The model adds a stakeholder dimension onto the basic value typology and emphasizes an iterative elicitation process. In addition, this study endorses a value-based approach for assessing or designing cultural landscapes. Finally, several future research opportunities are identified, including possibilities involving the CCC history, value-based theory, and emerging technologies This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidate's thesis. I recommend its publication.

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DEDICATIO First of all, I would like to thank my wife, Cathe, and kids, Mika and Rory, who put up with me throughout this process. I love you guys and could not have completed this thesis without your ongoing support. I would also like to thank my entire committee: Austin for opening the door and always being available; Ann for cultivating my ideas, keeping my thesis within the realm of "landscape," and getting me over the finish line; and Chris for his open door and ongoing encouragement. The many people that I have met throughout this research-Kathy May Smith, Charlie Varro, Joan Sharpe, the Summers, and others-have been both obliging and genuine. However, I'm reserving the fmal dedication for a special friend, my "CCC Mentor," Mike Schultz Mike, I learned much from you and appreciate your passion, unending support, and friendship. You embody everything that the CCC symbolizes. Go Pens!!

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would like to thank Don Brandes for sponsoring the Brandes Scholarship. I am honored to be a recipient and appreciative of the financial support.

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TABLE OF CO TENTS List of Figures .... ................................... .......... .................. ....................... ............... viii List of Tables ......................... . . . . .... . ....... ........ ......................... ..... ....... ................... x 1.0 Backgroun d an d R esearc h Question ...................................................... 1 1 1 1 B ackground ....................... ............... . ..... ............... .................. . ............... 11 1 2 R esear c h Question .............. ..... .................. ..... ........... .............................. 12 1.3 Organization of Thesis ..... .... .... ......... .................................. ... .............. .. 13 2.0 Literature R eview .......... ................. .................... ....... ...... ...... . . .......... ... 14 2 1 Theory and Economics of Value-Based Historic Preservation ....... . 14 2.2 Economics and Cultural Economics ..... . ..... . ......... ............................. 20 2.3 Lan d scape Architecture a nd the Cultura l Landscape ...... ..... . ............ 24 2.4 The Civilian Conservation Corps ........................................................... 29 3 0 Backgrou n d and History ..... .......................... ........................ ................. 33 3 1 T h e Civilian Co n servatio n Co rp s (CCC) ....... ...... ..... .............. ... ...... ..... 33 3.1.1 History ........................................................................................................ 33 3.1.2 CCC Work Projects ..................... .... ........... .................................. . ......... 46 3.1.3 Camp Architecture, Administration, and Life ................................ ..... 48 3.1.4 CCC in Pennsylvania ................................................................................ 53 3.2 Site History ........ ......... ..... ..................................................................... . .... 58 3.2 1 Forestry, Oil & Gas Era .......... ..... ....... .................................................... 58 3.2.2 Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) Era ...... . . . ......... ......................... 61 3.2.3 World \Var II Era ................................. ...... ..... .................... ................... 79 3.2.4 R ecreatio n & Tourism Era .......................... ......................... .................. 80 4.0 Economic and Cultu ral Value ....................... ......................... ..... ........... 82 4 1 ValueBased Preservatio n ............................. .......... ............................... 82 4.2 Cultural Values ...... ................................... ............. ..................... . . . ..... 86 4.3 Economic Values . ..... . . . ............................. . . ......... .................. ........ 89 4.4 Value Typo l ogies . . . . . ..... ....... ..... ...... ... ........................................ ........... 92 (vi)

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4.5 Values in the Cultural Landscape ...................................................... ..... 96 4.6 Role of the ''Expert" ............................................................................ .. 100 4.7 Theory of Cultural Capital.. .................... .......... ..................................... 102 5 0 Methodology ....................................................................... .......... .... . . . 106 5.1 Alternative Methods .................................. ............................................. 106 5.2 Preliminary Assessment ...................... ...... ............................................. 111 5.3 Value Assessment Model ............................................................ ........... 112 5.4 Scope of Analysis .......... .......................................................................... 117 6 0 Baseline Value-Based Assessment of Camp ANF-1 ......................... 118 6.1 Aesthetic Value ........................................ ...... .......................................... 119 6.2 Historic Value ...................... ................. ............. . .................................... 125 6.3 Spiritual Value ..................................................................................... ..... 128 6.4 Symbolic Value ................................................................ ....................... 130 6.5 Social Va l ue .......................................................... .................. . ............... 135 6 6 Recreational Value .............................................. .. .. ................................ 138 6. 7 Economic Value .................................................... .................................. 141 6 8 Summary ...... ................ ............................................................................ 145 7.0 Summary, Conclusions, and Future Research .................................... 146 7.1 Summary ... ... ................................................ ......... . ..... ............................. 146 7.2 Conclusions .................. . . ............................ .......................................... 148 7.3 Future Research ........................................................... ...................... ...... 150 App e nd ix A. Images of Major Aesthetic Features .................................................... 154 B. Remaining CCC Camps in the Nation ................................................ 158 C. Focus Group Script .......... ...................................................................... 160 Biblio gr aph y ...................... ..... .... .......... ............ ................................................ 170 (vii)

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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 CampANF-1 ContextMap ... . ..... ..... ..... ..................... . . . .......... ................. ....... 11 2 Roosevelt's Hand D rawn Sketch of the CCC Administrative Structure ........... 37 3 CCC Camps Established During the First Enrollment Period ...... ..... ................ 39 4 Number of Camps, 1933 to 1936 .......... ................... ...... ... ....................... ............. .41 5 umber of Camps, 1937 to 1938 ............................................... ........................... ..43 6 Number of Camps, 1939 to 1942 ....................... ..................................................... 45 7 Organizational Structure ........................... . ..... ..... . ....... . ....................... ................ 48 8 Layout of a Typical CCC Camp ....... ...... . ............... ... . ......... .................... ............. 50 9 Camp Baseball Team, ANF-13 ...... ................................. ......... . ............. ........ . . ... 52 10 Distribution of CCC Camps in Pennsylvania, 1933-1942 ...... ..... ....... ................. 54 11 Context Maps of Camp ANF-1 ............ .. ........ ...... ................................................... 62 12 Marker Commemorating the First Trees Planted by the CCC in the Nation . 64 13 CampANF-1, 1 933 .......... . ......... ....... .................................. ......... ........... ............. . 65 14 Camp ANF-1, Site Plan ....... .... . ..... ........................ . ............ . ..... . ........................... 66 15 Camp Officers, ANF-1, 1934 .. ....... . . . . ..... . ........ .... . . . . ......... . ........... ............... 66 16 ANF-1 Mess Hall Staf... . .............. . ........... . . . . .................... .............................. 68 1 7 John Danton, Camp Educational Advisor . ..... . ....... ..... ..... ................................. 70 18 Camp Library, ANF-1 ... ........... ..... ............................................... .......................... 72 19 Camp ANF-1 Recreation Hall .... . ........................................................................... 73 20 Recreation Hall Canteen Sketch ................................. .................... ........................ 74 21 Total Economic Value ...... ...... . . ..... ............................................. . ........................ . 90 22 Value-Based Approach .......... ..... ................ .......... . .......... . .............. ................ ...... 93 23 Conceptua l Model of Cultural Va l ues Typology ........ .... ..... . ................. ...... ..... 96 24 Surface and Embedded Values ... ... ........................ ........... ... ............................ ...... 99 25 The Overall Planning Process .......... ...... .......... ........................... .............. . ..... ...... 113 26 Value-Assessment Model ....................... ......... . ................... ....... .. .. .................... ..... 114 27 Stakeholder Value Matrix ...... ............... .................... ...... ..... . . ...... .......... ........ ...... 116 ( viii )

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28 Project Scope .................... ..................... ........... ..................... .............. ................... ... 117 29 Value Typology ................................ ...... ........ ........ ..................... . ..... ..... ..... ......... ... 118 30 Camp ANF-1 Site Plan ............................................................................................ 130 31 Topology Map and South and lnrth ,;,,,c F,.,....,... r.,.,...,.... 41\JI:::_, 1 ?? 32 Recreation Hall Fireplace .................................. ... .................................................... 124 33 Layout of a Typical CCC Camp vs. Figure-Ground of ANF-1... ... ..... ........... 132 34 Camp ANF-1 Officer Quarters .......... . . .................. ............... ..... ..... ..................... 133 35 CCC Recruitment Poster ......... ........ ..... . . . ....... ...... . . ............................................. 133 36 Hometowns of ANF-1 Enrollees, 1939-1942 .............. ....... ...... ........................... 135 37 Surrounding Communities ............................................................. .......................... 137 38 Camp ANF-1 ......... . ........... ................ ....................................................................... 138 39 Spring Creek, 1933 ....... ..................... ................ ....................................................... 139 40 Recreational Uses .......................... ....... .......... ...... ................................................... 140 41 Stakeholder Value Matrix Model .... .... ....... ............ ................................ ............. .... 146 42 Value-Assessment Model ..... ......... ........................... .................. ............................ 147 (ix)

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LIST OF TABLES Table 1 Dail y Schedule in the CCC . . ....................... ............. . ..................................... 51 2 CCC Camps b y Camp Type and E nrollment Peri o d .................................. 57 3 Commanding Officers, 1933-1942 ........................................ ......................... 67 4 Menu for September 24, 1933 Camp ANF-1... ... . . . . ..... ......... .................. 75 5 Project Superintendents, ANF-1, 1933 41... ..... ........ .... .............. . . . . . ...... 76 6 ANF Co mpleted Work, 1933 -38 ........ . .......... ............... ....... .......... ................ 79 7 Summary of Heritage Value Typologies ............................................... . ...... 92 8 Alternative E conomic Valuation Metho d o l ogies ........ .......... ................... 107 9 Alternative Cultural Assess ment Methodo l ogies ........................................ 109 10 Sociocultural and Economic Values ...................... .. ................................ ..... 119 11 Inventory of Camp ANF1 Aes thetic La nd s cape E lement s ...... .............. 121 12 Remainin g CCC Camps in the Nation ........... ...... ......... . ......... . ............. . . 126 13 ANF1 Camp Morale, 193 7-1941 ............................................... .................. 129 14 ANF Co unty Visitor Spending, 2007 .......................... ............................... . 141 15 ANF Tourism E mplo y ment 200 7 .. ...................... ...... . ............................... 1 42 16 Forest County Indu stry Br eak d own ....... .................. ................................... 143 17 Key Economic Indicat o r s ............ ....... ................................... .......... ........... 144 1 8 Remaining CCC Camps in the Nation .............................. . ......................... 158 (x)

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1.0 BACKGRO UND AND REARCH QUESTION The underlying historic and socio-economic contexts are essential aspects of this thesis. This section, therefore provides a brief introduction in order to frame the research que s tion Once the question and objectives ha ve been established, this section concludes with an overview of the organization and stru cture of thi s the sis. 1 1 B ackground The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) was part of President Franklin D Roosevelt's ew D eal. Operating for nine years between 1933 and 1942, the program employed millions of young men and had an enduring impact. After an impressive start and a somewhat uneven hi story, the CCC essentially faded away. Still, the Corps left an indelible mark not only our on landscapes but also on the men who worked them. In terms of enrollment and number of work camps, the CCC peaked sometime between late s prin g 1935 and early 1936 when there were 500 ,000 yo ung men or "enrolle es," in 2,652 camps.1 In total, approximately 5,000 camp s were established, but only a few remain including CCC Camp ANF-1 in northwestern Pennsylvania. 2 Camp ANF-1 is located within the Alleghany National Forest, in Forest County, near the s mall town of Duhring. This camp was the second Figure 1 Camp ANF1 Context Map 1 Joseph M. Speakman, At Work in Penn' s Woods: The Civilian Conservation Corps in P ennsyl vania (Unive r sity Park, P A: Penn State Press, 2006), 68. 2 The camp was variably referred to as Pigeon Pebble Dell, ANF-1, Company 318, Ca mp Landers, or Fl. For consistency, this th es i s will refer to the camp as "Cam p F 1." 11

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established in the nation and one of the longest running operations, eventually being decommissioned in the spring of 1942 Its remnants currently exist on private property and have been used as a base camp for a horse trail riding operation for the past thirty-five years. Forest County is bordered by Warren, McKean, Elk, Jefferson, Clarion, and Venango Counties As its name implies, Forest County is predominantly forested and rural With only 4,946 residents and a population density of 11.6 persons per square mile, this county is the smallest and most sparsely populated in Penns y lvania. The Allegheny National Forest, located in northwest Penns y lvania, is the only national forest in the state and one of the few east of the Mississippi. In 1923, President Calvin Coolidge established the Allegheny ational Forest in accordance with the ational Forest mission, which at that time was to "improve the forest, provide favorable conditions for water flows and furnish a continuous supply of timber. "3 Over time, the purpose expanded to include recreation wildlife habitat, and other uses The forest is located 120 miles northwest of Pittsburgh and is administered b y the Forest Service of the U.S. Department of Agriculture. The Allegheny ational Forest is considered "multiple use land," meaning the oil, gas, and logging industries share space with hikers, campers, and hunters While the federal government owns much of the land within the forest border, there is significant private and state land contained within. 1 2 Research Qu estion Camp ANF-1 is currently at a tipping point" and decisions will soon need to be made regarding its preservation and ultimate fate. The concept of "value" underlie s these questions because "value has always been the reason underlying heritage conservation. It is self-evident that no society makes an effort to conserve what it does not value."4 3The Organic Act of 189 7 4 Marta de la Torre and Randall Mason, Assessing the Values of Cultural Hen.tage (Los Angeles, CA: The Getty Conservation Institute, 2002), 3. 12

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During the summer of 2008, a landscape architecture studio from the University of Colorado Denver visited and studied the camp. One of the findings was an apparent paradox: while local property values were modest, and even depressed the va lue placed on this property b y vario u s stakeholders was evident. Thus, it became apparent that value was being ascribed to the site, above that attributed b y the market. While it ma y be true that a society strives to conserve that which it values, it is also true that it ma y not conserve that which does ha ve v alue, if that value is not apparent. Thus, if we wish to sustain our cultural assets, their values need to be revealed and made apparent. Accordingly, the research question for this thesis is: "How can the cultural and economic values of CCC Camp ANF-1 be revealed and articulated?" Camp ANF-1 will be u se d as a case study to ge neralize this question. Therefore, in addition to this primary research question, the supporting aim s and objectives include: develop a conceptual model or framework for future assessments; establish a baseline analysis; test the methodolo gy for assessing the value of Camp ANF-1; and develop recommendations for future research 1 3 Organ iza tion of T hesi s This thesi s adopts a broad and holistic approach. Therefore, context and perspective are essential in pursuing the underlying research question The research question i s inherend y multi disciplinary. Thus, this thesis review s the relevant and influential literature in economics, historic preservation, landscape architecture, and hi story The history of the CCC and the site itself provides context for analysis and interpretation. A theoretical chapter ha s been dedicated to the concept of "val ue, leading into methodological and analysis chapter s Finally, the the sis concludes with a conceptual framework, implications and conclusions, and recommendations for future research 13

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2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW A s a multi-disciplinary thesis, this literature review draws upon historic preservation, cultural economics, landscape architecture, and American history. The relevant literature from each of these domains will be presented within the context of this thesis. 2.1 Theory and Economics ofValue-Base d Histori c P reserv ation Within the historic preservation literature, there is a strand of research and specialization that specifically addresses value-based approaches. This subsection introduces the various contributors and their main ideas. In Section 4.0, the foundational principles of value-based preservation will be revisited in order to develop the framework for analysis. In his book Contemporary Theory of Conservation, Salvador MuiiozViii as provides a comprehensive review and critical analysis of the preservation field.s The author draws upon related disciplines such as philosophy, architecture, science, history, and archaeology, all of which have played a significant part in shaping prevailing preservation theories. MunozViiias contends that there are two opposing theories of conservation: classical" theory, characterized as traditional, object-focused, and dependent on "hard" science; and "contemporary" theory, which considers the objects' meanings to various stakeholder constituencies The author claims the latter theory is more sophisticated, universal, and sustainable. Using the process of treating a sheet of paper as an example, MunozViiias claims that, "The ultimate goal of conservation as a whole is not to conserve the paper, but to retain or improve the meaning it has for people." 6 That is, preservation is a means to an end rather than an end 5 Salvador Muiioz Viiias, Contemporary Theory oJConseroatiotl (Burlington MA: Elsevier Butterworth Heinemann, 2005). 6 Ibid., 213. 14

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unto itself. With this example, Mui'ioz Viiias illustrates that conservation is only meaningful so long as stakeholders ascribe value to the process. Mui'ioz-Viiias endorses "value-based preservation" because it is "fully contemporary" and has widespread applications. ? The author credits the approach for being internally coherent and responding to many of his criticisms of classical theory. s He also eguates value-led approaches to those based on functionalism and meaning. The author discusses the many professions currently serving the preservation field. 9 Traditionally, the field has been rather narrow, limited to such "experts" as architects, archeologists, and historians. The expanded field of professionals, including economists among others, reflects the need for a holistic and broad approach. The Historic Preservation Act was passed in 1966 This act paved the way for the preservation movement in this country and has paralleled the growth and interest in cultural economics. Within this subfield, an interest in heritage economics emerged in response to industry growth, applied research in the field of ecological economics, increased use of tax credit incentives, and growth in heritage tourism. As the preservation field has matured and grown, Mason claims there is an increasing need for an economic perspective: Heritage conservation has transformed in the last generation, from a fairly closeted practice ... As part of this transformation, economic concepts values, goals, and discourse applied to heritage have grown in prominence. t o However, despite this emergence, Mason concedes, "the economics of preservation is an embryonic field compared with research in other economic disciplines."11 7 Ibid., 1 79. 8Jbid., 179 180. 9 Ibid., 10 11. t O Randall Mason, ''Be Interested and Beware: Joining Economic Valuation and Heritage Conservation," International Joumaf of H eritage Studi e s 14 No.4 Quly, 2008) : 303. 15

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While there is a general consensus that investment in historic preservation is sound, the relationship between economists and culturists" is somewhat uneasy and tense. 12 Mason describes the relationship between these two perspectives: "Economists regard preservation first as a market phenomenon, a set of goods and services best appraised in terms of prices But conservation discourse regards heritage as priceless, and therefore beyond economic analysis" [and] "from the perspective of heritage professionals, economics is regarded as an alien, threatening discourse."13 This divergence appears to stem from a lack of understanding of where the common ground exists between economists and culturalists. In general, the role of economics is narrowly defined, essentially limited to measuring the impact of tourism, financial management, and economic development. A broader area for collaboration would include the valuation of heritage assets. However, while economists have a propensity to measure various phenomena, culturalists are less inclined. Such valuations and assessments bring "culture from the periphery of development thinking and places it in center stage."1 4 The Getty Conservation Institute (GCI ) has pioneered much of the research relating preservation to economics and developing a value based approach.1 5 These reports explore alternative anal y tical valuation tools, value typologies, and offer a conceptual framework for 11 Randall Mason, E conomic s and Historic Pmeroatiot r : A Guid e and Rev i e w of the Literature (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution Metropolitan Policy Program, 2005), ii, http: / / www brookings.edu / reports / 2005 / 09metropolitanpolicy _mason.aspx (accessed 2 /23/08). 1 2 Arjo Klamer, "Social, Cultural and Economic Values of Cultural Goods," 2001, http:// culturalheritage.ceistorvergata.it / virtual_library / A rt_KLAMER_A_2001Social_cultural_and_econornic_values.pdf ( accessed 8 / 14 /09) 1 3 Mason, ( 2008 ) 304. 14 Throsb y 6 7 1 5 Marta de la Torre, and Randall Mason E conomics and H eritage Conseroation: Issue and Idea s on Valuing H eritage ( 1999 ) http: / / www icomos org / usicomos / S y mposium / SYMP99 / delatorre.htm (accessed 2 /23/ 08); Erica Avrarni, Randall Mason, and Marta de la Torre, Values and Heritage Conseroation (Los Angeles, CA: The Getty Conservation Institute, 2000).; Marta de la Torre, Assessing the Value s of Cultural H eritage (Los Angeles, CA : The Getty Conservation Institute, 2002). 16

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assessment. The research contends that values are characteristically multivalent subject to shifts, and socially constructed.16 Mason also provides a comprehensive review of economic research and tools in the preservation field. I ? He claims the preservation field had traditionall y been autonomous and inward-looking, dominated b y a relatively small group of people and led b y specialists and experts. Consequently, economic analysis has typically been limited to advocacy stu dies. Mason concludes that more "detached" analyses are needed.lS The Heritage Reader is a collection of forty -o ne essays from various contributors.19 The contributing authors are leading and notable experts from Europe, North America, and Australia. The stated intent of the book ''brings together a collection of key works that represent a culmination of established principles and new thinking in cultural heritage management."20 Despite the contributors' diverse backgrounds the editors weave a number of common themes through the book, including sustainability, value-based approaches, landscape preservation, and new resource management trends. In Sustaining the Historical Environment, the English Heritage outlines the principle s of s ustainability .21 These authors, as well as others, draw the parallel between cultural sustainability and ecological s u staina bility.22 This ha s implications regarding the future and potential of preservation's role as well as specific methodologies that might be employed. Likewise, Kate Clarke, in her article "S ustainability and Heritage," cites Arjun Appaduri who "i dentified an 16 The concept and theory of "va lue" will be dealt with in greater detail in Chapter 4.0. 1 7 Mason (2005). IS Ibid 19. 19 The Heritage Reader, ed Graham Fairclough, Rodney Harrison, John Schofield and John Jameson. ew York, NY: Roudedge, 2008). 20 Rodne y Harrison, Graham Fairclough, John H. Jameson Jr., and John Schofield, "Introduction: Heritage, Memory and Modernity," in The Heritage Reader, 7. 21 The English Heritage is the government agency responsible for vario us aspects of the England 's "historic environment." 22 E nglish Heritage, "Sustaining the Historic E nvironment: New Perspectives on the Future," in The Hen .tage Reader, 318. 17

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important shift in the sustainment development discourse that linked "cultural diversity" heritage and sustainable development and noted that progress on sustainable development could not be made unless cultural values were closely embedded."ZJ Another recurring theme in The Heritage Reader is that of "values-based" approaches to heritage assessment and management. This concept is essentially a functionalist response to an object centralist paradigm. Citing Tainter and Lucas, Byrne makes the distinction: ... that meaning is inherently fixed in the object of perception ... contradicts basic anthropological theory and experience. To anyone familiar with cross cultural variation in symbol systems, it should be clear that meaning is assigned by the human rnind.24 These various discussions on value-based perspectives also have methodological implications. One repercussion is that because values are contended to be largely socially constructed more democratic and participatory methods are appropriate. Traditionally, such assessments have been "expert-led." Clarke suggests ten tools to support sustainable development. The author is critical of conventional measures and suggests a "willingness to pay" methodology: Positive values are attributed to the conservation or restoration of heritage assets, clearly demonstrating that the degradation of the historical environment detracts from the wellbeing of individuals and society in aggregate and showing the public is willing to pay to mitigate this damage.zs However, there is a full range of values that need to be considered even beyond social values. John James on makes this point in his contribution, "Presenting Archaeology to the Public," concluding that market-based analysis cannot be the only basis for assessment.2 6 Citing cultural economist Joan Poor, Jameson concludes that if cultural values are omitted, "making management decisions for society at large is not only difficult, the resultant decisions are likely to 23 Kate Clark, "Only Connect Sustainable Development and Cultural Heritage," in The Heritage Reader, 90. 2 4 Dennis Byrne, "Heritage as Social Action," in The Heritage Reader, 161. 2 5 Clarke, 94. 26 John H. Jameson Jr., "Presenting Archaeology to the Public," in The Heritage Reader, 430 431. 18

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be insufficient and in man y cases can be very controversial."27 The English Heritage identifies a full range of values for consideration, including cultural values, education values, economic values, resource values, recreation values, and aesthetic values. Randall Mason presents a typology of values and proposes an economic-cultural distinction, while acknowledging that a 'hard-and-fast separation of economic and cultural spheres is untenable."28 Various authors also discuss the distinction between historic register listings and the importance to local values. For example, John Schofield claims that national registers, in fact, take little account of the local values .29 Dennis B yrne warns that "Heritage inventories, if not carefully managed, can actuall y bring about the commoditization of heritage" and cites John Carman's view that "archeological material is not protected bec ause of its value, but rather it is valued because it is protected."30 The English Heritage claims such a focus on our fmest assets" provides an incomplete picture. 3 t Finall y Graham Fairclough concludes that there is a need for contemporary approaches in addition to designation-based s y stems.32 The importance of landscape in preservation is another recurring theme in The H eritage Reader. In the introductory section, the editors identify the landscape as the basis for many of the proposed approaches: "it is not coincidental that many of these new approaches operate through, or, at the scale of landscape since it is through landscape in particular ( in its conceptual sense of a perception of the environment) that people locate themselves in their surroundings and reconcile themselves to its evolutions "33 Fairclough adds that "Landscape (or place ) and character' are central to many of the new heritage approaches. Landscape is quintessentially 27 Ibid. 2 8 Randall Mason, "Assessing Values in Conservation Planning: Methodological issue s and Choices, in The H eritage Reade r 103 29John Schofield, Heritage Management Theory and Practice," in The H eritage Reade r 18. 30 B y rne 160.; Schofield, 2 7 3 t English Heritage, 315. 32 Graham Fairclough, "The Long Chain: A rchaeology, Historical Landscape Charact e rization and Time Depth in the Landscape," in The H eritage Reader, 412. 33 Rodne y Harrison, Graham Fairclough, John H James on Jr. and John Schofield. Introduction: Heritage, Memory and Modernity," in Th e H eritage Reader, 9 19

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multiple in its meanings, significance, 'ownership,' social and individual relevance and its possible futures."34 Fairclough also discusses the significance of seeing heritage as a landscape because it captures the plurality of meaning. He maintains that people think in terms oflandscapes rather than individual elements. B y rne states that ''We have come to an understanding of how any given landscape can have different layers of signs, some of them more publicly accessible than others."3S All heritage assets have various degrees of plurality of meaning but landscapes are particularl y noteworthy. In summary, the field of historic preservation is evolving and expanding. Traditional professions remain focused on the preservation of materials and fabrics. However, the emergence of new professions, coupled with social changes, has resulted in the inclusion of a broader range of values Even a theorist such as Munoz-Vinas, who comes from a traditional background, advocates a value-based approach. The Getty Conservation Institute has also espoused and advanced these ideas. Still there is a natural tension between culturalists and economists in assessing cultural assets. 2.2 Economics and Cultural Economics In order to approach the research question holistically, thi s thesis considers a full range of values. This frequently involves conflicting values and alien concepts and perspectives. This subsection attempts to bridge that gap with reference to popular literature and by reviewing notable contributors in the field of cultural economics, a subspecialty of economics Economics is everywhere. That is the main premise of Frea konomics and an inspiration for this thesis.36 Economics, the "dismal science," suffers from a chronically maligned image. Steven 3 4 Graham Fairclough, ew Heritage, an Introductory Essay People, Landscape and Change," in The Heritage Reader, 303. 3 5 B y rne, 153. 36 S. D. Levitt and S. J. Dubner, Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist Explores the Hidden Sid e of Everything (New York, Y: Harper Collins Publishers Inc., 2005). 20

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Levitt and Stephen Dubner counter with a book that is both accessible and understandable to those outside the discipline. Many people equate economics to financial markets and accountants. Rather, economic thought is grounded in philosoph y and John Smith, founder of classical economics, was primarily a philosopher. Levitt and Dubner bridge this gap by employing nuances of microeconomic theory to explain and predict human behavior that might otherwise have eluded the uninitiated. Architecture school does not normall y teach such fundamental economic concepts as limited resources, incentives and opportunity costs. However, exposure to these concepts can be enlightening and insightful. Economists view the world through the lens of incentives, opportunity costs, value, and utility. Just as landscape architects have a "design language," economists also have their own language. The richness and adaptability of economists' language, however, have enabled them to expand rl1e di s cipline 's frontiers. Economics is a relatively mature discipline and may be considered b y creative professionals to be "dry." However, Levitt and Dubner demonstrate, through the richness of its language and concepts, economics can also be creatively applied. Levitt and Dubner also provide examples of how economic thought can cut through rhetoric and "conventional thought." A working knowledge of microeconomics provides a basis for clear, critical thought and analysis. Furthermore, economics has application in many areas, from everyday life to inter-disciplinary problems. The authors, for example, explain why prostitutes earn more than architects: The architect would appear to be more skilled (as the word is usuall y defined ) and better educated (ag ain, as usuall y defmed ) But little girls don't grow up drean1ing of becoming prostitutes, so the supply of potential prostitutes is relativel y small ... As for the demand? Let's just say that an architect is more likely to likel y to hire a prosti tute than vice versa.37 The authors demonstrate how to understand relationships that may not be in1mediatel y apparent, referring to this as "the hidden side." The authors advocate a "novel way of looking, 3 7 Ibid., 106 21

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of discerning, of measuring."3 8 This perspective is useful in examining cultural assets and their unseen values-social, symbolic, historic, spiritual, etc-that ma y otherwise be elusive. Mason traces academic writings about the arts as an economic activity date to John Kenneth Galbraith's book The Uberal Hour in 1960 and, more influentially, to Performing Arts: The Economic Dilemma by Baumol and Bowen in 1966.39 These latter writings marked the beginnings of cultural economics, a subspecialty of economics that applies neoclassical theory to issues regarding artwork, theater, festivals, and other cultural endeavors. Since 1973, the International Association for Cultural Economics has published related research in The Journal of Cultural Economics. This interest in economics and the arts has been spurred on b y the rising market for art during the 1990s, Richard Florida's influential research, questions of public financing, and academic curiosities.40 Public good aspects and nonuse value have also posed some interesting and intriguing questions. Such issues have attracted a growing but still relativel y small body of sc holarl y research and literature. One of the major contributors to this field is David Throsby, professor of economics at Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia. In Economics and Culture, Throsby provides a comprehensive overview of the subject, including contributions on historic preservation and value theory Economics and Culture attempts to bring economic analysis to bear on cultural issues. Throsby offers a framework for analysis, suggests a number of tools, and methods, and stimulates further discourse Throsby positions cultural value in the forefront, sharing the stage with economic value, which, in his view, too often dominates the discourse. The author maintains that cultural value should be given equal weight. He also suggests a number of methods for determining an object's 3 8 Ibid., 205. 39 Mason (2005), 25.; John Kenneth Galbraith, The Liberal Hour (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1960 ).; William J Baumol and William G. Bowen, Performing Arts, the Economic Dilemma: a S turfy of Problems Common to Theater, Opera, Music and Dance (Ca mbridge, MA: MIT Press, 1968). 40 Richard L. Florida, The Rise of the Creative Class: And How It's Tran.iforming Work, Leisure, Communiry and Everydt!)l Life (New York, NY: Basic Books, 2002). 22

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cultural value, including contextual analysis, content analysis, social survey methods psychometric measurement, and expert appraisal. Throsby not only advances an academic definition of cultural value but builds upon this definition to develop the concept of "cultural capital." He defines cultural capital as "an asset which embodies, stores or provides cultural value in addition to whatever economic value it may possess. "41 The concept of cultural capital adds a cultural dimension to sustainability.42 This form of capital is comprised of a variety of cultural assets, such as heritage buildings, cultural landscapes, and monuments. Cultural capital has much in common with other theories of capital-physical, human and natural-such as the need for reinvestment. These various forms of capital are subject to the same guiding principles for sustaining them: intergenerational and intragenerational equity; maintenance of diversity; recognition of interdependence; and the precautionary principle regarding irrevocable change. However, the first criterion in judging the sustainability of a cultural asset, Throsby maintains, is in its flows of economic and cultural value.43 Like environmental goods, cultural assets may not be priced appropriately by the market. Cultural economists ma y differ with each other on specific issues and in a matter of degree. However, there is general consensus, if not amongst economists at least between cultural economists, that there is a full range of values that are not reflected in the marketplace. Arjo Klamer summarizes this underlying sentiment: Nobody will determine the value of friendship b y trying to establish a monetary equivalent. You rather weigh in values like warmth, openness, honesty, joyfulness, sincerity, and trustworthiness. Likewise, in the case of the art museum cultural and social values make an impact even if they do not 41 Throsby, 46. 42 Ibid 44-60. 4 3 Ibid 54 23

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allow a comparison in terms of monetary equivalent. Much deliberation takes place outside the sphere of exchange.44 The literature suggests that misconceptions and disciplinary biases have contributed to a fragmented worldview. Cultural economists are a relativel y small contingent but offer an interesting and balanced perspective. This subspecialty is generally concerned with issues such as cultural valuation and sustainability. Unlike many of their mainstream brethren, cultural economists generally believe that much valuation transpires outside the sphere of markets 2.3 Landsc a p e Arc hitectur e a nd th e Cultural L a ndscap e This subsection reviews literature from various writers and theorists of the land s cape, including landscape architectures, geographers, and environmental historians. D.W. Meinig, in his seminal essay, "The Beholding Eye: Ten Versions of the Same Scene," propose s an exercise whereby a diver se group of individuals is taken to a view that includes both city and countryside.4S The group is then asked to describe the landscape, and identify its elements, composition and meaning: It will soon be apparent that even though we gather together and look in the same direction at the same instant, we will not-we cannot-see the same landscape. We may certainl y agree that we will see many of the same elementshouses, roads, trees, hills-in terms of such denotations as number, form, dimension, and color, but such facts take on meaning only through association; they must be fitted together according to some coherent body of ideas. Thus we confront the central problem: any landscape is composed not only of what lies before our eyes but what lies within our heads.46 In discussing the ten different perceptions, Meinig reveals how different biases affect landscape interpretation Essentially, for any given landscape, there is not just one, but multiple versions. Every individual develops a different mental construct from the characteristics of a landscape, its -14 Arjo Klamer, "A Pragmatic View on Values in Economics, ]oum al of Economic Methodology 10, no. 2 (2003), 208. 4 5 D.W. Meinig, "The Beholding Eye: Ten Versio ns of the Same Scene," in The Interpretation of Ordinary Landscapes, ed. D.W. Meinig, (New York: Oxford University Press, 19 79). 4 6 Ibid., 33. 24

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interrelationships, and the associations that are evoked. Accordingly, Meinig describes how a landscape can be seen as nature, a habitat, an artifact, a system, a problem, a design problem, wealth, an i deology, history, a place, and an aesthetic. Meinig's essa y echoes the literature pertaining to value-based preservation and has many of the same implications In evaluating a cultural landscape, Meinig suggests that various perceptions should be solicited. A single perspective provides only one way of looking at the landscape among many, yielding a partia l fragmented view. To obtain a holistic perspective, various perspectives from multiple stakeholder groups should be consulted. This implies the need for a s y stems approach which incorporates interdisciplinary thought and participatory teamwork. Also, because cultural landscapes are socially constructed, they are dynamic and their interpretation and valuation are subject to change over time. Landscapes are temporal; those who perceive them, reinvent their constructs over time in response to external factors, trends, and shifting tastes. Multivalency also implies that conflicts are inevitable. Various stakeholders, such as environmentalists, tourists, and indigenous people, will ascribe values to a landscape. If these values come into conflict, stakeholders will vie for the same space In evaluating a cultural landscape, one must be aware of and willing to negotiate such contestation. Furthermore, different vested interests are represented in a landscape and are therefore subject to hegemonial influences as "experts," or other groups, may assert influence over an evaluation Disenfranchised or underserved groups may, on the other hand, be underrepresented. Swentzella's essay provides a case study of conflicting values, providing an example of conflicting values within the landscape.4 7 While Meinig describes the complexities of values in landscapes, Lewis laments that Americans have difficulties in "reading" the landscape because "Ordinary landscape seems messy and disorganized" and "most Americans are unaccustomed to reading landscape." 4 8 However, he 4 7 Rina Swentzell, "Conflicting Landscape Values: The Santa Clara Pueblo and Day School. In Und erstanding Ordinary Lands capes, ed Paul E. Groth and Todd W. Bressi 5 6 66 ew Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997. 4 8 Pierce K. Lewis, "Axioms for Reading the Landscape: Some Guides to the American Scene." In The Interpretation of Ordinary Landscapes : Geographical Essa ys, eds. D. W. Meinig and]. B. Jackson. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1979, 2. 25

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contends, few academic disciplines teach or encourage tlus skill. Still, he maintains that all human landscape ha s cultural meaning ."49 In response, Lewis offers seven axioms for guiding students and others in interpreting a cultural landscape so Likewise, Groth observes that "Americans are like fish who can't see the water" because the y "do not notice their everyday environments" and "rarely have concepts for pondering, discussing, or evaluating their cultural environments."Sl That is, intangible values are not only ubiquitous but fragile and often difficult to perceive. Yet the y undeniabl y exist and are subject to forces such as globalization, commodification, and prevailing hegemonies. Groth identifies six tenets that give coherence to landscape studies : (1) everyday, ordinary landscapes are important; (2) both rural and urban landscapes, as well as land sca pes of production and consumption, should be studied; (3) contrasts of diversity and uniformity frame debates; ( 4 ) landscape studies call for popular as well as academic writing; ( 5 ) the many choices of theory and method stem from the subject's interdisciplinary nature; and, ( 6 ) visual and spatial data are subject to landscape interpretation. Attempts to understand landscapes b y their symbolic meanings are relatively recent. Daniels and Cosgrove are generally concerned with "the status of landscape as image and sy mbol."SZ The authors explain iconographic study as a means to "conceptualize pictures as encoded texts to be deciphered b y those cognizant of the culture as a whole in which they were produced."S3 Borrowing the idea of iconograph y from art history, Cosgrove attempts to make sense of land s capes from their visual clues. 4 9 Ibid., 1. 50 The seven axioms include: 1.The Axiom of Landscape as Clue to Culture; 2. The Axiom of Cultural Unity and Landscape Equality; 3 The Axiom of Common Things; 4. The Historic Axiom; 5. The Geographic (o r Ecologic ) Axiom; 6. The Axiom of Environmental Control; and 7. The Axiom of Landscape Obscurity. 5I Paul E. Groth and Todd W. Bressi Understanding Ordinary Landscapes (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 199 7), 1 52 Stephen Daniels and Dennis Cosgrove, "Introduction : Iconography and Landscape," in The of Landscape, eds. Stephen Daniels and Dennis Cosgrove, (Cam bridge Studies in Historical Geography, 1988 ), 1. 53 Ibid., 2 26

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Melnick compiled scholarly essays in Preseroing Cultural Landscapes in America. The book addresses a broad range of issues associated with the preservation of landscapes 54 Melnick draws a parallel between "wilderness" and cultural preservation and concludes "there are historical, aesthetic, scientific, and educational reasons for protecting these environments, but cultural landscape preservation can assist us in understanding, appreciating, and valuing an even broader range of landscapes and landscape types ."SS Several major themes emerge from the book. First, each author espouses that landscapes are dynamic" and both "a product and a process."56 The primary challenge is, therefore, to frame, capture, and preserve the essence of the landscape resource while retaining it s dynamism. Landscapes are not only d y namic but also diverse, geographically and topically, as evidenced b y the cases provided in the book: heritage landscapes, urban parks and cemeteries Puerto Rican neighborhoods in ew York City, vernacular landscapes in small towns and rural areas, ethnographic landscapes, and Asian American imprints on the Western landscape. This theme of misplaced or underappreciated landscape values has an historical basis. Values have always been important in shaping the American landscape, but core values are deeply rooted and slowly evolving. Traditionally, Americans have had an economic relationship with the land, but without a long history of making places, the y have had difficulty legitimizing emotional, symbolic, or sacred meanings. Instead Americans tend to seek a "rational" basis for resource allocations. In Wilderness and the American Mind, Nash details the evolving relationship between humans and nature, starting from the European discovery of the ew World and progressing through the contemporary environmental movement.57 Initially, this relationship was adversarial, based on 5 4 Preseroing Cultural Landscape in America, ed. Arnold R. Alanen and Robert Z. Melnick (Baltimore, MD: The John Hopkins University Press, 2000), 250 55 Robert Z. Melnick, ature and Culture in Landscape Preservation, in Preseroing Cultural Landscape in America, 21. 56 Ibid., 16. 57 Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the Ameri can Mind (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press), 2001. 27

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fear and struggle, and has progressed to one which is relativel y complex and interconnected: "Traditional American assumptions about the use of undeveloped country did not include reserving it in national parks for its recreational, aesthetic, and inspirational values 5 8 Intangible values are much more difficult to perceive, never mind much less to articulate. Nash, for example, writes that "arguments in favor of roads are direct and concrete, while those against them are subtle and difficult to express."59 This generally tilts such debates toward an economic argument: "Opponents of dams frequently argued over benefit-cost ratios, discussing kilowatt-hours, acre-feet and the prime rate of interest instead of explaining the values of wild rivers and their canyons."60 Simpson, in his book, Visions of Paradise, examines how the values and behaviors of people transformed the American landscape. 61 By seeing landscapes merely as property, scenery, or in scientific terms, the author argues that limiting perimeters are imposed. He stresses its relation to the human ps y che, to the aesthetic senses, to love of place, to community, and to a full bonding in nature. Instilled with Judea-Christian and European values, American pioneers feared landscape as wilderness. These values manifested themselves in property rights, conquest separatism, utilitarianism, and land ethics. These values dominated land use until the midineteenth century, when Transcendentalists and nature advocates like Henry David Thoreau began to ascribe aesthetic values to nature. Still this was an elitist movement and the underlying values remain entrenched: ... ours is a rational landscape shaped by the values and perceptions of the Enlightenment. Land is known intellectuall y Economic, functional, and practical concerns overwhelm appeals to aesthetics, emotions, and intuition. Science and reason serve as the basis for our actions, not myth, or superstition . . Freedom and opportunity, order and disorder, equality and democracy, 5 8Ibid., 181. 59 Ibid., 204 60 Ibid., 239. 6 John Warfield Simpson, In Visions ojParadis1r. Glimpses of Our Landscape's Le gary (Berkle y and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1999). 28

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permanence and transience, and rationality, each of these characteristics stems from our traditional Judeo Christian, Euro-American landscape values, values that are little changed . Land remains a commodity for our use and benefit, property to be bought and sold. We remain separate from and superior to the land And we continue to see the land mostl y in nonemotional, nonhistone terms. Some values have changed Our moral and practical hostility towards the wilderness has lessened. So has our blindness to action and outcome. We no longer believe in limiteclless abundance and resilienc y Our behavior, however, has yet to full y reflect these changes.62 Like Nash, Simpson concludes that American values are shifting, albeit slowly. Traditional va lues obscure less tangible values that are inherent in the landscape. This difficulty to see the landscape holisticall y stems from our inclination to set ourselves apart, our inability to adopt systematic perceptions Several relevant themes emerge from this review: landscapes are inherentl y layered, subject to a multiplicity of values, and socially constructed However, intangible values are often difficult to "see" and comprehend and functional values tend to dominate. These themes and qualities echo many of the principles inherent in a value-based approach to preservation. However, a value based approach has had relativel y few precedents for assessing culturallandscapes.63 Therefore, thi s question will be readdressed in Section 4.0, once the theoretical framework has been developed. 2.4 T h e Ci vilia n Cons erva tio n C orps The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) was created as part of President Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal and, despite some apparent limitations, is generally recalled fondl y and nos talgicall y b y its alumni and others. However scholarly work on the s ubject is somewhat limited.64 The 6 2 W. J Thomas Mitchell, Landscape and Power (Chicago, IL: U niversity of Chicago Press, 2002). 63 Marta de Ia Torre, Margaret G.H. MacLean, Randall Mason, and David Myers, Hen.tage Values in Site Management: Four Case Studies (Los A ngeles, CA: Getty Conservation Institute, 2005); Randall Mason, "Management for Cultural Landscape Preservation," in Cultural Landscapes: Balancing Nature and Heritage in Preservation Practice, ed. Richard Longstreth (Minneapolis, MN: U niversity of Minnesota Press, 2008). 64 Joseph M. Speakman, "The ew Deal A rrives in Penn's Woods: The Beginnings of the Civilian Co nservation Co rps in Pennsylvania," The Pmn.rylvania Maga!(jne of History and Biography 130 no 2, ( 2006): 213. 29

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academic literature may be somewhat sparse but much of the available literature is characterized by oral histories, first-hand accounts, camp newsletters, and personalletters.65 While such publications tend to be sincere and nostalgic accounts, they often lack academic rigor, are anecdotal, and have a narrow perspective. Furthermore, research in this field is limited by poor records that are dispersed between the government archives, the Forest Service, and the U.S. Army. However, there are some notable exceptions. John A. Salmond's The Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942: A New Deal Case Stucjy provides a comprehensive review.66 Salmond offers a chronological account of the CCC and, forty years later his book remains one of the most important contributions. The study focuses on the CCC's administration, but also portrays every day camp life. Although Salmond does not overlook the segregation of African Americans and other controversial issues, his account retain s a positive and favorable tone Recently, new academic research has emerged. Joseph Speakman's book is a well-researched and documented publication. Speakman provides an historic, economic, and political treatment of the CCC. Although the book is likel y targeted at Pennsy lvanian readers, the author positions the book in a national context, providing a broad perspective and an historical context. Pennsylvania 's program was one of the most successful in the nation, sustained b y a large pool of unemployed youth and coupled with read y conservation work. Pennsylvania enrolled almost 185 ,000 young men in 152 camps, the second most of any state, outside of California. The author, therefore, contends that, "Because Pennsylvania had such a large and successful CCC program, it offers an ideal microcosm in which to study the successes and limitations of the CCC."67 Speakman provides a balanced account. Although the program is fondl y remembered, it was not without flaws: the economics are inconclusive, camps were segregated, and recruitment excluded women. The author addresses these issues tactfull y and unapologeticall y In fact, an entire chapter is devoted to black CCC camps and enrollees. 65 For a complete bibliography, see: Larry N. Sypolt, Civilian Conseroation Corps: A Selective!J Annotated Bibliograpl:y (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2005). 66 John A. Salmond, The Civilian Conseroation Corps 1932-1942: A New Deal Case Stu4J (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1967). 67 Speakman, 3. 30

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Speakman provides a post-mortem on the CCC. While still a proponent, he critically analyzes the program and reveals some of its less admirable aspects. On the other hand, he also highlight s the program's many achievements and some of its more enduring result s, such as its impact on the Youth Corps and other programs as well as America's conservation legacy. In summary, the author concurrentl y provides a national perspective as well as a regional one, but perhaps limits his scope in the process. The term "sustainability" did not appear once in hi s book, although the CCC arguably had an impact on toda y's environmental movement. Nonetheless, despite taking a broad view, he may have missed an opportunity to portray the CCC in an even larger context and overcome some proclivity towards localism Where Speakman arguably fell short, Neil Maher provides a sweeping account of the CCC. In his recent scholarly book, Maher asserts that the CCC transformed the conservation movement.68 Prior to the CCC's inception Progressive Era conservatism had been a narrow and elite-based movement. Maher casts the CCC into a broad and contemporary perspective, arguing that the conservation of natural resources was popularized by exposing and educating enrollees, communities, and the media to its principle s and practices. Many enrollees eventually continued with educations and careers related to their CCC experiences. The author contends that the CCC effectively transformed the conservation movement into a grass-roots environmental movement. Essentially, Maher argues that the CCC provided the "missing link" between Progressive Era conservation and the post-war environmental movement. The popular notion is that, following the Hetch Hetchy controversy, the preservation movement "wandered in the wilderness," only to reemerge at Dinosaur National Monument.69 Contrary to this popular conception, Maher contends that the CCC was at the roots of the environmental movement. The significance of his research is that it positions the historical significance of the CCC in an entirely new context. 68 Neil M. Maher, Nature's New Deal and the Roots of the Ameri can Environmental Moveme nt (New York, Y: Oxford University Press, 2008). 69 Ibid., 5. 31

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Whereas Maher broaden s our under stan din g of the CCC in regard to its impact o n the environmental movement in thi s country in Soldiers of Labor, Kiran Patel provi de s a transnational per s pecti ve. Traditionally, the CCC ha s been s tudied as part o f th e New Deal but this research place s it in a larger context. In the wake of the global economic collapse of the late 1920s and early 1930s more than twelve nations utilized labor serv ic es."70 These countries initiated state sponsored work projects, organized thro u g h militarized camp systems, to overcome the economic turmoil. Patel compare s Nazi Germany's R e ich sar beit s dienst (RAD) with the Civilian Co n serva tion Corps (CCC) to understan d how the U nited States and Germany re sponded to the crisis. In so d o ing Patel analyzes the social identity, the role an d culture of militarism, sym boli s m and underlying political factors. B y comparin g the two movements, Patel demons trate s how the RAD, through perceptions peda gogical value, and "intercultural transfers," not only influenced the CCC but also stood in stark contra st. In ord er to assess the histo rical val ue of Camp ANF1 it is important to provi de an hi s torical perspective. Ce rtainly hi storical v alue i s but one in a s pectrum of v alues but it has traditionally been a predominant v alue for hi storic preservation assessments. These varying r eso urces and others, s uch as Pai ge and Otis, provid e an objective and balanced context for thi s overview. 71 70 Patel d e fine s l abor services as "an organization somewhat s imilar to a public work sc h eme but also including a n explicit educational dim ens ion. See Kiran Klaus Patel, "Learning from the Enemy?" Transatlantica, May 2006, http: / / tr ansatla ntic a .revues. org / document785.html (accessed May 28, 2009). 7 1 Alison T. Otis, William D Honey, Thomas C. Hogg, and Kimberly K. Lakin, The Forest S ervic e and The Civilian Conservation Corps: 1 933-42 ( Corvalis: U.S Dept. of Agric ultur e, Forest Service ).; John C. Pai ge, The Civilian Conservation Corps and The National Parks Service, 19 33-1942. An Administrativ e History. (Was hingt o n D.C.: a tiona! Park Service, U.S. Dept. of th e Interior, 1985 ). 32

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3.0 BACKGROUND AND HISTORY T his chapter provides an historical overview of the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), the Corps' experience in Penns y lvania, and a hi s tory of the s ite The CCC was obviously an important part of the site's hi s tory. However, as with any cultural landscape, its history is layered and the CCC's predominance is not presumed. 3 1 The Ci vi li a n Conservation Corps (CCC) The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) was part of President Franklin D Roosevelt's New Deal. The program employed million s of young men and has had an enduring impact both o n the A merican landscape and the ps yche of an entire ge neration This su bsection examines the program within the relevant economic, political, and social contexts. 3.1.1 History The CCC operated for nine years, between 1933 and 1942 A fter an impressive start and a somewhat uneven history, the program faded into relative obscurity b y th e end of its existence. Still, the Corps left an indelible mark on not only our land s c apes but also the yo ung men who serve d in the program The CCC's hi story i s characterized b y a number of converging trend s and profoundl y hi s torical figures The U.S. sto ck market crash on October 29, 1929, marked the onslaught of the Great Depression. Chronic unemployment and stagnant economic conditi o n s pers isted under Pres ident Herbert Hoover. B y 1933 the stock market had lost nearl y 90 percent of it s value an d the national unemployment rate had increa se d from 3 to 25 p ercent.72 U nemplo yment for workers the age of twenty was nearl y twice as hi g h and this demo g raphic was at risk of becoming a lost generation These economic condition s were compounded b y deflation, depressed manufacturin g and agriculture sectors, and ten s o f thou sands of foreclosed mortgages 72 Because th e government did not r eport reliable employment statistics thi s figure is based on vario us estimates which are ge n e r ally accepted. See S p e akm a n (2006), 15 33

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Not only was the economy depressed but many natural resources had been depleted by extensive industrialization and development. Only 100 million of 800 million acres of virgin timber remained in the continental United States.73 In 1932, the Copeland Report concluded that America was consuming approximately twice as much wood as it was producing and that "the forest resources of this country are being seriously depleted." 74 Other problems, such as soil erosion, were also becoming apparent: more than 300 million acres of arable land-one sixth of the continent-had disappeared.75 The CCC was foreshadowed by small-scale projects and philosophical literature. Some states had experimented with labor camps for individuals on relief, forestry restoration being a common project. As governor of New York, Roosevelt had developed a similar program and others were launched in California and Pennsylvania.76 Comparable programs were also being pioneered in Europe and the Corps' intellectual roots can arguabl y be traced to early twentieth century literature.77 Roosevelt had a long-standing personal interest in conservation. At age twenty-eight, he assumed responsibility for his family's estate in Hyde Park, New York or, as they called the property, "Springwood." Roosevelt managed the property's restoration and it became a life time pursuit: 73 Salmond, http: / / www.nps.gov / history / history / online_books / ccc / salmond / chap1.htm ( accessed 3 / 19 / 2009). N Th e Copeland Report, also known as the ational Plan for American Forestry, was commissioned by the federal government to update the Capper Report of 1920. 75 The Reconnaissance Erosion Suroey of 1935 determined that approximately one-half of the nation's land mass was experiencing moderate to s evere erosion, much more than previousl y thought. See Maher, 60. 7 6 In 1931, Roosevelt established a temporary emergenc y relief administration to hire unemplo y ed workers in various reforestation projects; R. L. Deering, "Camps for the Unemploy ed in the Forests of C alifornia." Journal if Forestry 30, no. 5 ( 1932) : 554 55 7 77 William James, Memories and Studies 290 291. New York, NY, 1912. James was a professor of philosoph y at Harvard University Although a student of James, Roosevelt denied that his teachings had an influence on the development of the CCC. 34

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Roosevelt supervised the planting of a few thousand trees in 1912 and continued an annual planting regimen until his death in 1945, at which time he had overseen the planting of more than a half million trees covering 556 acres of the estate. In 1933 the year the CCC was formed he had 36,000 trees planted at Hyde Park ... In light of this extensive effort, it is not surprising that each year when voting in Hyde Park, Roosevelt listed his occupation as "tree grower."7 8 In 1910, Roosevelt embarked on his political career as a New York senator His first senatorial appointment was chair of the Senate's Forest, Fish, and Game Committee. In this capacity, Roosevelt publicized threats to the state's natural resources and introduced eight separate bills to conserve them. Starting with this experience, the young senator integrated environmental conservation with his political career. By the time he became the Governor of New York in 1929, Roosevelt's conviction to "Progressive Era conservation" was apparent b y his affiliations and political support.79 Roosevelt also believed that the Depression's persistent unemployment was essentially an urban problem that threatened the nation's youth .SO He was deeply involved with the Boy Scouts and this experience cu l tivated his belief that the physical environment was formative to developing youths Roosevelt had became president of the Boy Scout Foundation of Greater New York in 1922, and his cousin, Theodore Roosevelt, was the Boy Scouts' first chief scout citizen s l These converging ideological and cultural factors paved the way for the CCC. During his 1932 presidential campaign, Roosevelt first alluded to a national program that would address these social and environmental problems He proposed "a definite land polic y" to fight "a future of soil erosion and timber famine." B y doing so, Roosevelt claimed that "employment can be given to a million men. That is the kind of public work that is self-7 8 Maher, 20-21. 7 9 Ibid., 28. so Ibid., 29. 8! Ibid., 34. 35

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sustaining . Yes, I have a very definite program for providing employment by that means." 82 Upon accepting the 1932 Democratic nomination for president, Roosevelt promised drastic measures within one hundred days. Included in his "Hundred Days" package was the "Emergency Conservation Work" program, the original and official title for what was popularly called the Civilian Conservation Corps.83 Roosevelt was inaugurated on March 4, 1933. In his address, the new president made only indirect reference to the conservation program, but immediately started taking action. On March 9, the President convened a meeting with the Secretaries of Agriculture, the Interior, and War to discuss and outline his proposal. 84 On March 21, Roosevelt sent a message to the 73rd Congress regarding the "Relief of Unemplo yment" in which he describes his vision of the program: I have proposed to create a civilian conservation corps to be used in simple work, not interfering with normal emp l oyment, and confining itself to forestry, the preservation of soil erosion, flood control and similar projects . The enterprise will ... conserve our precious natural resources and more important will be the moral and spiritual value of such work.SS On March 31, 1933, the Senate passed an amended bill and President Roosevelt signed the legislation into law, less than a month after taking office.86 The program was originall y 8 2 Roosevelt's Nomination A ddress, 1932," in The Public Papers and Addresse s of Franklin D Roosevelt, Vol. 1,192832, (N ew York NY: Random House, 1938 ) 64 7 83 In 193 7 the program s official name was changed to the Civilian Conservation Corps, although press and public had referred to the program by that name from its inception. 8 4 Paige, http:// www nps.gov / history / his tory / online_books / ccc / cccl a.htm ( accessed 3 / 19 / 2009). 85 Franklin D. Roosevelt, "Three Essentials for Unemplo y ment Relief," in the Public Pape r s and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt (New York, NY: Random House, 1938 ) 86 Paige. 36

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authorized for six months b y executive order on A pril 5 and subsequently extended on an ongoing basis.s7 The CCC was designed primaril y as a work relief program for need y youth; however, in tl1e minds of Roosevelt and many CCC administrators, the program also had objectives of reforming the moral health of the nation's youth willie promoting more rational conservation policies The program also promoted economic recovery b y requiring enrollees to send a substantial portion of their $30 monthly earnings back to their families. On April 3, 1933, Roosevelt held a meeting at the White House to establish the CCC's administrative struc ture A complicated organization emerged. Robert Fechner, former Machinist Union Vice Pre sident from Tennessee, was appointed ational Director in an effort to appease organized labor.ss The Departments of Labor, War, Agriculture, and the Interior reported to Fechner's office. Labor was assigned the responsibility of recruiting young men in cooperation with state relief agencies The Army assumed responsibility for conditioning enrollees and managing the work camps, while the Interior and Agriculture departments would supervise the work projects. This organizational structure largel y resulted from the logistical need to quickl y mobilize a large number of men to destinations across the country The structure -Figure 2. Roosevelt s Hand Drawn Sketch of the CCC Administrative Structure would ultimately influence dail y camp life, camp culture, and work projects. This structure was not without flaws and conflicts, which would only later become evident. However, it was a pragmatic response that would facilitate Roosevelt's early goal : 250,000 men in work camps b y midsummer 87 Speakman (2006), 65. 8 8 Speakman, Joseph M. "Into the Woods: The First Year of the Civilian Conservation Co rps, Prologue 38, no. 3 (2006) 37

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On April 5, decisions from that organizational meeting were embodied in Executive Order No. 6101 and the CCC began its official existence. Plans were quickl y developed to enroll the first 25,000 men and, two days later, Henry Rich of Alexandria, Virginia was inducted as its first "enrollee."89 On April 10, the first fifty camps and their locations were approved and announced.90 Initially, applicants were required to be male, unmarried, able-bodied, between eighteen and twenty-five years old, U.S. citizens, and from a family on relief. 9 1 Remuneration was set at $30 per month, of which between $22 and $25 was sent home to their dependent families Each volunteer enrolled for six months, with an option to re-enroll for a maximum service of one year. After being approved by a local relief board, recruits reported to Army collecting stations for a series of inoculation shots, a physical exam, and, if passed, a swearing in Prior to being deplo ye d, enrollees spent several weeks in "conditioning camps" at designated Army bases before being transported to their designated work camps. 8 9 Paige. 90 "Fifty Forest Camps Chosen for Corp, The ew York Times, April 12, 1933., n p 9 1 In 1935, the age restrictions were expanded to seventeen to twenty-eight and, in 1938, the maximum age was set at twenty three 38

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Figure 3. CCC Camps Established During the First Enrollment Period (source: First Report of the Director of the ECW, Record Group 35: CCC Entry 3: Annual, Final Reports, NARA, 27) On April17, 1933, the nation's flrst CCC camp, Camp Roosevelt in Virginia in the George Washington National Forest, was established. A week later, camps were settled in other parts of the country. Despite this impressive start, the goal of deploying 250,000 men was not without serious challenges B y early May, only 52,000 men had been placed in 42 camps.92 Nonetheless, the interventions and heroics of some ke y individuals and organizations ultimatel y helped realize this goal. On July 1, 1933, Colonel Duncan K. Major, the War Department's representative on the CCC Advisory Council, reported that 274,375 men were enrolled in 1 330 camps.93 This was the largest peace time mobilization of government labor in American history and it was achieved despite significant logistical and organizational challenges and through the cooperation of the afflliated governmental branches and agencies. Given its initial success, Roosevelt extended the program for an additional six months and issued an executive order on August 19 1933. The subse quent period from 1933 to 1936 92 Salmond, http: / / www.nps.gov / history / history / online_ books / ccc/ salmond / chap2 htm (accessed 3 /19 / 2009 ) 93 Ibid. 39

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was arguably the "golden years" of the CCC. The program expanded in different ways, morale was high, and enrollment reached peak levels. During this period, a formal educational program was instituted and semi-permanent buildings were also constructed. After the first enrollment period, enrollees lived in canvas tents, many from World War I. Designed for six men, these tents had wooden floors and portable stoves. 9 4 The condition of the tents was suspect and became a concern as winter neared. As a result, Director Fechner received authorization to build more permanent structures. 9 5 The Army and the American Forest Products, Inc., an industry group, began to demonstrate the feasibility of lumber products.96 By November 1933, the Army's proposal was accepted. This innovation created a great demand for local carpenters and other trades, stimulating local economies. Nearly 15,000 buildings were constructed in 1,400 camps during the spring and winter months of 1933-34, putting an estimated forty thousand carpenters to work.97 The illiteracy rate among enrollees had become glaring and, after a trial period, an education program was implemented in 1934. This program offered formal classroom instruction on a variety of subjects. Course offerings were expanded and by the end of this period, more than 1,800 "Education Advisors" had been hired, approximately one for each camp.98 Although the benefits of this program have been disputed and its mission was debated within the agency, education became an integral part of camp life. 94 Speakman ( 2006 ) 43. 9 5 Ibid., 5 7 96 RolfT. Anderson, "Rabideau Civilian Conservation Corps ( CCC) Camp," National Historic Landmark omination, Form PS Form 10-900 (November 15, 2003), 40. 97 Otis et al., www.nps.gov / history / history / online_books / ccc / ccc / chap12.htm ( accessed 3 / 19 / 2009 ) 98 Maher, 89. 40

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Total Number of Camps by Enrollment Period 3500 Ill a. 3000 E 2500 v v v 2000 v 1500 0 .. Cll 1000 .D E ::s 500 z 1\. I I "-._i ...,..../ "' '-I ._ 01933 1942 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 Enr o l m ent Period F i gure 4 Number of Camps, 1933 to 1936 (Source: Maher, 50) The Corps peaked, in terms of enrollment and camp numbers, sometime between late spring 1935 and early 1936 when there were 500,000 men in 2,652 work camps.99 While the program edged toward permanency, it was never quite attained. In fact, the personnel reductions in 1936 were not only an economic measure but also an attempt to create a smaller agency that would be more politically saleable. tOO Initially authorized for only a six month period, the CCC received periodic extensions. However, the looming uncertainty made planning difficult and sometimes led to wasteful decisions. Beginning in 1937, telltale signs of the Corps' destin y started to emerge.101 Most notabl y Roosevelt's efforts to make the CCC a permanent agency were rebuked. Roosevelt had recommended this change in his annual address to Congress, proposing a permanent agency of between 300,000 and 350,000 men. This failure was a political set-back and future attempts to make the CCC permanent were ill-fated 99 Speakman ( 2006 ) 68. tOO Paige, http: / / www.nps.gov / history / history / online_books / ccc / ccclb.htm ( accessed 3 /19/ 2009). tOt Speakman ( 2006), 7 1 41

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During this period, desertion became a troubling issue This problem was demoralizing because the word had emotional overtones and undermined cosdy recruitment and placement efforts. Fechner identified the problem as early as 1936, when a desertion rate of 11.6 percent was revealed. The issue became increasingly disconcerting as desertions rates continued to trend upward. Desertions climbed to over 20 percent over the next several years.I02 Despite the desertions, the program was seemingly healthy. Public support and recruitment remained high. However, the underlying demographics were shifting. Enrollees were younger, reflecting the improved economy and an increased opportunity cost of enrolling.I03 These younger enrollees were more impulsive and less responsible, contributing to the upward desertion trends. On June 28, 1937, Congress passed new legislation that formally established the Civilian Conservation Corps. The bill, however, differed from the proposal in several significant ways, most notably that the Corps was not made into a permanent agency. On the other hand, a provision was inserted that reserved ten hours per week for general education or vocational training .104 In retrospect, the end was inevitable. Congress granted the Corps a three-year extension but the program was subject to annual budgetary authorizations. 102 Ibid., 126. 103 Ibid., 86. 104 Ibid., 126. 42

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3500 "' a. 3000 E 1'1 2500 v v v 2000 v 1500 0 ,_ 01 1000 ..0 E 500 z 01933 1 Tota l Number o f Camps by Enr ollment Period 2 3 4 5 1942 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 Enrollm ent P eriod Figure 5. Number of Camps, 1937 to 1938 ( Source : Maher, 5 0 ) In 1939 the agency still enjoyed high enrollments and had matured administratively The program also enjoyed strong public support. In a Gallup Poll from that y ear, 11 percent of the respondents identified the CCC as "the greatest accomplishment" of the entire New Deal.105 Enrollment remained high, with approximately four applicants for every opening.1 0 6 The agency, however, lost its independence when, in the spring of 1939, it became part of a new Federal Security Agency This change made the Corps more politically vulnerable. Director Robert Fechner died of heart failure on New Year's Day, December 31, 1939 Fechner had played an essential role with the CCC and was instrumental in its formative years b y facilitating the cooperating agencies Fechner was effective at promoting public relations and avoided any serious scandals While his attempts to centralize the organization cau sed some internal strife and he was frequently criticized for deferring to the Army, his death was a loss.1 07 l o s Ibid., 1. 106 Ibid., 83. 107 Ibid 79. 43

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James J. McEntee, Fechner's successor and understudy, faced additional struggles that had not become apparent under the previous administrator. Desertions continued to rise and recruitment was challenging. By late summer 1941, the Corps was in obvious trouble. Furthermore, war seemed imminent and the economy had improved, leaving the CCC's relevancy in question. The program was ultimately overcome by its own flawed structure. Created as an emergency organization, many features were not well conceived and, with the military's involvement, the CCC eventually assumed a paramilitary flavor. From its beginning, the agency had strugg led to maintain its civilian identity. As early as December 1938, a Gallup poll found that 75 percent of the public supported military training in CCC camps. lOS Roosevelt and Fechner had initially opposed any such changes. After the fall of France in 1940, Congress passed a resolution that would provide training in the event of war. While weapons training was never offered, instruction was provided for radio operations, demolition, and first-aid.1 09 By 1941, even Roosevelt justified the CCC on grounds of domestic defense and, in the last six months, military drills were introduced. The end of the CCC era was rather poignant. In the last six months, the number of enrollees and camps dramatically declined, from 190,000 to 60,000 men and from 1,235 to 350 camps. n o In the end, the CCC was a victim of annual budgetary authorizations with Congress failing to appropriate funds for the program. Overshadowed by World War II, the CCC simply faded from existence and officially ended its operations on June 30, 1942. 108 Ibid., 154. 109Ibid., 87. 110Ibid 15. 44

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3500 ... Q. 3000 E II 2500 v v v 2000 v .... 1500 0 Cll 1000 .a E 500 z 01 933 1 Total Number of Camps by Enrollment Period 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 Enrollment P eriod Figure 6. Number of Camps, 1939 to 1942 ( Source: M a h er, 50) It is difficult to perform a post-mortem of the Corps. Many accounts are clouded b y nostalgia, and scholarly research is impeded by a lack of financial data and poor historical records. It is debatable whether the CCC could be justified solely on economic terms. However, its impacts on the country's environment, human capital, and future movements are difficult to d eny The Corps had recruited and employed more than three million young men during its nine year existence .111 Two billion trees were p l anted, accounting for more than half of the public and private reforestation in the nation's history The Corps also cleared 125,000 miles of trails and "conservative estimates indicate that Corps work projects across the nation altered more than 118 million acres, an area approximately three times the size of Connecticut."112 The CCC provided a model for the Job Corps, VISTA, and AmeriCorps, and also influenced the country's conservation movement and labor politics.113 Finally, the Corps prepared many enrollees for World War II and helped the country to quickly 111 Determining the total nwnber of enrollees or tota l nwnber of camps has been difficult because statistics were maintained using six-month census rather than on a cwnulative basis. Therefore estimates vary, depending on the source, from 2 5 to 3.0 million enrollees and from 4 500 to 5,000 camps. 112 Maher, 44 113 Jonathan Alter, The Defining Moment ew York, Y: Simon and Schuster, 2007), 299.; Maher, 76. 45

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mobilize forces for the war effort. As many as 90 percent of the enrollees eventually fought in World War II.114 Finally, the Corps provided a transformative experience: "In camp newsletters, essays reprinted in national magazines, and letters mailed home to family and friends, the more than 3 million young men who joined the CCC during the Great Depression went out of their way to describe the transformative character of their outdoor work."115 3.1.2 CCC Work Project s The CCC reshaped the American landscape through a variety of projects. Typical projects included reforestation; construction of dams, diversions, roads, trails, buildings, and bridges; and control of erosion, forest fires, and ecological disease. During the first eighteen months, the Corps quickly became associated with the national forests, earning the moniker, "The Tree Army However the variety of projects increased over time. This trend can be attributed to shifting priorities, geo-political decisions, and responses to emerging environmental and social conditions. For the ft.rst year and a half, the CCC assigned the great majority of its project to the Forest Service .116 The type of forestry projects varied and expanded over time but essentially comprised "improvement" and "protection" work. Improvements involved restoration and related activities, as well as the development of the existing stock. Protection, on the other hand, involved safeguarding timber resources from further destructive forces. The early focus had been on reforestation. It was not until the 1934 Dust Bowl and the release of national soil survey ft.ndings that these priorities shifted. The CCC responded b y 114 Ibid., 213. 115 Ibid., 77. 116 Ibid., 5152. 46

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greatly expanding its soil conservation work. B y 1935, there were 544 designated soil erosion camps, approximately 20 percent of the total number of camps. During the mid-1930s, the Corps began expanding their projects beyond conservation to include construction of outdoor recreational amenities.117 Prior to the summer of 1935, these types of projects had been limited, largely constrained by the National Park's mission and culture. Many Park Service administrators felt that such structures obscured park scenery. However, starting in 1935, Americans rushed to the outdoors, forcing Roosevelt and the CCC administrators to reconsider their policies. Whereas less than 3.5 million people visited national parks in 1933 b y 1938 visitation had increased to 16 million.118 In June 1935, the Corps responded to this trend by announcing that the National Parks Service would oversee 120,000 enrollees for recreational work.119 This eventually resulted in new and better recreational facilities, including hiking trails, campgrounds motor roads and other tourist amenities. In addition to these core activities, the CCC was employed in wildlife conservation and provided relief work for natural disasters. Some units were involved in establishing wildlife refuges and conducting wildlife surveys In addition to regularl y fighting forest fires, the CCC was also mobilized in response to natural disasters.1 20 In summary, what began as work in state and national forests during the early 1930s, shifted to the country's farms in the middle of the decade and to the national parks during the latter years. These shifts were reflected in the types of projects that were undertaken and ultimatel y in the landscape itself. I 17 Ibid., 8. 118 Ibid., 78. 119 Ibid., 70. 120 Patel, 370. 47

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3.1.3 Camp Architecture, Administration, and Life Camps were typically locat e d in rustic and isolated settings Each camp had approximately 200 enrollees and an adm.inistrative staff of three officers, who were commissioned officer s or reservists. The camp's Commanding Officer was responsible for the enro llee s while they were in the camp. Commanding officers usually held the rank of captain or first lieutenant in the army, navy, marine corps, or the reserves. On the other hand, the Camp Superintendent was in charge of work projects and had supervisory authority over the men when the y left camp to work in the field. The Supervisor had several foremen reporting to him and together the y comprised th e "technical personnel" staff. RBPONSIBIUTlES WITHIN AN NPS CAMP, 1933 Patk Superintendent I camp superintendent I foresten II II =:II historical II natural science I ane/200men tochnidaM t echnklans (changed In 1934 to project superintendent1 skllled wotkeB one foreman/40-SO men !machine opedscapin9 tractor and pump blister rust control checker mhanics) mlscellanoos Figure 7 Organizational Structure within a National Park Service (NPS) Camp12 1 Army doctors and chap l ains generally rotated between regional camps. Some camps had a resident Army surgeon or an Army chaplain but those were uncommon. However 1 2 1 Paige, http:/ / www.nps.gov / hi story / history / onlin e_books / ccc / images / ccccl.jpg (accessed 3 /19/ 2009). 48

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between the Army's full-and part-time itinerant chaplains and community based clergymen, the men usually had ample opportunity to attend service at camp or in nearby towns Recruits were diverse, providing opportunities for interaction between enrollees with varying backgrounds Still camps were racially segregated, women were not permitted to enroll, and discriminatory recruitment practices existed.122 Camp designs were relativel y standard, but over time incorporated man y subtle variations, reflecting responses to regional conditions and shifts in policies Still, their designs are relativel y standard reflecting the Army's involvement and the agency's hurried beginnings.l23 A typical camp is depicted in Figure 8. 122 Firs t Lady E leanor Roosevelt initiated a program to employ women, nicknamed "S he She She Camps." The camps employed over 8,000 women in ninety camps but the work did not involve conservation and was not officially part of the CCC. The Eleanor Roosevelt Papers. "She-She-She Camps Teaching Eleanor Roosevelt, ed. b y Allida Black, June Hopkins, et. a!. (Hyde Park, New York: Eleanor Roosevelt ational Historic Site, 2003), http:/ / www.nps.gov/archive / elro / glossary / she she-she-camps.htm (accessed June 1, 2009). 123 "A typical CCC camp is described as having 11 buildings including 4 barracks, a mess hall, a recreation hall, an infirmity, officer quarters truck garages, latrines, and shower buildings. The recreation hall, not included in tent camps, was 20 b y 140 feet and contained writing and reading rooms, a library and a lecture hall ."; Otis et a!., http: / / www.nps.gov / history / history / online_books / ccc / ccc / chap12.htm (accesse d 3 /19 / 2009). 49

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Figure 8. Layout of a Typical CCC Camp In 1934 the first portable camp buildings were introduced as a cost-effecti ve measure.124 These portable building had no foundations and were designed to be temporary structures. Although camp administrators preferred the rigid structures, portable buildings became the official standard in 1937.125 The dail y regimen was relati ve l y ordered. The men were awoken at 6:00 am and performed calisthenics before leaving for the field work. Weekends were free, unless makeup" work was pending or emergency work was necessary. Three meals were serve d daily. 1 24 Paige, http : / / www.nps.gov / history / hi story / online_books / ccc / ccc3a.htm (accesse d 3 /19 / 2009). 125 Otis et al., www.nps.gov / history / hi story / online _books / ccc / ccc / chap12 htm (accesse d March 19, 2009). 50

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Table 1. Daily Schedule in the CCC126 6 :00A. M 6 : 30 6:45 7 : 00 7 : 45 12:00 4 :00P.M. until5:00 5 :00 5:30 Mter 6:00 10:00 Reveille, washing, bed making Morning exercises Breakfast Morning roll call Departure for work Lunch in the field Return from work Free Time Flag parade / roll call Dinner Evening classes in various subjects Lights out Because the men's work day was set at eight hours, camp officers were initially concerned about how to occupy them for the rest of the day. Outdoor recreation, at least in the summer months, was usually a first choice. Baseball, basketball, boxing, and other individual and team sports were favorite pastimes. Camps generally competed with other regional camps or with community teams. By 1942, for example, 90 percent of all camps had a sports field, in addition to facilities that were provided by neighboring communities.127 1 2 6 Patel, 268. 127 Ibid., 272 51

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Figure 9. Camp Baseball Team, ANF-13 (Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed.) In addition to recreational opportunities, formal educational programs were introduced. Initially, course offerings were rather modest and in response to high illiteracy rates rather d1an the result of a well-defined pedagogical mission This reflects a period of uncertainty an d debate regarding the role of classroom education an d the Corps' expedient beginnings After the first y ear, however, a formal camp education program received a more serious hearing and the President authorized such a program in December 1933. Formal education involved a system of voluntary night classes.128 The program evolved and grew over time: Over the years an amazing variety of subjects ta ught after hours in the CCC camps evo l ved ... Lessons covered almost every conceivable academic topic as well as arts and crafts and highly technical subjects like auto mechanics or metalworking. The courses were as varied as camp personnel felt qualified to offer, and instructors included not just the educational adviser but also the military, technical personnel from the Interior or Agriculture, and even enrollees themselves. By 1938, for example, there were 603 different subjects being taught in carnps.1 29 1 2 8 Maher, 82. 129 Speakman ( 2006 ) 56 52

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There were tensions and differences within the CCC administration regarding the role and va lu e of education Nonetheless, a wide variety of courses was offered and education was an integral part of camp life. 3.1.4 CCC in Penns y lvania Penns y lvania was one of the most successfu l state programs, buoyed b y a large pool of unemployed youth and plenty of availab l e conservation work. In the end, Pennsy l vania enrolled 18 4,916 young men in 152 CCC camps .1 30 As was the case nationally, significant historical figures converged with economic, political, and environmental conditions. Gifford Pinchot, one of the most important conservationi sts of the early twentieth century, was one such pivotal figure Pinchot was America's first trained forester first chief of the U.S. Forest Service, and, at the time of the Depression Governor of Pennsylvania. His influence on the conservation movement cannot be understated. 130Jbid., 93, 212. 53

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. . -"'... ,. .. ,. .. (.,,.,.,.., I, ... . .. . ..,,.. "::I ..... .. .."ffll# . 11 ..... lo ....... t. ... ,.....v......,...t...., Figure 10. Distribution of CCC Camps in Pennsylvania, 1933-1942 Source: Pennsylvania, Department of Conservation and Natural Recourses. http:/ /www.dcnr.state.pa.us/index.aspx (accessed March 22, 201 0). Pinchot became Governor in 1921 and two early initiatives played significant roles in the success and proliferation of the CCC in Pennsy lvania. In 1923, Pinchot created the Department of Forests an d Waters. Furthermore, Governor Pinchot pre-dated the CCC b y introducing labor camps d esigned to improve environmental condition s in rural areas The Corps' significance in Penns y l va nia can b e traced to not onl y Pinchot's programs and initiatives but also his professional and personal relation s hip with Franklin Roosev elt. Pinchot enlightened and informed R oosevelt about forest ab u ses earlier in their careers.1 3 1 Roosevel t was, in fact, a d evotee of Pinchot's philosoph y of Progres s ive E r a conservatism.1 3 2 R oosevelt and Pinchot we r e a l so per so nall y linked: their friendship exten d ed b ack to Roosevelt's childhood their wives were clo se friends, and Pinchot was an intimate acquainta nc e of Theo dore R oosevelt. 1 3 1 Otis et a L http:/ / www .n ps.gov / hi story / hi s tory / online_books / ccc / ccc / chap2 htm ( accesse d 3 /19/ 2009 ) 132 S peakm an (2006 ) 10. 54

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Pinchot began his second term as governor in 1931. The Depression was deepening and Pennsylvania had been particularl y hard hit. In 1930, Penns y lvania's population was more than nine million, second in the nation behind New York. The state's reliance on heavy industry made it especially susceptib l e to the prevailing economic conditions B y 1932, the economic conditions were so dire that the Community Council of Philadelphia described the "s low starvation and progressive disintegration of family life." As was the case nationally, Penns y lvania's economy mirrored its environmental conditions. Penns y lvania 's forests had been depleted since the arrival of large -s cale commercial lumbering in the 1850 's. These operations largely denuded forests, leaving vast acres of unsightly stumps. B y the turn of the twentieth century, only about one-third of the state's acreage remained: Of what was l eft, fires consumed about 400,000 acres a y ear, and timber was actually being imported into "Penn's Woods." People used language like desert or "The Allegheny Briar Patch" in referring to the millions of acres of once prime timber lands then standing in ugly and ecologically dangerous conditions.l33 B y 1933, Penns y lvania's forests had actually recovered sigrtificantly.134 The most serious problem however was forest fires. Fires were caused accidently b y lightning campers, and arson, but the main culprit was sparks emitting from railway locomotives.135 Given this backdrop, Penns y lvania had two primary ad va ntages for accommodating the influx of CCC projects and recruits, especially relative to other eastern states. Penns y lvania's half-million acre Allegheny National Forest afforded man y opportunities for work projects. This l and was under the direct control of the Forest Service and locating camps in the forest involved relativel y few constraints. In fact, five of the first fifty camp s were located in Penns y lvania, all in national forests. Secondly, Pennsylvania was administratively prepared. The Department of Forests and Water, headed by one of Pinchot's proteges Lewis Staley, was well prepared and proactive in its preparations Staley 133 Ibid., 7. 134 Ibid., 11. 135 Ibid. 55

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identified work projects and sent 54 projects to Fechner's office for approval on April 6 By April23, these projects had been approved.13 6 The first states to receive enrollees were those having existing Army "collection stations." Pennsylvania had collecting stations in Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Harrisburg, Altoona, Johnstown, Williamsport, Allentown, Easton, Pottsville, Reading, Butler, Erie, Greensburg, Uniontown, Wilkes Barre, and Scranton.137 The initial reaction to the new program was enthusiastic: The creation of the CCC created intense curiosity, interest, and excitement throughout Pennsylvania. On April 3, before an y specific plans had been set up in Washington, a crowd of two thousand hopeful young men, dressed in their Sunday best converged on the State Employment Bureau in downtown Philadelphia.138 Pennsylvania enrollees were sent to various army bases in Maryland, Virginia, and Pennsylvania for conditioning and training. Of the national goal to put 250,000 men in camps by mid -s ummer, Pennsylvania was allotted 19,500. By June 2, Director Fletcher had approved 97 camps in Pennsylvania, second only to California. The number of camps peaked in Penns y lvania in September of 1935 at 141. Enrollment and demographic trends mirrored national trends. 1 3 6 Ibid 33. 137 Ibid., 29. 138 Ibid., 26. 56

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Table 2. CCC Camps by Camp Type and Enrollment Period139 Enrollment P erio d CamE F scs A PS s umber of Camps July 1933 7 3 87 97 November 1933 7 6 9 1 104 April1934 7 7 82 96 November 1934 7 8 82 97 April1935 14 9 2 15 99 139 September 1935 14 9 2 15 101 141 November 1935 12 9 2 13 86 122 January 1936 10 9 2 12 75 108 April1936 8 9 2 12 7 5 106 November 1936 7 9 2 12 69 99 April1937 7 9 2 12 60 90 November 1937 4 8 9 36 57 April1938 4 7 6 33 50 Novembe r 1938 3 7 6 33 49 April1939 3 7 6 33 49 November 1939 3 7 6 33 48 April1940 3 7 6 3 2 48 November 1940 3 7 6 33 48 April1941 3 7 6 32 48 November 1941 2 5 6 20 33 January 30, 1942 3 4 9 17 April 30, 1942 4 6 May 31, 1942 3 4 1 F -Forest SCS-Soi l Conservation A -Army NPS-National Parks Service 5-Department of Forest and Waters T h e CCC's work in P ennsy l vania "were in state an d n ational f orests, and the p rinc ipl e work d one in those pl aces invo l ve d reforestation, harvesting of see ds, p l anting of see dlings and promoting of healthy growt h in existing forest stan d s."140 Howeve r othe r cam p s were also invol ve d in recreatio n d eve l opmen t soil co n servatio n work, a nd hi sto ric preservation. CCC Cam p s s p ent co n s id e r a bl e time a nd e n e rgy in comb ating for est fues an d preventative actio ns. Supervise d b y ex p e ri ence d foresters, th e CCC and its o r ganize d fire bri ga des re duc e d th e amou n t of a cr eage lost to fores t fues b y h alf b etween 1 933 an d 1 938.141 139 Ibid., 94. 140 Ibid 1 04. 141 Ibid., 1 05. 57

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3. 2 Si te His tory This section provides an historical overview of the ANF-1 site and its surrounding region. This site history can be divided into four eras : Forestry, Oil & Gas; Civilian Conservation Corps; World War II; and Recreation & Tourism. While the CCC era is most apparent, the ANF site history is layered and deserves full treatment, at least since the arrival of early settlers and speculators. The history prior to this is virtually unknown and therefore the arrival of settlers marks the starting point for this narrative 3.2.1 F o restry, Oil & Ga s Era The first permanent Euro-American settlers from eastern Pennsylvania and New York State began arriving in the Allegheny Plateau after 1795 These early settlers were attracted b y timber and logging and b y 1800 the first saw mill was established, spawning a modest growth in the region.t4 2 The region had effectively been bypassed b y commercial development because the forest was impenetrable, environmental conditions were inhospitable, and conditions were generally not favorable for agriculture. Northwestern Pennsy lvania was covered by a dense forest, a mix of eastern hemlock, American beech, eastern white pine, and other hardwoods. The forests flrst supplied wood to power and maintain the railway and later were u se d to supply construction materials and other forest products. Through the mid1800s, Penns y lvania was the chief supply of timber for a rapidly growing nation. Eastern white pine was the staple of the regional economy until the Civil War. Decades earlier, white pine had been used for ship masts. White pine-straight, long, durable, easily worked, and buoyant-was ideal for logging and building materials. Scores of sawmills operated in the forest and lumber was transported from the forest b y raft, ultimatel y supplying markets from Pittsburgh to New Orleans. These early sawmills were typically small, semi-permanent, and seasonally operated. B y the early 1800's, many of the valleys had been depleted, but the forest's interior remained relatively untouched. 142 In 1800, the white population of neighboring Warren County was 233 and twenty year s late it was still home to only two thousand pioneers. 58

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The white pine era lasted until the middle of the century and gave way to a second wave of forest utilization and oil exploration. Many large forest landowners simply abandoned the land and moved west in search of new forests, leaving delinquent tax rolls. In the late 1850s, tanneries began acquiring these large tracts, sometimes merel y in return for the back taxes. Hemlock bark, or "tanbark," is a rich source of tannin, an essential ingredient in the curing process. The industry was bolstered b y the Civil War and the demand for harness, beltings and other wartime products. Demand was further spurred on b y an influx of immigrants who needed clothing and shoes, and industrialization which required leather machine belts. B y 1890 tanneries controlled almost all of the state's hemlock and became a major industry. Approximately twenty five tanneries operated in the four Allegheny National Forest counties and large complexes employed up to three hundred workers. B y 1930, hemlock, which once stretched across northern Penns y lvania, could only be found in isolated pockets. The year 1885 begat the "railroad logging era."1 4 3 Operators and speculators used new technologies to capitalize on these natural resources, accelerating the rate of forest utilization. Portable steam-powered locomotives enabled operators to build crude, temporary railroads into previousl y inaccessible areas, allowing them to cut large swatches of forest. As supplies of white pines became exhausted, vast forests of hemlock, once considered relativel y inferior, became an attractive and viable commodity. The introduction of round nails also made hemlock lumber feasible as a building material. In addition to these portable operations, large, efficient sawmills were built. Mill towns sprang up around the sawmill, replete with saloons, company stores, and company houses. Between 1889 and 1913, the Central Pennsylvania Lumber Company (CPL) operated one such facility in Loleta, approximately 13 miles from the site. 143 Samuel A. Macdonald, The Ago'!Y of an American Wildemess: Loggers, Environmentalists, and the Struggle for Control of a Forgotten Forest (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2005), 14. 59

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Titusville was a small, but thriving, lumbering town before the world's first commercial well was successfully struck and produced oil in 1859 Following this discovery, the regional economy boomed, immense fortunes were earned, and a new industry was spawned. Nearby Ridgway, for example, claimed to have had more millionaires per capita than anywhere else in the country. Used primarily for lighting and heating, oil induced a demand that quickly led to frantic drilling along Oil Creek. The technology employed by the Drake Well was adopted by others and drilling soon spread away from the banks of Oil Creek to sites along the Allegheny River and in valleys of other tributaries. By the end of the century, thousands of wells had been drilled in the Allegheny National Forest. Production peaked in 1881 and, until the East Texas oil boom of 1901, Pennsylvania continued to produce one half of the world's oil. In addition to tanneries and sawmills, wood chemical plants produced products such as charcoal and wood alcohol for fuel. Between 1890 and 1930, charcoal making became another forest industry. Hardwood distillation plants, fueled by abundant natural gas, extracted methanol, acetic acid, and charcoal from the cordwood. Within this flurry of economic development, the history of the site began to unfold The federal government initially owned the property now known as Duhring and the surrounding areas In return for their service in the army, many unpaid veterans were given warrants of land. Colonel Crabtree was given the warrants for this property and became its fust private owner. The Duhring family from England subsequently purchased the property comprising the ANF-1 site and surrounding lands for logging. Timber was floated on the Spring Creek eastward to the Clarion River. W H. Frost acquired these holdings in the early 1880s, and a sawmill and lumber camp operated on the ANF-1 site .144 Lumber, logs, chemical wood and tanbark were transported to Parrish, about 1.5 miles from Duhring, to Sheffield via a railroad spur that had been built for this purposes. 144 Paul Frederick, "Camp's Owner Recalls Days of CCC Work," n.d. Newspaper article from Forest County Historical Society Archives, n.p. 60

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Oil and gas drilling began in the Duhring area in the 1890's. E .H. Frost started drilling on the site when the timber business dwindled. Pipelines, buildings, oil derricks and pumps were built and remain from this era B y 1915, the Duhring oil field reached peak production at 75 barrels per da y The property was subsequently purchased by the Chesebrough Company, the manufacturer of Vaseline and Chaps tick. Because of its high paraffin content, Pennsylvania crude is considered to be one of the best lubricating oils in the world E.L. Summers, from West Virginia, managed Chesebrough's operations and his decedents have assumed ownership and operations of the property. Summers formed Duhring Development Company and purchased the property from the Chesebrough Company in 1918 The oil boom also spurred secondary industries and growth. For example, the Knox Glass Company, which operated from 1914 to 1982, manufactured glass at Marienville. Glass manufacturing relies on the abundance of natural gas, which produces intense heat quickly. Marienville's population concomitantly peaked in 1900 at 11,000 Duhring grew rapidly during the early nineteen hundreds. The town of Duhring had a clothes pin factory, store, school, and oflarge of dwellings. A sand plant used to crush the sandstone into fme sand for use at surrounding glass plants was also located nearb y Unbridled growth and environmental damage ultimately led to the Weeks Act of 1911. This l egislation allowed the federal government to purchase forestlands from private interests for the purpose of managing and conserving them. The Weeks Act eventually paved the way for the establishment of the Allegheny National Forest. The Allegheny National Forest was established in 1923 b y Presidential Proclamation under authority of the 1911 Weeks Act. After 1923, many natural resources became protected from further abuses and exploitation. However, much of the land remained scarred and prone to threats. 3.2.2 Ci vi lian Conservation Corp s (CCC) Er a B y 1933, much of the central and northern tier of Pennsylvania was decimated by intensive logging activities and industrialization. Seven years earlier, the Bear Creek Fire 61

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had burned over 30,000 acres of forest, leaving the land barren and plagued b y annual forest fires. Camp ANF-1, therefore, was strategicall y l ocated within a geographical triangle formed by the towns of Kane, Ridgway and Marienville. Annual forest fires had threatened Ridgwa y and Marienville as well as a dozen hamlets within that triangle. Officials identified a prospective site for the camp's location at Pebble Dell, about 15 miles north east of Marienville. This site was loc ated near the CPL Railroad, a narrow gage railway that ran between Ridgwa y and Sheffield. The location was deemed attractive for logistical reasons and because its terrain was relatively flat. First CCC Camps in the ANF CampANF-1 Figure 11. Context Maps of Camp ANF 1 and Surrounding Regions In early April, Colonel C.H. Landers, the Chief of Staff of the 99th Division U.S Army and District Commander of CCC camps in Western Penns y lvania, visited the proposed site with hi s junior officers in advance of its occupation.1 45 Landers did not approve this site and directed his staff to find an alternative. The junior officers recommended another location, still parallel to the railwa y line and two miles east, on Spring Creek near Duhring.146 This ultimately became the site of Camp ANF-1. 145 "Pebble Beach is ow Camp Landers," July 21, 1933. ewspaper article from Forest County Historical Society A rchives. 1 46 The Army had experience in establishing camps and this likel y explains the change in venue: ... consultation with the A rmy was necessary before a camp's specific location was approved. The Army had experience of setting up camps with respect to safe water and sewage, ease of transportation, and suitability of terrain. See Speakman (2006), 31. 62

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The preferred site was located on the private property of the Duhring Development Corporation, a company selling natural gas. The Corporation agreed to lease the land to the Forest Service for one dollar per year. Under Captain Moran, the camp was organized and supplies procured in anticipation of the flrst group of enrollees. On April 25, 1933, the fust enrollees, 217 young men recruited from the Pittsburgh area, were transported by special train.147 The men arrived at Byrom town and were transported approximately three miles by school bus to the camp site. These enrollees had received training and conditioning at Fortress Monroe in Monroe, Virginia. A local newspaper report describes the fust arrivals: ''Wearing their work suits of blue denim, and equipped with blanket rolls and duffel, the "forest soldiers" presented a snappy appearance. They plainly showed that their conditioning camp experience, under military discipline, had been very beneficial in preparing them for their new work in the forests. To observe their rugged and healthful appearance, one would scarcely believe that they were but recentl y roaming the streets of our cities jobless, homeless and hungry "148 However, this glowing report may reflect the community's enthusiastic reception as Henry Bier, a Camp ANF-1 alumni, provides an alternative version of the event: Our fust dress uniforms were from the World War I, olive drab, with wrap around leg coverings Some flt, others were way large. Two fellows could almost get into one pair of trousers. Our work uniforms or fatigues were blue denim and they, like our dress uniforms, were sometimes many times too large for the enrollee receiving them. Shoes were in most cases heavy and always too large. Attics [sp] were four buckle and likewise too large. You could take one step ahead and slide back two. Most of all the equipment was surplus from World War I. It was the Army's way of getting rid of their surplus. 149 w "225 Officers and Men at Duhring, April27, 1933. ewspaper article from Forest County Historical Society Archives, n.p 148 Ibid. 149 "Ci vilian Co nservation Corps Celebrates 50th," n d Newspaper article from Forest County Historical Society A rchives, n .p. 63

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Captain Moran almost immediately put the enrollees to work: "Hardly before they had time to pitch the l ast tent at the campsite, enrollees began their work of planting trees on denu d ed and burned over forest land in the vicinity of the camp."ts o Before they were finished that spring, over one million small trees h ad been planted.1 5 1 This camp is credited with planting the first trees, out of the two billion trees that were eventually planted by the CCC. Within its first six months, the camp had been involved in truck trail construction, betterment, and maintenance, as well as timber stand improvement, and campground construction. The provisions and accommodations reflected the expediency with which the agency was created. In these early days, both Figure 12. Marker Commemorating the First Trees Planted by the CCC in the Nation (Source: Courtesy of Robert Ree d.) were meager and modest. Biers describes these provisions in his diary: One of the rations we had for severa l months was canned corn beef from World War I. It was canned in Argentina in 1917. It was good and came in cans, approximate l y 10 to 12 lbs. to the can. The outside of the cans were gold tint. Before leaving Fort Munro, each enrollee was given a five day ration kit consisting of beans, bread, hardtack, coffee, corn beef and fruit. I 52 For the first six months, enrollees lived in "bell tents" without electricity. In 1933, ANF-1 's first building, the mess hall, was constructed By winter, two barracks had been constructed and within a year another three barracks and a garage had also been built. The 150 Third Anniversary of the Civilian Conservation Corps, April 30, 1936, ewspaper article from Forest County Historical Society Archives, n.p. 1 5 1 Ibid 1 5 2 Civilian Conservation Corps Celebrates 50th, n.d Newspaper article from Forest County Historical Society Archives, n p 64

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number of men in the camp varied through the years but there were generally 200 men, living in five b arracks Figure 13. Camp ANF-1, 1933 (Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed. ) Camp ANF-1 was one of the longest running camps. The camp was officially disbanded on March 6, 194 2 .153 153 S hippin g Ticket, S ubj ect Disbandment of CCC Camp ( dated Marc h 6, 1942). 65

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D D Figure 14. Camp ANF-1, Site Plan (source: University of Colorado architectural studio, student drawing, 2008) Camp life centered on work, education, an d recreation. The camp reports were consistently p ositive, and frequently exem pl ary, over the camp's nine year history. There we r e no signs of tension between the For est Service an d the Army, a common sou rc e of disharmony at CCC camps, and desertions were below average. Over its lifetime, the camp matured administratively and amenities accumulated, making the experience more comfortable and rewarding. Figure 15. Camp Officers, ANF-1, 1934 (Source: Courtesv of Robert Reed.) 66 The camp 's comma ndin g officer was responsible for the health and welfare of the men. He was military per sonne l and had a support staff of two or three officers. The Third Corps army regulations required at least one officer to reside in the camp. Other officer s could reside o ut side the camp if the y received

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permission, and many lived with their families in nearby Duhring. 154 The Army also provided a part-time doctor, dentist, chaplain, and, later on, a full time educational advisor. Camp ANF-1 was fortunate because, at different times, the camp h ad both a resident doctor an d a resident chaplain Initially, camp s were managed b y commissioned office r s but over time this duty was transitioned to reserve officers and veterans Later in the CCC's existence, the Army rotated its officers every six months in ord er to provide them with a broa d experience Because this provision resulted in high turnover in a key position, it created some tension within the agency. This rotation is apparent at Camp ANF-1 ( see Table 3 ) but an y such tensions were not reported in the camp reports. Table 3. Commanding Officers, 1933-19421 Tenure Commanding Officer 1933 Cpt. Moran 1933 1 '1 Lt. William L. Richardson 1933 111 Lt. T.G. McMullan 1934 Cpt. George M Demorest 1934-35 1 '1 Lt. Malcolm Reed 1936 1 '1 Lt. A.L. Schaidler 1936-37 Cpt. AI bert J. Bi ntri m 1938 1 '1 Lt. Oscar W. Pease3 1938-39 Cpt. Herbert R Watson 1938 1 '1 Lt. William R. Taube 1939-40 Sol L. Kauffman 1940-41 Bert Lindquist, Subaltern 1941-unknown 1 '1 Lt. Charles L. Hill4 1 Compiled from Camp Reports, 1933-42. 1 Relieved of his command as a result of a trial. 3 Pease was demoted to a junior position after it was found that he was "unsuited for thi s type of work." 4 Assumed command as of December, 1941. At an y point in time, approximately 25 enrollees worke d in the mess hall, provi d ed administrative sup p ort, or maintained the camp. Classified as "overhea d b y th e Army, these entrusted enrollees enjo y ed special status within the camp. 1 5 4 Captain Reed, for example, re s ided in Duhring with his family. 67

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Figure 16. ANF1 Mess Hall Staff (Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed.) While enrollees cou ld be dishonorabl y discharged, the commanding officer had little formal authority over the men and vio l ations were handled pragmaticall y Disciplinary action was limited to suspending privileges, assigning extra work, and assessing small fines If dis cipline overreached, morale could be negativel y impacted and mutinies and strikes could ensue. The commandin g officers, therefore, were required to be tactful and posses s effective interpersonal and leadership s kills. m This position was key to the camp's s uccess After its first y ear, Director Fechner sent a letter to Major General McKinley praising 151 Lt. Reed, ANF-1 Commanding Officer at the time.156 In a dditi on, the various camp s in the Allegheny National Forest were commended as model camps : "It is m y firm belief, tss Speakman ( 2006 ) 126 t56 Robert Fec hn er, Letter to General James F. McKinley,J une 27, 1934. 68

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after travelling 50,000 miles during the year, that the above mentioned District could be studied by comparison of what might be expected elsewhere."1 5 7 During its tenure, the camp generally received favorable reviews and commendations. In particular, desertion rates were below national averages and morale was consistently rated highly. Camp ANF-1 's educational needs were initially met by a traveling library and small permanent library. The first camp report provides a profile: Permanent and travelling libraries in camp, full subscription of magazines and newsletters received regularly. Travelling library well patronized and men show much interest in reading. Foresters lecture weekly during the summer. Camp Commander and other Officers have lectured to men frequently on matters for the good of the service. Educational work now in progress in vocational subjects. ISS By April, 1934, John Danton was appointed Educational Adviser at Camp ANF-1. Danton initially divided his time between Camp ANF-1 and Camp ANF-6. The first classes included Military and Social Etiquette; H y giene; Civics and Community Living, Arithmetic, Short hand; Typewriting; Electricity; Dramatics; Calculus & Trigonometry; and First Aid.159 157 Charles H Kenlan, Letter to Robert Fechner, June 23, 1934. 1 58 Camp Report, October 6, 1933. 159 Camp Report, June 21, 1934 69

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Figure 17. John Danton, Camp Educational Advisor (Source: Sprin g M urmurs, May 1939, volume 3 Number 10, 11.) Danto n served ANF-6 until March 12, 1935 and continued with the ANF-1 until at least March 1941.160 This tenure is notable because friction between educators and the military caused more than one half of the education advisors to leave after only one year.1 6 1 Danton, who lived in Oakmont, Penns y lvania, was one of the longest serv ing administrators at the camp and a camp commanding officer once praised him: Mr. Danton is an ambitious educational adviser; a help to the company morale. Because of his closeness to the men ... and his willingness to pass on ... helpful data to his commanding officer. Affecting discipline, welfare and ... morale.162 160 The exact ending date is not known. The last available newsletter was December, 1941 and Mr. Danton was still listed as the E ducation A dvisor However, the final Camp Report from December, 1941 was provided b y Millard T. Weber. 161 Patel 282 1 6 2 Spring Creek Murmurs, 3 no 10 11 (May 1939). 70

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Classes were optional but well attended: ''Participation in the Education Activities in this Camp is wide spread. Every member actively engages in several activities during his leisure time as well as participating in the various work projects." 163 The most popular courses, other than mandatory safety courses, were Glee Club, Forest Recreation, and various survey courses; the least popular were Arithmetic, English, and History .1 6 4 B y 1941, the course offering had expanded considerably and the camp had a dedicated education building. "Unit Certificates" were issued to enrollees attending classes regularly. To qualify the y must have a designated number of hours. These are tokens that could be presented as evidence of scholastic attainment and were "highly valued by the recipients."l65 B y 1940, the library housed over 1,000 books. 166 There were books of fiction, travel, exploration, and others. The camp received approximately fifty magazines, as well as daily newspapers from various parts of the state. "This is an active activity on the part of enrollees," reported a camp inspector "The library and reading room join each other with the latter comfortably fixed to make a home like atmosphere, in which magazines and papers are at hand for the enrollees' convenience."167 163 While participation was officially voluntary, enrollees were encouraged to partake and frequently this involved some "gentle pressure. See Patel, 270. 164 "Statistical Report on E ducation, Camp ANF-1, Company 318," December 8, 1937. 165 Educational and Recreational Activities of the 318' h Compa'!)' Camp ANF-1 of the Civilim1 Conseroation Corps for the Fall, Winter, and Spring of1937-1938, 10. 166 Spring Creek Murmurs, March 1940, 4, no. 9, 4. 167 Camp Inspection Report, December 1, 1941, n. p 71

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Figure 18. Camp Library, ANF-1 (Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed.) In addition to the education training provided b y the Education Advisors, camp officers, and su pervisors and technical staff, courses were also offered b y fellow enrollees and teacher s and qualified individuals from the surrounding community As was the case in most camps, recreation was popular and an integral part of ANF-1 's camp life. Camp newsletter s typically dedicated four of ten pages to sports coverage Recreational opportunities existed both indoors and outdoors, but baseball was the obvious favorite. While recreation may have initially been limited, baseball was played at the camp from irs very beginning. A camp report from 1933 notes that ''Baseball is the major athletic activity volley ball and mush ball also constituted minor activity."168 In fact, at least one enrollee from ANF-1 was invited to a professional baseball camp and this apparently was not uncommon.169 168 Camp Report, Emerge nc y Conservatio n Work Ca mps, October 6, 1933. 169 Patel 272. 72

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Team s ports were popular outdoor recreational endeavors. The s ite 's flat terrain contributed to the popularity of the se sports Competitions were carried o n within the camp and with other camp s and neighbor athletic associations. A report from 1938 de s cribes the athletic activities at that time and how camp amenities had evolved: There is always so methin g to do for the athletically minded. On the Camp grounds are to be found an adequate base ball diamond (a new one i s under construction ) two volley ball courts, two horse shoe pitching court s, an out-door basket ball court, high jump pits, broad jump pits climbing pole s, and field s for soccer foot-ball and touch foot-ball. In winter the neighboring hill -s ide s are ideal for coastin g, s lei g hing, and tobogganing [sp]. A small lake on the Camp grounds i s ideal for skating and ice hocke y The firemen's hall in Marienville is used for in -door ba s ket-ball The Camp is, indeed proud of the quality and quantity of its athletic products. Every man is encouraged to participate in the sport of hi s choos ing and every man doe s so participate. There are n o wall flower s at Camp ANF-1.170 For indoor recreation, the recreation hall was the center of activities: "Three billiard tables, two ping pong tables, numerous tab les for reading writing and table games s uch as checkers, chess and cards ... it is the c e ntre for all extra-curricular activities of the Camp ... "l 7 1 Figure 19. Camp ANF1 Recreation Hall (Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed. ) 170 Prospectus of Education al and Recreational A ctivities of the 318' h Compatry Camp ANF-1 of the Civilian Conservation Corps, Fall, Spring of193 7 -1938, 12. 1 7 1 Ibid 73

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The canteen or company store, was located in the recreation hall prov iding a place for the men to buy tobacco and s mall articles for personal and recreational u s e The rec hall was also equipped with a barber shop and the postal exchange. In addition the rec hall featured a stone chimney and "contains a splendidl y equipped s tage for dramatic productions and choral work." Before a dedicated education building was built, the rec hall contained the library, the Educational Advisor' s office, and the museum. The camp was equipped with movie projectors for showing educational and entertainment movies and weekl y motion pictures were s hown. .SUP POR T I1ii CAN "HEN Figure 20 Recreation Hall Canteen Sketch (Spring Creek Murmurs, June 1940, Vol. 4 No. 12) Meal s were an important part of camp life The CCC espoused the virtues of the meals heraldin g an image of rebuilding young bodies and weight gain, to promote the program's 74

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success.1n Furthermore, food was also a strong determinant of morale and the quality of camp life .173 Meals were served three times per day, with lunch provided in the fields. The menu was supervised and varied. Food was p l entiful and filling at Camp ANF-1. Table 4 Menu for September 24, 1933, Camp ANF-1174 Bre akfas t Dinner Supper Cantaloupe Milk Cornflakes French toast SirupButter Coffee Chicken pot pie Mashed potatoes Green peas Celery Bread-Butter Layer cake lee cream Coffee Boiled frankfurters Boiled cabbage Baked potatoes Stewed kidnry beans Beets Bread-Butter Apple cobbler Tea The men at ANF-1 were involved with a variety of work projects, including planting trees, constructing roads and other infrastructure, forest fire fighting and prevention and recreational construction and maintenance projects. The type of work evolved over time as it had nationally. 172 Patel, 271. 173 Patel, 271272 Emergenry Conservation Work, Camp Report, October 6, 1933 Menus for week of September 24, 1933. 75

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Table 5. Project Superintendents, ANF-1 1933-411 Tenure Project Superintendent 1933-unknown Stanton G. Smith unknown-1937 Richard R Haupt 1937-1940 Judson A Anderson 1941 Harry H. Jefferson 1 Compiled from Camp Reports, 1933-42. The Technical Personnel included a staff of six or seven. Each camp had a Project Superintendent who was assisted by eight to ten foremen (see Tabl e 5). The Supervisor was responsible for developing the work project, providing instructions to aid his foremen, and organizing the enrollees into small work groups. Field work was considered to be part of the educational experience in addition to classroom instruction. The project supervisors and foremen were commended for their roles: Camp ANF-1 has always been fortunate in the type of men it has had as project superintendent and foremen. They have, without exception, been men of unusual character and attainments They have always taken a keen interest in their respective work and in the members assigned to work with them. As a result, enrollees have derived great benefits from their contacts with their technical supervisors and from the instruction given them both on the job and the correlated instruction during l eisure time.l75 Dail y work crews were directed b y the foremen assigned to supervise their work. These foremen were classified according to tasks performed, such as insect control, blister rust control, truck trail construction, fire suppression, landscaping, blister rust control checker, and miscellaneous projects. Like many camps in Pennsylvania, Camp ANF-l's work primaril y involved forest restoration projects. The camp was l ocated in a national forest and the Allegheny National 1 7 5 Prospectus of Educational and Recreational Activities of the 318' h Compa'!Y Camp ANF-1 of the Civilian Conseroation Corps, Fall, Winter and Spring of1937-1938, 20. 76

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Forest had endured tremendous environmental damage. The Forest Service personnel oversaw the daily work assignments. The tree planting season began in mid-April and lasted until the end of May. Planting involved nine man crews. Two-men teams planted saplings every five steps. One carried the trees, while the other dug the hole and planted. Each team planted up to 150 trees per day. In addition to the actual planting, forest restoration involved related and underlying activities. Before trees could be planted, seeds needed to be collected, nurtured into seedlings, and transported back to the forests for planting. ANF-1 enrollees collected tree seeds from white ash sugar maple and black cherry trees and sent them to a government nursery in West Virginia Workers would climb trees to pick the seeds and skim them off streams and lakes. Such work was labor intensive but greatly enhanced the capacity of federal and state nurseries. A small green house was built on the camp site in 1938. Enrollees also removed white currant and gooseberry bushes in order to prevent white pine blister rust. In order to battle the diseases plaguing trees, the CCC workers eradiated the host plants. Between 1933 and 1938, the enrollees at ANF-1 treated 800 acres of forestland by hand. Camp ANF-1 enrollees were actively involved in fighting forest fires. Between 1933 and 1938, enrollees reportedly fought and extinguished 24 forest ftres. The camp newsletter routinely reported accounts of forest fires. Camp ANF-1 not only fought forest fires but also undertook preventive measures. The camp strung miles of telephone lines in order to speed communications and cleared strips, called "firebreaks," in order to slow fires from spreading. Eleven miles of new forest roads were also constructed to help the forest officers in protecting the forest from ftre. In addition to various conservation, recreation, and other types of projects, Camp ANF-1 played a key role during the March floods of 1936. From all camps in Western Pennsylvania, Camp ANF-1 was selected by the Signal Corps of the United States Army as a base communication center. In March of 1934, Station WVHD began clearing 77

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messages for all camps in the region. During the flooding the Statio n and its operator, Ernest Hlinsky, pla ye d an instrumental role in handling traffic to and from the stricken area.t76 As the Corps matured, the camp undertook more recreational projects, as was the national trend. Camp ANF-1 aided in the construction of Loleta Dam project at Loleta Forest Camp, south of Marienville. Complet ed in 1936, the site had swimming, picnicking and camping facilities. Once completed, Camp ANF-1 was involved in the life guarding and maintenance at this recreational area as well as at the Twin Lakes recreational area.177 The camp was also involved in other recreational activities s uch as a game counts, stocking the s treams with trout and foot trail co n struction and maintenance Forty two miles of forest road had been either improved or maintained, thereb y providing important connecting links to schoo l s a nd towns for residents of the district. 1 7 6 Civilian Conseroation Corps 19 36 Annual Report. 177 Spring Creek Murmurs, 4 no. 1,June 1939. 78

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Table 6. ANF Completed Work, 1933-38 3.2.3 World W a r II Era The site served as a Prisoner of War camp during World War II for both German and Italian prisoners from Erwin Rommel's Afrika Korps. From 1942 1946, at l east 375,000 POWs were held at more than 500 camps across the country. 17B A number of former CCC camps that had not already had their building materials salvaged for the war or other purposes were converted into POW camps. The first prisoners started arriving at Camp ANF-1 in ovember 1944.179 n s http : / / wnmutv. nmu.edu / media / pow _book72.pdf (accesse d 5 / 10 / 09). 1 79 Ro y Marker Oral Interview; 200 or More Nazi Prisoners A rrive b y Train at Kane," Kane Republican, December 1944, n.p. 79

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An estimated 200 or more Nazi war prisoners, described as a "bewildered bunch of kids" and said to have landed Frida y from a prison ship at an undisclosed eastern port, arrived here at 2:30 a. m Saturday on a special train over the Pennsylvania railroad and were immediately convoyed to a former CCC camp at Duhring about 17 miles south of Kane. 180 Because of the camp's remote location, there were few escape attempts. Guard towers were added and other modifications were made but the CCC camps were well suited to this reuse. Most POWs resigned themselves to a relatively comfortable existence. The POWs worked at constructing roads and cutting pulpwood. "When it was a POW camp, it was operated by the Army said Summers "They erected a barbed wire around the entire area, and machine guns were placed at all four comers. As many as 200 POWs were kept there They mostl y cut pulpwood People from tl1e area had negotiated contracts with the government to hire the POWs to cut pulpwood for them. The crews went out every day. Every one [sp] was accompanied b y guards."181 To ease the transition between the period of civilian labor shortage and tl1e return of U.S. soldiers, some POW camps remained in operation for a year after the war. Eventually, the camps were dismantled around the summer of 1946, and the prisoners were allowed to return home. Worl d War II ended on August 14, 1945 and the last prisoner was released from Camp ANF-1 in the fall of 1946. 3. 2 .4 R e creation & Touri s m E r a After World War II, the camp was decommissioned and ownership of the buildings was transferred to Forest County. The site was used b y different groups for use as a summer retreat, including the 4-H, band camp, football camp, and other summer camps. Forest County Camp Association rented the camp for summer programs, including a Kiwanis tSO "200 or More azi Prisoners Arrive b y Train at Kane Saturday for Duhring, Forest County Camp," n.d. ewspaper article from Forest Connty Historical Society Archives, n.p. 1 8 1 Paul Frederick "Camp's Owner Recalls Day s of CCC Work, n.d. ewspaper article from Forest Connty Historical Society A rchives, n.p. 80

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Kids summer camp. The Montour School Band and the Neville Island Football team also rented the facilities. The Fryburg Boot and Saddle Club starte d an equestrian trail ride at the CCC camp in 1959 Each year the trail ride was in a different place within the Allegheny National Forest. In 1969, the Summers family purchased the facilities. Bill Summers started the Alleghany Trail Ride in 197 4 and the camp has since been used as a base camp for horse trail rides. The remaining barracks were transformed into stab le s in 1977. The rides peaked in 1970's, when more than 300 rides would partake, reportedly the lar gest such trail riders in the country. 81

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4.0 ECONOMI C AND C U LTURAL VALUE owadays people know the price rif everything and the value rif nothing' -Oscar Wilde What is worth preserving? 11us seemingly simple question is challenging and elusive because of limited resources, difficulties with valuation and assessment methodologies, and the wide breadth of preservation objects. Ultimately, though, the question is one of value. Value underlies this question because "value has always been the reason underlying heritage conservation. It is self-evident that no society makes an effort to conserve what it does not value."1 8 2 This may be so, but it is also true that society may not conserve that which has value if it is not apparent. Therefore, appraising our significant cultural assets is instrumental if we wish to sustain them. 4.1 Valu e -B as ed P r e s ervation A "value-based" framework has emerged as an approach for assessing and managing heritage assets.1 8 3 This orientation is a "grassroots" response to a growing awareness that traditional approaches are not adequately addressing societal needs.1 8 4 A number of trends and developments have led to this emergence, dating back to the early twentieth century. In 1903, with the publication of Der moderne D enkmalkult ("The Modern Cult of Monuments''), art historian Alois Riegl developed a framework that included age, historical, use, and newness values. Riegl postulated that "monuments" are deemed significant because we "attribute values to them-an idea that would suffice to set Riegl apart from other l8 2 Marta de Ia Torre and Randall Mason, Assessing the Values of Cultural Heritage (Los Angeles, CA: The Getty Conservation Institute 2002), 3. 183 The literature interchangeabl y employs the terms "value based," "value -led," and "value-centered." For consistency, this thesis will adopt the term "value based ." 184 Mason (2008), 183. 82

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theorists."185 His ideas were profound and exceptional in several respects: Rieg l recognized a multiplicity of values, believed that values are sociall y constructed, and developed a framework that could be applied to a wide range of preservation objects However, "Riegl remained a somewhat isolated exception, as his thinking was probably too advanced for his times."186 While the concept of multiplicity was also apparent in the Athens Charter ( 1931 ) and the Venice Charter ( 1964 ) the values addressed in these charters were largel y tangible. The preservation field remained focused in the physical and material aspects of heritage and within the domain of a handful of "experts," including archeologists, architects and historians, while intangible values were generally overlooked. In the second half of the twentieth century, new legislation broadened what was considered to be significant. After the 1966 Preservation Act, there was a greater sensitivity towards the cultural heritage of minorities and inclusion of a broader arra y of preservation objects. Consequentl y as preservation diversified, so did the specter of values that needed to be considered. The value set has also been expanded b y an influx of nontraditional practitioners Historic preservation has traditionally been a fairly "closeted" practice. 187 These experts approached heritage individuall y and exclusivel y prioritizing scientific values. As a result, assessments were typicall y fragmented because each discipline tends to promote those values inherent in its own worldviews. However, as the field matured and responded to extraneous factors, new disciplines became engaged. For examP.le anthropological concepts such as significance, meanings, language diversity, collective memories, and identities were introduced in addition to traditional aesthetic-historic values. International charters contribute to preservation theory b y consolidating the important questions, doubts, and conflicts while addressing emergent issues. The Burra Charter, first issued in 1979 and reissued in 1990 b y Australia ICOMOS, has been particularly instrumental 185 Muii.ozViiias, 3 7. 186 Ibid 1 8 7 Mason ( 2008 ) 303. 83

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in advancing and codifying value-based preservation. This charter was the f1rst to discuss the place, implicitl y recognizing the so cial value of hi sto ric sites In its preamble the Burra Charter clearl y addresses the question of intangible value: Places of cultural significance enrich people's lives, often providing a deep and inspirational sense of connection to community and landscape to the past and to lived experiences. They are hi s torical records that are important as tangible expression s of Australian identity and experience. Places of cultural significance reflect the diversity of our communities, telling us about who we are and the past that ha s formed us and the Australian landscape. They are irreplaceable and precious. ISS The Burra Charter was influential not only with regards to its progressi ve definitions of significance but al so the deci s ion making processes. The Charter encouraged a participatory and open proces s of consultation and offered it as a model framework, adaptable to many s ituations. Furthermore, the framework can be applied to all types of cultural assets including natural, indigenous, and hi s toric places. Des pite such contribution s, the Burra Charter d oes not include economic values. Economic values were considered to be se condary, arising from inherent historical and aesthetic values; that is, the se values were considered to exist only as a function of heritage values and thought to dilute the focus on core heritage values. However, economic factors are difficult to over lo ok, given the general prev alence of market ideology and, more specifically, the rise of herita ge tourism. The emergence of heritage tourism ha s introduced a broad array of v alue s for con s ideration Economic values were explicitly recognized b y the E nglish Heritage in 1997 and several authors associated with the Getty Conservation Insti tute (GCI) subsequently built on thi s notion.18 9 These various contributors have propose d that economic values s tand alongside of I B B The B urra Charter. The Australia ICOMOS Charter for Places of Cultural Significance. 4th e d Canberra: A u stralia ICOMOS Inc. 1999, http : / / www.icomos org / australia / burra.html (accesse d March 23, 2010). IB9 The E nglish Heritage is the gove rnment agency r espons ible for various aspects of the E ngland's "historic environment." The 199 7 publication Sustaining the Histori c Environmmt accounts for a more complete specter of values; E rica Av rami Randall Maso n and Marta de Ia Torre. Values and Heritage Conservation (Los Angles, CA: The Getty Insti tute, 2000). 84

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broadly categorized "cultural values" in order to create a balanced approach. These inclusions reflect the increased cultural relationship with and interest in economic and market activities. Whereas cultural spheres once operated separately and independently from the market, the y now see k market d y namics as partners. This trend is evidenced b y the proliferation of advocacy studies, promoting the economic rationale for investing in the arts and historic preservation. Finally, both ecological and cultural sustainability is slowly being embraced b y the pre serva tionists. This orientation requires a holistic understanding and appreciation of the underlying values. Sensitivity to current values and how they may be related to and passed on to future generations is fundamental to thi s movement. Together, these factors-intellectual development, social enlightenment, legislative changes, economic ideology, and sustainable orientations-have influenced the development of a value-based framework for assessing and managing heritage assets. This framework incorporates both contemporary and traditional values and, b y adopting a holistic or trans disciplinary perspective, reduces disciplinary biases and hegemonial tendencies. Rather than adopting a traditional ''black box" approach, this multivalent framework consi ders and parses a broad spectrum of values. The approach is not a specific methodology but a general conceptual approach that adopts certain underlying principles and concepts. Muiioz-Viiias explains the relevance and promise of thi s approach: Both functional and value-led conservation are full y contemporary as the y su bstitute the classical notion of truth for those of usefulness and valueboth of which are dependent upon on the subjects who use and evaluate the object in different ways ... value-led conservation is interesting not because it allows for a precise, numerical estimation of values, but because the idea of value is applicable to a wide range of conservation ethical i ss ues.190 Value-based preservation does not involve any one, s ingle method for assessment. Rather, it is a broad approach that adheres to some unifying principles and underlying assumptions. 190 MuiiozViii.as, 1 79. 85

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Key principles include a common theoretical basis regarding values and value formation and an inclusion of a broad range of tangible and intangible values. 4 2 Cultur a l V a lue s There are philosophical differences regarding value source and formation. This gap essentially involves an argument between object-centrists and functionalists.1 9 1 The traditional object-centrist view maintains that values are intrinsic and, therefore, frxed, universal, and outside the sphere of human valuation. As an example, this view may consider a given material to be a witness to history and, therefore, possessing significant value. Value, in this view, emanates from the object itself. This traditional view purports that individual judgments and market prices are irrelevant and, in fact, misleading in determining a heritage asset's real value. Object-centrists would argue that it is impossible to determine the function of a cultural object, because doing so involves human interest and taste and these are prone to subjective judgments. The only real way to establish value, in this view, is by expert appraisal. Functionalism, a more contemporary and expanded view, contends that values are extrinsic. This view maintains that value formation is a social process which takes place outside the object itself and that values are shaped from an interaction between the object and its context. Individuals derive value from experiential factors such as community pride, identity, and memory. These opposing views are arguable and unresolved, but a value-based approach to preservation emphasizes a functional perspective. This view essentially rejects the notion of intrinsic value and assumes that values are socially constructed. Individuals and groups shape their values by practices and experiences and ascribe them to such preservation objects as buildings, movab l e art, or cultural landscapes. Lipe describes this underlying belief: 1 9 1 de Ia Torre, 8. 86

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Value is not inherent in any cultural items or properties received from the past, at least not in the same sense as, say, size or color or hardness Value is learned about or discovered by humans, and thus depends on the particular cultural, intellectual, historical, and psychological frames of references held by the particular individuals or groups involved.192 Given this perspective, cultural values are assumed to be characteristically multivalent, complex, dynamic, and frequently conflicting. These assumptions have implications in regards to how values are assessed, elicited, and managed This view also challenges the traditional role of the expert in the preservation process. Multivalence, or a multiplicity of values, acknowledges a plurality and range of values. Various stakeholders are recognized and flexibility is promoted by including different perspectives, rather than allowing the interests of one group to be imposed upon those of others Thus, this principle also discourages any one value from dominating others and positions the assessment of heritage assets in the domain of diverse stakeholders, rather than in just that of experts. Rather than being fixed and absolute, values are assumed to be dynamic and changing. This trait has ramifications for planners and resource managers. Because values change, resource management is open-ended and any plan should be flexible enough to adapt and values should be monitored over time. By parsing the values, this approach recognizes such complexities but addresses them in way that is lost in the more conventional "black box" approach. Such conflicts are normal and to be expected but also raise ethical questions for the designer and analyst. While conflicts may need to be mediated, they also provide an opportunity for enriching tl1e site by enhancing its diversity and internal tension 192 William D. Lipe, "Value and Meaning in Cultural Resources," in Approaches to the Archeological Heritage, ed. Henry Cleere (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1983): 2. 87

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Finally, this approach represents a s hift from object to subject. Individuals who ascribe a value to heritage assets are referred to as "stakeholders "193 This is a departure from the traditional view which emphasizes the role of the expert. Smith describes the traditional view as typified b y "experts," who see heritage as a "thing" as opposed to the values and meaning s ascribed to it. 1 9 4 This reliance on experts and their privileged positions can obscure the full range of values. Experts, unwittingl y or perhaps not, ma y in sert their values in the proce ss and impose them over those of marginalized or diffused stakeholders. Muiioz-Viiias, while conceding the technical aspects to experts, maintains that the work of experts usuall y affects many other people and these people have the moral right to be heard." 195 Such an approach does not, however, exclude the expert, but only modifie s hi s o r her role. Mason reconciles the relationship between these v iews: The emphasis on values and cultural significance as opposed to the traditional emphasis on fabric is an important though s ubtle shift. This argument does not suggest that fabric and materiality cease to be a main concern for preservation Though concern with fabric remains central to values-centered preservation and all activities and di s courses of the historic preserva tion field values-centered preservation decision s place priority on understanding wl?J the fabric i s va luable and how to keep it that way, and only then moving on to decide how to "arrest decay.t96 In summary, "cultural value" refers to the s hared meaning s derived from cultural affiliations and living to ge ther These v alues express judgments, so mething good or bad about a person, pl ace, or object at a certain point in time Values are ascribed to an object becau se it holds special meaning for peopl e or groups. 1 9 3 Erica Av rami, Randall Mason, and Marta d e la Torre, Values and Heritage Conseroation (Los A n g ele s, CA: The Getty Co nservation Institute, 2000), 9. 1 9 4 Laura jane S mith Uses of Heritage (New York, Y: Routledge, 2006), 12. 195 M uiioz -Viiias, 162. l 96 Randall Maso n "Theoretical and Practical Arguments for Values Centere d Preservation," CRM 3 no. 2 (2006). 88

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4.3 Economic Values Whereas cultural values are ascribed to an object based on meanings and associations, "economic value" is an outcome based on consumer behavior Neoclassical economic theory assumes that humans have sets of hierarchically ordered preferences and the y will maximize their utility, given competitive market conditions and budget constraints. These decisions are expressed in monetary terms and in this sense "val ue is a statement of "worth." In contrast with the formulation of cultural v alues, economics is "value neutral." That is, economic theory assumes that value judgments do not enter directly into individual economic deci sio ns. Preference orderings are a "given" and it is not necessary to consider their composition or origins, whether it be biological, psy chological, or underlying values. Whereas cultural va lu es are d y namic and socially constructed, preferences are relativel y stable. Total economic value includes both "use" and "nonuse" values. Economic u se value is simply the real and potential benefits that individuals attach to the consumption of a good. In a neoclassical economic theory, rational consumers, fully-informed and acting in their own self interests, would determine prices based on their individual preferences. The most important actor is the individual consumer, house hold, firm, industry, or government. The principle of "consumer sovereignty" asserts the autonomy of freely choosing consumers and their ultimate right to determine what is ultimatel y valuab l e and what is not. Economic value arises through proces ses of exchange in perfectly-functioning markets. However, while markets establish prices, price is not always a good indicator of value. There are many reasons w h y the price may overstate or understate value, including the imposition of taxes, quotas, and price controls. More generally, there is a difference between price and willingness to pay because the seller is not able to price discriminate. The difference between market price and willingnes s to pa y in s uch a transaction is "consumer s urplus" and economic value would include thi s surplus up and above the market price. Even when markets fail, a con sumer's willingness-to pay expresses the economic va lue for the goods in que s tion. 89

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For examp le, val u e is defined by the largest amount of money a consumer would willingly pa y for a good. If a consumer is willing to pa y $25,000 for a new car, but the price is only $20,000, the val ue to that consumer is his willingness to pa y (WfP), not the market price. In this case the value wou ld be $25,000 and the consumer surp lu s would be $5,000 ($25,000 $20,000=$5,000). Use values are consumable and tradable through markets and, therefore, are relativel y straightforward to price, quantify and analyze In the case of a heritage site, tourist visitation to the site and paid admission would be an examp l e of an eco n omic u se value. Income Revenue Employment Community Image Environmental Quality *' ...... ,, ... _. ,""' I' :l _,."'= Preserving Option for Future Use lily Identity Existence Historic Legacy Figure 21. Total Economic Value Conceptual Model [Source: lsmaiiSerageldin, Very Special Places: The Architecture and Economics of Intervening in Historic Cities (Washington, DC: The World Bank, 1999), 27.] Though it encompasses commercial value-as expressed through monetary exchange within markets-economic value is not restricted to va lue s that are revealed through markets. The full sc hema of economic value incorporates commercial (o r market) value; use val ues not captured within markets; and nonuse va lu es. This concept is illustrated in Figure 21. 90

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Though some historic preservation activity is priced within the marketplace, heritage assets often embody the qualities of a public good and therefore possess a range of economic values that are relatively less tangible. Nonuse values are not consumable by individuals or traded on markets and can only be estimated indirectly. This concept was flrst introduced by Weisbrod who argued that a consumer, unsure whether he or she would ever visit a national park would still be willing to pa y a sum over and above his or her consumer surplus just for the option for doing so. 197 Krutilla expanded Weisbrod's argument b y introducing "existence" and "bequest" values. Klamer delineates between these underlying economic values: In their valuations citizens will presumably take into account noneconomic values such as the option value ("eve n though I never go, I might want to go one da y"), existence valu e (" I like the idea that the museum is in town even though I never will go myself'), and bequest value ("I'd like the museum to be there for m y children").198 In fact, nonuse value can be a very important part of the total value of an environmental asset, and by extension, of cultural heritage. A World Bank study reports, for example, that nonuse value can be three times that of use value in some cases.199 In summary, the economic sphere has a full range of values. Because preservation assets are frequently public goods, accounting for this full range is pertinent. Quantifiable economic values tend to provide a rhetorical aid discipline the cultural assessment, and reduce the emotional argument frequently associated with saving a preservation object. In the absence of such evidence, preservationists have been forced to resort to an emotional appeal in order to plea their case. zoo 197 B.A. Weisbrod, "Collective Consumption Services of Individualized -Co nsumption Goods," Quarter(y Journal of E conomic s LXA'VIII, (Aug., 1964 ) 1 9 8 Arjo Klamer, "A Pragmatic View on Val ues in Economics," Journal of Economic M ethodology 10, no. 2 (2003). 199 Ismail Serageldin, Very Special Places: Th e Architecture and Economics of Interoening in Historic Cities (Washington, DC: The World Bank, 1999 ), 27. 200 For example, th e emotional appeal by the Women's Society at Mount Vernon 91

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4.4 Value Typologies An effective "typolo gy" is required for a value-based assessment. Values not captured by a given typology fail to be l egitimized and, therefore, risk being ignored. Therefore, a typology should ac count for the full nature and spectrum of values A typology should also be flexible and adaptab l e to a variety of cultural assets, including land sca pe, movable art, and the built environment. While cultural values are s ubj ective and complex and developing a clear framework is challenging, "this is precisely what is needed t o facilitate the assessment and integration of different h eritage values in conservation planning and management."20 1 Tabl e 7 presents alternative typologies that have been proposed b y various scho l ars and organizations. Table 7. Summary of Heritage Value Typologies202 Reigl Lipe Burra Charter Frey English (1902) (1984) (1998) (1997) Heritage (1997) Age Economic Aesthetics Monetary Cultural Historical Aesthetic Historic Option Educational & Commemorative Associative-Scientific Existence Academic Use symbolic Social Bequest Economic Newness Informational Prestige Recreational Educational Aesthetics This thesis, however, a d opts a framework that has gained some favor in the current cultural economi c s literature.2 03 A broad delineation is made between economic and cultural values, representing the two prim ary "meta-categories." Underl ying these meta-values are subcategories. For exam ple social and cultural values would be su bc ategories of "cultural values," while use and non-use values are subcategories of "economic values 20! de la Torre, 9 202 Ibid 203 Throsb y 92

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Throsby explains the fundamental distinction between these two spheres: "the economic impuls e is individualistic, the cultural impuls e is collecti ve."204 A second distinction is that economic values mcry be traded in markets and expressed in monetary units Cultural values, on the other hand, do not have a common unit of measurement and resist quantification. E nom1c alue Figure 22 Value -Based Approa c h Figure 22 illustrates these two spheres of "meta-values." The overlapping area implies that the cultural and economic values may be interrelated. For example, consider a cultural asset with high historic value. The economic value may be a function of cultural values and individual consumers may factor that quality into their demand for the asset and, for example the ticket price for admission. One other hand, this model also demons trates that there are areas of cultural value that are outside the sphere of economic valuation. Whereas economic values are individual-based, cultural values are held collectively. That is, cultural values are those values shared by a group or community and largel y do not enter the sphere of individual valorization .205 Such "values 204 Ibid., 13. 205 Ibid 93

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cannot be realized in private acts of use, but reside in shared public understanding of the meaning and significance of the good."Z06 Finally, this duality suggests a balanced and synthesized approach to valuation. Essentially, this model illustrates two different lenses for looking at the same asset, one economic and the other cultural. Cultural values are socially constructed, reflect shared meanings, generally resist quantification, incorporate value judgments, and encompass local beliefs, associations, and affiliations On the other hand, economic values are expressed in monetary terms and are based on individual preferences. Still both perspectives are needed for a balanced perspective because, "The heritage project is concerned with an item of cultural capital yielding both economic and cultural value Thus an evaluation of net benefit streams in both economic and cultural terms will be required."Z07 Just as height measures complement weight measures in describing an object so do cultural and economic values. Neither measurement by itself adequately describes the object and one without the other would be incomplete. Mason discusses the dynamics and benefits from considering both views: The lens of cultural value multiplies the aspects of a place's value, celebrating them as idiosyncratic, contingent, and "constructed" by the person or group valorising the object. The lens of economic value tends to discipline and reduce the place's complexity.zos Unfortunately, economists often present economic values not as one segment of the total spectrum of values but as a totalizing system that encompass all types of values. This sentiment is most typified in the work of the Chicago School economists, such as Gary Becker, who suggest that everything can be priced. However, there are dissenting and moderate 206 Daniel R. Williams, "Social Construction of Arctic Wilderness: Place Meanings, Value Pluralism, and Globalization," in Wilderness in the Circumpolar North: S e ar c hingfor Compatibility in E cological, Traditional, and Ecotourism Value s ed. AlanE Watson, Lilian Alessa, and Janet Sproull, 2002, 12 7 207 Throsby, 77. 208 Mason (2008 ) 306. 94

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voices. Z09 In addition to complementing the economic values, cultural values provide context for interpreting them. Mason reinforces this sentiment and illustrates economics' limitation in quantifying cultural values and the hazards of focusing undul y on economic measures: B y focusing on price and pricing, however, economists overlook the valuations that occur outside the sphere of exchange Nobody will determine the value of friendship b y trying to establish a monetary equivalent. You rather weigh in values like warmth, openness honesty joyfulness, sincerity, and trustworthiness. Likewise, in the case of the art museum, cultural and social values make an impact even if the y do not allow a comparison in terms of a monetary equivalent. Much deliberation takes place outside the sphere of exchange 2 1 0 The emphasis on community rather than so lel y on production an d consumption expands the sources of value that must be given consideration in economic analysis and polic y Consequentl y Throsby has proposed a typo l ogy of cultural values that sometimes transcend or complement economic values. These cultural values include aesthetic, spiritual, social, historic, symbolic, and authentic values.211 209 For example, see the work of A rjo Klamer 2 1 o Mason ( 2008 ) 208. 211 Throsby 28. 95

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Figure 23 Conceptual Model of Cultural Values Typology These values represent a baseline for a generic cultural good. Cultural goods are multifaceted and range from movable art to cultural landscapes. One of the purported stre ngths of a value based approach is that it is adaptable to different preservation objects and circumstances. 4.5 V a lue s in the Cultural Landsc a pe Hayden defines cultural landscapes as ... that combination of natural landforms and buildings that defines a particular place or region."212 A cultural landscape is a special case of a cultural good and heritage asset. As such, in theory, many of the attributes of value apply to landscapes as they do to any other cultural goods; in reality, there is precedent for adopting a value-based approach to assessing landscapes.213 Still, a landscape needs to be understood within its own context: "In the world of historic preservation, a robust and dynamic landscape cannot be thought of as simply a historic resource or a natural system."214 That is, land scapes have nuances and special qualities-such as d y namism, multi layers, localized values, and natural 2 t 2 Dolores Hayden, "Forwa rd," in Prese111ing Cultural Landscape in America, edited by A rnold R Alanen and Robert Z. Melnick. (Baltimore, MD: The John Hopkins University Press, 2000), ix. 2 1 3 de Ia Torre et al. (2005); Mason (2008). 214 Melnick, 25. 96

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capacity-that distinguish them from other cultural assets. These attributes need to be understood in order to fully appreciate and validate the application of a value-based approach. D.W. Meinig writes about the multiplicity and contingency of values in landscape.2 15 For a given landscape, there are a p l urality of values and multiple stakeholders. Meinig's essay also suggests that very few landscapes have universal value. Rather, landscapes are simultaneously valued in multiple ways, especially by those most closely associated with them. This meaning is continually being reinvented through social interaction and practices. While values are socially constructed, certain values have historically been predominant in the American landscape. Early pioneers "constructed" a pristine landscape, empty of civilization These settlers saw the landscape as alien and threatening and themselves as being fundamentally separate from nature. This "disconnection from the landscape made it easier to alter the landscape with little guilt or self restraint."21 6 Judea-Christian values held that God created people in this image and were essentially separate from other forms of life. Paradise was conceived as a peaceful, pastoral landscape. Early Americans essentially believed that they were ethically free and even empowered to use the land to fulfill God's will. Economic values have traditionally had a strong basis in American landscapes. This foundation has been derived from early pioneers who saw the landscape primarily as a resource, one that was virtually unlimited and potentially valuable. This functional and utilitarian philosophy, coupled with private property rights, shaped the basis for land use practices and relationships. Simpson states, ''No single concept has so shaped the American landscape, nor more distinguishes it from others around the world. Private ownership of land rests at the very core of America."21 7 Z I S Meinig. 2 1 6 Simpson, 24 2 1 7 Ibid., 21. 97

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Slowly the American landscape values have become more complex and nuanced. Only after extensive settlement, could Americans imagine a symbolic value to "preserving," as opposed to "using," the land. In the mid-nineteenth century, John Muir's writings advanced thinking toward an appreciative and benevolent attitude. While his work and his philosoph y was the genesis of the American preservation movement, his was a minority view. In the twentieth century recreational and social value of the landscape of the landscape became appreciated Still, Americans have had difficulty legitimating emotional, symbolic, or sacred meanings in the landscapes. Instead the y tend to seek a "rational" basis for resource allocations. Their "core values"economic, utilitarianism, functionalism-tend to obscure other values, particularl y the more intangible values such as symbolism and sacredness However, landscape values are not only bound b y cultural perspectives, but also b y the nature of the assets themselves. Landscapes are inherentl y complex. One implication is that "land managers and design professionals ... have come to rel y upon narrowl y defined understandings of landscape values."21 8 Thus, landscape evaluations are subject to different disciplinary "experts." Landscapes are also d y namic and this indeed creates "what might seem like an oxymoron to some people; because landscapes are composed of natural elements that grow, mature, erode, move, die, and revive again, how can the y be preserved?"219 Indeed, Birnbaum has suggested that efforts should be directed at preserving those d y namic qualities rather than restoring to how we think the y should have looked at a particular point in time. Landscapes are inherentl y layered. B y interacting with the landscape, various groups "deposit" their values, thereb y shaping the landscape over time. Values are not limited to the physical forms of landscapes, but are also related to contemporary or past practices, and to relationships with and within the landscape. Thus, landscapes represent the cumulative values ascribed into the landscape over time and can represent multiple cultures. 218 Alanen and Melnick, 42. 2 1 9 Ibid., 3. 98

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Present Figure 24. Surface and Embedded Values Stephenson distinguishes between "surface" and "embedded" values.22 0 She observes that those with a relatively short experience of the land scape tended to express its significance in terms of physicality and sensory responses, w herea s those with a longer experience spoke about relationships and understandings of the land scape that arose from it s temporality (e.g historic events, traditions). She developed the terms "surface values" and "embedded values': surface va lu es are the perceptual response to the directl y perceived form s, relationships and practices, while embedded values arise out of an awareness of past forms, practices and relationships. This distinction is valuab le for assessing and inventorying cultural values related to a land scape. In summary, although l andscapes share many of the va lue s of the general case, the difference is a matter of degree and intensity. Americans tend to have difficulty ascribing intangible values, such as historic, social, and spiritual va lue s, towards the landscape "But much of the difficulties for resource management has been that the more tangible meanings and values have been easier to represent in resource assessment and inventories, and in the process the 220 Janet Stephenson, "The Cultural Values Model : An Integrated Approach to Values in Landscapes," Landscape and Urban Planning 84 ( 2008). 99

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more subjective, diverse, and contentious cultural and symbolic meanings have been ignored. "221 4.6 Rol e o f the "Expert A value-based assessment implies a more democratic approach than traditional valuations and redefmes the role of "the expert." Traditionally, preservation has l egitimately depended on a host of experts for a range of opinions, assessments, and analysis. This dependency, however, has also extended into the valuations of cultural assets, evoking some degree of "connoisseurship." A value-based approach, on the other hand, contends that values belong to stakeholders and, therefore, must be elicited rather than discovered. Still the expert's traditional role remains well-entrenched: ... fabric focused, professionall y defined ( rather than community defined) value assessments remain the dominant paradigm of significance Those who have cultural values that are not those of the dominant class, or whose values are based on informally acquired knowledge, will need to hire degree-holders to validate their knowledge. This will tend to reinforce Euro-American cultural systems of validation and significance. 222 In addition to perpetuating values of the dominant class, an expert-led approach has other risks and weaknesses. For example, such an approach may obscure the full range of values: "a continuing emphasis on physical rather than spiritual remains. While folklorists can and do assist in the preservation of the intangible, in the end bureaucracies and their servants, the profe s sionals, will tend for the most part to focus on the material "223 Munoz-Vinas echoes this sentiment as he describes an "experts-onl y zone" in which social values are 221 Williams, 124 222 Lisanne Gibson Cultural Landscape and Identity in Valuing H istoric Environments, ed. Lisanne Gibson and John Pendlebury (England : Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2009). 223 Frits Pannekoek, "The Rise of the Heritage Priesthood or the Decline of Community Based Heritage," National Trust for H istoric Preservation 12, no. 3 ( Spring 1998): 1. 100

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"beyond the expert's realm."224 Furthermore, not only does such a perspective endanger intangible values but it also overlooks local values. Expert-led valuations contribute to a discourse that is not only self-referential but also may marginalize other stakeholder groups in the process. In her book, Smith develops the concept of Authorized Heritage Discourse (AHD).225 Smith claims that b y perpetuating prevailing values and dominating the discourse, "The AHD structures the way meanings and values are recreated, while also validating or legitimizing certain values and meanings and de-legitimizing others."226 Furthermore, social construction theory suggests that the knowledge gained through this discourse manifests itself in power.227 Such power is not necessaril y repressive but may allow dominant groups relative advantages in securing resources and reinforcing their position A value-based approach implies that expert roles be refined but not altogether abandoned. Peter Howard, for example, explains that the expert has valid roles to pla y in invention, authentication, contextualization, and education.228 The reoriented roles, he explains, lie in areas of "matters of opinion": All too often, the expert conducting a landscape survey for planning purposes will make no distinction between matters of fact and matters of opinion. The former might include the date of a building, an attribution to an architect, or the identification of a species, in all of which the local public are likel y to accept expert advice. In matters of opinion, such as the significance of a building or the aesthetics appeal of a view, the public expect to have their say, especially when the y are paying. The over-riding of public opinion in the latter field is not only undemocratic but calls into public question expert authority in matters of fact also.229 224 MuiiozViiias, 161. 225 Smith. 226 Laura jane Smith, Deference and Humility: The Social Values of the Country House," in Valuing Histori c Environments, edited b y Lisanne Gibson and John Pendlebury (Surrey, UK: As hgate Publishing Limited, 2009), 36. 227 Vivien Burr, Social Constructionism (New York, NY: Rouded ge, 2003) 228 Peter Howard, "Historical Landscapes and the Recent Past: Whose History ?," in Valuing Histori c Environments. 229 Ibid., 57. 101

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Traditionally, by default, lapses, or intent, experts have assumed a dominant role in the valuation of cultural assets. While a value-based approach endorses a relatively democratic approach, this does not suggest a radical shift to what Munoz-Vinas refers to as "demagogic conservation," whereby all responsibility is shifted to users and subject to their preferences .230 In the extreme, he suggests that such decisions would result in a "Theme Park effect" and take little account of future users. Although convenient and certainly democratic, Munoz-Vinas suggests a more balanced, "negotiatory" approach. In summary, a value based approach implies a modified role for experts. The alternative is relatively limited and narrow but still represents the status quo. Still contemporary and progressive writers promote this change : So we in the landscape field of heritage need to devise new methods to democratitize the decisions as to which heritage is important ... We have to devise ways of introducing the other agenda-the local, the insider, the amateur, the private, and this will include encouraging insider groups to make decisions for themselves, and safeguard their own heritage.231 4.7 Theory of Cultural Capit a l David Throsby introduced the concept of "cultural capital "232 He defines cultural capital as "an asset which embodies, stores or provides cultural value in addition to whatever economic value it may possess "233 Throsby identifies two types of cultural capital: tangible and intangible. Tangible cultural assets include cultural landscapes, while intangible cultural 230 Muiioz Vinas, 208 209 23 1 Howard, 61. 232 Throsby, 44. This term has also been emplo y ed in a similar but distinct context. The use of the term cultura l capital in economics differs from the concept now widely used in sociology following Bourdieu, where cultural capital refers to an individual's competence in high status culture Bourdieu's usage relates to characteristics of human beings and, as such, is very close to the economic concept of human capital. 233 Throsby, 46 102

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assets include literature, music, language, and mores and beliefs Preservation is usually concerned with tangible cultural assets. This theory holds potential for reconciling and integrating economic and cultural dimensions of heritage assets. Torres explains: "Economists in tum can readil y comprehend that artifacts, artworks, buildings, sites, and so on have the characteri stics of capital assets and that the depreciation, maintenance, restoration and so on of such assets can be analyzed as economic processes. Given that heritage as capital has some characteristics (such as the production of cultural value) that are different from those of other sorts of capital it seems that a notion of "cultural capital" to describe heritage might be able to integrate its principal economic and cultural characteristics.234 Cultural capital theory has much in common with other theories of capital including economic, natural, and human.235 These various forms of capital are exclusive and independent but share many of the same underl y ing principles. In particular, cultural capital shares many of the characteristics of natural capital, notably issues regarding finite resource s, intergenerational and intragenerational equity, and the precautionary principle that irrevocable change demands a high degree of caution. Both promote a long term and sustainable outlook. Capital is a "stock concept." Throsby explains: "Like physical capital, it is created by human activity, lasts for a period of time, can increase through investment of current resources in its manufacture, etc."236 Flows emanate to and from capital stock. In the case of cultural capital, outflows can be both economic and cultural value.237 These flows can include both material and nonmaterial benefits. Such flows are easier to articulate and realize as publicgood benefits accruing to the collective. 234 de Ia Torre, 101. 235 There are no consensus regarding the various forms of capital but these categories are commonly cited in the literature. Different terminology is also encountered but this paper will adopt that which has been employed b y Throsby (200 1). 236 Throsby, 46. 237 Ibid., 47. 103

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However, in order to sustain these outflows and the value of the heritage asset ongoing reinvestment and maintenance, an inflow conc ept, is required: "the capital stock may decay over time and may require the expenditures of resources for maintenance."238 Throsby explains: "As individuals or as a society, we can allow cultural capital to deteriorate over time, we can maintain it, or we can augment it, in short we can manage it in a way that suits our individual or collective purpose."239 Within this framework, the role of preservationists and heritage is crystallized: while historic heritage serves certain, well defined socia l purposes, preservation performs the essential social function of sustaining heritage. As noted above, these valuation techniques have been developed in environmental economics. The reason why the y are readily applicable to heritage derives from the close parallels between the concepts of natural capital and cultural capital The former comprises natural resources, natural ecos y stems and biodiversity, whilst cultural capital in the economic sense is made up of cultural assets (both tangible and intangible ) cultural "ecosystems" or networks, and cultural diversity. The parallel extends further into the arena of sustainable resource management: the well-known paradigm of ecologically sustainable development has an obvious counterpart in the emerging concept of culturall y sustainable development. In summary, this perspective has implications for the valuation and assessment of historical assets. Throsby observes that "Alread y heritage projects are beginning to be evaluated as investment proposals amenable to the sorts of appraisal procedures applied elsewhere in the economy ."240 However, the application of such concepts is constrained b y apparent measurement issues Still, man y of the concepts parallel that of a financial asset: "An interesting twist offered on the cultural capital notion was viewing heritage as an asset that appreciates over time, requires investment, incurs risk and so on."241 As with cultural assets, 238 d e Ia Torre, 105. 239 Throsby, 53 240 Ibid. 241 E conomics and H eritage Conservation, in A Meeting Organize d I?J the G etty Conservation Inst i t ute (Los Angeles, CA: The Getty Conservation Institute, 1998 ) 12 104

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financial assets have intangible aspects and the accounting profession has developed standards to address them. For example, deprecation is an intangib l e cost, rather than an expense, recognizing that a financial asset will be depleted over time. Without this accounting treatment, financial reporting would be misstated and managerial decisions would be uninformed or misinformed. 105

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5.0 M ETHODOLOGY 5 1 Alt ernative M e thod s C ultural assessments and economic valuations do not utilize a uni versa l encompassing tool; rather, there i s a diverse set of methods and tools from which to choose.242 The analyst or researcher s hould therefore, understand the alternatives and se lect tools that best serve the given re searc h problem and under lying objectives. Economic tools ha ve been used to analyze a wide variety of assets and phenomenon. For example, the contingency valuation method (CVM) is frequently used to value environmental assets and ma y have potential for greater use b y preserva tionists. Cultural assets s hare many characteri stics with their environmental counterparts but economic analysis of cultural assets is relativel y less common. Many cultural assets s hare characteri s tic s of public goods and, likewise their val ue i s not easily determined b y the market. However, any such assessments require adequate information or the se assets are s u sce ptible to degradation and deterioration. Mason explains the role for such tools in valuing cultural assets: ... economic va lues must be taken se riousl y if conservation work and deci s ion s are to be seen as credible b y larger soc iety. We cannot act on belief and faith in the importance of cultural heritage to social well-being on the ba sis of unquantifiabl e cultural values alone ... \Y/e also need to make rigorous, tran sparent decisions that consider the ma'!Y u ses society make s of herita ge, including economic and bu siness uses.243 Table 8 s ummariz es and compare s alternative economic methods that may b e relevant for valuing or assessing a cultural asset. Such tool s include both "market data analyses (economic impact studies, regre ssio n analyses, ba s ic co st studies) and "non market" ba se d val uations 2 4 2 de l a Torre. 243 Maso n (2008), 309 106

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(contingent val u ation method, choice modeling). Each alternative typically expresses value quantitatively in financial terms. Economics is fundamentally concerned with the allocation of scarce resources. Preservation activities, for examp le, involve s uch resources as finances, materials, and labor. But such allocation requires efficient markets and access to relevant information. In absence of such conditions, resources may be misallocated an d unfortunate or suboptimal decisions may ensue.244 Table 8. Alternative Economic Valuation Methodologies Meth od Descr i ption Pros Cons analyze and justify provides a single "bottom line" does not capture nonuse values policy programs and monetary figure prone to methodological bias decisions findings are easy to does not consider opportunity advocacy groups to communicate and use in public costs Economic Impact promote their funding advocacy no standards; disclosure and Studies objectives may provide useful information transparency issues about the impacts of demand based on gross assumptions and supply on the regional economies reliance on relatively higher useful as a rhetorical aid absolutely higher numbers widely used in measures nonuse values conceptually more complex Contingent ecological economic provide a single, economic sensitive to the valuation Valuation valuations measurement of the good in context Methods limited use for cultural question "free-rider" problem (Willingness To economics analyses flexible design: can be Pay, Willingness can be costly To Accept) "narrative, visual, scenario "democratic" approach based" Regression used for forecasting and ability to establish casual dependent upon data predictive uses relationships availability Analysis effects on property ability to develop economic (Hedonic, Travel-value, etc model s Cost) statistically based Basic Cost Studies primarily for business straightforward calculations unconcerned with nonuse (Pro Formas, uses considers alternatives values Fiscal impact not comprehensive Study) 244 de la Torre, 101. 107

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Whereas economists have developed a number of tools that could be used to value heritage assets, cultural disciplines have been "challenged to elaborate on existing tools and devise additional tools to evaluate noneconomic, cultural values 24 5 Cultural values resist measurement, much less share a common unit of measurement _or unified methodology This limitation makes inter-disciplinary comparisons difficult: "The units and ya rdsticks used by art historians, sociologists, and economists, for instance, are not readily comparable or translatable. "2 46 Consequently, cultural value assessments are generally limited to qualitative analysis. Still, a qualitative assessment provides a basis and can also be illuminating and reveal sentiment in a way that financial or qualitative measures do not express 2 4 5 Randall Mason, "Economics and Heritage Conservation: Concepts, Values and Agendas for Research, in Economics and Heritage Conseroation, A meeting organized fry the Gerry Conseroation Institute, (December, 15, 1998). 2 4 6 de Ia Torre, 9. 108

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Table 9. Alternative Cultural Assessment Methodologi e s Method Description P ros Con s most suited to policy reusable as an education tool not easily summarized and Case Studies analysis rather than communicated economi c valuation subject to anecdotal evidence w ithout a clear framework Cultural employs key indicators quantitative largely u nder development Indicators no generally agreed-upon indicators exist Delphi Method technique for arriving at a establishes consensus between process may be t ime consuming consensus between a panel d iverse stakeholders of divers e interests relies on information participant observation allows not easily summarized and Ethnography I gathering activities such as confirmation of actor behavior communicated Thick interviews, oral histories, "approachable to other Description observation, and recording researchers" of the characteristics of material culture exemplified by the expertise in a variety of few opportunities to compare or Expert "connoisseurship disciplines can lead to a better verify the judgments made Analysis judgments" of art informed assessment relying only on expert judgment h istorians, curators, and may lead to improper allocation of collectors resources, arbitrariness, paternalism, and biases a carefully planned pretesting and development geographical limitations Focus Groups discussion designed to interactive obtai n perceptions on a creates goodwill designed area of interest data plotted on a map or potentially s imple way to display dependent upon primary or Mapping plan i n order to organize complex information secondary data information ability to present multivariate data used extensively by landscape architects Primary basic humanistic provides context and dependent upon availabi l ity of (Archival) methodology of research, understanding primary research Research & interpretation, and writing may provide an effective Writing a narrative account complement to other methods H istorical Narratives The choice of tool s is situatio n a l de p ending on the researc h objectives and prevailing circumstances (see Tabl e 9). T h us, selection requires a preliminary assessment of suc h factors DelaTorre p rescri b es "tool box" approach: 1 09

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... conservation professionals need to understand the values as seen b y that community, which suggest a whole range of methodologies for articulating those values ( ranging from ethnographic studies, to focus groups and interviews, to community involvement and "mapping" processes).24 7 Mason advocates a h y brid approach one that is not only inclusive but also equally balanced in order to avoid economics from "trump[ing] all other values." 24 8 Just as height measures complement weight measures in describing an object so do cultural and economic values. Neither measurement b y itself would adequately describe the object and one without the other would be incomplete. This mixed-method approach, or triangulation, provides context and enables a fuller range of values to be revealed. Understanding the full range is important for different reasons. If all relevant values are not understood or appreciated, the y could be overlooked and understated. B y assuming this broader perspective, the appropriate valuation and assessment tools can be applied. If not, inappropriate results may be obtained and unintentional consequences may ensue. The most appropriate method depends on the objectives for conducting such research as well as other factors such as budgets, project scope, and data availability. Among the more common reasons for valuing or assessing a heritage asset are: Advocacy. Preservation has historicall y involved passionate advocates, attempting to raise public consciousness or achieve specific agendas. This may involve concerted efforts to preserve a specific asset, organized efforts to sustain or garner public support, etc. Advocacy literature is less oriented toward research, in the sense of shedding light on a question with some objectivity. Economic Development. Economic development routinely uses community culture to provide competitive advantages for recruiting new business. Preservation planning 247 Ibid., 15. 248 Mason (2008), 314. 110

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recognizes the economic aspects of heritage project s but tends to focus on the reuse of potential economic development rather than broader public benefits. Planning and Public Financing Historic preservation frequently involves public goods or "mixed goods" with both private and public good characteristics. As such, valuation from private interests as well as governmental or nonprofit perspective will influence the method or approach adopted for valuation. Academic Research Academic research will influence the selected tool in terms of time spent, the rigor applied, and methodological validity of the selected approach. 5.2 Pre liminary Assessme nt Thus, for a given case, the selected methodol ogy is circumstantial. Based on the following factors, focus groups have been selected as the most appropriate method for conducting research on Camp ANF-1: This site remains privately owned and is somewhat disconnected from socio-cu l tural values. Still, based on the value analysis, certain values appear to be embedded into the community and woven into it s social fabric.24 9 Focus groups would be well suited for eliciting this response from local stakeholders. There appear to be considerable intangible values associated with this site A focus group provides facilitators with an interactive forum to explore these aspects The findings, albeit qualitative less concise, are richer and sensitive to nuances. Local values are key to heritage, providing a sense of identity and meaning. Again, focus groups would provide a forum to validate and explore these values. The planning process is in the early stages. A focus group approach would be appropriate at this stage for eliciting values. These findings can be used to for subsequent phases and quantitative analysis. 2 4 9 See Section 6.5. 111

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The resources available to conduct this research are limited and a focus group is a cost-effective alternative. Focus group results can be used as a basis for developing a more rigorous approach and provide an opportunity to test the value topology and stakehol der groups before the scope is expanded. This analysis adopts a modified focus group for the economic and cultural values. A separate economic analysis would be ideal; however, resources and time constraints dictate a more pragmatic compromise. 5.3 Value Assessment Model Value assessment is part of an overall planning process ( see Figure 25). In this context, valuatio n follows the Identification and Description phase, providing a foundation and basis for the assessment. The Identification and Description phase is comparatively expertdependent and its outcome may be technical and d etailed. The assessment, on the other hand, summarizes and s y nthesizes initial findings in a format that can be used to elicit a response from the stakeholder. 112

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I. Identification & Descrlptilon II. Assessments & Analysis Monitor, Review, Revise Integration of Assessments Figure 25 The Overall Planning Process250 Ill. Response Establish Policies Set Objectives Develop Strategies Synthesize & Prepare Plan Value assessment is performed concurrently with the physical condition assessment and the management context assessment. The results are synthesized and ultimately support the design and ongoing management, as shown in Figure 25. Within this context, the ''Value-Assessment Model" has developed for this tl1esis (see Figure 26). This model emphasizes the underlying processes and offers a general approach for future research The process is iterative and dynamic, affording feedback l oops to evolved baseline value typologies and stakeholder groups. The process has potential applications to multiple situations and scenarios, for both design and cu l tural heritage management. 250 Randall Mason, "Assessing Values in Conservation Planning: Methodological Issues and Choices," in The Heritage Reader, 108. 113

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Develop Baseline Value Typology Identify Baseline Stakeholders & Analysis ...................... . . . y Formulate Focus Group Script(s) Refine Stakeholder and Typologies t Fadlitate Focus Groups Figure 26. Value Assessment Model ..... Sythesize Assessments The b aseline value typo l ogy is designed to facilitate comparison and discourse, as well as provide support the stakeho ld ers' interests and disciplines. Typol ogies are essentially a "flrst order research tool," organizing knowledge so that it builds upon itself. The typology i s provisional, not static or ftxed, a baseline reftned by the assessment process. The typo l ogy must also be appropriate for the cultural asset in question. Cultural assets are diverse, ranging from cultural landscapes to moveable art. Therefore, to develop or ftnd an appropriate typo l ogy, a r eview of precedents and some preliminary analysis is an appropriate step. These categorical values need not be mutually exclusive or independent but should attempt to account for the full spectrum of values. Va l ues are assumed to be inherentl y in conflict and non-hierarchal in nature. One given value does not supersede another within the assessment. Certain l y through discourse, certain dominant va lu es will emerge and others will su bordinat e However for the purposes of the analysis, both subordinate an d dominant values are documented. 114

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Given these context, the following baseline value typology has been adopted for this analysis: Historic Aesthetics Symbolic Social Spiritual Recreational Economic Stakeholder and constituent groups are also identified, including both insiders and outsiders. Outsiders ma y be excluded from the process, particularl y if their values are diffused or dispersed. They may be underserved or simply geographically disadvantaged onetheless, each focus group represents a stakeholders group and participants are representative. For the purposes of this thesis, the following baseline stakeholder groups have been identified: Local Community CCC Alumni and Descendents National Forest Service Researchers Property Owners Heritage Tourists Recreational Users (ATV, Hikers, and Trail Riders ) Educators and Public History Figure 27 illustrates that not every stakeholder group shares the same values or an entire range of values However, the researcher must have a holistic perspective in order to facilitate the focus group discussion, identify conflicts, and integrate and synthesize the results Therefore the context analysis is necessary in order to facilitate this process. 115

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v X 0 0 v 4 0 0 0 0 v 3 0 0 v 2 0 0 v 1 0 0 SG SG 2 SG SG 4 SG n 1 where, r SG= total stakeholders groups n 1 r V =full range of values X Figure 27. Stakeholder Value Matrix Model Once the value analysis has been completed, the focus group script should be formulated. Each script is customized for a focus group and each focus group represents a stakeholder or constituency group. Finally, the focus group results fit into the site p l anning and designing process. The results will be integrated and synthesized into an overall plan which will acco unt for conflicting values, subordinate stakeholders groups, and a maintenance plan that is focused on the sustainability of values, rather than the material itself. This model a l so explicitly adds anotl1er din1ension-stakeholders groups-to the basic value typology. Different stakeholder groups may have different values and values between groups may conflict, effecting creative challenges for the designer or preservationist. The challenge for designers and others is to identify and meet the primary stakeholder needs, while "satisficing" those of the secondary stakeholders. 116

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5.4 Scope of Analysis The scope of this research is limited to a "base lin e analysis." Spec ifically, the research will be b ounded b y the following parameters a nd illu strated by the shaded entities in Figure 28: The baseline stakeho ld er groups will be defined A context ana lysis will b e p erforme d The b aseline typo l ogy will b e identified A focus group sc rip t will b e d evelo p e d and tested Develop Baseline Value Typology ... .......... . . formulate Focus Group Salpt(s) Refine Stakeholder and Typologies t Facilitate Focus Groups F igure 28. Project Scope 117 Sythesize Assessments

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6 0 BASELIN E VAL U E ANALY SIS OF CAMP ANF-1 I n this section, the values associated with Camp ANF-1 are analyzed in order to establish a baseline for stakeholder elicitation This analysis is interpreti ve, subjective, and provisional but the objective i s to provide a basis for developing a focus group script, rather than an "expert" assessment. The analysis incorporates a full range of values, defined b y the baseline typology. Conflicting values, interrelationships between values, and other potential issues for stakeholder elicitation will be identified. Economic Figure 29 Value Typology The analysis employs Mason' s working defmitions and typology (see Table 10 ) These values ma y overlap and have varying intensities and intangibilities. Conflicts are normal and expected, but may raise ethical que stio n s for the analyst and de s igner. Such conflicts may, in fact provide an opportunity for enriching the site b y enhancing it s diver s ity and internal ten s ion. 118

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Table 10. Sociocultural and Economic Values251 Value Definition ... aesthetic refers to the visual qualities of heritage" ... "aesthetics can be interpreted mare widely to encompass all Aesthetic the senses: smell, sound, and ling, as well as sight."" ... Aesthetic value is a strong contributor to a sense of well-being and is perhaps the most personal and individualistic of the sociocultural value types." Historical/ "Historical value can acaue in several ways: from the heritage material's age, from its association with people or Education events, from its rarity and/or uniqueness, from its technological qualities, or from its archival/documentary potential." "Heritage sites are sometimes associated or imbued with religious or sacred meaning. These spiritual values can Spiritual emanate from the beliefs and teachings beliefs and teachings of organized religion, but can also encompass secular experiences of wonder, awe, and so on [ . ]" Symbolic "Used to build cultural affiliations in the present and can be historical, political, ethnic, or related to other means of living together" "The social values of heritage enable and facilitate social connections, networks, and other relations in a broad Social sense.[ . .}. The social value[ . ] might include the use of a site for social gatherings such as celebrations, markets, picnics, or ball games." Recreational "The historic environment plays a significant role in providing for people' s recreation and enjoyment. Increasingly, the past and its remains in the present are a vital part of people's everyday life and experience. "Economic valuing is one of the most powerful ways in which society identifies, assesses, and decides on the relative Economic value of things ... Economic values stemming from the conservation of heritage are often, by definition, understood to be a public good-reflecting collective decisions rather than individual, market decisions-and therefore not captured by market price measures. 6.1 Aesthetic Va lu e Aesthetics are typicall y associated with a contemplative appreciation of fine arts and natural beauty in a relativel y detached or academic matter. The aesthetics of the land scape, however, are based on "the perceptual and sensuous features of the landscape we experience." 2 5 2 The word "aesthetics," in fact, is derived from the Classical Greek word "aisthanesthai to perceive. 2 5 3 Although primarily visual, other se nses-smell, tactual, an d auditory-may also be involved. These values would be most closely held by "insiders," those who can appreciate the experie nc es and gualities flrst hand. 25! Mason, A ssessing Values in Conservation Planning," 104-105 252 Simon Bell, Lands cape: Pattern, Pemption and Prot-ess (London, UK: Tay lor & Francis, 1999), 66. 253 Ibid., 64 119

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To assess aesthetic value in the landscape, Bell suggests separating "each constituent part and then identify it and relate it back to the whol e scene."254 These basic elements combine and interact, either in some self-organizing manner or b y design, to produce patterns that manifest themselves in the land scape's overall aesthetics. The first step is to inventory and describe the basic elements. These aesthetic qualities are subjective, individual, and fundamentally descriptive and interpretive. This analysis provides a basis for understanding a landscape's underlying character and aesthetic value and formulating a baseline for stakeholder elicitation.2ss The basic e l ements of Camp ANF-1 are summarized in Tabl e 11 and mapped in Figure 30. These elements have their own sensual attributes and aesthetic qualities but also provide the basis for the overall landscape aesthetics. Figure 30. Camp ANF-1 Site Plan 254 Simon Bell Elements of Visual Design in the Landst ape (Routledge, 2004), 19. 255 Bell ( 1999 ), 104. 120

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Table 11. Inventory of Camp ANF-1 Aesthetic Landscape Elements256 Spring Camp ANF1 is located on the banks of Spring Creek, which drains into the Clarion River. Moving 1 Creek water can provide a multi-sensual experience, derived from peaceful sounds, reflective qualities, and mist. 2 Pond #1 Pond #1 was constructed prior to the CCC's occupation. Pools generally provide visual interest, cooling qualities, and a habitat for plants and wildlife. Pond #2 was originally a gravel quarry, excavated by the current property owner, and has since 3 Pond #2 filled with water. Like Pond #1, this pond provides visual interest, ecological diversity, and other sensual qualities. 4 Covered The current main entrance includes a covered bridge that was built in the 1960s. Places of arrival Bridge and departure are important and can be emotional and symbolic experiences. s Pedestrian The site is adorned with brick pathways. The walks are overgrown but the circulation system Pathway provides an organizing framework (CCC Period). CCC Era By design and for strategic purposes, the camp layout provides enclosure.257 The buildings" 6 Buildings materials and building design also contrast the landscape and provide much of the aesthetic character of a New Deal landscape. 7 Vehicular The roadway was constructed for logistical purposes during the CCC era and remains in use today. Circulation The roadway site circulation provides an organizing framework for the site. The CCC planted rows of white pines at the original entrance and other places within the camp. 8 Tree Stands Trees provide shade and canopy as well as other sensual experiences such as scents, refuge, enclosure, and rhythm. The site is located in a geological saddle, with mountains to the north and south. Natural 9 Typology landforms such as hills and mountains provide vertical interest and can also effect microclimates. Landforms also can provide prospect, overlooking the landscape. 10 Entryway The planted entryway was built by the Corps and remains today. Like the covered bridge, this element provides a transitory gateway into the camp. One strong pattern to emerge from these individual elements is that of enclosure. Enclosure is created by "combination of the shape of elements and their positions."2 5 8 The type and degree of enclosure can affect the human experience and its use. For example, depending on its degree, enclosure can provide comfort and security, but also may also be oppressive and claustrophobic. 256 See Appendix I for images of these aesthetic e l e m ents. 257 See Section 6.4, S y mbolic Value, for a detailed discussion on CCC camp l a y out. 258 Bell ( 2004 ) 112. 121

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In the horizontal plane water features can create a sense of enclosure b y separating land ma ss from the s urrounding l andscape, thereb y promoting feelin gs of se curity and separateness.2 5 9 This s ite is enclosed b y the three water feature s Spring Creek strongly mark s the site's southern and southwestern boundaries The ponds provide partial enclosure and mark the northern boundaries. Tree and l andform masse s provide another layer of enclosure Such enclosures are vertically oriented, also providing visual interest. The landforms s urroundin g camp ANF-1 are gentle and rolling, covered b y the relativel y dense forest. The topography reflects th e underlying geology of the Allegheny Plateau. Figure 31. Topology Map and South and North Views from Camp ANF-1 259 Catherin e D ee, "Form and Fabri c in Landscape Architecture" (Lo ndon, UK: Taylor & F rancis, 2001), 80. 122

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The camp itself is surrounded by these natural features, reinforcing this feeling of enclosure. CCC camps had originally been designed to provide some degree of enclosure for defense and security purposes.2 60 An open area was created within the center of the camp when two barracks were removed by the Forest County Camp for recreational activities such as football and marching band practice. This alteration inadvertently enhanced the degree of enclosure. The remaining buildings are relatively permeable and the views are not restricted, providing an overall comfortable aesthetic. In addition to the visual aesthetics, the site also possesses other notable sensual qualities. The location is secluded and therefore has limited vehicular traffic However, this generally serene experience is also frequently interrupted by all-terrain vehicles (ATVs). Furthermore, the horse riding activities also affect the sensual experience, both negatively and positively. The property has retained much of its character from the occupation by the CCC and the remaining architecture. These aesthetics are typical of Depression era architecture: economical, utilitarian, and political. The landscape provides a natural setting for the camp. CCC camps were typically situated in remote areas, often forested locations, providing an interesting contrast with the utilitarian architecture. Because the Army was in charge of camp construction, the buildings' designs were very specific Directions on types of materials, dimensions, and step-by-step construction from ground clearing to the finished work were given. By 1934, the plans were notably precise. The architecture is characteristically stark and utilitarian. There were three types of camp construction: tent camps, rigid camps, portable camps. Camp ANF-1 is an example of a "rigid camp." Because the camp buildings were generally built according to Army standards, their exteriors generally do not reflect regional or local styles. Although the camp administrators were permitted some latitude and flexibility, 2 60 See Section 6.4, Symbolic Value, for a detailed discussion on CCC camp layout. 123

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variations were usually subtle. 2 61 For example, at Camp ANF-1, the mess hall screen doors were supplied by Kane Screen and the bricks for the pathway by another local supplier. A typical CCC camp consisted of approximately twenty buildings, providing shelter and accommodations for two hundred workers and administrators. Camp ANF-1 has seven of fifteen original buildings remaining. The recreation hall, mess hall, officer headquarters, and barracks were rectangular structures with low-pitch gable roofs. Buildings were typically 20' wide and 65' to 75' long. The mess hall was usually aT-shaped building with the kitchen located in the leg of the T. The siding is batten and tar paper and the roofmg consisted of roll roofing or shingles. Windows were multi-pane casements or hopper-type.2 6 2 This simple architecture has only limited examples of the craftsmanship with which the CCC is often associated. On the other hand, the Corps left examples of rustic architecture in campgrounds, picnic areas, and other recreational spots. Limited examples of craftsmanship tend to be found in the building interiors.263 Figure 32. Recreation Hall Fireplace Camp ANF-1's recreation hall, for example, features a stone fireplace that is characteristically rustic and a newspaper article at the time claims that "it is said to be one of the handsomest [sp] in the state ... it looks as though the intention is to make this camp a 261 The Leeds CCC Camp building in Utah was constructed from stone and several camps in northern Minnesota featured vertical log construction. However, these were exceptions to the standard. 262 RolfT. Anderson, "Rabideau Civilian Conservation Corps ( CCC) Camp," National Historic Landmark Nomination, Form NPS Form 10 900, (November 15, 2003). 263 Otis et al., http:/ / www.nps.gov / history / history / online_books / ccc / ccc / chap12 .htm#8 (accessed 5 / 6 / 2009). 124

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permanent recreation place."2 64 In addition to the fireplace, the recreation hall also features a stage that was used for Glee Club and other productions and events The stage features decoratively painted pilasters. 6.2 Historical Value A site's capacity to convey, embody, or stimulate a relation or reaction to the past is part of the fundamental nature and meaning of heritage objects. This value has a broad-base of stakeholders, including educators, students, researchers, and visitors Camp ANF-1 's rarity and ass ociation with significant events forms the basis for its historic value The camp is not "unique" in the strict sense that it is the on!J remaining camp. However, few remain and, at best, onl y traces usuall y exist. Speakman describes the typical case: ... at most of the CCC camp sites today curious or pious pilgrims looking for places where CCC men, sometimes their ancestors, lived worked, and gamboled with youthful energy beyond imagining, will find themselves driving on poorly marked gravel roads, traipsing through dark forest, overgrown and snake infested, or grazing across open meadows now devoted to playground equipment. 265 Of the approximately 5,000 camps that were built in the nine y ear period of the CCC's existence, onl y sixteen others, in varying conditions, are known to have survived ( see Table 12) 264 "Expensive Fireplace for CCC Camp," Eri e T i m es, A pril18, 1934 n.p. 265 Speakman ( 2006 ) 15 125

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Table 12. Rema i ning CCC Camps i n the Nation266 Camp Name Vicin ity 1 0 Camp Landers Duhring, PA, in the ANF 1 Camp Bear Brook Allenstown, NH 2 Camp Birch Creek Dillon, MO 3 Camp Gibbs Iron River Township, Ml 4 Camp Koke'e Island of Kauia, HI 5 Camp Lodge Custer, SD 6 Camp Morrison Morrison, CO 7 Camp Needmore Ekalaska, MO 8 Camp North Bend North Bend, WA 9 Camp Rabideau Blackduck, MN 10 Camp Rockwood Middlecreek Township, PA 11 Camp Smokey Cassville, Ml 12 Camp Thornwood Durbin, WV 13 Jenny Lake CCC Camp Grand Teton National Park, WY 14 Laurel Hill Camp Middlecreek Township, PA 15 Leeds Camp StGeorge, UT 16 Old Forge Camp Waynesboro, PA While few camps have endured nationally, there are three other surviving CCC camps in Pennsylvania. This may compromise ANF-1 's historical va lue, at l east regionall y and is an issue for stakeho ld er elicitation Nonetheless, Camp ANF-1 a l so processes historical value in terms of its historical events: Camp ANF-1, one of 5,000 camps, was the second established in the nation after Camp Roosevelt in Virginia. This precedence was not just happenstance. Rather the camp was the strategically prioritized and benefited from the organizational infrastructure established by Gifford Pinchot.2 67 266 Based on consultation with Kathy May Smith and reference to Rabideau Civilian Conservation Corps ( C CC ) Camp. This analysis is limited to sites w h ere there are a collection of four or more CCC buildings. 26 7 Speakman ( 2006) 32. 126

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Out of two billion trees that had been planted b y the CCC, Camp ANF-1 has been credited with planting the first trees. This tract i s located approximately one mile west of the Camp. In addition, Camp ANF-1 can be argued to be at "ground zero" of America's modem environmental movement. Maher argues that the CCC transformed the environmental movement.268 Prior to the CCC, Progressive Era conservatism had been a narrow, elite based movement. The author contends that the CCC effectively transformed the conservation movement into a grass-roots movement. If Maher's premise is accepted, this places Camp ANF-1 at the very cradle of the modem environmental movement. The Corps was initiall y conceived as a Progressive Era conservation instrument. The agency had a narrow focus on reforestation, employed efficient, scientific management of resources, and was reliant on a "top-down," centrally planned structure and approach. However, the agency evolved over its life, becoming sensitive to ecological systems and adopting "Olmstedian" philosophies. Furthermore, conservation practices and principles were popularized through the media local communities, and the enrollees themselves. Many CCC alumni eventually pursued related careers and educations. This revisionist view of environmental history positions the CCC as a "missing link." After Hetch Hetchy, conservationists prevailed over preservationists and the movement was divided. Conventional thought, however, attributes the pre serva tionists' subsequent success at Dinosaur National Monument as being the turning defining point for the modem-day environmental movement. However, little research had been conducted regarding the interim period and Maher argues that the CCC essentially transformed the movement and "set the stage" for its popular emergence in 1955. The CCC, therefore, sowed the seeds for the events at Dinosaur National Monument. Coupled with a growing economy, the modem da y environmental movement was born and these beginnings may be traced to the CCC and, for this particular case, to Camp ANF-1. 268 Maher. 127

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6 3 Sp i ritu a l V a lu e Spiritual value can be derived from a sacred place, such as an indigenous site. However, other sources of spirituality may be found in the landscape. For example, some natural landscapes have an ability to inspire a sense of awe. The "sublime" overwhelms the viewer, evoking a spirtual feeling, mostly b y stakeholders who are "insiders." Spiritual value can also derived from former ceremonial uses, organized religious activities, by those honoring a tragic or heroic event, or, in the case of Camp ANF-1, b y attachment to a place cultivated b y personal spiritual growth. During the Depression, the unemployment rate for workers under the age of twenty was nearl y twice as high as national averages and this demographic was at risk of becoming a "lost generation." These young men faced struggles, threatening their physical welfare and personal esteem. Roosevelt intended the CCC to rejuvenate the enrollees' well-being through meaningful work, educational programs, plentiful meals, and nature 's healing capacity. These dispirited youth also received inspiration through spiritual guidance, prayer, and mentorship. Camp ANF1 provided a haven and arguabl y possesses an inherent spiritual quality. The camp also provided a salvation from the pressing socioeconomic conditions: "For the period of camp service, an enrollee's life is completel y bound up with his camp. It is for him a complete community."2 69 Such values may provide special meaning for CCC alumni, their descendants and other stakeholders paying homage to this generation's struggles and transformation Enrollees were rejuvenated by a number of factors, which were manifested in the camp's morale. Morale varied by camp and reports of uprisings were not uncommon. However, Camp ANF-1 was generally considered to be exemplary and morale was consistently high 269 Patel, 265. 128

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(see Tabl e 13 ) These indicators ma y reflect a sense of s pirituality experienced b y insiders, such as alumni, famil y members, and others, toward s Camp ANF-1. Table 13 ANF 1 Camp Morale, 1937-1941270 Camp Report Number of Morale Date Enrollees Rating 6/9/1937 109 Good1 12/8/1937 192 Good1 10/15/1938 180 Excellent2 10/18/1939 172 Superior2 11/28/1940 183 Excellent2 11/30/1941 116 Good2 1 Based on a scale of "Good, Fair, and Poor" 2 Based on a scale of "Superior, Excellent, Good, Fair, and Poor" Organized religious activities were part of the camp 's routine Initially, regular serv ices were held in nearb y town s A pproximatel y 50 percent of the men p a rticipated in these se rvices.271 Over time, Army chaplains visited the s ite regularly, circulating between approximatel y ten camps, and local mini s ters also offered spiritual services. 272 As well as the combined efforts of local clergymen and arm y chaplains the camp library also contained religious literature for "all faiths" and was also u se d as a place of prayer The Chaplain had also organized Bible Study Groups and a "S pecial Religiou s Council." The Council was organized to arrange for grace or bles s ing s before each meal and to provide s piritual support in in s tances where the Chap lain was absent. Cam p ANF-1, like so m a n y others, prov ided a haven for the yo ung men and helped them cope with and overcome perso nal challenge s This spiritual tran sfo rmation ma y exp lain their attachment to thi s place as evidenced b y the pilgrima ge" 400 alumni m a de to the camp for 270 Derived from the semi annua l Civilian Conseroation Corps Camp Inspe.-tion Reports, C amp ANF-1, 193 7 1 942. 271 Suppl emental Report, October 6, 1 933. 272 Prospectus if Educational and Recreational Activities, 193 7 1 938. 129

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the CCC's 50th anniversary celebration.273 This site, therefore, may possess spiritual value for various stakeholder groups honoring these sacrifices. 6.4 S y mbolic Value Symbo l s are embedded in cultural l andscapes and decoding them helps to dec ipher and unlock the l andscape's meaning to different stakeho l ders They are also an important determinant of community identity, what makes a community unique, and how it is differentiated from others. This site's symbolic meaning is l argel y associated wid1 the Great Depression and is most strongly held by individuals from the post-adolescent demographic that would later become known as the "greatest generation." Approximately 90 percent of CCC enrollees reportedl y served in the armed forces during World War Il.274 The symbolism associated with this site, therefore, is representative of this generation's readiness and imminent wartime sacrifices, its "metaphoric" war and struggles against economic and environmental threats, and the era's politica l upheaval and vol atility. The camp's architecture reflects the economic conditions of the Great Depression The buildings were a least-cost a l ternative, before other portable and even more economic alternatives were developed. The total built cost for such a camp was estimated to be about $20,000 .275 The stark architecture, therefore, is an example of New Deal architecture and a symbol of the Depression era. The Corps had always maintained a capricious balance between its military oversight, civilian workers, and the other cooperating governmental agencies. The Army was responsible for enrollees' health and welfare while the y were in the camp Enrollees were subject to military 273 "400 Attend CCC Reunion," n.d. Newspaper article from Forest County Historical Society Archives, n.p 274 Maher, 213. 275 Barbara W. Sommer, Hard Work and a Good Deal (St. Paul, MN: Minnesota Historical Soc i ety, 2008), 43. 130

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physicals and in s pections, and wore s urplus uniforms. Although the Army's responsibilities were primaril y administrative and logi stics-there was no military court, drilling, s aluting, or weapons training-its influence was undeniable, both s patiall y and culturally. In fact, because much of the authority was informal, army administrators relied on sym bolism in order to reinforce camp discipline and hierarchy. Consequently, the land sca pe was organized and expressed along military lines, reflecting its quasi-military presence and culture. The symbolism is apparent in the forms and landscapes patterns as well as its architecture. While buildin g cons truction was standardized there was some va riation in the camp layout due to terrain and logistical constraints. Most camp la youts were highl y rectangular while others had a pinwheel orientation. A typical camp layout i s s hown in Figure 33 Despite this va riation, certain landscape patterns emerge: "there were consistent elements within each camp s ite. T he flagpole was always the first visual marker when a pproachin g the camp Located directl y behind the flagpole was the administrative building or office. Officers' barracks were in straight military like rows, in front of the enrollees' tents."276 276 Otis et al., http : / / www np s.gov / hi story / history / online_books / ccc / ccc / chap12.htm (accessed May 7, 2009 ) 131

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1 \ ....... Figure 33. Layout of a Typical CCC Camp vs. Figure-Ground of ANF-1 Regardless of the specific design, camps layo uts were centralized, disciplined, and organized. Officers were separated from enrollees and buildings were grouped together according to roles and functions. Initially, there were real concerns that the general public ma y perceive camps as a fascist threat, invokin g a v iolent reaction. In fact, camp officers initially carried firearms for this very reason Camps, therefore, were enclosed and their borders clearl y demarked, providing both defen se and a refuge for enrollees. Camp ANF-1 has a typical rectangular l ayo ut. Officer headquarters and the central flag poles and greeted visitors. The enrollee barracks were positioned b ehind, reflecting the symbolic command hierarch y A boardwalk, and lat er brick pathway, connected the buildings 132

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Figure 34. Camp ANF-1 Officer Quarters (Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed. Probably from the winter of 1934-35) The CCC's military culture and physical manifestation also reflects a metaphoric conflict. Recruiting posters were reminiscent of army recruiting posters and the agency was variously nicknamed "Roosevelt's Tree Army," ''Labor Army," and the "army of conservation." Enrollees were called "soil soldiers."277 The militarization of the CCC evoked a metaphoric enemy, comparable to those of World War I. However, unlike those in conventional warfare, the enemies were the prevailing economic conditions and environmental threats. These camps, therefore, symbolized this "war." For Americans, the frontier has long symbolized the "limitless possibilities of the American dream, the expansion of American values, the national efforts to tame faraway places, the promise of a boundary just over the horizon, and the essential virtue of the 277 Patel, 376. 133 Figure 35. CCC Recruitment Poster http://www. n ps.gov /history /NR/feature/landsca pe/2008/ccc.htm

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American people who explore and settle these frontiers."278 This has a broad-based ideological view of America has been propagated in politics media, and filin The CCC adapted this "myth" in order to advance recruit young men and to manage public relations. John Salmond, in his comprehensive case stud y on the CCC, state s : "To many, the CCC undoubtedl y recalled visions of the frontier, of a pristine, open land qUite different from the dirt and teeming life of contemporary urban society."279 Citing an article aptly entitled ''\'\lhen East Goes West," Maher also notes the use of this symbolism: "while the pioneer da y s have passed with the crossing of the last frontier, America is being rediscovered Boy s who would never have left the cities now appreciate the beauties and values found in the western part of the country."2BO Indeed the frontier s y mbolization evoked a compelling image. The program enjoyed strong public support throughout its existence and was rarel y challenged, even by conservative critics. While CCC Camps were typicall y located in rustic and isolated settings for a variety of political, economic, and ecological reasons, they also reflected the CCC's pedagogical mission of exposing young men to nature. These locations presented an opportunity to conve y the message that rigorous phy sical labor would rekindle the frontier spirit. This message was adopted in order to maintain support for the program This s y mbolism is also evident in the promotional posters, political propaganda, and public addresses.281 The mythology was not only symbolized b y the propaganda and rhetoric but also manifested in the landscape itself. Camp ANF-1 was typical and shares many of the elements of an idealized frontier: relative remoteness, surrounding wildernes s and isolation. 278 ] ohn Tirman "The Future of the A merican Frontier, The American S chol ar (Winter 2009 ) 30. 279 Salmond, http: / / www.nps.gov / history / history / online_books / ccc / salmond / chap6 .htm ( accessed March 20 2010 ) 2 80 M aher, 158. 281 Patel, 3 70. 134

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In addition to the sym b olism associated with the CCC, the site may ha ve meaning for other stakeho ld er groups, such as those from the oil and gas era and World War II. In fact, the symbolism may be conflict (e. g industry vs. conservation; World War II veterans vs. German POW's) These potentiall y conflicting values are ripe for exp l oration with various stakeho ld er groups 6.5 Social Value Social values primaril y reflect a site's connection with the local community. This connection ma y be embedded into the site as a result of its historic use or in some other way Va lu e may be discerned by reviewing historical public uses and relationships to the l ocal community. CCC camps were initially v i ewed b y l ocal communities with some apprehension and suspicions. These concerns stemmed from questions of public safety, competition with the private sector, and ideological concerns. In addition to community concerns, the camps themselves were cautious. With the exception of "colored camps," such fears were quickl y alla y ed, both through public relation efforts as well as the apparent economic benefits. Once the CCC's reputation had been established, camps were, with very few exceptions, warmly welcomed b y nearb y communities."282 The Corps established positive relation s hips with l ocal communities b y adopting a polic y which favored l ocal labor for the construction of new buildings.283 Over time, the camps became integrated into the communities and politicians lobbied for them to be established in their communities. In some states, there was an imbalance between work projects and labor quotas and the available labor pool. In fact, there was mass unemployment in the eastern urban centers while most projects were located in western states. However, Penns y l vania was an exception 282 Speakman (2006 ) 229. Z83 Otis et a!., http: / / www.nps.gov /history / history / online_books / ccc / ccc / chap 12. htm 135

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because it had both ample natural resources and projects and massive unemployment.284 Consequently, the state was able to fulfill its quota in all but one enrollment period, 1936.285 Figure 36. Hometowns of ANF 1 Enrollees 1939-1942286 The social value was intertwined through the fabric of the surrounding communities Rather than "exporting" this relationship back to another state, the experience was ingrained and integrated. Enrollees originated from almost one hundred towns, heavil y concentrated in the Pittsburgh and northwestern Pennsy lvania areas. In order to determine whether this value has persisted, local community stakeholders should be consulted Over time, the social value was developed b y regular dances, sporting events with local communities, and frequent visitors. Connections were particularly strong between the communities of Ridgway, Kane, Marienville, and Oil City. 284 Otis et al., http:/ / www.nps.gov / histo ry / history/ online_books / ccc / ccc / chaplO .htm. 285 Speakman, 70. 286 Created b y author, based upon an analysis of the camp newsletters. Camp newsletters welcomed incoming enrollees and named their hometowns. Therefore, it was possible to map this information to Camp ANF-1. 136

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Figure 37. Surrounding Communities Camp ANF-1 also hosted an annual "Open House," which featured picnics, ballgames, a dance and live music, and a tour of the camp and were also a ce lebration of the Corps' anniversary. Up to four hundred visitors attended such events. Open houses were an opportunity to showcase the camp to the community, as well as famil y and friends.2 8 7 After the World War II era, the social value to the community continued under the auspices of the Forest County 4-H association, football camp, summer programs, and a band camp. Since 197 4, this site offered social value as the base camp for a horse trail operation. The camp offers two major rides per year and is open year-round for individual riders and campers. However, the stakeholders shifted from the local community to a more regional base. In recent years this social value has not only dispersed but it has also diminished. 287 Spring Creek Murmurs, 4 o. 11 (May 1940 ) 137 Figure 38. Camp ANF-1

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In summary, this site appears to have had a significant connection with the local community. However, this relationship has dirninished over time, since it has been privately operated. Currently, the horse ride community was the strongest social connection. This receding but devoted community has bonded with the site over the past thirty years. These d y namics and potential conflicts should be explored in order to respect and accommodate the needs of this group 6.6 R e creati o nal Valu e Historically, recreation has been an integral aspect of this site. The site has afforded a variety of recreational opportunities and recreation was important part of the CCC culture, both as a pastime and for construction and work projects Today, the surrounding areas have popular recreational uses and the site is used for horse trail riding. The historical and current recreational uses, therefore, can provide insights into how the site may be valued by various stakeho l ders. Furthermore, recreational values may also provide the local community with an amenity to attract visitors to the region. Since being settled by the CCC, this site has had a tradition of recreation .288 Not only did the enrollees recreate but they constructed public recreation amenities at Loleta Dam and Twin Lakes.289 These projects included campgrounds and picnic facilities. After these projects were completed, Camp ANF-1 enrollees assumed responsibility for maintaining the campgrounds and life guarding activities. 288 See Section 3.1.3, the recreational historical use of the site b y the CCC. 289 This is significant because it represents a broadening and shift from the CCC's initial mandate. The program initiall y defined conservation narrowly, focusing on reforestation projects. This change was driven by the increased visitation to national parks In 1933, 3.5 million people visited national parks and by 1938 these visits had increased to 16 million. Roosevelt and the other CCC administrators responded b y expanding the resources and projects dedicated to such projects. Essentiall y the program became more "Olmsteadian" in its planning approach See Maher, 73. 138

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Figure 39 Spring Creek 1933 (Source: Courtesy of Robert Reed.) In the post-World War II era, recreation continued to be a significant activity and use of the site. After 1947, the site was used by different groups for recreational purposes, including the 4-H, band camp, football camp, and other summer camps. Forest County Camp Association rented the camp for summer programs and as a K..iwanis Kids summer camp. As well, The Montour School Band and the Neville Island Football teatn used the property for various pursuits. In 1959, the Fryburg Boot and Saddle Club established an equestrian tra..il ride. The tra..il ride was held in a different place in the Allegheny National Forest each year. In 1969, the Summers family purchased the facilities, and Bill Summers started the Alleghany Tra..il Ride in 197 4. The camp has since been used for a base camp for horse tra..il rides. The remaining barracks were transformed into horse stables in 1977. The rides peaked in the rnid-1970s, when more than 400 riders would participate. It reportedly was the largest such tra..il ride in the eastern Un..ited States. Today, only about 50 riders participate. The site possesses natural features that encourage its recreational use. Spring Creek has traditionally been used for swimming and fishing. Spring Creek is also an excellent trout stream. Hunting continues to be a popular pastime and recreational use. Neighboring properties are used as seasonal hunting lodges and camp facilities have been rented to hunters. 139

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The top of the Allegheny Plateau is naturally flat. This topography is ideal for outdoor sports such as snowmobiling, cross-country skiing, hiking, mountain biking, and A 1V riding. The Marienville and Timberline A1V /Bike Trail is 76.3 miles long, interconnecting trails traversing scenic, forested hills of the Marienville District of the Allegheny National Forest. The trails are designed for A 1V and motorbike riders. The trail seasons extends from the Memorial Day weekend to the end of September. Figure 40. Recreational Uses In summary, recreation has been a recurring theme for this site and surrounding areas since the CCC era. The CCC enrollees built recreational infrastructures and partook in recreational activities themselves. This theme has continued into its modern-da y uses and ma y be explored with various stakeholder groups for not only its current and prospective val ue but also conflicting values (e.g., recreational u ses vs. historic preservation). 140

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6.7 Economic Value Economic value is particularly relevant to the local community, property owners, and other stakeholders who ma y be interested in the economic development and the opportunity cost of this site. This section provides an overview of the regional economy, provi ding an economic context for any value elicitation. Beginning in the mid-1930s, the region has shifted from a resource-based economy to a service-based economy, with a focus on recreation. In addition, the public sector also plays a significant role in this economy. Because of thin soil and harsh conditions, agriculture has never been very successfu l representing onl y about two percent of the l and use. The Allegheny ational Forest is located within a single da y drive for one-third of the nation's population and approximately four million people visit it each year. Of this, a significant p ortion of visito r ship involves heritage travel. A 1999 report for the Pennsylvania Center for Travel, Tourism and Film attributed 25 percent of all leisure trip expenditures made in the state to heritage tourism. Travel and tourism has linkages to many sectors of the State's eco n omy including l odging, food, and transportation. Table 14. ANF Visitor Spending, by County (million $'s), 2007290 Trans %of County F&B Lodging Shopping Entertain Other Total County p. Economy Elk 7 .83 14.16 7 .26 9 .99 5 .08 2 .86 48.08 1.5% Forest 1.91 3.25 5.49 0.22 0.17 0 .70 11.74 3.9% McKean 12.57 24.36 16.80 13.46 5.65 4.36 77.18 1.5% Warren 8 .89 18.61 11.33 7.63 5.08 3.48 56.11 0 9 % The travel an d tourism industry had an even lar ge r impact on emp l oyment in Penns y lvania, with over 10 percent of all jobs in the State generated or supported by travel and tourism activity. Travel and tourism was directl y responsible for nearl y 400,000 jobs, or 290 Globallnsight, The Economic Impact ofT ravel & Tourism in Penn.rylvaniaTravel Year 2007, (Pennsylvania Tourism Office Department of Community and Economic Development ), 2007. 141

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6.8 percent of the state's total in 2007 and an a dditional 212,000 jobs that were generated from supplier linkages and/ or induced impacts. Table 15. ANF Tourism Employment 2007291 Share of County Direct Indirect Induced Total County Economy Elk 686 157 209 1,055 6.3% Forest 168 38 5 1 258 14. 6 % McKean 1 .105 253 336 1,694 9.4% Warren 789 181 240 1,210 6.9% While the recreation sector has grown, the resource-based economy still endures The industries, h owever, have been characterized by smaller businesses and operations than had historically been the case. \Vhen the Allegheny National Forest was created, acreage acquired by the federal government did not include subsurface mineral rights. For years, large companies such as Quaker State and Pennzoil drilled and pumped oil from wells on l eases within the forest. These l arger companies have relocated their operations, but smaller firms are still active About eig hty companies, &om sole proprietors to l arge national operations, are now involved in oil and gas development within the forest. Approximately 11,000 oil an d gas wells now operate in the Allegheny National Forest, more than in all other national forests combined. A typical oil well produces about $157,500 in income over a 1 0-year period and each well requires construction and maintenance.292 According to the Forest Service, on average, 288 new wells were put into operation each year between 2000 and 2004. However, with increasing commodity prices, oil and gas drilling has resurged in recent years. Last year, 984 new wells were drilled and 1,300 were drilled in 2007. 291 Ibid. 292 E conomic Impact of Oil and Gas Production on the Allegheny Nationa l Forest http:// www.reuters .com/ article / pressRelease / idUS214 733+ 24-Mar 2009+ PRN20090324 142

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The lumb er industry has also survived. Forest Service officials estimate d in 1994 that 925 jobs and economic benefits of $54 million are directly dependent o n timber from the Allegheny National Forest. Both industries have endured but are much smaller. Many resources are protected and some h ave been depleted. R ecreation an d tourism, now Pennsylvania's secon d largest industry, has somew h at filled this economic void. Forest County, with 4,994 residents, is the l east populated of the four ANF counties.293 This population has experienced only m odest growth, 0.4 percent ove r the past three decades. Forest County, like much of Pennsylvania, has strugg led with o ut-migrati on, largely re s ultin g from poor job prospects. Table 16. Forest County Industry Breakdown 1 NAICS Number Gross Annual Payroll Number of Description Receipts Code of Est. ($1,000) ($1,000) Employees 423 Wholesale Trade 1 D D (1-19) 44-45 Retail Trade 27 18,031 1,551 102 51 Information 3 N D (1-19) 53 Real Estate & Rental & Leasing 4 D D (1-19) 54 Professional Services 3 621 217 9 56 Administrative & Other 2 D D (1-19) 62 Health Care & Social Asst. 7 D D (250-499) 71 Arts, Ent., & Rec 2 D D (1-19) 72 Accommodation & Food Serv 25 8 ,528 2 ,119 193 81 Other Services 8 2,377 288 40 Total 82 .. 11ncludes onl y establishments of firms w1th payroll. In add1t10n to these labor statiStiCs there are a number of firms wtthout payrolls that are also represent employment. D-sample is too small and cannot be disclosed. 293 Estimated population in 2004. 143

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Employment opportunities are relativel y limited Other than a state correctional facility, which opened in 2003 and employs approximately seve n hundred, few new opportunities for employment have emerged outside the timber and serv ice sectors. Forest County's median house hold income was $27,581 in 2003 or about 73 percent of the national levels. Forest County's incomes mirror some larger trends In 1970 nearl y nine out of every 10 counties in Pennsy lvania had median incomes that were above the national county median Thirty years later, less than half of Pennsy lvania 's countie s had median incomes that exceeded the national median Since 1970, Forest County's relative ranking b y household income dropped b y 60 percentor b y more than 1,800 counties on the rank ordering of all U.S. counties Forest County was th e only county in the state des ignated distressed b y the A ppalachian Regional Commission (ARC) in 2007.2 9 4 ARC further categorize s Forest County as a "transitional county," one which is transitioning from a weak to a s trong economy. Real estate v alues reflect these ge neral economic and commercial conditions. Land v alues reflect the opportunity cost. Seven tyfive perce n t of all dwelling s here are second homes. Table 17. Key Economic Indicators, 20041 Indicator P e r Capita Income $13,477 Total Employees 777 Number of Businesses 40 Median House Value $59,800 12004 Census Data for Zip Code 16239 294 A distres se d coW1ty has an average rate of W1emplo yment that i s 150 % hi g h e r than the s tatewide average or an average percapita perso nal income that i s equal to or less than 67% of the s t ate wid e average (http: / / www.arc .gov / index.do ?nodeld=31 02) 144

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6 8 Summary This analysis was developed to be used as a basis for the elicitation of stakeholder values. Specifically, a focus group or series of focus groups are envisioned but different qualitative approaches may be appropriate, depending on circumstances and budget. Therefore, based on this analysis, a focus group script has been developed for the CCC stakeholders (see Appendix C). Similarly, this baseline analysis could be used to develop scripts for eliciting values from other stakeholder groups Oocal community, historical tourists, etc). This process also identified potential conflicts. Conflicting values can raise challenges and ethical dilemmas for designers and preservationists. For example, the site was occupied during World War II b y POW prisoners while many of the CCC enrollees fought in the War. Tourists ma y value the site for this recreational offering while preservationists ma y seek to preserve its historic values. These potential conflicts are subjects for focus groups exploration. The analysis also suggests areas for further exploration and value elicitation. Although the site has had a history of social value, this connection ma y have been d.iminished over time b y private ownership. Likewise, the historical value ma y be lessened because there are two surviving camps in the state, making the Camp ANF-lless rare, at least regionall y 145

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7.0 SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND FUTURE RESEARCH 7.1 Summary This thesis began with the research question: "How can the cultural and e conomic values of CCC CampANF-1 be revealed and articulated?" Camp ANF-1 has served as a case study for exploring this question and developing and refining a conceptual model that c ould be generalized and potentially reused. This model has been reproduced in Figure 41. The Stakeholder-Value Matrix Model conceptualizes and strategizes the value elicitation process for the various stakeho ld er groups. This model explicitly recognizes that values derive from diverse groups. Each stakeholder group ma y ascribe one or more value and there may be one or more stakeho ld er groups for any given assessment. Values may also come into conflict and are characteristically dynamic and multivalent. The model can be applied to a variety of projects and scenarios v X 0 0 <> v 0 0 0 0 v 3 0 0 v 2 0 0 v I 0 0 SG SG SG SG SG n I where, I: SG= total stakeholders groups n I r v =full range of values X Figure 41. Stakeholder-Value Matrix Model 146

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The basic value typo logy-historic, aesthetics, symbolic, social, spiritual, recreational and economic-had been relativel y well developed and established in the historic preservation literature. This thesis, however, extends the previous research in two ways. First, a stakeho ld er dimension has explicitly been added. Previous research had discussed stake h o ld ers but had been somewhat vague with respect to their role and interrelationships. Essentially, stakeho ld er groups can ascri b e one or more values to a place or object. Different stakeholder groups ma y have different values and values between groups ma y conflict, effecting creative challenges for the d esigner or preservationist. The challenge for designers, and others, is to identify and meet the primary stakehol d er needs while "satisfi cing" those of the secondary stakeho ld ers. Second, the Valu e-Assessment Model (see Figure 42 ) presumes a process rather than s tasis. For examp le, the value ana lysis is only a b aseline, "God's eye view." The model provides a feedback l oop, yiel ding a "second ordered" understanding b y eliciting stakeholder values through multiple iterations. This approach is, therefore both flexible and emergent. Develop Baseline Value Typology Identify Baseline Stakeholders & Analysis ............................. ' ' ' ' y Formulate Focus Group 4 Script(s) Refine Stakeholder and Typologies t Facilitate Focus Groups Figure 42. Value-Assessment Model 147 -+ Sythesize Assessments

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Finally, this model also defines a role for the ana l yst (e.g., a designer, preservationist, or other). While the process assumes that the values are those of the stakeholder, it does not defer to what MuiiozViiias calls "demagogic conservation," where all responsibility is shifted to users and subject to their preferences. The analyst is responsible for developing the baseline "value analysis," facilitating the process, and exercising professional judgment. It is probably naive to believe that the analyst can be entirely divorced or detached from his or her values. Still, to inform the process, elicit a rich response, and attain a holistic perspective, this role and leadership is valuable, and indeed, necessary. This thesis ultimately adopted a focus group approach. Focus groups provide context and allow flexibility and are particu l arly useful where the research is exploratory. However, other qualitative approaches could a l so provide valid results For example, long interviews, oral histories, value mappings, the Delphi method, as well as other methods, could be used to elicit the stakeholder values. The selected method is circumstantial but fits within the model. 7.2 Conclu s ion s In the initial phases of this research, the applicability of a value-based approach to a cultural landscape was questioned. It was unknown whether this approach was better suited for the built environment, movable art, or other preservation objects. Several landscape precedents existed and the literature hinted that it was appropriate, but the application was inconclusive and unclear. I believe that a value-based approach is clearly well-suited for analyzing and deciphering a cultural landscape. Landscapes are inherently multi-layered and multivalent. They are frequently contested and this value typology offers a systematic approach for assessing a complex system with competing and conflicting values. Furthermore, because of private property rights and deeply entrenched traditional values, landscape values are frequently dominated by economic values. The approach developed in this thesis provides a framework for analyzing intangible values such as spiritual or symbolic values Not only is this more inclusionary but it also provides a richer opportunity for interpretation. 148

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Because this process also explicitly accounts for multiple stakeholder groups, I believe it has additional merit. Unless disparate values are accounted for, cultural assets, particularly historic pre se rvation sites, are subject to dominant discourses and cultural hegemony. Some stakeholders ma y be excluded from the process because the y are physicall y dispersed or political disadvantaged. Such groups may ascribe a collective value but lack the resources, forum, or political influence to articulate their viewpoints. This proposed process is, therefore, inclusionary b y design. However, a value-based approach is more appropriate for a public space, one that is shared with the public or is being considered for future public usage. In the case of Camp ANF-1, the public values ascribed to the landscape may have receded because it has been in private hands for the past decades. Still values are laye red and, in this case, public values remain relevant but ma y require an investment before the y resurface. Nonetheless, these values will be revealed during the actual elicitation process. The proposed model has implications not onl y for value assessments but also for design and analysis. While landscapes are by nature "messy" and design is a value-laden process, ethical interventions require an empathetic and holistic perspective. This model provides a framework for dealing with complex and conflicting information and offers a "humancentered" approach that preempts or tempers a designer's inclination to infuse their own values.2 95 A value-based typology encourages a broad perspective and potentiall y could be applied at various scales and for different types of projects. This approach would highlight conflicting values and provide designers with a basis for addressing complex and nuanced challenges. Rather than "working around" the design problem, this framework encourages designers to address a multitude of values and stakeholders. A recurring theme throughout this thesis has been the difficulty we generally have in "seeing" our cultural landscapes. This echoes the literature and is also true for our natural 295 Klaus Krippendorff, The Semantic Tum: A ew Foundation for Design (Boca Raton, FL: Taylor & Francis, 2006). 149

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environment. If we cannot "see" our environments, for ourselves and unaided b y "experts," we are less likel y to value them. If we do not value our environments, we are less likel y to s u stain them. Therefore, m y final conclu s ion is that a value-based approach ha s implications for s u s taining both our cultural and natural environments. If we can reveal and articulate the underlying value, we are more likel y to s ustain our re so urces. 7.3 Future R e se a r c h The approach developed b y thi s thesi s i s primaril y qualitative and used only indicator s to represent economic v alues. Focus groups a re defen s ible for exploratory phenomena; howe ve r to conci sely communicate and s ummarize re s ults, quantitati ve methods are often b e neficial Most notably, the Contingent Valuation Method (CVM) holds promise as a way to quantify both u se and nonu se v alues. On the other hand, some quantitati ve methods ma y not capture the full ran ge of val ue s or their nuance s and interrelationships. This would suggest a triangulated approach to yield balanced and complementary results. Therefore a mixed-methods approach ma y be an option for future research. Like natural resources if cultural assets cannot be valued the y are at ri sk of being undera ppreciated and, therefore, uns u s tained. Quantifiable re s ult s are concise and easily communicated and provi de orders magnitudes, something that was be yond the s cope of the current s tud y Without such information, it is difficult to weigh the relati ve cost s and benefits of pre serving a site. If a CVM approach were used an intere s tin g approach may be to use the willingne ssto pa y data as a dependent varia ble For exam ple, there may be a relationship between the willingness-to-pay and financin g options for a pros p e cti ve prese rvation effort. Therefore, s uch an analysis may be elevated from a va luation to higher-ordered," ca s ual analysis. The Stakeholder-Value Matri..x may also provide furth e r re se arch and development. The model admittedly doe s not incorporate a re so lution proce ss when values are in conflict or yield a single answer. This relativi s m may or may not be critical, depending on the application of the model. For examp le, in a traditional, physical pres ervation project, where competing stake holder s ma y vie to assert their val ue s, conflictin g values could be critical 150

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because one group may need to be honored over another's. With alternative digital media, this may be less important because opposing views could perhaps both be repre se nted. In addition, the conceptual model may be useful in dealing with the sheer complexity of a cultural landscape. If resolution and deci s ion-making are important parts of the process, the Delphi method may have some potential, allowing users to "see" each others' values while arriving at a conse nsus. The Stakeholder-Value Matrix remains untested and, therefore, should be tested before it is operationalized. However, the focus group script has been tested and reviewed b y stakeholder experts and the results were generally endorsed. One challenge for value elicitation is that the various stakeholder groups are geographically dispersed and the site is relatively remote. A solution that has been explored and tested is that of on-line focus groups. Although there are tradeoffs involved with such on-line methods, on-line focus groups may have potential for future research. This option can be synchronous or asynchronous and have various tradeoffs. The system is self-documenting and may be cost effective; however visual cues and other group d y namics may be offset. Other tradeoffs include convenience, accessibility, and anonymity. Nonetheless this option may be viable where stakeholder groups are di s persed Much of the value-based literature remains conceptual and undeveloped. For example, definitions are not consistent and concepts and interrelationships between economic and cultural values require some clarification. Therefore, research which would fortify the current theoretical base would be valuable and welcomed. There are also opportunities for exploring the history of the Civilian Conservation Corps. Traditionally, the Corps had been considered a little-researched New Deal Program. Most research was not critical and, even during its tenure, the Corps was rarel y challenged politically. More recently, researcher s have taken a more critical tact with fruitful results. Therefore, there may be fertile opportunities to examine the CCC from new perspectives. For example, the so cio-economic viability of the CCC might be relevant to the current expansion of public services and programs. Furthermore, the dark side" (e.g., militaristic, 151

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sexist, oppressive, and racial elements) of the CCC might provide some balance to the generally nostalgic perspective found in most research. One common theme throughout this thesis has been the difficulties that our society has in "reading" our cultural landscapes. As a result, landscapes may not be valued because they are not understood and are "expert reliant." Emerging technologies, such as "augmented reality," ma y extend our inherentl y rational interpretation of landscapes. Such technology ma y layer information, data, and media in such a way that it enhances the experiential relationship to the landscape Furthermore, this technology is also intriguing because it conforms well to the relativism implicit in the Stakeholder-Value Matrix In other words, competing histories could be represented equally and separately This application has intriguing possibilities and merits further research Cultural heritage management and tourism have experimented with augmented reality but such systems have typically been proprietary and prototypical. Not many years ago, the technology involved unwieldy headmounted displays and heavy backpacks, but this is quickl y changing. Mobile handheld devices-specifically smartphones-have emerged as the dominant platform for delivering augmented experiences. Not only are smartphones mobile, location aware, and capable of rendering 3D images, but the y are increasingly becoming the de facto standard Mobile augmented reality is promising for not only cultural landscapes but also historic preservation in general. Multiple layers can be created, representing different, and sometimes conflicting, perspectives and values. Such technology may enable users to appreciate intangible heritage and "see the unseeable." However, this technology is new and user expectations are generally untested. Therefore, the initial research opportunities ma y exist for examining stakehol d ers' meanings and adopting a human-centered approach to the design problem. Essentially, the design of "digital places" falls into the domain of architects and landscape architects Architects and landscape architects are uniquely positioned to lead in this opportunity. Human-centered design has its origins in the design of personal computer interfaces. 152

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However, architects' have an intimate understanding of place and design suggests a natural role that would translate well into the design of augmented places and landscapes. Otherwise, our augmented places may resemble this: Does anyone want chirpy little advisors (such as the animated paperclip in Microsoft Word) to escape beyond the desktop and hit the streets? Instead of 'Hi! You appear to be writing a letter!' you would have to put up with 'Hi! You appear to be walking past shop!' evertheless, even without speculation, we can observe plenty of annoyance in the form of petty information pollution. It is muzak spewing out of gas pump handles. In general, potential users are generally unacquainted with the technologies, capabilities, and interfaces. Although the potential is clear, questions abound regarding potential use of an augmented environment, including stakeholder interactions, meanings, technical interfaces, and preferences. With little precedent, this research could establish a model for future development and a new role for architects and planners. 153

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APPENDIX A: IMAGES OF MAJOR AESTHETICS Reference Aesthetic Feature 1 Spring Creek 2 Pond #1 3 Pond #2 154

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Reference 4 5 6 Aesthetic Feature Covered Bridge Pedestrian Pathway CCC Buildings 155 ,.. 1 \\ ...... ..-....

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Reference 7 8 9 Aesthetic Feature Vehicular Circulation Tree Stands Typology 156 Image

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Reference Aesthetic Feature 10 Entryway 157

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APPENDIX B: REMAINING CCC CAMPS IN THE NATION Table 18. Remaining CCC Camps in the Nation 1 National Camp Name Vicinity Overview Current Use Regi ster Duhring, Of 15 original CCC buildings, 7 0 Camp Landers Pennsylvania, in the remain: the administration Base camp for a privately (ANF-1/ Co. 318) Allegheny National building, recreation hall, mess hall, owned horse trail ride DOE Forest two barracks, education building, and a tool shed. Several museums are housed Allenstown, in CCC structures, including Camp Bear Brook New Hampshire, in Of the original13 buildings, 7 the Museum of Family 1 (SP-2/ Co. 1123)1 the Bear Brook State remain. Camping, the Richard Diehl 1992 Park CCC Museum, and the New Hampshire Snowmobile Museum Dillon, Montana, Used by Western Montana 2 Camp Birch Creek in the Beaverhead7 of15 buildings remain College for its environmental 1982 (F-60/Co.1501) Deerlodge National education program Forest Iron River Township, Currently used as a Camp Gibbs Gibbs City, Michigan, Of the 19 nineteen original 3 (G-10/Co. 66W in the Ottawa buildings, 13 reportedly remain recreational camp/ private 1994 National Forest club (archery, shooting, etc) Provides 'room for Hui o Laka offices, operations, and Islan d of Kauia, p rogram. The site houses 4 Camp Koke' e Hawaii, in Koke' e 11 of the originalll CCC building the offices of Koke' e 1996 State Park. complex remain Resources Conservation Program and accommodations can be rented for retreats Used to house the operations Camp Lodge Custer, Sout h Dakota 12 buildings used by the CCC of the Black Hills Playhouse, a 5 (SP-4/Co. 1793)1 in Custer State Park remain summer theater associated DOE with the University of South Dakota Camp Morrison Retains 14 of the original15 Camp Morrison is *relatively* 6 (SP-13/ Morrison, Colorado, buildings, only an 'oil house' is well preserved, retaining 14 1990 Co. 1848 & 1860) near Red Rocks Park missing. of the original15 buildingsonly an "oil house" is missing The main mess hall/kitchen, six bunkhouses, tank house Used by various community Ekalaska, Montana, in bathroom/shower and pump groups, including the 4-H 7 Camp Needmore6 Custer National house are all original CCC unlisted Forest structures. Two large barracks also survive from the camp but they were split. Extant b uildings at the camp The camp has housed the Camp North Bend North Bend, include a dining hall, barracks, Highline School District's 8 ( F -65/ Co. 2911) Washington office, Forest Service quarters, and outdoor education program 1992 since the 1950s. Now known an education building. as Camp Waskowitz Blackduck, Originally had 24 CCC buildings Currently used for Forest Camp Rabideau Minnesota, in the Service Officer Quarters. The 9 (F-50/Co. 708)7 Chippewa National and most remain. Notably, the site became a National 1976 Forest mess hall is not original. Historic Landmark in 2006 158

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National Camp Name Vicinity Ov erview Current Use Register Middlecreek Contains fourteen buildings, Camp Rockwood Township, Somerset including a mess hall, a recreation The camp recreation hall is 1987 10 (SP-15/ Co. County, hall, officers' quarters, an currently used as the Laurel 2332)1 Pennsylvania, Laurel infirmary, a garage and eight Hill State Park Amphitheater Hill State Park barracks. The four buildings are still in Camp Smokey Cassville, Missouri, in existence including the officers' 11 (SP-4/Co.1713)9 Roaring River State quarters, foreman' s quarters, unknown 1985 Park hospital, and the education/supply building. Durbin West Now known as Camp Camp Thornwood Virginia, in the Several original camp buildings Pocahontas, the site has been 12 (F-6/Co. 521)10 Monongahela survive including the recreation used for the National Youth unlisted National Forest, building and several barracks Science Camp for the past 40 years Jenny Lake Wyoming in Grand The two surviving structures 13 CCC Camp Teton National Park include a mess hall and a unknown 1998 (NP-4/Co. 744)11 bathhouse. Middlecreek The facilities have been Laurel Hill Camp Township, Somerset Contains thirteen original remodeled and are being 1987 14 (SP-8/ Co. 2330) County, buildings remain, including a used for organized group Pennsylvania, Laurel recreation hall, an infirmary, a camping with capacities Hill State Park, wood shed, and nine barracks. ranging from 47 to 148 The camp now consists of four Leeds Camp buildings and one structure. The 1S (SCS-7/ Co. 585) StGeorge, Utah buildings are unique in that they Not in Use 1993 feature coursed sandstone construction. ln1945, the United Brethren The camp contains twelve original Church leased the property Old Forge Camp/ Waynesboro, and started a summer 16 Camp Penn Pennsylvania, in the buildings including a recreational camping program which unlisted (S-70/ Co. 307)10 Michaux State Forest building, a dining hall and at least continues today under the four barracks. oversight ofthe United Methodist Church ... 1 Based on consultation With Kathy May Sm1th and reference to Rab1deau CIVil/On Conservation Corps (CCC) Camp. This analys1s is limited to sites where there are a collection of four or more CCC buildings. 2 http://www.ucampnh.com/museum/History.html 3 http://www .upheritage.org/iron.htm 4 http://www .kokee.org/historic -ccc -camp/camp-history s Peggy Sanders. The Civilian Conservation Corps in and Around the Black Hills, 104. 6 http://www.campneedmore.org/ 7 http://www.fs.fed.us/r9/chippewa/camp/camprabideau.htm; Rabideau Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) Camp. 8 http://www. waymarking.com/wayma rks/WM6EZN_ Camp _SP _15 _Recreation_Haii_Rockwood_Pennsylvania 9 E C. W. Architecture in Mo. State Perks T.R., National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 10 http://www .wvgazette.com/Opin ion/Editorials/200806280252; http://www. nysc.org/prog_fa.html 11 Jenny Lake CCC Camp #NP-4, National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 12 https:/ /www .cpcumcamps.org/cms/name/Camp+Penn 159

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I. Introduction APPENDIX C: FOCUS GROUP SCRIPT CIUILifln Cons,RUfiTIOn CORPS (CCC) 1=0CUS GROUP This focus group is being conducted in order to gain insights into the associated values of the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) alumni, their decedents, and other related parties regarding the CCC and Camp ANF-1 (Company #318). The information will be integrated with other focus group research ultimatel y used to develop a comprehensive preservation plan and clearl y articulated statements of significance. II. Objectives: The major objectives of this research are to: validate the baseline stakeholder groups and the value typology; understand the associated values related to CCC Camp ANF-1; identify intangible values (e.g., symbolic, spiritual) associated with the site; assess "non-use values"; provide a foundation for clearl y articulated statement(s) of significance; and gain a "global" perspective and conte x t for CCC Camp A F-1. Ill. Strategy 160

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8-10 participants. The participants will be selected based on the following criteria: o CCC Alumni & Decedents o CCC Researchers (authors, academics, historians) o others Doug Futz will coordinate and facilitate the meeting and record the responses. The meeting will be recorded, audib l y and visually. Equipment and supplies include: o Video and Audio recording equipment o Name tags o White board and markers o Flip Chart The session will take approximate l y 45 minutes Pizza and soda will be served before the meeting (10 minutes) The outcome will be a written report IV. Script A. Openin g (5 minute s ) 1. Welcome to our focus group. This focus group is one of several that we are conducting in orde r to gain an intimat e und erstanding of the value of preserving CCC Camp ANF-1. The planning t eam hopes that ry understandingyour associated values, w e can develop a well-articulated plan for the future uses of this site 2. Let's introduce the prqject team and explain our roles: My name is Doug Futz and I will be the facilitator of this group. My role zs to lead the discussion, monitor the time, mediate atry destructive exchanges, and keep the discussions on track. I will b e recordingyour comments and will be preparing a final report. You'll be provided with a copy of this report. During this focus group, I will also b e using a PowerPoint presentation. 161

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My name is [TBD]. I will be assisting and recording todqy's session. 3. I"d like you to each introduce yourselves to the rest of the group [facilitator ensures all participants are wearing name tags] 4. A focus group enables people to come together in one place to share their opinions on a given topic. Each of you is representingyour own opinions;you do not need to view your comments as representative of an or a group of people. Please be as honest and open as possible in your responses. Your anorrymiry will be protected. The results will be used to help us make this assessment. We wzil move through these questions in about an hour. There are no wrong answers. B B a ckground (5 minut es ) Camp ANF-1 is located in the Allegharry National Forest, near Duhring, Pennsylvania in Forest Counry. This camp was the second camp established in the nation and was one of the longest operating camps. The camp's remnants current!J exist on private properry and have been used as a base t'fJmp for a horse trail riding operation for the past thirryjive years. Allegheny N ational Forest F i gur e l Context Map CampA NF-1 Camp ANF-1 is at a ''tipping point" and decisions will soon be made regarding its preseroation and survivaL This raises the question of ''what is worth preserving?" In order to 162

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answer this question, we are soliciting responses from various groups to understand how thry mqy value suc h an historic site. Figure 2 Recreation Hall, circa 1936 Figure 3. CCC Camp ANF-1 Recreation Hall 2008 163

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C. Questions ( 40 minutes) 1. (1 0 minutes) Before we get into specifitquestions, I"d like your general feedback on set;eral issues. 1 .a. There are various groups of individuals who might attach a value to this site or a place like this. We call these individuals ''stakeholders" and have indentified the following stakeholder groups [ present list of stakeholders]: Local Community CCC Alumni and Descendents Researchers, Historians Academics Property Owners Heritage Tourists Recreational Users (AlV, Hikers, and Trail Riders) Educators 1.b. Associated values mqy be "tangible" or ''intangible. Spiritual or rymbolic values are examples of intangible value, while economic value is tangible. As well, you don "t necessari!J need to even visit use a site in order to place a value on it For example, even though you mqy never visit the pyramids, almost everyone treasures them in some wqy. [present value typology]: Aesthetics Symbolic Social Spiritual Recreational Economic Given this background, what "values" would you attach to a plate such as Camp CCC ANF-1? WfD'? What values would you expect other stakeholder groups to attach to such a site? 164

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2. ( 1 0 minutes ) I am now going to sho w you some images from the CCC era and Camp ANF-1 site. What things, people, places, or events do you associate with these images? Figure 4 CCC Recrui ting Poster 165

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Figure 5 CCC Recruiting Poster Figure 6. Aerial View of Camp ANF 1, circa 1936 What does this camp .rymbolize to you? What would you expect or hope that it might .rymbolize or represent to others? 166

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We have developed a working statement of the site's .rymbolism and would lzke your feedback [present statement and scale] : ''CampANF-1.rymbolizes this generation's readiness and imminent wartime sacrifices, its metaphoric war and stmggles against economic and environmental threats, and the era's political upheaval and volatiliry. Do you : Strongly Agree Somewhat Agree Neither Agree nor Disagree Somewhat Disagree Strongly Disagree 3. ( 5 minutes ) Consider the following statement [present statement and scale] : '1 would place a high value of this site, even though I mqy never use it. "How strongly do you agree with this statement: Strongly Agree Somewhat Agree Neither Agree nor Disagree Somewhat Disagree Strongly Disagree If you are a CCC alumni, how about for your decedents? Would you be wiffing to pqy some amount in order to preserve the site? Do you believe future generations would benefit from understanding this history and, if so, in what wqys? 4. ( 5 minutes ) This generation was a7,uabfy at risk of being a ''lost generation. For mat!J young men, the CCC helped to mend their broken spirits. First, do you agree with these statement and would you like to comment [present statement and factors] ? Assuming this is tme, to what do you most/y attribute this ty;"uvenation? That is, which of the following would attribute the following: Training/Education Prayer/Spiritual Training Work Experience Camaraderie Nature Other 167

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5. ( 5 minutes ) Recent research traces the roots of the modern environmental movement back to the CCC (Neil Maher, 2 009). Are you familiar with this research? Do you agree with this statement? Have you seen the historical value of the CCC shift over recent years? Opportnlty ltrlalonal;llomNrramm w>Sutlio1NI.t11111det
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younger generations shown an appreciation in the CCC or are thry relativefy indifferent? In what wqys has the recent economic crisis affected public perception and interest? D. Closing Please take a sheet of paper and note atry last thoughts, comments, or atrything else you wish to emphasize for the planning team. You mqy also call me at 3 0 3-349-3 1 7 1 or email me at [pos t cont ac t in f orma ti o n o n flip chart] Thank you for your participation. You will receive copy of the final report. 169

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