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The effect of socio-demographic and political variables on Black police officer career commitment

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Title:
The effect of socio-demographic and political variables on Black police officer career commitment
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Wilson, Jackie-Lynn Harris
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Denver, CO
Publisher:
University of Colorado Denver
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English
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xi, 365 leaves : illustrations ; 29 cm

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Subjects / Keywords:
African American police ( lcsh )
Police -- Attitudes -- United States ( lcsh )
African American police ( fast )
Police -- Attitudes ( fast )
United States ( fast )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 250-277).
Thesis:
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree, Doctor of Public Administration, Graduate School of Public Affairs.
General Note:
School of Public Affairs
Statement of Responsibility:
by Jackie-Lynn Harris Wilson.

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All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
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This Thesis for the Doctor of Public Administration
degree by
Jackie-Lynn Harris Wilson
has been approved for the
Graduate School
of Public Affairs
by
/
Date Iploj k f-


ABSTRACT


Wilson, Jackie-Lynn Harris (D.P.A., Public Administration)
The Effect of Socio-demographic and Political Variables on Black
Police Officer Career Commitment
Thesis directed by Professor Mark R. Pogrebin
This work concerns the effect of different socio-
demographic and political variables on black police officers'
ccmmitment to law enforcement careers. The study focuses on
the relationship between black officer career commitment and:
(1) the proportion of Blacks in a city's population, and (2)
the percentage of Blacks in elective and appointed offices
that control or significantly influence police personnel policies.
The study investigates and compares black police officers'
attitudes toward occupational mobility in the Detroit, Michigan,
and Denver, Colorado, Police Departments. Howard Becker's concep-
tualization of commitment, the concepts of psychological contract
and expectancy x theory provide the study's theoretical frame-
works. The research is exploratory and descriptive and predomi-
nately qualitative in. its orientation. Multiple methods (field
study, focused interviews, and observation) are used for data
collection. Forty Detroit black, male police officers in the
entry rank, and twenty Denver black, male police officers in'
the entry rank are personally interviewed. The study's salient
finding is that black officer career commitment is significantly
influenced by expectancies of success or failure when undertaking
actions that lead to careers: The study concludes that where


Blacks are a numerical majority and hold a majority of elective
and appointive offices that importantly impact on police depart-
ment personnel policies, black police officers are more likely
to expect successful outcome in pursuit of upward mobility
in the police department, and are more committed to careers
in law enforcement.
The form and content of this abstrac
its publication.
Signed
e approved. I recommend
Faculty member in'charge of thesis


CONTENTS
CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION ........................... . 1
The Research Problem ................ 1
Background of the Study.......... 3
Assumptions of the Study ............. 6
Significance of the Study............. . 7
. Arrangement of the Dissertation ........... 8
NotesChapter I ..................... 9
II. CONTEMPORARY PERSPECTIVE OF BLACK
POLICE OFFICER EMPLOYMENT. ... ... . . . . 12
Police Employment and Careers ............ 12
Occupational Terms ................. 13
The Concept of Career ....... ........ 13
Factors Influencing Goal-oriented Behavior .... . 14
The Concept of Commitment .............. 16
Police Careers: Strategies of Attainment 17
Psychological ContractExpectancy X Theory
As A Theoretical Framework for Examining
Career Commitments......................... 20
Preoccupational Entry Attitudes: A
Black Perspective ........... ....................... 22
NotesChapter II ..... .............................. 30
III. BLACK POLICE OFFICER EMPLOYMENT IN
HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE: 1860-1980 37


CHAPTER
ix
Black Police Employment 1860-1965 ..................... 37
Recruitment of Black Police 1965-1980 ................. 45
Black Camiunity Attitudes Toward the Police
and Recruitment of Black Police Officers ............ 47
Notes-Chapter III..................................... 52
IV. METHODS................................................... 57
Study Design .......................................... 57
Data Collection....................................... 59
Study Sites........................................... 67
Socio-demographic Characteristics of
Study Sites......................................... 69
Study Sample........................................... 72
The Detroit Sample..................................... 73
The Denver Sample..................................... 74
Interview Schedule . .............................. 76
Study Limitations...................................... 78
NotesChapter IV....................................... 79
V. CAREER COMMITMENT ATTITUDES OF BLACK
POLICE OFFICERS IN DETROIT AND DENVER.................. 86
Study Results ....................................... 86
Additional Study Results............................. 90
Summary............................................... 96
Recruitment, and Reasons for becoming
Policemen ........................................... 96
Occupational Socialization ........................... 101
Role of Family and Friends and the Police
in the Socialization Process .................... 108
Organizational Climate.................................112


X
CHAPTER
Job Satisfaction.......................................113
Attitudes Toward Departmental
Disciplinary Practices...............................117
Attitudes Toward Performance
Evaluation Practices ................................121
Attitudes Toward Supervisor and Administrator
Leadership Effectiveness ........................... 123
Attitudes Toward Assignments ......................... 127
Perceptions of Opportunity for Upward Mobility ... 131
Participation in and Attitudes Toward
Promotion Process . I............................137
Relationships with Co-workers .... ................... 144
Relationships with the Public..........................148
Attitudes Toward Police Unions and Black
Police Officers Association .........................152
Attitudes Toward Role of Board of Police
Caimissioner and Manager of Public Safety............158
Attitudes Toward Role of Cannon Council
and City Council ................................... 162
Attitudes Toward the Role of the Mayor .............. 164
Sumary of Findings: On Variables
of Organizational Climate..............................167
Black Officer Career Ccmmitment........................168
Future Occupational Plans ............................ 172
Encouragement of Others to Enter
the Occupation................................... 180
NotesChapter V........................................186
VI. INTERPRETATION AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS................188
Police Officers' Career Commitment ................... 189
Motivation for Success or Failure......................191


XI
CHAPTER
Detroit and Denver Black Police Officers'
Expectations of Success and Failure ............... 193
Psychological Contract and Expactancies
of Success and Failure ........................... 196
Black Police Socialization and Interactions
within the Police Organization.........................198
Structural Sources of Black Police Officers'
Expectations of Success and Failure ............... 203
Vicarious Experiences as Source of
Expectations of Success and Failure ............... 210
Institutionalized Racism: Impact on
Black Police Career Mobility in
the Denver Police Department.......................214
The Effects of Black Political Empowerment
on Detroit Black Police Officers'
Expectation of Career Success ................... 221
:Role of the Detroit Mayor and Black.
Officer Expectation................................ 225
NotesChapter VI ......................................233
VII. CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH .... 243
NotesChapter VII......................................248
BIBLIOGRAPHY................................................249
APPENDICES.....................................................278
[Includes Figures and Tables]


CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
The black policeman has been trapped in a cruel series of
binds, much like blacks in the larger society. If he "goes
along with the program," he tacitly shares the "ethical" norms
of conduct, belief and valuation of the police world as defined
by the white majority. And he is rewarded by being considered
a "good Negro policeman." If, on the other hand, he vigorously
resists the role of a "dirty worker" for white society, in the
eyes of his fellow officers he is at the very least open to
the charges of ambiguous loyalties.
Two themes dominate studies and articles on the black
police officer. The first addresses the problems Blacks have histor-
ically encountered in gaining entry to the police occupation,2
police departments1 resistance to racial integration in American
police forces,^ and the social and political implications of black
underrepresentation in them. 4 The second theme focuses upon the
role-enactment problems the black officer experiences as a conse-
quence of his membership in two functionally significant but antago-
nistic reference groups (i.e., the black community and the police).5
This study diverges from these themes. The focus of this research
is on black officers' attitudes toward careers in law enforcement.
Black police officers' attitudes often influence the predis-
position of black youth toward police work, and may adversely
affect police departments' recruitment of black officers.6 Given
the antipathy many black youths express for the police,7 black


2
officers' attitudes toward career commitment. are particularly
germane to the goal of increased representation of Blacks in all
police department ranks.
Explanations of the underrepresentation of black officers
in supervisory and managerial positions generally turn upon con-
tinued race discrimination,in police departments, and the existence
of organizational structures that hinder black officers' upward
mobility. Most of what is known about black officers, including
their perceptions of opportunities for careers, is from studies
conducted in cities with a predominately white population where
Blacks have been largely excluded from the political and adminis-
trative structures that affect police department policies.^
Population changes in the proportions of Blacks and whites
in urban areas since the 1960s have resulted in Blacks acquiring
majority population status in several major cities.^ As antici-
pated by political observers in the 1920s, Blacksfor example,
in Atlanta, Detroit, and Washington, D.C.have translated numer-
ical dominance in these cities into predominance in elective and
appointive offices (i.e., mayor, city council, Civil Service
Commission, and police chief) that control or influence police
department personnel policies.^ 2 Demographic changes, and the
concomitant changes in the number of Blacks in political positions
that affect police agencies provide an opportunity to study black
officer career commitment attitudes under conditions of black
political empowerment, and under different demographic conditions.


3
The Research Problem
The focus of this study is on the relationship between
black officers' career canmitment and (1) the proportion of Blacks
in a city's population and (2) the percentage of Blacks in elective
offices in city government.
The research problem investigated is: given a city like
Detroit, where Blacks are 63 per cent of the population,^ and
hold 70 per cent of elective offices in city government,^ will
black police officers report greater canmitment to careers in
policing than black officers in a city like Denver, where Blacks
are 12 per cent of the population,^ and hold approximately 14
1 C
per cent10 of elective offices in city government?
Background of the Study
The study had its genesis in the researcher's experience
as a police officer, which afforded the opportunity to observe
differences in career-related behavior of black policemen employed
in various police departments in different geographical areas of
the country. Contrasts in black officers' commitment to careers
were often striking. Officers in East St. Louis, Missouri., for
example, showed more commitment to upward occupational mobility
than did those in the Nassau County, New York Police Department.
That black police in a city known for antipathetic relations
between police and black citizens 7 should be more committed to
police careers than their counterparts in a community where there


4
had been little overt hostility between black citizens and the
police seemed incongruous. An informal search for explanations
of the difference in the attitudes of the two groups of officers
did not support the conventional wisdom that East St. Louis was
a "better" canrnunity in which to be employed. Indeed, by compar-
ison, East St. Louis represented the reverse case: Its crime
rates were higher and police department equipment, training, and
salaries were inferior to those of Nassau County. Other efforts to
explain difference in officers' attitudes based upon their social
backgrounds were, equally unsatisfactory. The officers' social
profiles were nearly identical. The writer's informal inquiry
however, found demographic and socio-political differences between
the two communities. East St. Louis is a predominately "black
city"; Nassau County, a predominately "white community."^ Further
investigation disclosed that Blacks' influence in the political
processes of East St. Louis is considerably more extensive than
in Nassau County.
Additionally, a reading of Albert Reiss' report of his
1966 study of police officers' attitudes toward law enforcement
issues, including careers, revealed that black policemen in Chicago
reported a greater commitment to police careers than black policemen
in Boston and Washington, D.C.^ Reiss' findings served to increase
interest in the subject of black police officers' attitudes toward
career commitment in different demographic and political situations.
W.E.B. Du Bois' research on urban Blacks' occupations in
the nineteenth century, and James Q. Wilson's on the effect of
different demographic and political conditions on police officers'


5
occupational attitudes and behaviors offered more hope of an expla-
nation. In his scholarly acclaimed sociological study of Black
Philadelphians, Du Bois noted the effect of certain socio-political
factors on Blacks' attitude toward particular occupations. In that
study he presented an interesting facet of black occupational
attitudes: Even under conditions of extreme economic depriva-
tion, intense occupational competition, and discrimination, the
racial implications of an occupation could outweigh its economic
viability for Blacks. Du Bois commented in 1898:
Today one would have to look a long time among young and
aspiring Negroes to find one who would willingly become a
barberit smacks perhaps a little too much of domestic service
and is a thing to fall back upon but not to aspire to. In
the second place the business became unpopular with Negroes
because it compels them to draw a color line.^O
Although 'careers' had little meaning to Blacks during the time
Du Bois conducted his study (then, black 'careers' meant catering,
dressmaking, undertaking, etc.), bartering had an approximate
economic Value for black men ^ in the 1890s as policing has for
today's black men.
Wilson observed important variations in the occupational
behavior of police officers in eight communities and concluded
that police officers are 'sensitive' to the political cultures
that emerge from different demographic and socio-political arrange-
ments:
. . the police are in all cases keenly sensitive to their
political environment without in all cases being governed by
it. By sensitive is meant that they are alert to, and concerned
about what is said about them publicly, who is in authority
over them, how their material and career interests are satis-
fied and how complaints about them are handled. Thus, police


6
work is carried out under the influence of a political culture
though not necessarily under day to day political direction. z
The two foregoing quotations, combined with the researcher's
observations and review of Reiss' study, become references for an
examination of the relationship between demographic and socio-
political factors and black officers' commitment to police careers.
Assumptions of the Study
Major assumptions of this study are that black political
powerlessness, manifested by Blacks' incapacity to significantly
influence a city's political processes, may have negative effects
on black officer attitudes toward law enforcement career commit-
ment. Conversely, black political empowerment stemming from control
of important political offices leads to black officers' more
favorable attitudes toward careers in police work for themselves,
their children, and other young black men and women.
These assumptions are based upon evidence garnered by the
Special Task Force to the Secretary of Health, Education and
Welfare and published as Work in America The Task Force study
concluded from data on the black worker that limitations of Blacks'
participation and influence in important social, economic and
political institution significantly affect Blacks' occupation-
related attitudes:
Clearly the issue that stands behind black attitudes
about discrimination in general is that they feel that they
have been denied full and equal participation in American
society. They have little control over the institutions that
affect their livescommunity, political, educational, or
economic.23


7
Research conducted by MacDonald, focusing on the effect of black
political empowerment on Blacks' sense of personal efficacy and
psychological security, provides additional support for the assump-
tions ^
Significance of the Study
The principal significance of the study lies in its contri-
bution to public administrators1 knowledge of socio-political
factors, other than race discrimination, that may significantly
influence black officers' commitment to police careers. If black
representation in law enforcement is to increase, and Blacks are
to assume a greater role in decision-making processes within urban
police forces the commitment lower-echelon black officers have
to law enforcement careers should be of major concern to urban
administrators and police officials.
The study may also have significance for future public
administration scholarship. E. Franklin Fraizer's ^ and Max
Lemer's 26 pleas for the necessity of studying American race
relations within the context of black culture and black psycho-
dynamics, focusing on Blacks' subjective perceptions of life
chances, have been largely unheeded by public administration
researchers. The present research brings together both perspectives
under the auspices of public administration interest. The impor-
tance of this subject is expected to increase, if McKinney and
Howard are correct in their assessment that:


8
The inner-city environment has changed. Middle class
whites have abandoned the city for the suburbs, leaving behind
growing percentages (often large majorities) of lower-class
blacks, the elderly, and the poor. This is the new clientele
who are the objects of urban bureaucracies . .27
Arrangement of the Dissertation
Chapter II of the work presents a contemporary perspective
of black police officer employment in urban police departments.
The chapter also reviews literature pertinent to occupational
careers and the factors thought to influence commitment to a
career.
Chapter III examines black police officers' employment
from an historical perspective, and focuses on the socio-political
factors affecting Blacks' entry to the occupation.
In Chapter IV, the study's methods are discussed; Chapter
V presents research findings. Study findings and their interpre-
tation are discussed in Chapter VI. The dissertation concludes
in Chapter VII with recommendations for future study.


9
NOTESCHAPTER I
1
'Alex Poinsette, "The Dilertma of Black Policemen," Ebony,
May 1971, p. 122.
^James I. Alexander, Blue Coats: Black Skins (Hicksville,
New York: Exposition Press, 1978), p. 5.
^Samuel G. Chapman, Police Patrol Readings, 2d ed. (Spring-
field, 111., Charles C. Thomas, 1970); James B. Jacobs and Jay
Cohen, "Inpact of Racial Integration on the Police," Journal of
Police Science and Administration 6 (June 1978):16; Richard J.
Margolis, "Minority Hiring and the Police," New Leader, August
1971, p. 13; David M. Rafsky, "Racial Discrimination in Urban
Police Departments," Crime and Delinquency, July 1975, p. 233;
James E. Teahan, "Longitudinal Study of Attitude Shifts Among
Black and White Police Officers," Journal of Social Issues 31
(Winter 1975):47.
.^Clinton B. Jones, "Critical Equal Employment Issues in
Criminal Justice," Journal of Police Science and Administration 2
(June 1979:129); Robert Michael Regoli and Donnell E. Jerome, "The
Recruitment. and Promotion of a Minority Group into an Established
Institution: The Police," Journal of Police Science and Adminis-
tration 3 (November 1978):412; Bruce Cory, "Minority Police:
Tramping Through a Racial Minefield," Police Magazine, February
1979, p. 4.
Nicholas Alex, Black in Blue: A Study of the Negro Police-
man (New York: Appleton-Century Crofts, 1969), pp. 13-14. Valencia
Campbell, "Double Marginality of Black Policemen," Criminology,
17 (February 1980):477; Edward Palmer, "Black Police in America,"
Journal of Black Studies and Research 5 (October 1973):19.
^Arthur Neiderhoffer and Alexander B. Smith, New Direction
in Police Coirmunity Relations (San Francisco: Rinehart Press,
1974), p. 40.
^Louis Harris, "The Harris Survey," Chicago Tribune, 16
September 1977; George H. Gallup, The Gallup Opinion Index, Report
Number 150 (Princeton: The American Institute of Public Opinion),
p. 15.
^President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Adminis-
tration Task Force Report: The Police (Washington, D.C.:.Government
Printing Office, 1967), pp. 171-172.
^William Raspberry, "Promotion in Police Departments
Is There Discrimination?" Washington Post, 10 October 1966.


10
tOu.S. Bureau of the Census, "Components of Population
Change by Race, Between 1960 and 1975," U.S. Census of Population:
1960 and 1970, Vol. I, Series P-25, Number 545 (Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office, 1980).
^Ralph J. Bunch, "Negro Political Laboratories," Oppor-
tunity, December 1928, p. 370.
^Alex Poinsett, "Black Takeover of U.S. Cities?" Ebony,
November 1970, p. 77.
^u.S. Bureau of the Census, Advance Reports 1980 (Wash-
ington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1982).
Writer' s observation, December 1982.
^u.S. Bureau of the Census, 1980.
^^Writer's observation, December 1982.
^Emmett j. Scott, Negro Migration During the War (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1920), p. 110.
^U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census Population, 1970, Vol.
I, Parts A and B.
^Albert Reiss, Jr., Studies of Crime and Law Enforcement
in Major Metropolitan Areas, Field Survey III; Police Officer
Attitudes, 3 volumes (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office,
1967), pp. 8-10.
20W.E.B. Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1899), p. 116.
91
In the 1890s, barbering offered steady, well-paying
employment to black men.
22James Q. Wilson, Varieties of Police Behavior: The Manage-
ment of Law and Order in Eight Communities (New York: Anthenum,
1975), p. 230.
9*3
Special Task Force to the Secretary of Health, Education,
and Welfare, Work in America with a Forward by Elliot L. Richardson
(Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press, 1973), pp. 55-56.
94
A.P. MacDonald, "Black Power," Journal of Negro Education,
44 (Fall 1975):547. Both of these factors are thought to be impor-
tant to commitment behavior.


11
25e. Franklin Fraizer, "Desegregation as an Object of
Sociological Study," in Human Behavior and Social Processes, ed.
Arnold Rose (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1961), p. 620.
2^Max Lemer, "The Negro American and His City: Person in
Place and Culture," in The Conscience of the City, ed. Merlen
Meyerson (New York: George Braziller, 1970), p. 348. 27
27
Jerome B. McKinney and Lawrence C. Howard, Public Admin-
istration: Balancing Power and Accountability (Oak Park, 111.:
Moore Publishing Co., 1979), p. 104.


CHAPTER II
CONTEMPORARY PERSPECTIVE OF BLACK
POLICE OFFICER EMPLOYMENT
Freedom too, the long sought we still seek, the freedom of
life and limb, the freedom to work and think, to love and
aspire.1
Police Employment and Careers
In the United States, approximately 580,000 people are in
law enforcement occupations7- A majoritysome 386,000-are employed
as police officers in local police departmentsabout 27,000 are
black police officers.^
The purpose of this chapter is to sketch out differences
in the several occupational terms used to describe police employ-
ment and to review the literature on occupational careers, the
concept of commitment, and sane aspects of police work relevant
to police career mobility. The chapter will also address the
concepts of expectancy x theory ^ and psychological contract^ as
theoretical frameworks, for the examination of black officers'
career commitment. Finally, a black perspective of the police
occupation will be presented as a backdrop to the study's central
focus.


13
Occupational Terms
It is customary to speak of police employment as work, a
job, profession, occupation, and as a career. The interchange-
ability of the terms in popular usage often obscures essential
differences in various aspects of police employment. "Police
work" is a generic tern that conveys the notion that an individual
may earn a living by engaging in the tasks of policing. A job
refers to a limited employment situation that may evidence "a
group of positions or discrete units of work within an occupational
speciality."7 By profession is meant "an occupation requiring
specialized knowledge' that can only be gained after extensive
preparation ... The primary characteristic that differentiates
it from a vocation is its theoretical commitment to rendering a
public service."^ Occupation has been defined as:
a relatively continuous pattern of activity that (1) produces
a livelihood for an individual and (2) serves to define an
individual's general social status.^
Occupations encompass work, jobs, professions, and careers. Police
careers, and more precisely, black police officers' commitment
to than, is the central focus of this study.
The Concept of Career
A career implies progression within an occupation. In its
most limited sense (the one used in this study) a career connotes
upward occupational mobility, rather than long-term employment in
a specific job. Lee Taylor calls attention to this perspective:


14
Structurally the concept of career involves limited focus.
By definition career is a succession of related jobs, hier-
archial in prestige with ordered direction for an individual
to pass through in a predictable sequence.10
Slocum also prefers the narrow perspective of a career, empha-
sizing progression within an occupation. He defines a career as:
An orderly sequence of development extending over a period
of years and involving progressively more responsible roles
within an occupation.11
While a great deal of interest has been shown in the police
occupation, little research has been done in the area of police
careers, and the factors that affect police officers1 career
mobility. Similarly, researchers interested in the more general
aspects of careers have not developed a. comprehensive theory of
career behavior. Otto et al., point this out:
Whether one reviews the literature on occupations and careers
from the perspective of a single discipline or from several
disciplines . . . the conclusion is inescapable that there
does not yet exist a comprehensive theory of careers and
work roles, let alone an explanation of career entry.12
Studies conducted by Raynor and Entin, however, indicate that at
a minimum a career involves goal-oriented behavior.13
Factors Influencing Goal-oriented Behavior
Conservative perspectives of behavior underlying careers
emphasize psychological factors as major determinants of goal-
oriented behavior. This perspective is found in the theoretical
postulates of the closely related works of Lewin;14 Atkinson;15
Featherman; 15 McClelland;^ Raynor; 18 Raynor and Entin; 19 and
Vroom.20 Studies by these researchers and others employing a


15
personal-psychological-variables-paradigm suggest that goal oriented
behavior, thought to be at the base of occupational aspiration
(and by implication, career commitment), is related to self-
21 22
concept, intrinsic motivation and achievement needs, as well
as to. an individual1s calculations of the probable outcome of
striving for a future goal.
Perception of choice and opportunity, and belief about
personal competency, plus past success (or failure) experienced
by an individual are also important determinants of future goal
oriented behavior.
The radical perspective of career behavior explains future
goal behavior in socio-political terms. This viewpoint considers
power relationships between groups (inside and outside of organi-
zations ), control and monopoly of occupational structures by
certain groups, and life chances influenced by factors of distri-
bution of education and health resources, as the major determinants
of upward occupational mobility.^
27
Other researchers, notably Sewell and Qrenstein;^0 Mueller;
90
and Spilerman and Habib; argue that community ethnic structures
affect aspirations and opportunities for careers. Individualized
levels of aspiration,30 worker response to authority systems ^
and organizational subcultures, together with relationships with
significant others who serve as role models and mentors have been
identified as additional variables that may importantly affect
career mobility and commitment to it.33


16
The Concept of Commitment
The concept of coimdtment has been widely used as a key
variable in analyses of several types of behavior, including those
of political and bureaucratic organizations^ and moral develop-
3 c:
meats. But perhaps its most extensive use has been in the study
of careers. Howard Becker's, work on commitment is particularly
useful to understanding. the dynamics of commitment behavior. He
defines commitment as: "Adherence to a particular goal or course
of action in the face of potentially high costs."
Becker explains commitment in terms of a "side bet," that
involves expectations of winning, while at the same time requiring
the willingness to risk the loss of something of value:
Thus commitment has been achieved by making a side bet. The
committed person has acted in such a way as to involve other
interests of his, originally extraneous to the action he is
engaged in, directly in that action. By his own actions prior
to the final bargaining session he has staked something of
value to him, something originally unrelated to his present
line of action, on being consistent in his present behavior.
The consequence of inconsistency will be so expensive that
inconsistency in his bargaining stance is no longer a feasible
alternative.^ ^
The major elements in Becker's conceptualization of commitment
are consistencyin present-time behavior undertaken in a bargain-
38
ing posture for future payoffs, colored by the factor of risk.
Commitment may also constrain behavior, and require a
change in an individual's status, thus creating yet another possi-
bility of loss for the committed person:
Side. bets that constrain behavior also come into existence
through the process of individual adjustment to social position.


17
A person may so alter his pattern of activity in the process,
by conforming to the requirements for one social position,
that he unfits himself for other positions.39
"Side bets" are in some cases made for an individual by the sub-
culture values of the groups to which he belongs and by certain
"impersonal bureaucratic arrangements." 40 The bureaucratic arrange-
ments noted by Becker are especially relevant to upward mobility
in an occupation, like policing, in which mobility is almost
entirely through rigid career tracks that limit the means of
achieving higher positions.41
Police Careers: Strategies of Attainment
The occupation an individual enters is critical to his
later decision to pursue a career. Not only are real opportunities
for careers different in different occupational categories, but
career strategies are also different.42
The police occupation is generally categorized as a "craft"
attempting to achieve the status of a profession.43
Skolnick calls attention to the police occupation as a
craft, when he writes: "He [the policeman] sees himself as a
44
craftsman, at his best, a master of his trade . ." While Skol-
nick's analysis focuses upon the implications this has for the
role behavior of the police officer,45 the craftmanship of the
occupation also has implications for progression in the occupation.
Craft occupations, although generally entailing a period of appren-
ticeship, journeyman status, and ultimately, mastery of the
"art," seldom involve movement to related occupations. Bather


18
the craftsman spends a lifetime in perfecting the artistry of
his occupation. Because the police occupation is a craft rather
than profession, strategies for career mobility are quite limited
for police officers.
Thompson et al., identify four broad strategies career-
oriented workers may use for career mobility.46 Theoretically, all
four are available to police officers; however, the organizational
structures that predominate in policing, in practice, limit police
officers to two of them. For example, the heuristic career mobility
strategy, in Thompson et al.'s model means that an individual
comnitted to career mobility may decide that it is advantageous
to leave a particular organization or even an occupation to pursue
a better occupational position.^ Similarly, what these authors
call "occupational strategy" would allow one to remain within the

occupation, but move from one organization to another as oppor-
tunities for advancement came along.48 Because of the organiza-
tional and occupational structures of American police forces,
neither of these strategies is usually available to police career-
ists. Within policing, as the occupation is presently structured,
police career mobility is attained principally through the use
of a third strategy, that Thompson et al., identify as an "organi-
zational strategy." An organizational strategy of upward mobility
for police officers involves commitment to a single police depart-
ment, and advancement only through "ranks" adopted from American
military organizations. The fourth career mobility strategy,
termed "stability strategy," means remaining at the entry level


19
within the occupation,-^ and is the antithesis of career mobility.
Misner points out an essential difference between a profes-
sion and a craft when he calls attention to the difference in
career mobility strategies used by lawyers, who are clearly in
a profession, and those used by police officers as "craftsmen":
"lawyers in the justice system tend to utilize an occupational
strategy, whereas police officers almost always employ an organi-
51
zational strategy."
Given the limited ways in which a police officer may
achieve career mobility, commitment to a career in law enforcement
is in most instances inseparable from commitment to the particular
police department in which the police officer is employed. For
this reason, Albert Reiss asserts that a police officer's commit-
ment to a career is part of a complex of attitudes about the tasks
of the occupation, relationships with co-workers, supervisors,
and administrators. ^2 career commitment may also be affected by
an officer's relationship with and attitude toward police depart-
ment clientele, as well as attitudes about the organization. The
external environment also influences commitment, especially
through its political structure's ability to create or to con-
strain, through fiscal decisions, opportunities for upward mobil-
ity. All of these factors come into play in the "side bets"
implied in career commitment.


20
Psychological ContractExpectancy X Theory:
As A Theoretical Framework for Examining
Career Commitment
The several theoretical postulates concerning factors
underlying career behavior, the notions of commitment and the
impact of socio-political arrangements on career mobility, are
expressed in the concepts of workers' psychological contracts
and in expectancy x theory.
The assumptions of these concepts provide theoretical
frameworks for examining black officers' career commitment, and
a working definition of the term career commitment. For the
purposes of this study, career commitment means a cognitive agree-
ment freely made by an individual to achieve a higher status
position in law enforcement, based upon the expectation that an
investment of present effort will result in pay-offs in the future.
Psychological contract is described by Handy as:
The psychological contract is essentially a set of expec-
tations. The individual has a set of results that he expects
from the organization that will satisfy certain of his needs
in return for which he will expend some of his energies and
talents.53
Handy's conceptualization of psychological contract incorporates
thirty variables thought to influence an individual's expectations,
and by inference, career commitment. 54 some of them are personal
variables, others are factors of organizational structure, and
others emerge from the socio-political environment in which the
individual and the organization function. Handy summarizes these
variables as people, power and politics.55


21
Expectancy x theory offers a second theoretical approach to
the investigation of black officers' commitment to police careers.
Nadler and Lawler summarize the major aspects of. the. theory:
In general, the motivation to attempt to behave in a certain
way is greatest when A) The individual believes that the
behavior will lead to. outcomes (performance outcomesexpec-
tancy); B) The individual believes that the outcomes have
positive values for him or her [valence]; (C) The individual
believes that he or she is able to perform at the designed
level (effort-performance expectancy).5 .
Psychological contract and expectancy X theory assume that behavior
is determined by both individual and environmental factors. Indi-
viduals bring to an occupational situation their personal histories,
their own "ways of looking at the world, and expectations about
how organizations will treat them."57
Even if individuals as members of a group have similar
histories, needs, world views, and expectations of the organiza-
tion, different environments will elicit different responses.
Nadler and Lawler comment on the significance of environment to
the individual:
Different environments tend to produce different behavior in
similar people just as dissimilar people tend to behave differ-
ently in similar environment.
Socio-political environment is an appropriate context in which
to examine black police officers1 commitment to careers. The
socio-political context exists prior to the black officer's entry
into the occupation, and may affect not only his preoccupational
socialization to police work but ultimately his attitudes about
59
a career.


Preoccupational Entry Attitudes:
A Black Perspective
22
Bittner in his analysis of the important characteristics
of the police role in modem society, points out that the police
occupation is "tainted- "60 By this Bittner means that police work
is stigmatized by its history, the distribution of its resources,
and by the suspicion and ambivalence with which citizens often
view the police officer.
The stigma of the police occupation, especially as it
relates to the occupation's history and distribution of resources,
has special meaning for Blacks who enter police work. The black
police recruit is usually quite aware that the historical relation-
ship of the American police and the black community has been
antagonistic.^ As a member of the black community, this officer
may have learned from others or from his own experiences to perceive
the police as "oppressors" and even an important political support
for racial discrimination and social inequality. Myrdal succinctly
described this relationship in the South when he observed in the
1940s: .
In the policeman's relationship to the Negro population
there are several similarities. One is that he stands not only
for civic order as defined in formal laws and regulations,
but also for white supremacy and the whole set of social
customs associated with the concept.
If one moves beyond the South of the 1940s,. one will find
the same point being made about police-black citizen relationships
in New York. As Baldwin stated in the 1960s:


23
Their presence is an insult and would be even if they
spent their entire day feeding gumdrops to the children. They
represent the force of the white world and that world's criminal
profit and ease to keep the black man corralled up here in
his place. The badge, the gun, the holster, and the swinging
club make vivid what will happen should his rebellion become
over . .63
The distribution of police resources also has significance
for Blacks in law enforcement. The way police departments in urban
areas distribute their resources often results in the young, black
male becoming a target of police attention.64 Rarely will encounters
between the police and black youths be seen by young black men
as positive. 65 sixty per cent of black males 15-29 years of age
reported in the mid-1960s that they believed the police unfair 66
and brutal toward Blacks.67 This is the group from which today's
black police officer is most likely to have been drawn.
There are other dynamics of the historical relationships
of the American police and the black community that may affect
the black officer's orientation to the occupation. The black
officer enters police work with the knowledge that police depart-
ments have historically resisted Blacks' participation in law
C Q
enforcement, and that their present-day employment in urban
police departments is mainly a matter of political expediency for
the benefit of the police department .69 The black officer may soon
become aware that he is often viewed as inferior by white superiors70
and that many white officers perceive police duties as too important
to be relinquished to Blacks.71
The issues of race and race relations in America are also


24
important to an understanding of the black officer's orientation
to the occupation. Alex, in examining thirteen variables related
to black police officers' perceptions of their occupation, found
that "race" was an issue in the black officers' discussion of
twelve of the variables.^2 The police officers in Alex's study
cited "race" as a factor in their recruitment and reasons for
joining the police force; in their views on police professionalism
and the police image; in their relationships with citizens and
co-workers; in their relationships with friends and neighbors;
in their assignments; and in their wearing of the uniform.^3
Race as a determinant of behavior, attitudes, and defini-
tions of the police occupation may become more important to the
black officer because- of his police employment. Teahan reports
that data collected from ninety-seven white and twenty-four black
police officers show that both black and white police officers
become more ethnocentric and racially polarized as a consequence
of their socialization into the police organization. Teahan argues
that there is little evidence that police work motivates police
officers as a group to improve relations between Blacks and
whites 74 This polarization has often been expressed in legal
actions. In some cities black police officers have brought lawsuits
accusing police and city administrators of engaging in racially
discriminatory practices in the hiring, assignment, and promotion
of black police officers.^5 White police officers have brought
similar litigation, charging "reverse discrimination" in hiring
as a consequence of affirmative action programs.^6 Black police


25
officers have also accused white administrators of racially
motivated harrassment of black officers and have threatened to
arrest white police officers for "killing black kids and insulting
black women." White officers have been known to vandalize
police facilities with racial graffiti and to allude to Blacks'
employment as lowering police standards.
Because race relations in the United States continue to
be tenuous, at best, it would be naive to assume that race plays
little or no part in black officers' views of their occupation,
and commitment to careers. IndeedDarton, citing frequent confron-
tations between black and white police officers, considered
race relations in the 1970s to be a "key problem" for several
police departments,^ and by inference for black police officers'
career commitment.
The police occupation, however, is more than a "tainted
occupation" within a social context of unresolved problems of
majority-minority relations. Police work is a "style of life"
which imposes upon its members a unique way of viewing the world,
represented by a police "working personality.The black officer
in adopting the occupation's "working personality," assumes a
secondary personality, characterized by concern for authority, a
preoccupation with danger and the need to at least appear effic-
ient. Skolnick summarizes the consequences of this "working
personality":
As a result, the policeman is generally a 'suspicious'
person. Furthermore, the character of the policeman's work
makes him less desirable as a friend, since norms of friend-
ship implicates others in his work. Accordingly, the element


26
of danger isolates the policeman socially from that segment
of the citizenry Which he regards as symbolically dangerous
and also from the conventional citizenry with whom he identi-
fies. 82
The conceptualization of the police working personality,
shared by white and black police officers, has an important impli-
cation for the black officer. He may became by reason of his
occupation isolated from the black community; yet, he cannot turn
to the social comforts of a police occupational group solidarity
(thought to be available to whites) as compensation for the social
isolation imposed by the dynamics of the police role and the
policeman's "working personality." The black officer is denied
this compensation because he is, according to Alex, "marginal" to
his occupation and often viewed by white co-workers as unfit for
police work. The predicament of the black police officer described
by Alex as "double marginality" has been considered a core feature
of the occupational status of the black police officer. As Alex
states:
The Negro who enters into the police role is subject to
all the tensions and conflicts, that arise from police work.
Moreover, the conflict is compounded for the Negro: he is
much more than a Negro to his ethnic group because he represents
the guardian of white society, yet he is not quite a policeman
to his working companions because he is stereotyped as a
member of an "inferior" racial category. He may find it
necessary to defend his serving as a police officer and to
explain it largely on the basis of economic necessitythat
this was one of the best paying jobs that was available to
him. But often he feels that he is subject to criticism by
his ethnic peers derived from premises inapplicable to his
situationthat is, they may consider him a traitor to his
race because his race does not benefit from the protection
that he offers. Yet, he may defend his race 'because he is a
Negro and inextricably bound up in the current struggle for
civil rights and the demands of Negroes for social and legal


27
equality. It is difficult for him to play both roles. To
be a Negro and a policeman is to be subject to double marginal-
ity, and gives rise to sane special problems.
The theme of the marginality of black men in American society is
found so often in the works of black writers ^ that the black
police officer might well be a prototype of Park's "Marginal
OC
Man" described by Stonequest as ". . one whcm fate has condemned
to live in two societies and in two not merely different societies,
but antagonistic cultures."
The black man who enters policing soon learns that he has
acquired more than an occupation. He has, in entering police-
work, assumed what Alex termed the "hyphenated role'black-
policeman'."^ The "black-policeman" may also soon discover that
his role, because of its hyphenated nature, has attached to it
carpeting and often conflicting demands that emerge frcm his
membership in both the black coimunity and the police ccmmunity.
Both of these important reference groups will pose a different
set of expectations for the black officer that have important
consequences for- his attitudes about career commitment in law
enforcement.
The black officer's attitude toward career commitment
will be further complicated by the definition he has about himself
and by his personal aspirations, often influenced by the expec-
tations of those with whom the black officer is in close contact.
But there are additional factors influencing the black
officer's orientation to a police career. Like other police
officers, he is highly sensitive to the social and political
environment in which he works. That is, he is concerned about


28
those features of the social and political milieus that can affect
his material and psychological well-being.9 The black officer's
concern about social and political arrangements cones from the
recognition that his morale, self-respect, and the general terms
and conditions of his employment, including career mobility, are
affected in specific ways by the social and political culture of
the police department's host community. The black officer joins
his white colleagues in rejecting the argument that police agencies
are "apolitical," and will present the counter argument that
"politics" are important to the police officer's upward mobility
and other conditions of his employment. 90 The black officer will
further argue that police organizational policies reflect the
social and political climate of the community, and the nation. 91
The black officer attributes policies and practices that
once prohibited black and white officers from patrolling together;
black officers from arresting whites; black officers' being assigned
to separate locker rooms; and similar policies, to the broader
societal attitudes toward Blacks.92
The taint on the police occupation, the ascription of
racial inferiority to black officers by white co-workers, the
historical antagonisms between the police and the black community,
the adoption of a working personality, the personalized interpre-
tations of the role, the "hyphenation" of the black police officer's
role, as well as the influence of the social and political environ-
ments upon police organizational policies, all conspire to make
being a black man and a police officer an extraordinarily difficult


29
matter. As such, the black officer's commitment to a career (or
noncommitment) cannot be explained adequately in a one-dimensional
analysis that merely focuses on discrimination in police departments
or on the out-of-hand and unwarranted conclusion that Blacks
are not interested in careers, for to do so is to deny that the
black officer like other human beings, is. a complex person within
a complex environment. For a majority of Blacks, this environment
can succinctly be characterized as one of denial and powerlessness
that affects all aspects of their life-world, including their
aspirations for careers and for entry into occupations that in
theory would provide opportunities for advancement.


30
NOTESCHAPTER II
V.E.B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (New York: Fawcett
Publications, 1961), p. 22.
2 .
Sandra Nxcoli et al., Careers in Criminal Justice (Lincoln,
Nebraska: Contracts, Inc., 1981), p. 18.
^Ibid.
National Association of Black Police Officers, Conference
Report, Flint, Michigan, October, 1982.
^Expectancy theory is a generic theory of motivation
that argues that an individual will seek a. goal based upon his
expectations of reward, and the subjective probability of reaching
the goal. Several researchers have contributed to the development
of the theory (sometimes referred to as expectancy x theory),
but Edward C. Tolman is generally credited with having laid its
foundation in Purposive Behavior in Animals and Men (New York:
Century Co., 1932).
C.
The concept of the psychological contract is an extension
of expectancy theory. Charles B. Handy explains the concept as
". . . essentially a set of expectations. The individual has
a set of results that he expects from the organization, results
that will satisfy certain of his needs and in return for which
he will expend seme of his energies and talents." Charles B.
Handy, Understanding Organizations (New York: Penguin Books,
1976), p. 39.
'Jay M. Shafntz, Dictionary of Personnel Management
and Labor Relations (Oak Park, Illinois: Moore Publishing Co.,
1980), pp. 161-162.
Ibid., p. 275. ^Ibid., p. 233.
^Lee Taylor, Occupational Sociology (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1968), p. 266.
^^Walter H. Slocum, Occupational Careers: A Sociological
Perspective, 2nd ed. (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1974),
p. 5.
17
^Luther B. Otto, Vaughn R.A. Call, and Kenneth I. Spenner,
Design for a Study of Entry Into Careers (Lexington, Mass.:
Lexington Books, 1978), p. 49.
^Joel 0. Raynor and Elliot E. Entin, Motivation, Career
Striving, and Aging (Washington, D.C.: Hemisphere Publishing
Corp., 1982), pp. 319-320.


31
^Kurt Lewin, Conceptual Representation and Measurement
of Psychological Forces (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press,
1938).
1 5
John W. Atkinson, An Introduction to Motivation (Prince-
ton, N.J.: Van Nostrand Publishing Co., 1964).
16
David L. Featherman, Opportunity and Change (New York:
Academic Press, 1978).
17
'David C. McClelland, The Achieving Society (Princeton,
N.J.: Van Nostrand Publishing, 1961).
18
Joel 0. Raynor, "Motivation and Career Striving," in
Motivation and Achievement, eds. John W. Atkinson and Joel 0.
Raynor (Washington, D.C.: Hemisphere Publishing Corp., 1974).
^Raynor and Entin, Motivation, Career Striving, and
Aging, pp. 319-320.
20
Victor H. Vroom, Work and Motivation (New York: John
Wiley and Sons, 1964).
n i
^'Wilbur B. Brookover, Self-concept of Ability and Academic
Achievement (East Lansing, Mich.:' State University Press, 1965),
p. 201.
^David C. McClelland, "The Urge to'Achieve," in Classics
of Organizational Behavior, ed. Walter E. Natemeyer (Oak Park,
111.: Moore Publishing Co., 1978), p. 88.
22John P. Campbell et al., "Expectancy Theory," in Organi-
zational Behavior and the Practice of Management, 3d ed., edited
by David R. Hampton, Charles E. Summer, and Ross Webber (Glenview,
111.: Scott Foresman and Co., 1978), p. 49.
24Raynor and Entin, Motivation, Career Striving, and
Aging, pp. 319-320.
2^Peter B.. Doeringer and Michael J. Piore, Internal Labor
Markets and Manpower Analysis (Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books,
1971); Samuel Bowles, "Unequal Education and the Reproduction
of the Social Division of Labor," in Schooling in. a Corporate
Society, ed. Martin Camog (New York: McKay Publishing Co., 1972),
p. 139.
2^William H. Sewall and Alan M. Orenstein, "Community
of Residence and Occupational Choice," American Journal of
Sociology 70 (March 1965):551.


32
^Charles W. Mueller, "City Effects of Socio-economic
Achievement: The Case of Large Cities," American Sociological
Review 39 (November 1974):652.
28
Seymour Spilerman and Jack Habib, "Development Towns
in Israel: The Role of Community in Creating Ethnic Disparities
in Labor Force Characteristics," American Journal of Sociology
81 (January 1976):781.
^Slocum, Occupational Careers, pp. 241-245.
^Robert Pres thus, The Organizational Society (New York:
Alfred Knopf Publishing Co., 1962), p. 257.
Chris Argyris, "The Individual and the Organization:
Some Problems of Mutual Adjustment," Administrative Science
Quarterly 2 (June 1957):1.
12
Walter R. Allen, "Moms, Dads, and Boys: Race and Sex
Differences in the Socialization of Male Children," in Black
Men, ed. Lawrence E. Gary (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications,
1981), p. 99.
33phillip Selznick, TVA and the Grass Roots (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1953), p. 82.
3%. perry, Jr., Intellectual and Ethical Development in
the College Years (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston Pub-
lishers, 1970), p. 8.
3^Howard S. Becker, "Notes on the Concept of Conmitment,"
American Journal of Sociology 67 (July 1960):32.
37
What may of course be risked is self-esteem, exposure
to criticism and the frustration of failure and "loss of face"
See generally Erving Goffman, "On Face-Work," Psychiatry 18 (August
1955):213.
Becker, "Notes on the Concept of Commitment," p. 34.
39Ibid. 37 39 40Ibid.
41
Police organizations use a military model of promotions,
and police positions are equivalent to those of the military.
The usual "ranks" are: police officer, sergeant, lieutenant,
captain, deputy inspector, inspector, deputy chief and chief.
Movement from one position or rank is vertical, and positions
cannot be "skipped." For example, a police lieutenant, under
most circumstances cannot be promoted to the deputy inspector


33
rank until he has been in the captain's rank. He my, however,
be appointed to a position that cannot be achieved by promotion,
such as that of the chief executive officer of the organization
(i.e., police chief, supervisor, superintendent).
4^James D. Thompson, Robert W. Avery and Richard Carlson,
Occupations, Personnel and Careers (Pittsburgh: University of
Pittsburgh Press, 1962), p. 241.
^Gordon E. Misner, Criminal Justice Studies: Their Trans-
disciplinary Nature (St. Louis, MO.: C.V. Mosley Co., 1981),
p. 206.
44Jerome H. Skolnick, Justice Without Trial: Law Enforce-
ment in Democratic Society (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1966),
p. 196.
45Ibid., pp. 231-235.
^Thompson, Avery, and Carlson, Occupations, Personnel
and Careers, pp. 5-40.
Ibid. 48Ibid.
Ibid. 50Ibid.
-^Misner, Criminal Justice Studies, p. 206.
52
Albert Reiss, Jr., Studies of Crime and Law Enforcement
in Major Metropolitan Areas, Field Survey III: Police Officers'
Attitudes, 3 volumes (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing
Office, 1967), pp. 5-6.
CO
Handy, Understanding Organizations, p. 39.
54Ibid., p. 19.
cr
Personal (people) variables in Handy's model, pp. 19-
20 are: personality, motivation, needs, level of energy, age,
career experience, training, skills and abilities, role and atti-
tudes toward pay. Power variables include groups, inter-group,
relationships, types of influence, type of leaders, leadership
styles, rewards and punishment, and organizational responsi-
bilities. Political variables and environment; the market, philos-
ophies, values, norms, goals and objectives; ownership, history,
control systems, career structures, size of structure and tech-
nology.
David a. Nadler and Edward E. Lawler III, "Motivation:
A Diagnostic Approach," in Contemporary Perspectives in Organi-
zational Behavior, ed. Donald D. White, (Boston: Allyn and Bacon,
1982), p. 110.


34
57Ibid. 58Ibid.
^John Van Maanen, "Socialization for Policing," in
Policing: A View from the Streets, ed. Peter K. Manning and John
Van Maanen (Santa Monica: Goodyear Publishing Co., 1978), p. 267.
fin
ouEgon Bittner, The Function of the Police in Modem
Society (Washington, D.C.: National Institute of Mental Health,
1970), pp. 6-7.
fi1
a'Melvin P. Sikes, The Administration of Injustice (New
York: Harper and Row, 1975), p. 1.
^Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemra (New York': Harper
and Row, 1944), p. 348.
8^James Baldwin, Nobody Knows My Name (New York: Dell
Publishing Co., 1962), p. 65.
^Donald J. Black and Albert J. Reiss, Jr., Police and
Citizen Behaviors in Field Encounters: Some Comparisons According
to Race and Social Class Status of Citizens (Ann Arbor: Univer-
sity of Michigan, 1966), p. 17.
8Nicholas Alex, Black in Blue: A Study of the Negro
Policeman (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1969), p. 51.
^Richard W. Ouderlugs, "How Citizens Rate Police Depart-
ments on Racial Fairness," Detroit News 3 February 1965.
fi7
'_________. A National Sample Survey Approach to the
Study of Crime and Attitudes Towards Law Enforcement and Justice
(Chicago: National Opinion Center, 1966), Chapter 8, p. 1.
8Louis L. Knowles and Kennith Prewitt, Institutional
Racism in America (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1969), pp.
57-58.
^Alex, Black in Blue, p. 27.
78Ibid., pp. 13-14.
71
David M. Rafsky, "Racial Discrimination in Urban Police
Departments," in Police Community Relations, 2d ed., edited by
Paul F. Cramwall, Jr., and George Keefer (St. Paul: West Pub-
lishing Co., 1968), p. 97.
72Alex, Black in Blue, p. 89.
78Ibid., p. 89.


35
^J.E. Teahan, "Longitudinal Study of Attitude Shifts
Among Black and White Police Officers," Journal of Social Issues
31 (Winter 1975):47.
^Baker v. City of St. Petersburg, 400 F 2d 294, (5th
Cir., 1968); Allen v. City of Mobile, 331 F. Supp. 1134 (1971).
Affirmed 466 F. 2d 122 (5th Cir., 1972); Afro-American Patrolmen's
League v. Duck 366 F. Supp. 1095 (1973); 503 F. 2d 294 (6th Cir.,
1974); 538 F. 2d 328 (6th Cir., 1976).
^Detroit Police Officers Assn. v. Young, 46 U.S. Law
Week 2463 (E.D. Mich., 1978).
^^Carol Morton, "Black Cops: Black and Blue Ain't White,"
Ramparts, May 1972, p. 18.
^Conversation with black officer, 1976.
7Q
John Darton, "Color Line, A Key Police Problem," in
The Ambivalent Force: Prospectives on the Police, eds. Arthur
Neiderhoffer and Abraham S. Blumberg (San Francisco: Rinehart
Press, 1973), p. 72.
B^Skolnick, Justice Without Trial, pp. 42-62.
^Ibid., p. 43. ^Ibid., p. 44.
^Ibid., pp. 13-14.
^Ralph Ellison, The Invisible Man (New York: Random
House, 1947), p. 3. This is possibly the most profound statement
of Blacks' marginality in American society.
^Robert E. Park, "Human Migration and the Marginal Man,"
American Journal of Sociology 33 (1928):881.
^Everett V. Stonequist, The Marginal Man (New York:
Charles Scribner and Sons, 1937), p. 15.
S^Alex, Black in Blue, pp. 13-14; a "hyphenated-role"
is one that has multiple but connected facets.
Muzafer Sherif and Carolyn W. Sherif, Groups in Harmony
and Tension (New York: Harper & Row, 1953), p. 167. As Sherif
and Sherif explain: "The reference group provides standards and
norms of conduct. It is a 'model' for behavior. Membership in
diverse reference groups that hold conflicting norms and standards
of conduct, can be expected to create conflict for the individual."


36
James Q. Wilson, Varieties of Police Behavior: The
Management of Law and Order in Eight Communities (New York:
Anthenum, 1975), p. 230.
^The strong belief in the importance of "politics" is
expressed as "You gotta have a rabbi to get ahead."
^Robert McClory, The Man Who Beat Clout City (Chicago:
Swallow Press, 1977), p. 40.
^Theodore Kirkland, "A Black Patrolman's Perspective
on Law Enforcement," in Before the Law: An Introduction to the
Legal Practice, ed. John J. Bonsignore (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin,
1979), p. 126.


CHAPTER III
BLACK POLICE OFFICER EMPLOYMENT IN
HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE: 1860-1980
Earning a livingbeing employedhaving a job is, and has
been since Emancipation, a central concern for a majority of
black men J The black man's self-esteem,^ conjugal^ and familial
relationships,^ as well as physical and mental health may be
affected by ability to participate in the labor forced A job
means access to credit, the capacity to own property, and escape
frcm economic and social marginality. A "good job," that is,
one that is steady, pays well, and is considered important to
the general well-being of the society,. is the most readily avail-
able measure of social equality. The effort of black men to
obtain good jobs:
. . . reflects the desire of the individual to emulate the
good life as exemplified by others, to catch up, to improve,
to excel, to contribute, to count (and be counted) as respon-
sible actors in their time.^
Black Police Employment 1860-1965
Beginning in the 1860s free black men, residing in towns
and cities, viewed police employment as providing "good jobs."
Relative to most others available to them, police work was steady,
better paying, cleaner, and in many instances less hazardous.


38
Kuykendall and Bums, extrapolating from census records covering
the period 1860-1970, present data that indicate that from at
least 1861 onward, Blacks were favorably disposed to police
work. They report that by 1890, 2,019 black men were employed
as policemen. Other historical accounts reveal that between
1866 and 1919 black police officers, marshals, and sheriffs
could be found in Mississippi, Louisiana, Alabama and South
Carolina ,9 Texas, 1 0 Ohio ,11 Missouri and District of Columbia ,12
Massachusetts, 13 California, 14 Colorado ,15 New York, 16 Michigan ,17
Illinois,^ and Pennsylvania.19
An 1886 article appearing in the Detroit Tribune further
attests to nineteenth century Blacks' perception of the value
of police employment:
Three colored men applied last week for places on the
police force. Once in a while there is such an application,
but seldom or never three in a lump. The reason is that
just at present there is an exceedingly favorable chance
for the man and his brother to get on the force, as the
colored voters intend to see if they have any rights which
the Board of Caimissibners are bound to respect. If the
three applicants or any one of them succeeds there are half
a hundred other men of different colors who stand ready to
try their luck. It is asserted in colored circles that the
force will be black and white before another election.
Samuel Johnson, Eli Jones and Henry White are the three
men who applied for appointment on the Police Force. A thrill
of surprise shot through the entire department. The Superin-
tendent communicated the fact to the Secretary, the Secretary
hastened with it to the Commissioners. A meeting of the
Board was called immediately. The question of receiving
the colored gentlemen was submitted. One Commissioner made
a fervid appeal for instant appointment of the applicants
on the plea that "these men for whan you and I and all of
us fought, bled and died."
The applicants were led up winding stairways, along
gruesome corridors through spiked and armored gates, past


39
sliding panels and over treacherous trap doors. On one side
pages bowed, on another grim guards glared from out their
recesses. They entered the mysterious chambers in which
sat the Commission. They trembled with awe, and the Commis-
sioners at this recognition of their great power, inter-
changed approving glances and nods. The men were told they
must submit to instant examinations as to fitness for member-
ship in the secret order of D.M.P. This pleased them for
they had already spent months in qualifying themselves.
Other colored had failed on examination. These men were
bound that they should not and were fully primed for the
occasion and successfully passed the fire and cross ques-
tions 20
In the late nineteenth century and/ well into the twentieth
century Blacks' police employment was severely limited by race
discrimination and competition with Irish immigrants for police
jobs.21 in this period Blacks' opportunity for police jobs was
also dependent upon the degree of political influence the black
community could exert upon a city's political structure.
Quillian's commentary on black officers in Cincinnati in 1910
calls attention to the relationship between black political
influence and opportunity for police employment:
In the police department there are twelve colored patrolmen
out of a total of six hundred and ten, which is one-half
their quota according to population. They got these places
solely as a price for the colored vote.22
In the late 1880s, Blacks in the South were disenfran-
chised by various means, and thus lost the capacity to influence
cotrcnunity political structures, including police departments.22
The closure of police employment to Blades was one, little noted,
but important, consequence of their disenfranchisement and
southern "capitulation to racism."24
In the North, European immigration characterized after


40
1848 by the influx of large numbers of unskilled workers^ and
the emergence of ethnic politics dissipated much of black political
Although northern civil service reform in the 90s "proved
employment as clerks, mail carriers, and school teachers, Blacks
were seldom successful after 1890 in obtaining jobs in police
departments in northern cities. A possible explanation for this
is Irish immigrant's dominance of police forces. As Pleck states:
departments. In 1888, the city published a list of its employ-
ees, the poorly paid lamplighters and janitors along with
the relatively prosperous sheriffs, librarians, and city
councilman. Page after page listed Aheams, O'Connors, and
Foleys, and, almost as an afterthought, ten Blacks, one a
policeman and most of the rest messengers.28
Imnigrants of Irish stock as early as 1865 perceived
themselves in competition with Blacks for political influence
and jobs. General George Stoneman's report to Ulysses S. Grant
regarding the predisposing conditions of the 1866 Memphis riot,
noted the clash between black soldiers and Irish policemen, and
the undercurrent of social and political competition between
the two groups:
These soldiers [black] had been used as instruments to execute
the orders of government agents, such as provost marshal's
bureau agents, etc., and consequently had been more or less
brought directly into contact with the law-breaking portion
of the ccmmunity and the police, which is not far from being
composed principally of Irish, who consider the negro as his
competitor and natural enemy. Many negro soldiers have from
time to time been arrested by the police, and many whites,
including some of the police, have been arrested by negro
soldiers, and in both cases those arrested have not inf re-
been treated with a harshness altogether unneces-
26
influence in that region.
27
a great boon to young aspiring Negroes" providing to them
The Irish completely dominated the city's police and fire


41
After 1890, white policemen often cited principles of
"associational attractiveness" and refused to work with black
policemen. Police departments, as public agencies, envoked the
doctrine of privilege to exclude Blacks from police employment,
O I
or to limit their numbers in police work. 1 Whereas 2,951 Blacks
were in the police occupation in 1900, only 540 were police
officers by 1910. Nationwide changes in white-black police
officer ratios, 1890-1930, are instructive. In 1890 one out of
every 36 policemen was black; in 1910 the ratio was one out of
111, and in 1930 it was one out of 176.^
This trend was not reversed until the mid-1940s, when
as a result of black political influence, and as the price of
peace with black communities, police departments began to appoint
more black policemen. Charles Johnson pointed out the signifi-
cance of black political agitation in furthering opportunities
for black employment when he wrote:
Little Rock, Arkansas, put eight Negro policemen on the
regular force after an unfortunate incident in which a Negro
army sergeant was shot to death by city policemen who were
subsequently exonerated. However, the Negro population was
aroused and a number of Negro M.P.'s were assigned to patrol
the Negro business district. At the request of the city
government the Urban League of Little Rock submitted the
names of 10 Negro men they recommended for the police force
and after special training eight were appointed to the force
without examination and at regular pay.^
In 1944, Johnson enumerated 100 Black officers, employed
in 18 southern police departments. In most of these departments,
Blacks represented only a small percentage of the force.in
none of them were black officers accorded full police officer
status; their assignments were restricted to black neighborhoods,


42
and their arrest powers were limited to Blacks.36 in at least
one cityMacon, Georgiaall seventy of that city's black officers
were employed as "weekend specials" and required to furnish their
07
own uniforms.
In other cities, notably Charlotte, North Carolina, black
officers were denied the use of two-way police radios and paid
less than white officers .3 Similar conditions of Blacks' in-
equality in police employment could be found in cities of the
North.39
Despite the demeaning condition of their employment,
in the 1940s, black men, north and south, persisted in seeking
police work. Margolis and Margolis in their report to the U.S.
Civil Rights Carenission on minority police recruitment asserted:
It would have been relatively easy in those days immedi-
ately following the Second World War for police and fire
departments to recruit minority members, just as it would
have been relatively easy for colleges to recruit black
students, for industry to hire black personnel, and for
builders to sell to black hone-buyers. Many returning black
veterans, having risked their lives for America, were ready
to stake their future on the American system and to share
in both its hazards and its opportunities. They were ready,
but the white majority kept pretending that Negroes, Puerto
Ricans, Mexican-Americans, and American Indians had social
tuberculosis.40
Various strategies were used throughout the 1950s and
1960s by police forces to exclude Blacks and to discourage their
applications. For example, young black men who heretofore had
been healthy, were often, upon examination by police surgeons,
said to suffer from tuberculosis, hypertension, kidney malfunc-
tions and other physical disabilities, such as "one leg shorter


43
than the other.
Background investigations also excluded large numbers
of potential black officers and application papers were sometimes
"lost." In other instances, less subtle methods were used to
discourage black applicants. In at least one department with
which this writer was associated, terror tactics were used,
involving threatening telephone calls and "stop and frisk investi-
gations," immediately prior to black applicants1 medical exami-
nationsobviously, to frighten applicants and to elevate their
blood pressure.
The lack of upward mobility for Blacks within the police
occupation was an additional factor contributing to limited numbers
of Blacks in the occupation. William Kephart's 1954 study of
black officers in the Philadelphia Police Department revealed
that only one of 149 black officers, employed at that time, had
achieved police rank beyond patrolman:
Exclusive of acting ranks there was only one Negro policeman
higher than the rank of patrolman when the present study
began, and this mana sergeanthas since died.43
Similar situations obtained in other departments. In
Berkeley, California, for instance, where a total of five black
officers were hired between 1919 and 1956, none had ever achieved
promotion. All left the department before retirement to take
various law enforcement related jobs.
William Danielson, testifying before the California
Assembly, explained black officers' resignations this way:
The first Negro policeman in the Berkeley Police Department


44
was Mr. Walter Gordon. Mr. Gordon was first appointed in
August of 1919 and served as a member of the department until
January, 1930. Mr. Gordon presently serves as a Federal
District Court Judge and has previously served as Governor
of the Virgin Islands.
The second Negro policeman in the Berkeley Police Depart-
ment served from October, 1928 to June, 1944 and resigned
to join the Contra Costa Sheriff's Office.
The third Negro police officer was Mr. Major McBee. Mr.
McBee served from September, 1946 to May, 1953 and resigned
to join the State Bureau of Narcotics.
The fourth Negro member of the Berkeley Police Depart-
ment was Mr. James Russell Johnson. Mr. Johnson joined the
department in Augsut, 1948. In March, 1956, he resigned to
accept a job with the State Board of Equalization.
The fifth Negro member of the Berkeley Police Depart-
ment was Mr. William Rumford, Jr. Mr. Rumford served from
November, 1956 until May, 1958 and resigned to accept a
position with another law enforcement agency. Mr. Rumford
was reinstated in May, 1959 and resigned in February, 1963
to accept a position with the Beneficial Savings and Loan
Association.44
In the mid-sixties, the notion of Blacks' reluctance
to join police forces was introduced, as an expression of police
departments' resistance to the fair employment provisions of
the Civil Rights Act of 1965. Again, we turn to Danielson's
testimony:
There is a belief among many public officials in Cali-
fornia, including a number who have the responsibility for
employment of policemen, such as personnel directors, civil
service commissioners, and police chiefs, that minority
group persons, especially Negroes, either do not want to
be policemen or cannot qualify, for policemen in competitive
examinations. This belief probably has developed because
relatively few minority group persons have carpeted in police
examinations, and a very small proportion of these have
qualified on examinations.45
Conclusions during the 1960s that Blacks were not inter-
ested in police employment would seem to contradict Alex's findings


45
that at least one third of the black officers he interviewed
in 1968 were clearly oriented to police jobs prior to entering
the occupation.^
Recruitment of Black Police 1965-1980
* '* 1 v
Recruitment of black police officers in the late 1960s
and throughout the 1970s became, again, largely a matter of "buy-
ing peace" with the black camiunity. Until 1965 America was a
segregated society. Nearly a century of black economic and social
frustration under segregation policies affecting every important
aspect of black life, resulted in black youths insurgency against
the oppressive conditions of their lives. In August, 1965, Watts,
a ghetto ccmnunity in Los Angeles, became a prototype for the
articulation of Blacks' frustration. In this camiunity, as in
nearly all of the other three hundred in which urban disorders
occurred between 1965 and 1968, police-black community relations
were at the center of black youths' rage.^ Sitkoff describes
the depth of that rage as well as the events leading to the Watts
riot:
A confrontation between white police and young blacks
ignited the tinder in Watts, as it would in most of the
subsequent racial disorders of the 1960s. Shortly before
8 P .M., on a sultry Wednesday evening, an ordinary arrest
for drunken driving brought a typical crowd of onlookers.
Such incidents were everyday occurrences in the ghetto. On
this particular night, however, the arrested youth's mother
scuffled with the patrolmen, and blacks observing the tussle
responded with menacing jeers, causing the arresting policemen
to brandish rifles and to radio for reenforcements. The
black spectators refused to be cowered by a show of superior
force; they pelted the newly arrived law officers with rocks
and bottles . Looting began at midnight, and for several


46
hours a few thousand blacks openly vented the anger they
had so long repressed and concealed . Indeed, the more
than five thousand rioters roaming Watts on Friday morning,
crying, "Long live Malcolm X," protested against indignity
and against the police brutality of the Los Angeles Police
Department . .4
The National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders
(Kemer Canmission) attributed the disorders in Los Angeles and
elsewhere, to the existence of "two separate American societies,"
one whiteone black; ^ one of taken-for-granted superiority,
the other of taken-for-granted inferiority of its members. The
failure to recruit black police exacerbated the problem. Knowles
and Prewitt succinctly assert:
Much of the friction between law officers and the black
community stems from the overwhelming whiteness of most police
departments.50
Or, as a presidential task force put it:.. "... the dispropor-
tionate representation of white officers remains extreme.
In 1968, the U.S. Congress attempted to address black
underrepresentation in law enforcement agencies by including
in the Omnibus Crime and Safe Street Act prohibitions against
race discrimination in criminal justice agencies receiving federal
funds through the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration
(LEAA).52 other federal legislation had a similar thrust,53 and
by 1973 the majority of urban police forces were under the fair
employment mandates of several federal laws; six federal agencies,
including the U.S. Department of Justice, were charged with
their enforcement. Yet, criminal justice researchers, interested
in the integration of American police forces could note in 1975:
"In every city, county and state where statistics are available,


47
underrepresentation of blacks is the rule, not the exception."^
A survey of police department recruitment of black police
conducted in twenty-five cities in 1970 found that in only four
(i.e., Atlanta, Chicago, Detroit, and Washington, D.C.,) could
black officer recruitment be considered reasonably successful.^
Findings of that study were:
The percentage of blacks on sane forces is the same as it
was a decade ago [1960] ... in some cases the percentage
of black officers has actually declined.
. . Several cities employed gimmicks that failed or merely
stepped up traditional recruitment programs that had not
worked in the past.
Black leaders and policemen did not believe recruitment
efforts were serious.
Discrimination on forces is still a problem that hurts
recruitment.
Discrimination in pranotion is also a problem.
. . . the major recruitment problem among blacks appears
to be the negative image of the police department in the
community compounded by discrimination on police forces.
Black Community Attitudes Toward the Police
and Recruitment of Black Police Officers
Several researchers have asserted the relationship between
black citizen attitudes toward the police and recruitment of
black police. This is akin to "blaming the victim," and deserves
discussion. First, there is little empirical evidence offered
for this postulate, and second, this assertion does not adequately
distinguish between black citizen attitudes towards the police
role as it is perceived by the black community and Blacks' atti-
tudes towards policing as an occupation.


48
The majority of Blacks, 20-30 years of agethe usual
age of recruitmentare likely to know a great deal more about
the role of the police than about policing as an occupation.
Van Maanen's discussion of the typical recruit's initia-
tion into the police occupation suggests that, socialization to
police work begins prior to application for employment and entails
the perception that a police department is an important place
to work.58 This perception is most often the result of every-
day contact and interactions with relatives or associates who
are police officers and who serve as occupational role models.
The associations also provide an important resource through which
the potential recruit acquires information about employment
opportunities, knowledge of the appropriate strategies for gaining
entry to police work, and the expectation that police employment
is realistically accessible.
Few black youths have the opportunity for positive preoccu-
pational socialization to police work. They are, therefore,
very likely to evaluate the occupation primarily, or even exclus-
ively, in terms of the police role. If the potential black police
recruit is a member of the black middle class, has been accultur-
ated to white middle class values, and possesses requisite skills
for successfully transgressing the police employment screening-
out process, he may view police work as attracting only lower
class whites who have few occupational choices. From this perspec-
tive, police employment has little occupational prestige and
represents, in many cases, a lowering of personal aspirations.59


49
If, on the other hand, the potential police recruit is
a member of the inner city black working class, or underclass,
several sociological factors, including the pervasiveness of
institutionalized racism^ and black defenses to it^ ^ will con-
verge to socialize him into a secondary labor market that does
not include, police jobs.62 According to Glasgow, these groups
evaluate a "good job" in terms of five variables:
(1) job security, (2) salary, (3) opportunities for advance-
ment, (4) prestige of the job within the black community
(rather than in the broader society), and (5) attainability
of the job as evidenced by the presence of Blacks already
employed.63
While the implications of the role behavior of the police
should not be discounted as a contributing factor in black percep-
tions of the police occupation, the prestige of the occupation
within the black community and belief in the realistic attainment
of police jobs are equally important in the anticipatory sociali-
zation of Blacks to law enforcement. Paradoxically, middle-class
Blacks who would probably be most "acceptable" to white police
administrators have indeed not shown great interest in the occupa-
tion. The inner city working class and underclass black youth
(representing the largest pool of potential black officers) are
the most likely to be excluded from police work. Furthermore
these groups are least likely to consider police jobs as attain-
able. They have been socialized to anticipate rejection should
they apply for police work, and to expect yet another degradation
at the hands of a white-controlled institution. A black police
recruiter explained these groups' attitudes toward a police job
this way:


50
You see, they look at all the steps they're going to have
to go throughthe test, the character investigation, all
that stuffand they figure the system is rigged. The schools
made them scared of tests. And maybe there's something in
their past, like a police, record, that they don't want us
to find out about. So they drop out. They're tired of being
rejected.64
Glasgow's perceptive comments on the occupational attitudes
of inner city black youths are more explicit, and bear repeating
because of their relevance to their recruitment of Blacks to
police work:
If work is to be sought, it means figuring- out how to circum-
vent being screened out. It involves going to the "man"
in a sincere search for opportunity to work, having only
antiquated skills yet refusing to crawl. It involves a deep
desire for work but requires modified emotional involve-
ment in the search as a means of neutralizing the hurt of
nonattainment. It means having high aspirations but having
to find ways to achieve them outside the mainstream . . .
It involves feeling capable of handling the task if oppor-
tunity were available but believing the chances are limited.
And it means facing the ultimate insecurity. That even when
the job is secured, the job holder must wonder hot "what
wages do I get?" but rather, "How long can I fake and hold
on until I learn or get fired?"
This struggle eventually becomes highly impersonal. The
teacher, the rent collector, the police, are seen as symbols
of exclusion and limitation, not as positive social agents.
The persons causing the condition of oppression are invisible,
and thus ghetto youths come up against cold institutions
and procedures, computers programmed to reject those whose
social profiles are characterized by having left school early
and often by police records. The impersonal rejection is
further exemplified by the functionally irrelevant and eventu-
ally discriminatory exams of employing agencies. The search
for jobs, then, turns into a perpetual encounter with a world
of institutional tricks, games, and deceit. 5
Expectations of rejection by white-controlled agencies
and the ensuing economic frustration often leads to a dispro-
portinate involvement of young black men in the criminal justice


51
systemas "clients" of the system.^ This involvement generally
forecloses police careers to most of them.
Economic opportunity laws and affirmative action programs
in the 1970s, together with increased black political power in
major urban areas opened police department jobs to Blacks to
a greater extent than since Reconstruction. There is evidence
that the majority of those who risked rejection, who responded
to the opportunity for police jobs were members of the black
working-class and under-class. This study sought to determine
two groups of these officers' commitment to police careers rather
than merely corrmitment to a steady, well-paying job.


52
NOTESCHAPTER III
^W.E.B. Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro; A Social Study
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania), p. 97.
^Elliot Liebow, Tally's Comer (Boston: Little, Brown
and Company, 1967), p. 7.
-Ronald L. Braithwaite, "Interpersonal Relations Between
.Black Males and Black Females," in Black Men, ed. Lawrence E.
Gary (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1981), p. 83.
^Michele Wallace, Black Macho and the Myth of the Super
Woman (New York: Warner Books, 1980), p. 84.
^William H. Grier and Price M. Cobbs, Black Rage (New
York: Bantam Books, 1968), p. 4.
^Douglas G. Glasgow, The Black Underclass: Poverty,
Unemployment and Entrapment of Ghetto Youth (New York: Vintage
Books, 1981), pp. 81-82.
^Max Ways, "Equality: A Steep and Endless Stair," Fortune,
December 1972, p. 47.
8Jack L. Kuykendall and David E. Bums, "The Black Police
Officer: An Historical Perspective," Journal of Contemporary
Criminal Justice 4 (November 1980):110.
^Lerone Bennett, Black Power, U.S.A.: The Human Side
of Reconstruction 1867-1887 (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1968),
p. 212.
^Lawrence D. Rice, The Negro in Texas: 1874-1900 (Baton
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1971), p. 76.
1 1
Frank U. Quillian, "Cincinnati's Colored Citizens,"
Cincinnati Independent, 24 February 1910.
^Charles S. Johnson, Into the Mainstream (Chapel Hill:.
University of North Carolina Press, 1947), p. 54.
^Elizabeth Hof ken Pleck, Black Migration and Poverty:
Boston 1865-1900 (New York: Academic Press, 1979), p. 130. 1
1 ^William F. Danielson, "Employment of Minority Group
Persons in the Berkeley Fire Department and the Berkeley Police
Department." Report to the California Assembly, 1 November 1967.


53
15Cecil O'Brien Owens, Sr., "The Socio-Historical Inpact
of Discrimination Practices on Recruiting Blacks as Police
Officers" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Colorado, 1981),
p. 49.
^ James I. Alexander, Blue Coats: Black Skins (Hicks-
ville, N.Y.: Exposition Press, 1978), p. 3.
^Scott McGehee and Susan Watson, "Blacks in Detroit,"
Detroit Free Press, 15 December 1980.
^Harold F. Gosnell, Negro Politicians: The Rise of
Negro Politics in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1935), p. 246.
^^w.E.B. Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro, p. 104.
^Detroit Tribune, 16 January 1886. None of the appli-
cants were hired; the reason for their rejection by the police
force: concern that black policemen would cone into contact
with white female citizens.
^Pleck, Black Migration and Poverty, p. 104.
^^Quillian, "Cincinnati's Colored Citizens."
^Anthony Lewis, "The School Segregation Cases: Portrait
of a Decade," in Black History: A Reappraisal, ed. Melvin
Drimmer (Garden City: Doubleday and Co., 1963), pp. 424-25.
24C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow, 2d
revised ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966), pp.
67-69.
^R.R. Palmer and Joel Colton, A History of the Modem
World (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1950), p.. 546.
^Kelly Miller, "The City Negro," Southern Workman 56
(April 1902):217.
2^W.E.B du Bois, On Sociology and the Black Community,
edited by and with an Introduction by Dan S. Green and Edwin
D. Driver (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), p. 147.
28pieck, Black Migration and Poverty, p. 130.
^George Stoneman to U.S. Grant, May 12, 1866, "Riot
at Memphis," U.S. House of Representatives, Document No. 122
(Washington, D.C.: 1866).


54
38For a discussion of "associational attractiveness" see
Chester I. Barnard, The Function of the Executive (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1938), pp. 147-48.
Jay M. Shafritz et al., Personnel Management in Govern-
ment: Politics and Process (New York: Marcel Dekker, 1978),
p. 179.
Kuykendall and Bums, "Black Police Officers: An Histor-
ical Perspective":64. ,
33Ibid.
^^Charles S. Johnson, "Negro Police in.Southern Cities,"
Public Management 9 (March 1944):79-80.
35Ibid. 36Ibid.
37Ibid. 38Ibid.
39James I. Alexander, Blue Coats: Black Skins (Hicksville,
New York: Exposition Press, 1978), p. 5.
^Richard J. Margolis and Diane Margolis, Report to
the U.S. Civil Rights Commission: "Who Will Wear the Badge?"
(Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1971), p. 3.
41 Ibid.
4%felvin P. Sikes, The Administration of Injustice (New
York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1975), pp. 56-57.
43William M. Kephart, "The Integration of Negroes into
an Urban Police Force," Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology
and Police Science 45 (September-October 1954):325.
44Danielson, "Employment of Minority Group Persons in
the Berkeley Fire Department and the Berkeley Police Department."
Writer's Note: William Rumford's position with the Beneficial
Savings and Loan Association was Director of Security.
45Ibid.
4^Nicholas Alex, Black in Blue: A Study of the Negro
Policeman (New York: Century-Crofts, 1969), pp. 54-56.
47Report of the National Advisory Cormiission on Civil
Disorders (New York: Bantam Books, 1968), p. 320.
48Harvard Sitkoff, The Struggle for Black Equality:
1954-1980 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1981), pp. 200-201.


55
^Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil
Disorders, p. 321.
^Louis L. Knowles and Kenneth Prewitt, eds., Institu-
tional Racism in America (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-
Hall, Inc.,.1969), p. 59.
C 1
-"President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Criminal
Justice, Task Force Report; The Police (Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office, 1967), p. 168.
^Public Law 90-351, 82 Stat., 197 Title 28, Chap. 1,
Subpart E of Part 42 (1968).
*
CO
Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, "Uniform
Guidelines on Employee Selection Procedures," Federal Register,
vol. 44, no. 43, Friday, March 2, 1979 (Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office), p. 12001.
^Robert Michael Regoli and Donnell E. Jerome, "The
Recruitment of a Minority Group into an Established Institution:
The Police," Journal of Police Science and Administration 3
(January 1975):410.
55paul Delaney, "Recruiting Negro Police is a Failure
in Most Cities," New York Times, 25 January 1971.
56Ibid.
57william Ryan, Blaming the Victim (New York: Vintage
Books, 1976), p. 5.
John Van Maanen, "Socialization For Policing," in
Policing; A View from the Streets, eds. Peter K. Manning and
John Van Maanen (Santa Monica: Goodyear Publishing Co., 1978),
p. 116.
5^Leland K. Hall, "Support Systems and Coping Patterns,"
in Black Men, ed. Lawrence E. Gary (Beverly Hills: Sage Publi-
cations, 1981), p. 159.
^Louis Knowles and Kenneth Prewitt, Institutional
Racism in America (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall,
1969), p. 15.
^Kenneth B. Clark, Dark Ghetto: Dilemmas of Social
Power (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1965), pp. 66-67.
^Leonard Beeghley, Social Stratification in America
(Santa Monica: Goodyear Publishing Co., 1978), pp. 242-243.


56
63
Douglas G. Glasgow, The Black Underclass; Poverty,
Unemployment and Entrapment of Ghetto Youth (New York: Vintage
Books, 1981), pp. 78-79.
^U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, Police Recruitment:
Who Will Wear the Badge?" in Police Community Relations, eds.
Paul F. Crcmwell, Jr., and George Keefer (St. Paul: West Pub-
lishing Co., 1973), p. 273.
^Glasgow, The Black Underclass, pp. 81-82.
^Lawrence E. Gary, Black Men (Beverly Hills: Sage
Publications, 1981), p. 33.


CHAPTER IV
METHODS
Study Design
Most of the research conducted on the black police
officer has focused on the historical difficulties that black
men have encountered in obtaining police employment, and upon
the role conflict the black officer is thought to experience
as a consequence of his membership in both the black community
and the police community. This writer could find little empirical
evidence in earlier studies on the degree of black police officer
career commitment.
This present work is designed as an exploratory field
study that uses focused interviews and observation to obtain
data on the career commitment of black police officers employed
by the Detroit and Denver police departments. The study is
descriptive as well as exploratory, and is predominately quali-
tative in its research approach.
Kerliner notes that exploratory field studies have
three purposes:
... to discover significant variables in the field situation
to discover relationships among variables and to lay the
groundwork for later, more systematic and rigorous testing
of hypothesis. **


58
This aptly describes the aims of this study which are to identify
the factors that influence black police officer career commitment,
and to examine the relationship between the position of Blacks
within a city and black officers' commitment to law enforcement
careers. The study is designed not only to probe for the socio-
political variables that influence black police officers to
pursue law enforcement careers, but also to describe their
situation relative to career mobility as perceived and articu-
lated by black officers employed in two large, urban police
departments.
The field study design focuses on the social and institu-
tional conditions that shape individual and group values, percep-
tions, and behavior.2 Field study "seeks what is,"^ rather
,
than what the researcher presupposes to exist. As a method of
sociological inquiry, the field study often requires the with-
holding of hypotheses until the relationships between variables
have been discovered in a field situation. This method permits
an intense study of the background, current status, and environ-
mental interactions of individuals, groups, institutions, and
community of people as they go about their daily lives within
the drama and realism of their life-world. The design is
especially appropriate to a study of groups about whom there
is limited knowledge. It is equally appropriate when research
issues (like those raised in this study) have been given limited
attention in other studies.
The diversity of studies undertaken within the field


59
study design attests to its suitability for a study that seeks
new knowledge about how individuals and groups think, feel, and
interact with (and within) a particular environment, and under
unique social conditions. Examples of field studies' capacity
to provide fresh insight regarding group behavior are found in
the works of Du Bois, and in studies undertaken by Wilson, Van
Maanen,^ Gans, Whyte,9 Lewis, ^0 Clark,^ Dalton, ^ Fraizer, ^
Skolnick,^ and that of Agee and Evans. ^
Because field studies occur in the real world (rather
than in a laboratory) all extraneous variables (for example,
differences in the number of management positions in the Detroit
and Denver police departments) cannot be controlled. Some measure
of control of extraneous variables may be achieved however, through
randomization in the selection of study subjects who are as
homogenous as possible, within the constraints of human diversity
and complexity.
Data Collection
This study uses focused interviews as its principal
method of data collection. Interviews are termed "focused"
because the questions asked in the study focused on obtaining
specific information regarding black police officers' attitudes
toward numerous factors presumably related to their commitment
to police careers. The thrust of the interviews is the identifi-
cation and description of the respondents' reasons for becoming
police officers; their socialization into the occupation; their


60
attitudes toward several factors of the police department's
organizational climate; their job satisfaction; and their
attitudes toward socio-demographic and political variables
relevant to their employment and job mobility.
The research interview"a coimrunication with a pur-
pose" 17 seeks systematic description and explanation that will
lead to the prediction of respondents' predispositions, and
future behavior. When skillfully conducted, interviews invite
respondents' disclosure of their deepest feelings, fears, hopes,
concerns, and disappointments.^ Wittenbom makes a similar
observation regarding the interview as a strategy of inquiry:
The context of the interview can provide the information
concerning the intentions, the attitudes, and the values
of the respondent with respect to specific topics. At a
more personal level, however, the interview may be used
to provide information about the individual's personal
circumstances, his background experiences, accounts of how
he or others have responded to various experiences and
situations, and many other kinds of information which are
either directly expressive of the individual's personality
or are in some indirect way clues to qualities which are
relevant to an understanding of his personality.^
The focused interview is considered a viable data collec-
tion strategy because it is semi-structured, flexible and permits
control of the direction of questions. This method has the
additional value of facilitating probes of respondents' subjective
experiences, while allowing respondents ". .to ascertain
their definition of the situation."21
Kenneth Bailey calls attention to several other advan-
tages of interviews, and notes that this method affords control of
question order, control of the environment in which the interview


61
occurs, and the researcher can observe respondents' nonverbal
behavior during the interview. Flexibility, permitting probes
for more specific answers, clarification, or amplification
of responses, and greater assurance of respondents' spontaneity
are also advantages of the interview as a research method. 22
Additionally, the interview permits the use of a more complex
questionnaire, and the interviewer is present to ensure that
all questions are answered.23
Problems in the use of interviews most frequently derive
from interviewer bias 24 and personal characteristics,^ respon-
dents' concern for anonymity,26 and differences in the social
status of interviewer and respondent.27 Differences in the
language usage of interviewer and respondents may also underlie
problems in the use of this method.28
Because interviewer and respondents in this study share
ethnic group membership, social status, and occupational exper-
iences (from which differences in language usage often emanate)
these factors were considered to pose no serious obstacle to
the use of interviews as a study method. Researcher bias seemed
a more serious problem and was dealt with through the researcher's
o
control of interaction with potential research subjects until
the initiation of the interview, as well as control of voice
intonation and facial expression during the interview.28
Nor did respondent apathy emerge as a problem for the
study. Respondents were enthusiastic about participating to the
extent that several of them requested that the researcher "talk


62
to my partner."Respondents' concern for anonymity, was dealt
with through assurances that neither names nor other identifying
information (for instance, unit, precinct, or district to which
the respondents were assigned), would be used in a way that
would identify them.
The personal characteristics of the researcher did not
create difficulties. The researcher's candor seemingly elicited
a matching openness in respondents. The researcher is black,
female, older than most of the respondents to the study, and a
former police officer. More importantly, the gemeinschaft of
being both a member of the black ccmmunity and a former police
officer provided the basis for rapport with respondents. Or, as
several of the study's participants stated: "Once a cop, always
a cop, so you know what I mean."
Both participant and nonparticipant observation were
used as a second and auxiliary study method. Between 1968-1976,
the researcher was employed as a police officer by the Nassau
County (Long Island), New York Police Department. This employment
afforded the opportunity to experience, as well as to observe,
the occupational behavior of the black police officer. External
field notes were made of observations and conversations with
black officers about their actions, as well as attitudes, toward
career mobility. The experience also gave the researcher access
to the life-world of the black officer, comprehension of the
language of the police world, and the meaning black policemen
give to the artifacts of their occupation. The researcher's field


63
notes, recorded during 1968-1976 were, in part, the basis of
the study's research problem and parts of the questionnaire
formulated for the study.
Direct observations were used for black police officers
in Detroit and Denver. Study subjects were observed in social
and occupational situations over a period of several weeks.
Often, at the conclusion of the interview, the officers invited
the researcher to social functions, professional meetings, and
conferences. In several cases, the researcher was introduced
by respondents to their families, to their supervisors, to police
administrators, to elected and appointed public officials,
clientele, and colleagues not included in the study. Two of the
officersone in Detroit and one in Denverrequested that the
researcher "advise" a son or a daughter regarding college courses
that should be undertaken.^ These, and similar contacts, afforded
the opportunity to observe study participants in varied social
and occupational situations. Data obtained through observation
are considered important because several writers have argued
that social scientists need to devise ways to enter the social
on
sphere of those from whan they seek knowledge. Statements
regarding this aspect of social research by Blumer and those
made earlier by Zneniecki bear repeating here because of their
salience to this study's research approach.
Blumer writes:
Several sample yet highly important observations need to
be made with regard to the study of this world. The first
is that almost by definition the research scholar does not


64
have first hand acquaintance with the sphere of social
life that he proposes to study. He is rarely a participant
in that sphere and usually is not in close touch with the
actions and the experiences of the people who are involved
in that sphere. His position is almost always that of an
outsider; as such he is markedly limited in simple knowledge
of what takes place in the given sphere of life . .
To begin with, most research inquiry (certainly research
inquiry modeled in terms of current methodology) is not
designed to develop a close and reasonably full familiarity
with the area of life under study. There is no demand on
the research scholar to do a lot of free exploration in
the area, getting close to the people involved in it, seeing
it in a variety of situations they 'meet, being party to
their conversations, and watching their life as it flows
along. In place of such exploration and flexible pursuit
of intimate contact with what is going on, reliance is
put on starting with a theory or model, posing a problem
in terms of the model, setting a hypothesis with regard to
the problem, outlining a mode of inquiry to test that hypoth-
esis with regard to the problem, using standardized instru-
ments to get precise data, and so forth . .
Not being aware of the knowledge that would cane from first-
hand acquaintance, he does not know he is missing that
knowledge.33
Znaniecki also calls attention to the methodological importance
of first hand knowledge of phenomena gained through observation
and experience:
Every attitude and value . can really be understood
only in connection with the whole social life in which it
is an element . When I wish to ascertain at first hand
what a certain activity is, just as when I wish to obtain
first hand information about a certain object, I try to
experience it. There is only one way of experiencing an
object: it is to observe it personally. There is also only
one way of experiencing an activity: it is to perform it
personally.34
Before undertaking this study the researcher both experienced
and observed the dynamics of being a black police officer.
Although the power of direct observation is well estab-
lished in studies undertaken by several researchers, 35 this


65
method is not without certain weaknesses. Sane disadvantages
of this method of data collection derive from the small size
of the sample generally drawn in research that uses observation.
Other problems may emerge from the difficulty of quantification
of data obtained through observation. Perhaps, the most important
weakness of this method is the potential danger of bias on the
part of both the researcher and study subjects. No research
method however, is without bias. In the use of methods, like
observation, where bias is admittedly a potential problem,
the problem is more likely to be forthrightly considered,
confronted and controlled.36 The reliability of findings is
another often-cited criticism in the use of observation in social
science research. Becker responds to this issue:
The reliability of such an analysis is sometimes questioned
in an equivocal way that plays on the meaning of "reliability."
The question is put thus: Would another observer produce,
with the same analysis, the same total model, were he to
repeat the study? The answer is of course he wouldbut
only if he used the same theoretical framework and became
interested in the same general problems, for neither the
theoretical framework nor major problem chosen for study
is inherent in the group studied.37
This researcher attempted to contain the potential problem
of bias by using interviews as well as observation and by struc-
turing into the research design conparative analysis of the
career commitment of two groups of black police officers employed
in cities having decidedly different socio-demographic and
black political empowerment configurations. This comparison was
also considered essential in answering the research question
of the possible effect of different socio-demographic and


66
political situations on black police officers' commitment to
law enforcement careers. The study's overall research approach,
then, is qualitative.
By a qualitative research approach we mean studies that
are conducted in natural environments and that seek to capture
the reality of important aspects of life^8 through the exploration
of the subjective meaning respondents give to events and situa-
on
tions they observe or experience. Lofland and Lofland describe
qualitative research as "natural research that invokes a close
and searching description of the mundane details of everyday
life . Backstrom and Hursh note in their discussions of
qualitative procedures that qualitative methods ". . seek to
explore . the content of a person's mind, and if possible,
the preconscious or subconscious motivations for his actions."41
Moreover, qualitative research permits findings to be reported
in the "everyday language of research subjects,"42' while assigning
"names" to attributes rather than numbers.43 Such an approach
also allows the exploration of "a tendency to react in a certain
way to a certain kind of stimulus . ."44
Qualitative research not only has a long and substantial
tradition, but more importantly serves the purpose of this study
which depends upon discernment of the subjective meanings black
police officers give to law enforcement careers, and to the
situations, circumstances, and conditions in which careers may
be achieved. Indeed, it would seem from Becker's conceptuali-
zation of commitment behavior (discussed in Chapter II of this


work)45 and the issues raised in the concepts of psychological
contract and expectancy x theory,46 that provide the study's
theoretical framework, that the black officer's subjective
attribution of a police career is an essential element in his
commitment.
Study Sites
Because the study design called for a comparison of
black officers' attitudes under different socio-demographic and
political conditions, two citiesone "black," and one "white,"
were selected as study sites. Criteria of a black city are:
(1) one of twenty-five largest U.S. cities;
(2) sixty per cent or more black population;
(3) sixty per cent or more elective offices held by black
citizens;
(4) sixty per cent or more appointive positions that influence
the police department held by black citizens.
Criteria of a "white" city are:
(1) one of twenty-five largest U.S. cities;
(2) sixty per cent or more white population;
(3) sixty per cent or more elective offices held by white
citizens;
(4) sixty per cent or more appointive positions that influence
the police department held by white citizens.
The selection of study sites posed both theoretical and
practical concerns for the study. Theoretical issues centered
on the selection of two cities that not only met the criteria
for the classification of a "black" city and a "white" city, but


68
also cities that had similar political structures characterized
by the strong mayor-weak council form of government. The position
of the mayor was thought important because the research problem
posed the question regarding the relationship of the mayor's
role and black police officers' career conmitment. The size
of the cities was considered significant because of the rela-
tionship between city size and police organizational structures,
especially in terms of police officer career opportunity.
The criteria of sixty per cent or more black population
is important because literature addressing black political influ-
ence in municipal governments points to Blacks' significant
political influence upon becoming a clear majority of a city's
population.^
Two citiesDetroit and Washington, D.C. met the criteria
of a "black city." Both Detroit and Washington, D.C. have sixty
per cent or more black population;^ both are among the nation's
twenty-five largest cities, and black citizens hold at least
sixty per cent of the elective and appointive offices in city
government. Both Detroit and Washington, D.C. are characterized
by strong mayor-weak council governance. ^ The names of these
two cities were placed in a hat, and an outsider was asked to
draw a slip of paper with the name of the city. Detroit was
selected over Washington, D.C., as a study site.
Denver was selected as the second study site as a "white
city," because it met the criteria for that classification,
has a strong mayor-weak council municipal government and because


69
of practical concerns (i.e., the researcher's economic limi-
tations ).
Differences in Detroit's and Denver's unemployment rates,
and other economic differences, were identified as additional
/
extraneous variables beyond the researcher's control. Data
obtained from the Detroit and Denver police departments, however
suggest that economic conditions may not be significantly related
to police officer's decisions to remain in or to leave the
occupation: In 1980, 153 Detroit police officers, representing
approximately .03 per cent of the Detroit police force left the
department through retirement and resignation. 50 In the same
year, 34 Denver officers, representing approximately .02 per
cent of Denver's sworn police personnel left that department
for these reasons.5^ Given that Denver's economic situation
(reflected in its unemployment rate) is considered superior to
that of Detroit's, significant differences in the two departments'
percentages of police officer retirements and resignations from
police service were expected. Personnel data however, did not
support this assumption.
Socio-demographic Characteristics
of Study Sites
Detroit, the nation's sixth largest city,52 is one Qf
the most economically depressed areas in the country. In 1981, the
city ended its fiscal year with budget deficit of $119,000,000.
A deficit of $150,000,000 was projected for fiscal year 1982.53


70
In the decade 1970-1980, the city lost 20.7 per cent of
its population and 11.5 per cent of its housing units. 54 jn
April 1982, the city's unemployment rate of 18 per cent was
nearly twice the national average.55 In 1979-1980, 1,100 Detroit
police officers were laid off because of the city's fiscal
problemsreducing the police force from 5,266 sworn police
C/T
officers to 4,166. Sixty-three per cent of the city population
is black.5^
Detroit has a mayor-council form of government.58 The
mayor and six of the nine city council members are black .5 9 inves-
tigation of black participation -in the political process, in
Michigan, reveals that Blacks hold 293 elective offices at either
federal, state or local levels of government.The state's
black population is concentrated in Detroit and. in Flint, sixty
miles northwest of Detroit.
A board of police commissioners, consisting of five
citizens appointed by the mayor, has managerial authority over
62
Detroit's 4,751 member police department. Three of the police
ccmmissioners are black.55 The chief of police is black; the
executive deputy police chief is white, and 69 per cent of the
64
department's police officers are white. Prior to 1970 conflicts
between black citizens and the police were frequent and often
intense.55 The city was reported in 1981 as having the fifth
highest crime rate in the nation.55
Denver, the twenty-fourth largest U.S. city,5^ in contrast
to Detroit, is considered economically viable. Between 1970 and


71
1980, Denver lost 4.5 per cent of its population, while in that
decade increasing its housing units by 17 per cent. Reduc-
tions in the city's municipal work force in fiscal year 1980-
1981 did not necessitate a reduction in the number of police
department employees. The city's unemployment rate in April
1982 was 5.6 per centabout half that of the national average.7
Twelve per cent of Denver's 492,365 citizens are black.^ The
city's largest ethnic minority is Spanish sumamed, representing
19 per cent of the city's population. 72
Denver also has a mayor-council form of government. 73
Two of the thirteen city council members are black; two are His-
panic. 74 in 1983, Blacks held eleven elective offices in Colo-
n c
rado. Colorado's black population is concentrated in the Denver
metropolitan area and in Colorado Springs, approximately 65 miles
south of Denver.7
The manager of public safety, a member of the mayor's
cabinet and appointed by the mayor, has administrative oversight
of the city's police, the sheriff's department and the fire
department. 77 a black appointee held this position during the
period in which this study was conducted, but left the office
in May 1983.7 Eighty-two of the department's 1,394 police officers
are black; 181 police officers are Spanish-sumamed.79 The city's
crime rate in 198112,292 per 100,000 populationwas the fourth
highest in the nation, but only slightly higher than Detroit's
crime rate of 11,982 per 100,000 per population.
In 1969, David Bayley and Harold Mendelsohn observed


72
that ethnic group relations were better in Denver than in most
other urban areas of the nation.^ Owens, however concluded from
his interviews with thirty-two Denver black police officers and
ten white police officers in 1981, that "a condition of social
inequity exists in the Denver police department that benefits
white officers at the expense of black officers.^ This conclusion
was based, in part, upon the frequency with which Denver black
officers mentioned "unequal treatment" as a salient occupational
O')
concern.
Study Sample
Respondents to the study are sixty black male police
officersforty in Detroit and twenty in Denver who, at the time
of this study, were in the entry level position. Respondents
were randomly selected from personnel lists obtained from the
two departments. The lists had previously been stratified by race
and indicated the names, rank, and current assignments of black
sworn police personnel employed in the departments as of July
1982.85 a second sampling frame, stratified by sex and police
officer rank, was compiled by the researcher for each of the two
departments, and numbers were randomly assigned to the names of
officers identified as black, male, and in the entry rank of
police officer.
No effort was made to obtain matching samples in the
two cities in terms of Detroit and Denver respondents' ages,
police department tenure, education level, or marital status.
The disparity in the number of black officers employed in Detroit


73
and Denver, together with both departments' uneven recruitment
of black officers precluded obtaining matched samples. Analysis,
however, of Detroit and Denver respondents' social profile data
suggests that similarities in urban police forces' general selec-
tion standards and retirement policies may lead to social charac-
teristics uniformity among black (as well as white officers),
regardless of the city in which they are employed.86 This is
certainly the case in this study.
The Detroit Sample
As of July 1982,. Detroit employed 4,054 sworn police
officers. Of this number 1,127 were identified by the depart-
ment as black officers922 male and 205 female officers. Because
the decision had been made to limit this exploratory study's
respondents to black, male officers in the entry rank, the
researcher focused upon extrapolating frcm the department's
list of black officers the names of those who were male and
in the police officer rank. Six hundred and seventy-five of
Detroit's black officers were identified as having these charac-
teristics 88 Numbers were randomly assigned to the names of
these 675 officers and a duplicate list of the numbers was
compiled. Forty-five numbers were randomly drawn and matched
with the names of forty-five officersforty officers as primary
respondents and five officers as alternates should some of the
primary respondents decline to be interviewed or be unavailable
to participate in the study due to leaves of absence or undercover


assignments. While no one declined to be interviewed, the
researcher was unable to reach four of the Detroit primacy
respondents although several attempts were made to do so.
Supervisors and command level officers were most generous
in offering what assistance the researcher might have needed
throughout the time of the Detroit interviews. Officers assigned
full-time to the Guardians Association were most helpful in
offering to provide transportation to the researcher and office
space in which to conduct interviews, should these things be
useful to the research effort.
The commanding officer of the Detroit Police Department's
public relations office notified all of the department's personnel
through interagency memorandum that the researcher had been
given permission by the chief of police to conduct interviews
with black officers. The memorandum informed the officers that
their participation was entirely voluntary, and that additional
information could be obtained by calling the office of public
relations. The researcher subsequently contacted respondents,
and appointments were made to interview (on the average) three
officers each day.
The Denver Sample
As of July 1982, the Denver police department employed
1,394 sworn police officers. Of this number eighty-two were
identified as black officersseventy male and twelve female
officers. As in the case of Detroit, the researcher obtained


75
from the Denver police department a list of black officers
that had been stratified by race, rank, and sex. Frcrn this
list, sixty-three of Denver's eighty-two black officers were
identified as male and in the entry rank of police officer. ^0
The process of selection of study respondents used in
Detroit was used to select twenty-five Denver respondents
twenty as primary respondents and five as alternates. It was
necessary, however, to contact only one of the alternates to
replace a primary respondent who left the force after July 1982
and before the Denver interviews were begun in December 1982.
The canmanding officer of the Denver Police Department's
Research and Development Bureau greatly assisted this study
by notifying personnel through inter-departmental carmunication
that the researcher had been granted permission by the chief
of police to interview Denver officers; his communication informed
personnel that their participation was entirely voluntary. As
in the case of Detroit, supervisors and command level officers
offered what assistance the researcher might need in conducting
the study, and members of Denver's Guardians Association were
most enthusiastic about the study.
Sixty officers were interviewedforty Detroit officers
and twenty Denver officers. Although twice the number of officers
was selected from Detroit as from Denver, Denver respondents
represent 31.7 per cent of black, male police officers in the
entry rank in Denver, while Detroit respondents represent slightly
less than 6 per cent of the black, male police officers in the


76
entry rank in Detroit. Detroit employs, overall, about three
times as many police officers as Denver, and about thirteen
times as many black officers. These differences rendered efforts
to select an equal number or percentage of respondents from
each sampling frame ineffective. For example, selection of 10
per cent of officers from each frame would have increased the
number of Detroit respondents to sixty-eight while decreasing
the Denver respondents to seven. Thus, emphasis was placed
on a selection process in which each officer had an equal chance
of being selected from his sampling frame.^
Interviews were conducted over a seven-month period,
from October 1982 through May 1983. The interviews were conducted
in several locations in both cities: in the residences of the
respondents and in my own residence; on college campuses; in
libraries; in restaurants, and cafeterias. No interviews were
conducted during the officers' on-duty time, but the researcher
was invited by respondents to visit their workplace, and thus,
was able to observe them in various aspects of their occupational
roles. Interviews lasted an average of two hours, with several
considerably longer, and none less than one and one-half hours.
None of the respondents indicated reluctance to participate
in the study; several of them offered excellent ideas for enhancing
the research project.
Interview Schedule
An interview schedule of eighty-eight questions was


77
constructed for the study and pretested in interviews with
black male police officers employed by the Chicago, St. Louis,
Flint [Michigan] and Muskegon Heights [Michigan] police depart-
qo
ments.
The purpose of these pretest interviews was to ascertain
the clarity of the questionnaire's wording and the appropriateness
of the order of questions. Pretest interviews showed that the
wording of questions was clear except in the case of two questions
which were ambiguous. One of these questions was clarified by
changing it to two questions. The other was dropped from the
questionnaire. Pretest interviews did not indicate a problem
in the order of questions.
The questionnaire used the "funnel" technique for ordering
of questions that began with the broad topical issue of "life
world" and narrowed to issues of recruitment, occupation sociali-
zation, and factors of organizational climate; to perceptions
of political figures, and finally to questions of career commit-
ment and sore profile date-. Closed-ended, open-ended and contin-
gency questions were all used. Probes such as, "Why is that?";
"Can you give me an example?", were used where appropriate.
Before the initiation of the interview, the respondent
was asked to discuss the differences between the terms "job,"
"work," and "career," to ensure that the interviewer and the
respondent were in agreement on the meanings of those terms.


78
Study Limitations
A comprehensive study of black police officers' career
commitment would ideally examine and compare the career commitment
of white, Hispanic, Native American, and Asian American officers,
male and female, in several cities, who hold several ranks
within various sizes and types of police departments. Such
a study would ideally be conducted over a period of years,
examining officers' behavior as well as their attitudes toward
police careersfollowing research subjects from their initial
employment to their retirement from police work. However, within
the context of this exploratory study's research problem and
its limitations, the researcher decided to interview only black
male officers in the entry-level rank.
Because the sample is small, it is not possible to
generalize from, the study's findings on the career commitment
of the approximately 27,000 black police officers employed by
about 10,000 police departments across the nation. Findings,
however indicate a trend or direction in black police officers'
career commitment and the influence of socio-demographic and
political factors on black officers' career commitment.
Study findings are reported and discussed in the following
chapters of this work.


79
NOTESCHAPTER IV
1
Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research,
2d ed. (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1973), p. 406.
2 Ibid., p. 405.
^Daniel Katz, "Field Studies," in Research Methods in
Behavioral Sciences, eds. Leonard Festinger and Daniel Katz
(New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1953), p. 76.
^Stephen Isaac in Collaboration with William B. Michael,
Handbook in Research and Evaluation (San Diego: EDITS Publishers,
1971), pp. 14 and 20.
^W.E.B. Du Bois, On Sociology and the Black Community,
with an Introduction by Dan S. Green and Edwin D. Driver (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1978), p. 15.
James Q. Wilson, Varieties of Police Behavior: The
Management of Law and Order in Eight Communities (New York:
Anthenum, 1975).
"^John Van Maanen, "Pledging the Police: A Study of
Selected Aspects of Recruit Socialization in a Large Urban Police
Department" (Ph.D. dissertation: University of California, 1972).
^Herbert J.- Gans, The Urban Villagers: Group and Class
in the Life of Italian Americans (New York: The Free Press,
1962).
^William Foote Whyte,' Street Comer Society: The Social
Structure of an Italian Slum, 2d ed. (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press,1961).
^^Oscar Lewis, The Children of Sanchez: Autobiography
of a Mexican Family (New York: Random House, 1961).
^Kenneth B. Clark, Dark Ghetto: Dilemmas of Social
Power (New York: Harper and Row, 1965).
^Melville Dalton, Men who Manage: Fusions of Feeling
and Theory in Administration (New York: John Wiley and Sons,
1959).
^E. Franklin Frazier, Black Bourgeois: The Rise of
the New Middle Class (New York: The Free Press, 1956).
^Jerome H. Skolnick, Justice Without Trial (New York:
John Wiley and Sons, 1966).


80
15James Agee and Walter Evans, Let Us Now Praise Famous
Men: Three Tenant Families (New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1939).
1
Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research, p. 309.
17
'Robert L. Kahn and Charles F. Cannell, The Dynamics
of Interviewing: Theory, Techniques and Cases (New York: John
Wiley, 1957), p. 17.
^Ibid., p. 23.
^Ibid., p. 21.
2 QInternational Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences,
1968 ed., s.v. "Interviewing," by J.R. Wittenbom.
21
Robert K. Merton, M.O. Fiske, and Patricia L. Kendall,
The Focused Interview (New York: The Free Press, 1966), pp. 3-4.
^Kenneth D. Bailey, Methods of Social Research (New
York: The Free Press, 1978), p. 151.
23Ibid.
24 John Allen Williams, Jr., "Interviewer-respondent
Interaction:. A Study of Bias in the Information Interview,"
Socometry 27 (November 1964):252.
pE
Herbert Hyman, Interviewing: In Social Research
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1954), p. 115.
2Derek L. Phillips, Knowledge for What? Theories and
Methods in Social Research (New York: Rand McNally, 1971), p. 49.
97
Barbara Snell Dohrenwend, John Colanbatos, and Bruce
P. Dohrenwend, "Social Distance and Interviewer Effects," Public
Opinion Quarterly 32 (April 1968):410 -
23Edward Boren, "The Language Behavior of Negroes and
Whites," Pacific Sociological Review 4 (Spring 1981):69.
29
The researcher, while a police investigator, received
extensive training in interviewing techniques.
3This was dealt with by explaining to the officers
that the study required that respondents be randomly selected.
^Respondents were aware that the researcher is a teacher
in a Criminal Justice Studies Program.


81
^Richard N. Mams and Jack J. Preiss, eds., Human Organi-
zation Research: Field Relations and Techniques (Homewood,
111.: Dorsey Press, 1960), p. 267.
-^Herbert Blumer, Critique of Research on the Social
Sciences (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1979), pp.
110-111.
^Florian Znaniecki, On Humanistic Sociology with a
Preface by Robert Bierstedt (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1959), p. 68.
35James P. Spradley, You Owe Yourself a Drunk: An Ethno-
graphy of Urban Nomads (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1970);
Erving Goff man, Stigma; Notes on the Management of Spoiled
Identity (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1963); Peter
M. Blau, The Dynamics of Bureaucracy: A Study of Interpersonal
Relations in Two Government Agencies, 2d ed. (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1963); Fred Davis, "The Cab Driver and His
Fare: Facets of a Fleeting Relationship," American Journal of
Sociology 65 (September 1960), 158-65; Gresham M. Sykes, The
Society of Captives:A Study of a Maximum Security Prison (Prince-
ton: Princeton University Press, 1958); Skolnick, Justice Without
Trial.
36wax. argues the value of bias,. and writes: "However,
it is precisely that 'bias' of participants that the researcher
wishes to become capable of assuming and understanding. The
observer who establishes himself and remains in a role external
to the group being studied is not so much unbiased as incompetent
or unenterprising.. No technique of research is free from error,
and perhaps one virtue of participant observation is that the
kind of data it yields allows biases, inadequacies, and predi-
lections of the researcher to be closely perceived. The bias
of sample surveys and other quantitative procedures is sometimes
subtle and more troublesome for science because the overall
perspective reflects the attitudes of management and authority
maintained around the conference table. Such investigative
techniques frequently lack insight into the activities, attitudes
and bias axioms of the population to be surveyed." Rosalie H.
Wax, "Twelve Years Later: An Analysis of Field Experience,"
American Journal of Sociology 63 (June 1957):133.
^International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences,
1968 ed., s.v. "Social Observation and Social Case Studies,"
by Howard Becker.
3Egon Bittner, "Objectivity and Realism in Sociology,"
in Phenomenological Sociology, ed. George Psathas (New York:
John Wiley and Son, 1973), p. 109.


82
39
See generally, Florian Znaniecki, Cultural Reality
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1919).
4^John Inf land and Lyn H. Lofland, Analyzing Social
Settings, 2d ed. (Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth Publishing Co.,
1984), p. 3.
41Survey Research, quoted in Cecil O'Brien Owens, "The
Socio-Historical Inpact of Discrimination Practices on Recruiting
Blacks as Police Officers" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of
Colorado, 1981), p. 56.
4^Howard Schwartz and Jerry Jacobs, Qualitative Sociology;
A Method to the Madness (New York: The Free Press, 1979), p. 4.
' 4^Bailey, Methods of Social Research, p. 51.
44
Arthur Pap, Semantics and Necessary Truth (New Haven,
Conn.: Yale University Press, 1958), p. 426.
4^Howard S. Becker, "Notes on the Concept of Conmitment,"
American Journal of Sociology 67 (July 1960):35.
4These concepts are discussed at length in Chapter II
of this work, p. 20.
4^Henry Eichel, "What Happens When Blacks Gain Strength,"
Focus, September 1975, p. 3.
4U.S. Department of Ccimierce, Bureau of the Census,
Advance Report 1980.
4Washington, D.C., achieved home-rule status in 1973.
^Detroit Police Department, Annual Report 1981.
-^Denver Police Department, Annual Report 1981.
S2
Detroit's population in the 1980 Census was reported
as 1,203,339. See also City of Detroit Planning Department,
Profile Package for United Comnunity Services Subcommunities,
Report no. 35 (Summer 1982).
CO
Facts on FileWorld Atlas (New York: Hammond Incor-
porated, 1981), p. 616.
54
U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census,
Advance Report 1980.
^U.S. Department of Tabor, Employment Reports, April


83
1982. (The national unemployment average was 9.5 per cent in
April 1982.)
^Detroit Police Department, Annual Report 1980.
57U.S. Department of Connerce, Bureau of the Census,
Advance Report 1980.
^David Greenstone, "A Report on the Politics of Detroit"
(Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harvard
University, 1961, Mimeographed), pt. II, p. 8.
59
Researcher's Observation, May 1982.
Joint Center for Political Studies, July 1983 (Wash-
D.C., 1972), p. 60.
6^U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census,
Advance Report 1980.
62
A distinction is noted between members of the department
all employees, including 859 "civilians,"and members of
the force4,166 sworn police officers.
63
Researcher's observation, September 1982.
6 A
Detroit Police Department, Annual Report 1981.
^Edward J. Littlejohn, "The Cries of the Wounded:
A History of Police Misconduct in Detroit," University of Detroit
Journal of Urban Law 58 (Winter 1981):173..
66u.s. Department of Justice, Uniform Crime Reports,
67u.s. Department of Cormier ce, Bureau of the Census,
Advance Report 1980.
68Ibid.
69
Denver Police Department, Annual Report 1981.
70
U.S. Department of Labor, Employment Reports, April
1982.
71
U.S. Department of
Advance Report 1980.
72
Ibid.
Commerce, Bureau of the Census,


84
Kenneth E. Gray, "A Report on Politics in Denver,
Colorado" (Cambridge: Joint Center for Urban Studies of the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harvard University,
1959, Mimeographed), pt. Ill, p. 7.
^Researcher's observation, June 1982.
^^Researcher's observation, July 1983.
7 c
U.S. Department of the Commerce, Bureau of the Census,
Advance Report 1980.
7^Denver Police Department, Annual Report 1981.
7ft
,0Mr. E:lvin Caldwell, Sr., held the position of Manager
of Public Safety until April 1983.
7^Denver Police Department, Annual Report 1981.
ftn
U.S. Department of Justice, Uniform Crime Reports
1981.
81
David H. Bayley and Harold Mendelsohn, Minorities and
the Police: Confrontation in America (New York: The Free Press,
1969), p. v.
82
Owens, "The Socio-Historical Inpact of Discrimination
Practices on Recruiting Blacks as Police Officers," p. 128.
83Ibid., p. 129.
84
Officers assigned as detectives and technicians are
included because these positions do not constitute a police
rank. Officers, are "detailed" to these positions, serve at the
"discretion" of the chief of police, and retain the police
officer rank until promoted to the sergeant position through
competitive examinations.
pc
It has become a general practice for large police
departments to maintain personnel rosters indicating the race,
sex and ethnic group membership of employees. It is assumed
that this is done for EEOC reporting purposes and for affirmative
action recruiting programs.
88See generally James W. Sterling, Changes in Role
Concepts of Police Officers (Washington, D.C.: International
Association of Police Chiefs, 1972).
ft7
'It is assumed that the discrepancy between this figure
and that of December 1981 is due to Detroit police officer
attrition between December 1981 and July 1982.


85
Data from the Detroit list of personnel revealed that
316 Detroit black officers (including the chief of police and
four deputy chiefs of police) are in police ranks of sergeant
or higher.
89
Procedures for the use of numbers for random sampling
purposes are based upon suggestions found in Paul D. Leedy,
Practical Research; Planning and Design (New York: Macmillan
Publishing Co., 1974), pp. 94-99.
^Eight of Denver1s 82 Black officers were found to
be in ranks of sergeant or higher (four male sergeants and one
female sergeant; one lieutenant and two captains). Although
91 black officers were reported on the Denver police roll as
of December 1981,. the list obtained from the Department in July
1982 contained 82 names. It is assumed that this difference is
due to officer attrition between December 1981 and July 1982.
91
Babbie provides insight concerning representative
of samples: "A sample will be representative of the population
from which selected, if all members of the population have an
equal chance of being selected in the sample." Earl R. Babbie,
Survey Research Methods, Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth Publishing
Co., 1973, p. 78.
92
Fifteen officers. were interviewed in the pretest of
the questionnaire: seven Flint officers; four Muskegon Heights
officers; and two each from the St. Louis and Chicago police
departments. All of the officers are employed in cities that
have large black populations, but only Muskegon Heights, Michigan,
is a predominately black city and has a black mayor. Pretest
interviews were conducted in Flint, Michigan, where the Region
IV Guardians Association convened October 1-3, 1982.
Although the writer was a member of the Guardians while
employed as a police officer in New York, black officers in
New York are in a different regional organization and the writer,
therefore, had no previous contact with officers in the Associa-
tion's Region IV which includes Michigan, Missouri, Ohio, and
Illinois.


CHAPTER V
CAREER COMMITMENT ATTITUDES OF BLACK
POLICE OFFICERS IN DETROIT AND DENVER
Study Results
While no sweeping generalizations can be made based
upon data acquired in this research on the career coirmitment
attitudes of the nation's approximately 27,000 black police
officers, the tenor of the study results suggests that black
police officers' attitudes toward and commitment to law enforce-
ment careers are affected by variables of the socio-political
environments existing in the cities in which they are employed.
Where Blacks have achieved a significant degree of political
power through population predominance, and consequently adminis-
trative control of a police department, black police officers
are more likely to perceive law enforcement as a viable career
for themselves and for their sons and daughters, as well as
for other young black men and women.
Data obtained from interviews with black police officers
employed in the socio-politically dichotomous cities of Detroit
and Denver (as characterized by vastly different degrees of
black political influence and power in each city) indicate that
black police officers in Detroit and Denver have substantially


87
different attitudes toward police careers, as the term is defined
in this work. Comparative analysis of data obtained in interviews
with forty black officers in Detroit and twenty black officers
in Denver disclose that Detroit officers are 47 per cent more
likely to describe present police employment as a career, rather
than as a long-term, well-paying job (Fig. 1).
When Detroit police officer responses are compared with
those of Denver police officers, the Detroit officers are nearly
62 per cent more likely to have participated, at least once,
in promotion examinations for the first level police supervisory
position (Fig. 2); 62 per cent more likely to decisively encourage
a son to enter police work (Fig. 3); 33 per cent more likely
to lend encouragement to a daughter to enter the police occupa-
tion (Fig. 4), and 12.8 per cent more likely to encourage other
young black men and women to consider a police job (Fig. 5).
Data reveal further that in Detroit, where Blacks are
a majority population and hold a majority of public offices
that significantly affect police department personnel policies,
black officers are 45 per cent more likely than Denver officers
to consider alternative employment in another police department
(Fig. 6); and nearly 54 per cent more likely to consider employ-
ment as a federal law enforcement agent (Fig. 7). Data did
not reveal substantial differences in the two groups' attitudes
toward employment in a state law enforcement agency (Fig. 8).
The study also found that Detroit interviewees were less likely
(within the two-year period prior to the study) to have considered


88
leaving police work for another occupation, while at the same
tine, they are less likely to report economic factors influencing
their decision to remain in law enforcement.
Finally, data indicate that Detroit study participants
are somewhat (3 per cent) more likely to plan to leave the
occupation before they are eligible for retirement (Fig. 9).
This latter finding was initially considered inconsistent with
others that focused upon the officers' career commitment atti-
tudes. Closer analysis, however, of the two groups' predispo-
sitions toward several broader aspects of their employment, and
the .socio-political variables affecting black police officer
attitudes revealed that for Detroit officers, who say that they
do not plan to remain in police work until retirement, the
intention to leave is less indicative of nonccmmitment to a
police career than it is of occupational aspirations as a conse-
quence of their police department employment. A majority of
Detroit interviewees express that they have cone to view their
jobs as having afforded opportunities for upward mobility, as
well as having provided a chance for personal growth, and,
importantly, having given them the confidence to confront the
risks involved in occupation change.
In contrast, Denver officers, when explaining reasons
for desiring to leave police work, tend to describe their occupa-
tional .experiences as encumbering both occupational advancement
and personal growth. Neither differences in the tasks of police
officers in the two cities, in the officers' social backgrounds,


89
work histories, nor educational attainment prior to becoming
policemen explained differences in Detroit and Denver officers'
attitudes toward career commitment.
Findings point, however, to differences between the two
groups' perceptions of fairness in assignments to special police
units, and perception of opportunity for upward mobility as
key variables in black officers' attitudes toward career commit-
ment. The majority of Detroit officers rate administrative
policies on assignments as generally fair and the chance for
promotion to high police positions as either good or excellent.
Most Denver interviewees hold the opposite viewpoint. Denver
black officers state that assignments are based upon favoritism,
and that black officers have little chance of attaining high
level positions in the Denver department.
The Detroit officers attribute fairness in assignments,
and other opportunities for advancement to the advocacy of the
city's mayor, and to Detroit's board of police coitmissioners
who carry out the mayor's policies regarding equal employment
opportunity and affirmative action. Detroit interviewees also
assert that the mayor's policies are reflective of black community
political pressure for police department personnel representative
of the city's population. Denver's black officers relate their
lack of opportunity to race discrimination within the police
department and to the inability of black public officials and
citizens to influence police department personnel policies.
A significant number of officers in both the cities say that


90
a "double standard exists in matters of discipline and officer
performance evaluation. This latter finding suggests that Detroit
officers, as well as those in Denver, perceive race discrimi-
nation as existing in their respective departments, but that
discrimination in discipline and evaluation is less significant
to career commitment if it does not deny opportunity for advance-
ment. Detroit officers also perceive less fairness in those
aspects of their employment not readily subject to black community
and elected public officials' scrutiny.
Additional Study Results
Black police officers began striving for upward occupa-
tional mobility well before entering police work. The desire
for upward occupation mobility may be an important reason for
their joining a police force. An. effort was made, therefore,
to ascertain interviewees1 general occupational aspirations
prior to their current employment, and to determine the influence
of preemployment work histories and orientation to. police work
on their later decision to pursue a law enforcement career.
Interviewees were asked about the jobs held before
joining the police force and about attitudes toward police work
as an occupation and as a social role. More than one third
(37.5 per cent) of Detroit interviewees and 15 per cent of
Denver interviewees report their most immediate prior occupation
as the armed forces. Ten per cent of Detroit officers and 25
per cent of those in Denver report having been employed in civil


91
law enforcement and criminal justice agencies, including federal
installation security, sheriff's departments, probation and
youth services. Detroit interviewees are only slightly more
likely than Denver officers to have held other types of public
sector jobs before entering police work. Overall, six occupation
categories were identified. Only one of the sixty officers
reports having been unemployed immediately prior to joining
the police force.
Interviewees were asked, "At the time you came on the
job was there some other type of work you would have preferred?";
"What was the main reason that you wanted that line of work?"
Sixty-five per cent of Detroit interviewees and 55 per cent
of those in Denver identified other occupations preferred to
policing. Thirty-five per cent of. Detroit interviewees and 45
per cent in Denver indicate that police work was their preferred
occupation at the time they joined the police department (Table
1).
All of the nine Denver officers reporting police work
as the preferred occupation indicate definite aspirations for
police work. Five of the fourteen Detroit officers, however,
who said that there was no other preferred occupation, relate
that this was less a case of wanting to be police officers
than having no definite occupational interests.
The study also focused attention on the officers' preem-
ployment orientation to police work as an occupation, and inter-
viewees were asked: "As a black man, what appealed to you most


92
about becoming a police officer?" A majority of both groups
of officers cited the service aspects of police work as most
important. Detroit officers were somewhat less likely to report
the factor of employment stability, and somewhat less likely
than Denver officers to identify thei work of a policeman as
having important appeal.
A second and closely related question was: "As a black
man was there anything that bothered you about becoming a police
officer?" In response to this question, 80 per cent of Detroit
interviewees, and 65 per cent of Denver interviewees responded,
"Yes." Detroit officers stating that they had concerns about
becoming police officers generally emphasize the social role
of the police as a source of that concern, while Denver officers
tend to emphasize organizational aspects of the occupation.
Some of the interviewees' statements expanding upon their answers
are:
The police have been a serious handicap to the black commun-
ity, and I did not want to put myself in a position of
contributing to that . (Detroit)
I had never seen the police do one positive thing in the
black ccmmunity, and I think that had it been twenty years
earlier they would have tried to find a way not to hire
me. (Detroit)
I wanted the job ... I have wanted to be a policeman as
long as I can remember, but I didn't want the negative
image the Detroit police have earned. (Detroit)
I knew right from the way they answered the phone the first
time I called a district station to get information about
how to applyvery abrupt likethat if I got the job I
would be working with some very ignorant dudes. (Denver) I
I had seen the way the state patrol acted when I had applied


Full Text
THE EFFECT OF SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC AND
POLITICAL VARIABLES ON BLACK POLICE
OFFICER CAREER COMMITMENT
by
Jackie-Lynn Harris Wilson
B.A., Adelphi University, 1971
M.P.S., Long Island University, 1974
A thesis submitted to the
Faculty of the Graduate School of Public Affairs of the
University of Colorado in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Public Administration
Graduate School of Public Affairs
1984



PAGE 1

. THE EFFEX:T OF sOCl:C>-"DErVroRAPHIC AND ....... .. "" POLITICAL VARIABLES ON BIACK POLICE OFFICER CAREER COMMITMENT by Jaqkie-Lynn Harris. Wilson . B.A.; Adelphi University, 1971 M.P.S., Long Island dhiversity, 1974 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Public Affairs of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Public Administration Graduate School of Public Affairs 1984

PAGE 2

This Thesis for the Doctor of Public Administration degree by Jackie-Lynn Harris Wilson has been approved for the Graduate School of Public Affairs by Date JJ/ /OJ lrf: r

PAGE 3

ABSTRAcr

PAGE 4

Wilson, Jackie-Lynn Harris (D.P.A., Public Adrtlinistration) The Effect of Socio-demographic and Political Variables on Black Police Officer Career Commitment Thesis directed by Professor Mark R. Pogrebin This work concerns the effect of different socio-demographic and political variables on black :Police officers' ccmni tment to law enforcement careers. The study focuses on the relationship between black officer career corrmitment and: ( 1) the proportion of Blacks iri a city's population, and (2) the percentage of Blacks in elective and appointed offices that controlor significantly influence police personnel policies. The study investigates and compares black police officers' . attitudes toward occupational. mobility in the Detroit, Michigan, and Denver, COlorado, Police Departments. Howard Becker's conceptualization of conmitment, the concepts of psychological contract and expectancy x theory provide the study's theoretical frameworks. The research is exploratory and descriptive and predami-nately qualitative in. its orientation. Multiple methods (field study, focused interviews, and observation) are used for data collection. Forty Detroit black, male police officers in the entry rank, and twenty Denver black, male police officers in. the entry rank are personally interviewed. The study is salient finding is that black officer 6areer commitment is significantly influenced by expectancies of success or failure when undertaking actions that lead to The study concludes that where

PAGE 5

Blacks are a numerical majority and hold a majority of elective and appointive offices that importantly impact on police depart-ment personnel policies, black police officers are more likely to expect successful outcome in pursuit of upward mobility in the police department, and are more cc:mni tted to careers in law enforcement. The fo:rm and content its publication. recommend

PAGE 6

CON!'ENTS CHAPTER I.. INI'RODUCI'ION .-. . . The Research Problem . . . Background the study . Assumptions of the. Study Significance of' the Study Arrangement of the-Dissertation . Notes:..-chapter. I .II: -CONrEMI?ORARY PERSPEX:TIVE OF BLACK POLICE: OFFICER EMPIDYMENT . . Police Einployment and Careers . . . Occupational Terms The Concept of career . . GOal-oriented Behavior. The Concept of Corrmitment Careers: Strategies of Attairnnent Psychological Contract--EKpectancy X Theory As A Theoretical Framework for Examining career Cc:xntli:blEnts . Preoccupational Eritry Attitudes: A Black Perspective . . II . III. BrACK POLICE OFFICER EMPI.DYMENT IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE: 1860-1980 1 1 3 6 7 8 9 12 12 l3 13 14 16 17 20 22 30 37. .

PAGE 7

CHAPl'ER Black Police Employment 1860-1965 Recruitment of Black Police 1965-1980 Black Community Attitudes Toward the Police and Recruitment of Black Police Officers Notes--chapter III Dl. Mm'HODS v. Study Design Data Collection Study Sites . . . Socio-demographic Characteristics of Study Sites Study Sample The Detroit Sample The Denver Sample Interview Schedule Study Limitations Notes--chapter Dl CAREER COMMI'IMENT ATriTUDES OF BLACK POLICE OFFICERS IN DEI'ROIT AND DENVER Study Results Additional Study Results summary Recruitment, and Reasons for becoming Policemen . Occupational Socialization Role of Family and Friends and the Police in the Socialization Process Organizational Climate ix 37 45 47 52 57 57 59 67 69 72 73 74 76 78 79 86 86 90 96 96 101 108 112

PAGE 8

CHAPTER Job Satisfaction . . . . . . . . . Attitudes Toward Departmental Disciplinary Practices Attitudes Toward Performance Evaluation Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . Attitudes Toward Supervisor and Administrator Leadership Effectiveness Attitudes Toward Assignments Perceptions of Opportunity for Upward MObility Participation in and Attitudes Tbward Promotion Process Relationships with Co-workers Relationships with the Public . Attitudes Toward Police Unions and Black Police Officers Association .. Attitudes Toward Role of Board ofPolice Commissioner and Manager of Public Safety Attitudes Toward Role of Common Council and City Council . Attitudes Toward the Role of the Mayor Sumary of Findings: On Variables of Organizational Clirrate . Black Officer career Ccmnitment Future Occupational Plans Encouragement of Others to Enter X 113 117 121 123 127 131 137 144 148 152 158 162 164 167 168 172 the Occupation 180 Notes-chapter V 186 VI. INTERPRETATION AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS 188 Police Officers' career Commitment 189 Motivation for Success or Failure 191

PAGE 9

xi CHAPTER Detroit and Denver Black Police Officers' Expectations of Success and Failure o o o o o o o o 193 Psychological Contract and Expactancies of Success and Failure o o o o o o o Black Police Socialization and Interactions within the Police Organization o 0 o o o Structural Sources of Black Police Officers' Expectations of Success and Failure o o o o Vicarious Experiences as Source of Expectations of Success and Failure Institutionalized Racism: ]mpact on Black Police Career Mobility in the Denver Police Department The Effects of Black Political Empowerment on Detroit Black Police Officers' Expectation of Career Success o -:Rele qf the Detroit Mayor and Black Officer Expectation o 0 0 0 o Notes--chapter VI o o 196 198 203 210 214 221 225 233 VII o CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH o 243 Notes--chapter VII 248 BIBLICGRAPHY . . 249 APPENDICES 278 [Includes Figures and Tables]

PAGE 10

CHAPTER I INTRODUCI'ION The black pbliceman has been trapped in a cruel series of binds, much like blacks in the larger society. If he "goes along with the program," he tacitly shares the "ethical" norms of conduct, belief and valuation of the police world as defined by the white majority. And he is rewarded by being considered a "good Negro policerran." If,. on the other hand, he vigorously resists the role of a "dirty worker" for white society, in the eyes of his fellow officers he is at the very least open to the charges of ambiguous loyal ties. 1 Two themes dominate studies and articles on the black police officer. The first addresses the problems Blacks have historically encountered in gaining entry to the police occtipation,2 police departments' resistance to racial integration in American police forces,3 and the social and political implications of black underrepresentation in them. 4 The second theme focuses u:r;:x:m the role-enacbnent problems the black officer experiences as a conse-quence of his membership in two functionally significant but antagonistic reference groups ( i 0 e 0 the black cornrnUni ty and the police) .s This study diverges from these themes. The focus of this research is on black officers' attitudes toward careers in law enforcement. Black police officers' attitudes often influence the predis-position of black youth toward police work, and may adversely affect police departments' recruitment of black officers.G Given the antipathy many black youths express for the police, 7 black

PAGE 11

2 officers' attitudes toward career commitment are particularly germane to the goal of increased representation of Blacks in all police department ranks.a Explanations of the underrepresentation of black officers in supervisory and managerial positions generally turn upon continued race discrimination.in police departments, and the existence of organizational structures that hinder black officers' upward mobility. 9 Most of what is known about black officers, including their perceptions of opportunities for careers, is from studies conducted in cities with a predominately white population where Blacks have been largely excluded from the political and administrative structures that affect police department policies. 10 Population changes in the proportions of Blacks and whites in urban areas since the 1960s have resulted in Blacks acquiring rna jori ty population status in several rna jor cities .1 As anticipated by political observers in the 1920s, Blacks--for example, in Atlanta, Detroit, and Washington, D.C. --have translated numerical dominance in these cities into predominance in elective and appointive offices (i.e. mayor, city council, Civil Service Corrmission, and police chief) that control or influence police department personnel policies. 12 Demographic changes, and the concomitant changes in the number of Blacks in political positions that affect police agencies provide an opportunity to study black officer career commitment attitudes under conditions of black political empowerment, and under different demographic conditions.

PAGE 12

3 The Research Problem The focus of this study is on the relationship between black officers' career commitment and ( 1 ) the pro.[?Ortion of Blacks in a city's .[?Opulation and (2) the percentage of Blacks in elective offices in city government. The research problem investigated is: given a city like Detroit, where Blacks are 63 per cent of the .POPulation, 13 and hold 70 per cent of elective offices in city government, 14 will black .POlice officers re.[?Ort greater commitment to careers in .POlicing than black officers in a city like Denver, where Blacks are 12 per cent of the .POPUlation, 15 and hold approximately 14 per cent16 of elective offices in city government? Background of the Study The study had its genesis in the researcher's experience as a .POlice officer, which afforded the op.[?Ortunity to differences in career-related behavior of black policemen employed in various police departments in different geogr_aphical areas of the country. Contrasts in black officers' commitment to careers were often striking. Officers in East St. I.Duis, Missouri. for example, showed more corrmitment to upward occupational mobility than did those in the Nassau County, New York Police Department. That black police in a city known for antipathetic relations between police and black citizens 17 should be more cammi tted to police careers than their counterparts in a cornnuni ty where there

PAGE 13

4 had been little overt hostility between black citizens and .the pJlice seemed incongruous. An infernal search for explanations of the difference in the attitudes of the two groups of officers did not support the conventionai wisdom that Fast St. I.Duis was a "better" cornrrnmity in which to be employed. Indeed, by cqmparison, Fast St. I.Duis represented the reverse case: Its crime rates were higher and police deparbnent equipment, training, and salaries were inferior to those of Nassau County. Other efforts to explain difference in officers' attitudes based upon their social backgrounds were equally unsatisfactory. The officers' social profileS Were nearly identical. The writer IS informal inquiry however, found demographic and socio-pJlitical differences between the two comnuni ties. Fast St. I.Duis is a predominate! y "black Nassau County, a predominately "white c0rnmunity.n18 Further investigation disclosed that Blacks' influence in the political processes of Fast St. I.Duis is considerably more extensive than in Nassau County. Additionally, a reading of Albert Reiss' repJrt of his 1966 study of police officers' attitudes toward law enforcanent issues, including careers, revealed that black policemen in Chicago reported a greater commitment to police careers than black policemen in Boston and Washington, D.C. 19 Reiss' findings served to increase interest in the subject of black police officers' attitudes toward career corrmi:tment in different demographic and political situations. W.E.B. Du Bois' research on urban Blacks' occupations in the nineteenth century, and James Q. Wilson's on the effect of different demographic and political conditions on pOlice officers'

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5 occupational attitudes and behaviors offered more hope of an expla-nation. In his scholarly acclaimed sociological study of Black Philadelphians, oU Bois noted the effect of certain socio-political factors on Blacks' attitude toward particular occupations. In that study he presented an interesting facet of black occupational attitudes: Even under conditions of extreme economic depriva-tion, intense occupational competition, and discrimination, the racial implications of an occupation could outweigh its economic viability for Blacks. Du Bois conmented in 1898: Today one would have to look a long time among young and aspiring Negroes to find one who would willingly become a barber--it smacks perhaps a little too much of domestic service and is a thing to fall back upon but not to aspire to. In the second place the business became unpo"Qular with Negroes because it compels them to draw a color Although 'careers had little meaning to Blacks during the time Du Bois conducted his study (then, black 'careers' meant catering, dressrraking, undertaking, etc. ) barbering had an approximate economic value for black men 21 in the 1890s as policing has for today's black men. Wilson observed important variations in the occupational behavior of police officers in eight cornrmmities and concluded that police officers are 'sensitive' to the political cultures that emerge from different demographic and socio-political arrange-ments: the police are in all cases keenly sensitive to their political environment without in all cases being governed by it. By sensitive is meant that they are alert to, and concerned about what is said about them publicly, who is in authority over them, how their material and career interests are satisfied and how complaints about them are handled. Thus, police

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6 work is carried out under the influence of a political culture though not necessarily under day to day political direction.22 The two foregoing quotations, combined with the rese.archer' s observations and review of Reiss' study, become references for an examination of the relationship between demographic and socio-political factors and black officers' commitment to police careers. Assumptions of the Study Ma.jor assumptions of this study are that black political powerlessness, manifested by Blacks' incapacity to significantly influence a city's political processes, may have negative effects on black officer attitudes toward law enforcement career commit-ment. Conversely, black political empowerment stemming from control of important political offices J,eads to black officers' :rrore favorable attitudes toward careers iri police work for themselves, their children, and other young black men and women. These assumptions are based upon evidence garnered by the Special Task Force to the Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare and published as Work in America. The Task Force study concluded from data on the black worker that limitations of Blacks' participation and influence in important social, economic and political institution significantly affect Blacks' occupationrelated attitudes: Clearly the issue that stands behind black attitudes about discrimination in general is that they feel that they have been denied full and equal participation in American society. They have little control over the institutions that affect their lives--community, political, educational, or economic.23

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7 Research conducted by MacDonald, focusing on the effect of black political ernpowennent on Blacks' sense of personal efficacy and psychological security, provides ad?itional support for the assumptions.24 Significance of.the Study The principal significance.of the study lies in its contribution to public administrators' knowledge of socio-political factors, other than race discrimination, that may significantly influence black officers' comnitment to. police careers. If black representation in law enforcement is to increase, and Blacks are to assume a greater role in decision-making processes within urban police forces the corrmi tment lower.;_echelon black officers have to law enforcement careers should be of major concern to urban administrators and police officials. The study may also have significance for future public .administration scholarship. E. Franklin Fraizer's 25 and Max Lerner's 26 pleas for the necessity of studying American race relations within the context of black culture and black psychodynamics, focusing on Blacks' subjective perceptions of life chances, have been largely unheeded by public administration researchers. The present research brings together both perspectives under the auspices of public administration interest. The impor tance of this subject is expected to increase, if McKinney and Howard are correct in their assessment that:

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8 The inner-city environment has changed. Middle class whites have abandoned the city for the suburbs, leaving behind growing percentages (often large majorities) of lower-class blacks, the elderly, and the poor. This is the new clientele who are the objects of urban bureaucracies . 27 Arrangement of the Dissertation Chapter II of the work presents a contemporary perspective of black police officer employment in urban police departments. The chapter also reviews literature pertinent to occupational careers and the factors. thought to influence commitment to a career. Chapter III examines black police officers employment from an historical perspective, and focuses on the socio-political factors affecting Blacks' entry to the occupation. In Chapter IV, the study's methods are discussed; Chapter V presents research findings. Study findings and their interpre-tation are discussed in Chapter VI. The dissertation concludes in Chapter VII with recorrmendations for future study.

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9 NarES--cHAPTER I 1Alex Poinsette, "The Dilenma of Black Policemen," Ebony, May 1971, p. 122. 2 Jarnes I. Alexander, Blue Coats: Black Skins (Hicksville, New York: Exposition Press, 1978), p. 5. 3Samuel G. Chatxnan, Police Patrol Readings, 2d ed. (Springfield, Ill., Charles c. Thorras, 1970); James B. Jacobs and Jay COhen, "Impact of Racial Integration on the Police," Journal of Police Science and Administration 6 (June 1978) : 16; Richard J. Margolis, "Minority Hiring and the Police, New Leader, August 1971, p. 13; David M. Rafsky, "Racial Discrimination in Urban Police Departments," Crime and Delinquency, July 1975, p. 233; James E. Teahan, "Longitudinal Study of Attitude Shifts Among Black and White Police Officers," Journal of Social Issues 31 (Winter 1975) :47. 4clinton B. Jones, "Critical Equal Employment Issues in Criminal Justice, Journal of Police Science and Administration 2 (June 1979: 129); Robert Michael Regoli and Donnell E. Jerome, "The Recruitment.and Promotion of a Minority Group into an Established Institution: The Police," Journal of Police Science and Adminis tration 3 (November 1978) :412; Bruce Cory, "Minority Police: Tramping Through a Racial Minefield, Police Magazine; February 1979, p. 4. Alex, Black in Blue: A StudY of the Negro Policeman (New York: Appleton-century Crofts, 1969), pp. 13-14. Valencia Campbell, "Double Marginality of Black Policemen," Criminology, 17 (February 1980) : 4 77; Edward Palmer, "Black Police in America, Journal of Black Studies and Research 5 (October 1973) : 19. 6Arthur Neiderhoffer and Alexander B. Smith, New Direction in Police Corrmunity Relations (San Francisco: Rinehart Press, 1974), p. 40. 7r.ouis Harris, "The Harris Survey," Chicago Tribune, 16 September 1977; George H. _Gallup, The Gallup Opinion Index, Report Number 150 (Princeton: The American Institute of Public Opinion) p. 15. 8President' s Cormnission on law Enforcement and Administration Task Force Report: The Police (Washington, D.C.: .Government Printing Office, 1967), pp. 171-172. Is 9william Raspberry, There Discrimination?" "Promotion in Police Departments-washington Post, 1 0 October 1966.

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10 1 Ou. S. Bureau of the Census, "Coii"pC>nents of Population Change by Race, Between 1960 and 1975," U.S. Census of Population: 1960 and 1970, Vol. I, Series P-25, Number 545 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1980). 11Ralph J. Bunch, "Negro Political laboratories," Opportunity, December 1928, p. 370. 12Aiex Poinsett, "Black Takeover of u.s. Cities?" Ebony, November 1970, p. 77. 13u.s. Bureau of the Census, Advance Reports 1980 (wash-ington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1982). 14writer's observation, December 1982. 15u.s. Bureau of the Census, 1980. observation, December 1982. 17Ermett J. Scott, Negro Migration During the War (New York: OXford University Press, 1920), p. 110. 18u.s. Bureau of the Census, Census Population, 1970, Vol. I, Parts A and B. 19Albert Reiss, Jr. Studies of Crime and law Enforcement in Major Metropolitan Areas, Field Survey III: Police Officer Attitudes, 3 volumes (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1967), pp. 8-10. 2 0w.E.B. Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1899), p. 116. 21 In the 1890s, barbering offered steady, well-paying employment to black men. 22James Q. Wilson; Varieties of Police Behavior: The Manage ment of law and Order in Eight Communi ties (New York: Anthenurn, 1975), p. 230. 23Special Task Force to the Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare, Work in America with a ForWard by Elliot L. Richardson (Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press, 1973), pp. 55-56. 24A.P. MacDonald, "Black Power," Journal of Negro Education, 44 (Fall 1975): 547. Both of these factors are thought to be important to cormni tment behavior.

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11 25E. Franklin Fraizer, "Desegregation as an Object of Sociological Study," in HUIPail Behavior and Social Processes, ed. Arnold Rose (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1961), p. 620. 26Max "The Negro American .and His City: Person in Place and Culture," in The Conscience of the City, ed. Merlen Meyerson (New York: George Braziller, 1970), p. 348. 27 Jerome B. McKinney and lawrence c. Howard, Pubiic Admin-istration: Balancing Power and Accountability (Oak Park, Ill. : Moore Publishing Co., 1979), p. 104.

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CHAPI'ER II CONTEMPORARY PERSPOCTIVE OF BLACK POLICE OFFICER EMPIDYMENT Freedom too, the long sought we still seek, the freedom of limb, the freedan to work and think, to love and aspu-e. Police Employment and Careers In the United States, approximately 580,000 people are in law enforcement occupations.2 A majority-some 386,000-are employed as police officers in local police departments ;3 about 27, 000 are black police officers.4 The purpose of this chapter is to sketch out differences in the several occupational terms used to describe police employment and to review the literature on occupational careers, the concept of comni trnent, and some aspects of police work relevant to police career rrobility. The chapter will also address the concepts of expectancy x theory 5 and psychological contract6 as theoretical frameworks for the examination of black officers 1 career comni tment. Finally, a black perspective of the police occupation will be presented as a backdrop to the study 1 s central focus.

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13 Occupational Terms It is custonary to speak of :police employment as work, a job, profession, occupation, and as a career. The interchange-ability of the tenns in :popular usage often obscures essential differences in various aspects of :police employment. "Police work" is a generic te:rm that conveys the notion that an individual may earn a living by engaging in the tasks of :pol{cing. A job refers to a limited employment situation that may evidence "a group of :positions or discrete units of work within an occupational speciality." 7 By profession is meant "an occupation requiring specialized knowledge that can only be gained after extensive preparation The primary characteristic that differentiates it a vocation is its theoretical comnitment to rendering a public service." 8 Occupation has been defined as: a relatively continuous pattern of activity that ( 1 ) produces a livelihood for an individual and ( 2) serves to define an individual's general social status. 9 Occupations encompass work, jobs, professions, and careers. Police careers, and more precisely, black :police officers' commitment to them, is the central focus of this study. The Concept of Career A career implies progression within an occupation. In its most limited sense (the one used in this study) a career connotes upward occupational mobility, rather than long-te:rm employment in a specific job. Lee Taylor calls attention to this perspective:

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14 Structurally the concept of career involves limited focus . By definition career is a succession of related jobs, hierarchial in prestige with ordered direction for an individual to pass through in a predictable sequence. 10 Slocum also prefers the narrow perspective of a career, empha-sizing progression within an occupation. He defines a career as: An orderly sequence of developnent extending over a period of years and involving progressively more responsible roles within an occupation. 11 While a great deal of interest has been shown in the police occupation, little research has been done in the area of police careers, and the factors that affect police officers' career mobility. Similarly, researchers interested in the more general aspects of careers have not developed a comprehensive theory of career behavior. otto et al. point this out: Whether one reviews the literature on occupations and careers from the perspective of a single discipline or from several disciplines . the conclusion is inescapable that there does not yet exist a cornprehensi ve theory of careers and work roles, let alone an explanation of career entry. 12 Studies conducted by Raynor and Entin, however, indicate that at a minimum a career involves goal-oriented behavior. 13 Factors Influencing Goal-oriented Behavior Conservative perspectives of behavior underlying careers emphasize psychological factors as najor determinants of goal-oriented behavior. This perspective is found in the theoretical postulates of the closely related works of Lewin; 14 Atkinson; 15 Feathernan; 16 McClelland; 17 Raynor; 18 Raynor and Entin; 19 and Vroom.20 Studies by these researchers and others employing a

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15

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16 The Concept of Commitment The concept of cornmi tment has been widely used as a key variable in analyses of several tyPes of behavior, including those of :political and bureaucratic organizations 34 and moral developments. 35 But perhaps its most extensive use has been in the study of careers. Howard Becker's. work on corrunitrnent is :particularly useful to understanding the dynamics of conmitment behavior. He defines corrmitrnent as: "Adherence to a :particular goal or course of action in the face of :potentially high costs. u36 Becker explains commitment in tenns of a "side bet," that involves expectations of winning, while at the same time requiring the willingness to risk the loss of something of value: Thus cc:mni tment has been achieved by making a side bet. The committed person has acted in such a Wa.y as to involve other interests of his, originally extraneous to the action he is engaged in, directly in that action. By his own actions prior to the final bargaining session he has staked something of value to him, something originally unrelated to his present line of action, on being consistent in his present behavior. The consequence of inconsistency will be so expensive that inconsisten'1' in his bargaining stance is no longer a feasible alternative. 7 The rna jor elements in Becker's conceptualization of commitment are consistency--in present-time behavior undertaken in a bargaining :posture for future payoffs, colored by the faCtor of risk.38 Camtitment may also constrain. behavior, and require a change in an individual's status, thus creating yet another possi-bility of loss for the committed person: Side bets that constrain behavior also come into existence through the process of individual adjustment to social position.

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17 A person may so alter his pattern of activity in the process, by confonning to the requirements for one social position, that he unfits himself for other positions.39 "Side bets" are in some cases made for an individual by the sub-culture values of the groups to which he belongs and by certain "impersonal bureaucratic arrangements. 40 The bureaucratic arrange-ments noted by Becker are especially relevant to upward mobility in an occupation, like policing, in which mobility is almost entirely through rigid career tracks that limit the means of achieving higher positions.41 Police Careers: Strategies of Attainment The occupation an individual enters is critical to his later decision to pursue a career. Not only are real opportunities for careers different in different occupational categories, but career strategies are also different. 42 The police occupation is generally categorized as a "craft" attempting to achieve the status of a profession.43 Skolnick calls attention to the police occupation as a craft, when he writes: "He [the policeman] sees himself as a craftsman, at his best, a master of his trade . ,.44 While Skolnick' s analysis focuses upon the implications this has for the role behavior of the police officer, 45 the craftrnanship of the occupation also has implications for progression in the occupation. Craft occupations, although generally entailing a period of appren-ticeship, journeyman status, and ultimately, mastery of the "art," seldom involve. movement to related occupations. Rather

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18 the craftsman spends a lifetime in perfecting the artistry of his occupation. Because the police occupation is a craft rather than profession, strategies for career mobility are quite limited for police officers. Thompson et al. identify four broad strategies careeroriented workers may use for career mobility. 4? Theoretically, all four are available to police officers; however, the organizational structures that predominate in policing, in practice, limit police officers to two of them. For example, the heuristic career mobility strategy, in Thompson et al. 's riOOel means that an individual conmitted to career mobility may decide that it is advantageous to leave a particular organization or even an occupation to pursue a better occupational position. 47 Similarly, what these authors call "occupational strategy" would allow one to remain within the occupation, but move from one organization to another .as oppor. tunities for advancement come along. 48 Because of the organiza-tional and occupational structures of American police forces, neither of these strategies is usually available to police career-ists. Within policing, as the occupation is presently structured, police career mobility is attained principally through the use of a third strategy, that Thompson et al. identify as an "organizational strategy. An organizational strategy of upward mobility for police officers involves commitment to a single police depart-rnent, and advancement only through "ranks" adopted from American military organizations. 49 The fourth career mobility strategy, termed "stability strategy," means remaining at the entry level

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19 within the occupation, SO and is the antithesis of career nobility. Misner points out.an essential difference .between a profession and a craft when he calls attention to the difference in career mobility strategies used by lawyers, who are clearly in a professl.on, and those used by police officers as "craftsmen": "lawyers in the justice system tend to utilize an occupational strategy, whereas police officers alrrost always employ an organizational strategy."51 Given the limited ways in which a police officer may achieve career mobility, commitment to a career in law enf0rcernent is in most instances inseparable from corrmi. tment to the particular police department in which the police officer is employed. For this reason, Albert Reiss asserts that a police officer's commit ment to a career is part of a complex of attitudes about the tasks of the occupation, relationships with co-workers, supervisors, and adrninistrators.s2 career commitment may also be affected by an officer's relationship with and attitude toward police depart-ment clientele, as well as attitudes about the organization. The external environment also influences camnitrnent, especially through its political structure's ability to create or to constrain, through fiscal decisions, opportunities for -upward mobility. All of these factors come into play in the "side bets" implied in career cormri. trnent.

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Psychological Contract--Expectancy X Theory: As A Theoretical Framework for Examining Career Corrmi tment 20 The several theoretical postulates concerning factors underlying career behavior, the notions of corrnni tment and the impact of socio-political arrangements on career mobility, are expressed in the concepts of workers' psychological contracts and in expectancy x theory. The assumptions of these concepts provide theoretical frameworks for examining black officers' career commitment, and a working definition of the term career cormri.tment. For the purposes of this study, career commitment means a cognitive agreement freely made by an individual to achieve a status position in law enforcement, upon the expectation that an investment. of present effort will result in pay-offs in the future. Psychological contract is described by Handy as: The psychological contract is essential! y a set of expectations. The indi vid'\,lal has a set of results that he expects from the organization that will satisfy certain of his needs in return for which he will expend same of his energies and talents.53 Handy's conceptualization of psychological contract incorporates thirty variables thought to influence an individual's expectations, and by inference, career corrmitment. 54 Same of them are personal variables, others are factors of organizational structure, and others emerge from the socio-political environment in which the individual and the organization function. Handy summarizes these variables as people, power and politics. 55

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21 Expectancy x thebry offers a second theoretical approach to the investigation of black officers' commitment to police-careers. Nadler and Lawler summarize the major aspects of. the, theory: In general, the motivation to attempt to behave in a certain way is greatest when A) The individual believes that the behavior will lead to. outcomes (performance outcomes--expectancy) ; B) The individual believes that the outcomes have positive values for him or her [valence]; (C) The individual believes that he or she" is able to rrfonn at the designed level (effort-performance expectancy) 5 Psychological contract and expectancy X theory assume that is detennined by both individual and environmental factors. Indi-viduals bring to an occupational situation their personal histories, their own "ways of looking at the world, and expectations about how organizations will treat them."57 Even if individuals as members of a group have similar histories, needs, world views, and expectations of the organiza-tion, different environments will elicit different responses. Nadler and Lawler cormnent on the significance of environment to the individual: Different environments tend to produce different behavior in similar people just as dissimilar people tend to behave differently in similar environment.58 Socio-political environment is an appropriate context in which to examine black police officers' commitment to careers. The socio-political context exists prior to the black officer's entry into the occupation, and may affect not only his preoccupational socialization to police work but ultimately his attitudes about a career.59

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22 Preoccupational Entry Attitudes: A Black Perspective Bittner in his analysis of the important characterist,!.cs of the police role in modern society, points out that the police occupation is 11tainted.n60 By this Bittner means that police work is stigmatized by its history, the distribution of its resolirces, and by the suspicion and ambivalence with which citizens often view the police officer. The stigma of the police occupation, especially as it relates to the occupation's history and distribution of resources, has special meaning for Blacks who enter police work. The black police recruit is usually quite aware that the historical relation-ship of the American police and the black community has been antagonistic.61 As a member of the black community, this officer may have learned from others or from his own eXperiences to perceive the police as 11oppressors11 and even an important political support for racial discrimination and social inequality. Myrdal succinctly described this relationship in the South when he observed in the 1940s: In the policeman's relationship to the Negro population there are several similarities. One is that he stands not only for civic order as defined in formal laws and regulations, but also for white suprerracy and the whole set of social customs associated with the concept. 62 If one moves beyond the South of the 1940s, one will find the same point being made about police-black citizen relationships in New York. As Baldwin stated in the 1960s:

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23 Their presence is an insult and would be even if they spent their entire day feeding gumdrops to the children. They represent the force of the white world and that world's criminal profit and ease to keep the black man corralled up here in his place. The badge, the gun, the holster, and the swinging club make vivid what will happen should his rebellion become 63 over ... The distribution of police also has significance for Blacks in law enforcement. The way police departments in urban areas distribute their resources often results in the young, black male becoming a target of police attention.64 Rarely will encounters between the police and black youths be seen by young black men as positive. 65 Sixty per cent of black males 15-29 years of age reported in the mid-1960s that they believed the police unfair 66 and brutal toward Blacks. 67 This is the group from which today' s black police officer is most likely to have been drawn. There are other dynainics of the historical relationships of the American police and the black community that may affect the black officer's orientation to the occupation. The black officer enters police work with the knowledge that police depart-ments have historically resisted Blacks' participation in law enforcement 6 8 and that their present-day employment in urban police departments is mainly a matter of political expediency for the benefit of the police department.69 The black officer may soon become aware that he is often viewed as inferior by white superiors70 and that many white officers perceive police duties as too important to be relinquished to Blacks.71 The issues of race and race relations in America are also

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24 important to an understanding of the black officer's orientation to the occupation. Alex, in examining thirteen variables related to black police officers' perceptions of their occupation, found that "race" was an issue in the black officers' discussion of twelve of the variables. 72 The police officers in Alex's study cited "race" as a factor in their recruitment and reasons for joining the police force; in their views on police professionalism and the police linage; in their relationships with citizens and co-workers; in their relationships with friends and neighbors; in their assignments; and in. their wearing of the unifonn. 73 Race as a detenninant of behavior, attitudes, and definitions of the police occupation may become rrore important to the black officer because of his police employment. Teahan reports that data collected from ninety-seven white and twenty-four black police officers show that both black and white police officers become more ethnocentric and racially polarized as a consequence of their socialization into the police organization. Teahan argues that there is little evidence that police work rroti vates police officers as a group to improve relations between Blacks and whites.74 This polarization has often been expressed in legal actions. In some cities black police officers have brought lawsuits accusing police and city administrators of engaging in racially discriminatory practices in the hiring, assignment, and promotion of black police officers. 75 White police officers have brought similar litigation, charging "reverse discrimination" in hiring as a consequence of affirmative action programs. 76 Black police

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25 officers have also accused white administrators of racially motivated harrassment of black officers77 and have threatened to arrest white police officers for "killing black kids and insulting black women." 78 White officers have been known to vandalize police facilities with racial graffiti and to allude to Blacks' employment as lowering police standards. Because race relations in the United States continue to be tenuous, at best, it would be naive to assume that race plays little or no part in black officers' views of their occupation, and cormnitrnent to careers. Darton, citing frequent confron-tations between black and white police officers, considered race relations in the 1970s to be a "key problem" for several police departffients,7 9 and by inference for black police officers' career commi t:.ment. The police occupation, however, is more than a "tainted occupation" within a social context of unresolved problems of majority-minority relations. Police work is .a "style of life" which imposes upon its members a unique way of viewing the world, represented by a police "working personality."80 The black officer in adopting the occupation's "working personality, .. assumes a secondary personality, characterized by concern for authority, a preoccupation with danger and the need to at least appear effie-ient. Skolnick sumnarizes the consequences of this 11Working personality .. : As a result, the policeman is generally a 'suspicious 1 person. Furthennore, the character of the policeman 1 s work makes him less desirable as a friend, since norms of friendship implicates others in his work. Accordingly, the element

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26 of danger isolates the policeman socially from that segment of the citizenry which he regards as symbolically dangerous and also from the conventional citizenry with whom he identi-fies. 82 The conceptualization of the police working personality, shared by white and black police officers, has an important implication for the black officer. He may become by reason of his occupation isolated from the black community; yet, he cannot turn to the social comforts of a police occupational group solidarity (thought to be available to whites) as carnpensation for the social isolation imposed by the dynam:lcs of the police role and the policeman's "working personality." The black officer is denied this compensation because he is, according to Alex, "marginal" to his occupation and often viewed by white co-workers as unfit for police work. The predicament of the black police officer described by Alex as "double marginality" has been considered a core feature of the occupational status of the black police officer. As Alex states: The Negro who enters into the police role is subject to all the tensions and conflicts. that arise from police work. Moreover, the conflict is compounded for the Negro: he is much nore than a Negro to his ethnic group because he represents the guardian of white society, yet he is not quite a policeman to his working companions because he is stereotyped as a member of an "inferior'; racial category. He nay find it necessary to defend his serving as a police officer and to explain it largely on the basis of economic necessity-that this was one of the best paying jobs that was available to him. But often he feels that he is subject to criticism by his ethnic peers derived from premises inapplicable to his situation--that is, they may consider him a traitor to his race because his race does not benefit from the protection that he offers. he may defend his race because he is a Negro and inextricably bound up in the current struggle for civil rights and the demands of Negroes for social and legal

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27 equality. It is difficult for him to play both roles. To be a Negro and a policeman is to be subject to double marginal-ity, and gives rise to some special problems. 83 The theme of the marginality of black men in American society is found so often in the works of black writers 84 that the black police officer might well be a prototype of Park's "Marginal Man" 85 described by Stonequest as ". . one whom fate has condenmed to live in two societies and in two not merely different societies, but antagonistic cultures."86 The black. man who enters policing soon learns that he has acquired :rrore than an occupation. He has, in entering police-work, asstn'!Ed what Alex termed the "hyphenated role--' blackpoliceman' 87 The "black-policeman" may also soon discover that his role, because of its hyphenated nature, has attached to it competing and often conflicting demands that emerge from his membership in both the black community and the police community . Both of these important reference groups will pose a different set of expectations for the black officer 8 8 that have important consequences for his attitudes about career cornmi tment in law enforcement. The black officer's attitude toward career commitment will be further complicated by the definition he has about himself and by his personal aspirations, often influenced by the expec-tations Qf those with whom the black officer is in close contact. But there are additional factors influencing the black officer's orientation to a police career. Like other police officers, he is highly sensitive to the social and political environment in which he works. That is, he is concerned about

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28 those features of the social and political milieus that can affect his material and psychological well-being. 89 The black officer's concern about social and political arrangements comes from the recognition that his morale, self-respect, and the general tenns and conditions of his employment, including career rrobility, are affected in specific ways by the social and political culture of the police department's host comnunity. The black officer joins his white colleagues in rejecting the argument that police agencies are "apolitical," and will present the counter argument that "politics" are irrq;x>rtant to the police officer's upward rrobility and other conditions of his employment. 90 The black officer will further argue that police organizational policies reflect the social and political climate of the comnunity, and the nation. 91 The black officer attributes policies. and practices that once prohibited black and white officers frampatrolling together; black officers from arresting whites; black officers' being assigned to separate locker roams; and similar policies, to the broader societal attitudes toward Blacks.92 The taint on the police occupation, the ascription of racial inferiority to black officers by white co-workers, the historical antagonismS between the police and the black community, the adoption of a working personality, the interpretations of the role, the "hyphenation" of the black police officer's role, as well as the influence of the social and political environments upon police organizational policies, all conspire to make being a black man and a police officer an extraordinarily difficult

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29 natter. As such, the black officer's commitment to a career (or noncomni trnent) cannot' be explained adequately in a one-dimensional analysis that merely focuses on discrimination in police departments or on the out-of-hand and unwarranted conclusion that Blacks are not interested in careers, for to do so is to deny that the black officer like other human beings, is. a complex person within a complex environment. For a najority of Blacks, this environment can succinctly be characterized as one of denial and powerlessness that affects all aspects of their life-world, including their aspirations for careers and for entry into occupations that in theory would provide opportunities for advancement.

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30 NCJI'ES--aiAPTER II 1w.E.B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (New York: Fawcett Publications, 1961), p. 22. 2sandra Nicoli et al. careers in Criminal Justice (Lincoln, Nebraska: Contracts, Inc. 1981 ) p. 18. 3Ibid. Association of Black Police Officers, Conference Report, Flint, Michigan, October, 1982. 5Expectancy theory is a generic theory of nioti vation that argues that an individual will seek a goal based upon his expectations of reward, and the subjective probability of reaching the goal. Several researchers have contributed to the development of the theory ( sc:metimes referred to as expectancy x theory) but Edward C. Tol.nan is generally credited with having laid its fmiildation in Purposive Behavior in Animals and Men (New York: Century Co., 1932). 6 The concept of the psychological contract is an extension of expectancy theory. Charles B. Handy explains the concept as 11 essentially a set of expectations. The individual has a set of results that he expects from the organization, results that will satisfy certain of his needs and in return for which he will expend some of his energies and talents. 11 Charles B. Handy, Understanding Organizations (New York: Penguin Books, 1976), p. 39. 7 Jay M. Shafri tz, Dictionary of Personnel Management and Iabor Relations (oak Park, Illinois: Moore Publishing Co. 1980), pp. 161-162. 8Ibid.' p. 275. 9Ibid., p. 233. 10r.ee Taylor, Occupational Sociology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968), p. 266. 11walter H. Slocum, Occupational careers: A SOciological Perspective, 2nd ed. (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co. 197 4) p. 5. 12Luther B. otto, Vaughn R.A. Call, and Kenneth I. Spenner, Design for a Study of Entry Into careers (Lexington, .r-Bss. : Lexington Books, 1978), p. 49. 13Joel 0. Raynor and Elliot E. Entin, Motivation, career Striving, and Aging (Washington, D.C. : Hemisphere Publishing Corp., 1982), pp. 319-320.

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31 14Kurt I.ewin, Conceptual Representation and Measurement of Psychological Forces (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1938). 15John W. Atkinson, An Introduction to Motivation (Princeton, N.J.: Van Nostrand Publishing Co., 1964). 16oavid L. Featherman, Opportunity and Change {New York: Academic Press, 1978). 17oavid c. McClelland, The Achieving Society (Princeton, N.J. : Van Nostrand Publishing, 1961 ) 18Joel o. Raynor, "Motivation and career Striving," in Motivation and Achievement, eds. John w. Atkinson andJoel o. Raynor (Washington, D.C.: Hemisphere Publishing Corp., 1974). 19Raynor and Entin, Ivbtivation, career Striving, and Aging, pp. 319-320. 20victor H. Vroom, Work and Motivation (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1964). 21wilbur B. Brookover, Self-concept of Ability and Academic Achievement (East Lansing, Mich.: State University Press, 1965), p. 201. 22oavid c. McClelland, "The Urge to."Achieve," in Classics of Organizational Behavior, ed. Walter E. Natemeyer (Oak Park, Ill.: Moore Publishing Co., 1978), p. 88. 23John P." campbe.ll et al., "Expectancy Theory," in Organizational Behavior and the Practice of Management, 3d ed., edited by David R. Hampton, Charles E. Sununer, and Ross Webber (Glenview, Ill.: Scott. Foresman and Co., 1 p. 49. 24Raynor and Entin, Ivbtivation, career Striving, and Aging, pp. 319-320. 25Peter B Doeringer and Michael J. Fiore, Internal labor Markets and Manpower Analysis {lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 1971) Samuel BOwles, "Unequal Education and the Reproduction of the Social Division of labor, in Schooling in a Corporate Society, ed. Martin Carnog (New York: McKay Publishing Co., 1972), p. 139. 26william H. Sewall and Alan M. Orenstein, "Cormnunity of Residence and Occupational Choice," American Journal of Sociology 70 {March 1965):551.

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32 27Charles w. Mueller, "City Effects of Socio-economic Achievement: The case of Large Cities, American Sociological Review 39 (November 1974):652. 28seyrnour Spilerman and Jack Habib, "Development Towns in Israel: The Role of Corrmuni ty in Creating Ethnic Disparities in labor Force Characteristics, American Journal of Sociology 81 (January 1976):781. 29slocurn, Occupational careers, pp. 241-245 . 30Robert Presthus, The Organizational Society (New York: Alfred Knopf Publishing Co., 1962), p. 257. 31Chris Argyris, Same Problems of Mutual Quarterly 2 (June 1957): 1. "The Individual and the Organization: Adjustment," Administrative Science 32walter R. Allen, "Moms, Dads, and Boys: Race and Sex Differences in the Socialization of Male Children," in Black Men, ed. lawrence E. Gary (Beverly Hills: 89-ge Publications, 1981 ) p. 99. 33Phlllip Selznick, TVA and the Grass Roots (Berkeley: University of californiaPress, 1953), p. 82. 34w. Perry, Jr. Intellectual and Ethical Development in the College Years (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Wins:ton Publishers, 1970), p. 8. 35 Howard s. Becker, "Notes on the Concept of Commitment," American Journal of Sociology 67 (July 1960):32. 36Ibid 3 7 What may of course be risked is self-esteem, exposure to criticism and the frustration of failure and 11loss of face11-_See generally Erving Goffman, 110n Face-Work, II Psychiatry 18 (August 1955): 213. 38Becker, "Notes on the Concept of Conunitment, .. p. 34. 39Ibid. 40Ibid. 41Police organizations use a military model of promotions, and police positions are equivalent to those of the military. The usual "ranks11 are: police officer, sergeant, lieutenant, captain, deputy inspector, inspector, deputy chief and chief. Movement from one position or rank is vertical, and positions cannot be 11Skipped." For example, a police lieutenant, under most circumstances cannot be promoted to the deputy inspector

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33 rank until he has been in the captain's rank. He may, however, be appointed to a position that cannot be achieved by promotion, such as that of the chief executive officer of the organization (i.e. police chief, supervisor, superintendent) 4 2James D. Thompson, Robert W. Avery and Richard carlson, Occupations, Personnel and careers (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1962), p. 241. 4 3Gordon E. Misner, Criminal Justice Studies: Their Transdisciplinary Nature (St. louis, MO. : c. V. Co. 1981), p. 206. 44Jerame H. Skolnick, Justice Without Trial: Law Enforcement in Derrocratic Society (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1966), p. 196. 45 'd 231 5 Ib1 ., pp. -23 46Thornpson, Avery, and carlson, Occupations, Personnel and careers, pp. 5-40. 47Ibid. 49Ibid. 51 Misner, Criminal Justice Studies, p. 206. 52 Albert Reiss, Jr. Studies of Crime and Law Enforcement in Major Metropolitan Areas, Field Survey III: Police Officers' Attitudes, 3 volumes (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1967), pp. 5-6. 53 Handy, Understanding Organizations, p. 39. 54 b'd I 1 ., p. 19. 55Personal (people) variables in Handy's model, pp. 1920 are: personality, motivation, needs, level of energy, age, career experience, training, skills and abilities, role and attitudes toward pay. Power variables include groups, inter-group relationships, types of influence, type of leaders, leadership styles, rewards and punishment, and organizational responsibilities. Political variables and environment; the market, philosophies, values, norms, goals and objectives; ownership, history, control systems, career structures, size of structure and technology. 56oavid A. Nadler and Edward E. Lawler III, A Diagnostic Approach," in Contemporary Perspectives in Organizational Behavior, ed. Donald D. White, (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1982) 1 P 110

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34 59John Van Maanen, "Socialization for Policing," in Policing: A View from the Streets, ed. Peter K. Manning and John VanMaanen (Santa Monica: Goodyear Publishing Co., 1978), p. 267. 60 Egon Bittner, The Function of the Police in Modern Society (Washington, D.C.: National Institute of Mental Health, 1970), pp. 6-7. 61Melv.iil P. Sikes, The Administration of Injustice (New York: Harper and Row, 1975), p. 1. 62Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilerrnna (New York : Harper and Raw, 1944), p. 348. 63James Baldwin, Nobody Knows My Name (New York: Dell Publishing Co., 1962), p. 65. 64Donald J. Black and A.lbert, J. Reiss, Jr. Police and Citizen Behaviors in Field Encounters: Some Comparisons According to Race and Social Class Status of Citizens (Ann Arbor: Uni versity of Michigan, 1966), p. 17 Alex, Black in Blue: A Study of the Negro Policeman (New York: Appleton-century-crofts, 1969), p. 51. 66Richard w. OUderlugs, "How Citizens Rate Police Departments on Racial Fairness," Detroit News 3 February 1965. 67 A National Sample Survey Approach to the Study of Crime and Attitudes Towards Law Enforcement and Justice (Chicago: Opinion Center, 1966), Chapter 8, p. 1. 68I.ouis L. Knowles and Kennith Prewitt, Institutional Racisrri in America (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1969) pp. 57-58. 69Alex, Black in Blue, p. 27 . 70 Ib1d., pp. 13-14. 71navid M. Rafsky, "Racial Discrimination in Urban Police Departments," in Police Corrmunity Relations, 2d ed., edited by Paul F. Cromwall, Jr., and George Keefer (St. Paul: West Pub lishing Co., 1968), p. 97. 72Alex, Black in Blue, p. 89. 73Ibid., p. 89.

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35 74J .E. Teahan, "longitudinal Study of Attitude Shifts Arrong Black and White Police Officers," Journal of Social Issues 31 (Winter 1975):47. 75Baker v. City of St. Petersburg, 400 F 2d 294, (5th Cir., 1968); Allen v. City of Mobile, 331 F. Supp. 1134 ( 1971). Affirmed 466 F. 2d 122 (5th Cir. 1972) ; Afro-American Patro.llnen 1 s Ieague v. Duck 366 F. Supp. 1095 ( 1973); 503 F. 2d 294 (6th Cir., 1974); 538 F. 2d 328 (6th Cir., 1976). 76Detroit Police Officers Assn. v. Young, 46 u.s. law Week 2463 (E.D. Mich., 1978). 77 Carol Morton, "Black Cops: Black and Blue Ain 1 t White, Ramparts, May 1972, p. 18. with black officer, 1976. 79John Dcirton, "Color Line, A Key Police Problem," in The Ambivalent Force: Prospecti ves on the Police, eds. Arthur Neiderhoffer and Abraham s. Blumberg (San Francisco: Rinehart Press, 1973 r, p. 72. 80skolnick, Justice Without Trial, pp. 42-62. 81 Ibfd., p. 43. 83Ibid., pp. 13-14. 82Ibrirl., p. 44. 8 4Ralph Ellison, The Irivisible Man (New Random House, 1947), p. 3. This is possibly the most .profound statement of Blacks 1 marginality in American society. 85Robert E. Park, "Human Migration and the Marginal Man," American Journal of Sociology 33 (1928):881. 86Everett V. Stonequist, The Marginal Man (New York: Charles Scribner and Sons, 1937), p. 15. 87Alex, Black in Blue, pp. 13-14; a "hyphenated-role" is one that has multiple but connected facets. 88Muzafer Sherif and carolyn W. Sherif, Groups in Hanrony and Tension (New York: Harper & Row, 1953), p. 167. As Sherif and Sherif explain: "The reference group provides standards and nonns of conduct. It is a 1 model 1 for behavior. Membership in diverse reference groups that hold conflicting nonns and standards of conduct, can be expected to create conflict for the individual."

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36 89James Q. Wilson, Varieties of Police Behavior: The Management of raw and Order in Eight Ccmnunities (New York: Anthenum, 1975), p. 230. 90The strong belief in the importance of "politics" is expressed as "You gotta have a rabbi to get ahead. 91Robert McClory, The Man Who Beat Clout City (Chicago: Swallow Press, 1977), p. 40. 92Theodore Kirkland, "A Black Patrolman's Perspective on raw Enforcement," in Before the raw: An Introduction to the Legal Practice, ed. John J. Bonsignore (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1979), p. 126.

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CHAPTER III BLACK POLICE OFFICER EMPLOYMENT IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE: 1860-1980 Earning a living--being employed--having a job is, and has been since Eirancipation, a central concern for a majority of black men. 1 The black man's self-esteem,2 conjugal3 and familial relationships, 4 as well as physical and mental health may be affected by ability to participate in the labor force .5 A job means access to credit, the capacity to own property, and escape from economic and social marginality. 6 A "good job," that is, one that is steady, pays well, and is considered important to the general well-being of the society,. is the most readily avail-able measure of social equality. The effort of black men to obtain good jobs: reflects the desire of the individual to emulate the good life as exemplified by others, to catch up, to improve, to excel, to contribute, to count (and be counted) as responsible actors in their time. 7 Black Police Employment 1860-1965 Beginning in the 1860s free black men, residing in towns and cities, viewed police employment as providing "good jobs." Relative to most others available to them, police work was steady, better paying, cleaner, and in many instances less hazardous.

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38 Kuykendall and Burns, extrapolating from census records covering the period 1860-1970, present data that indicate that from at least 1861 onward, Blacks were favorably disposed to police work. They report that by 1890, 2, 019 black men were employed as policemen. 8 other historical accounts reveal that between 1866 and 1919 black police officers, marshals, and sheriffs could be found in Mississippi, IDuisiana, Alabama and South Carolina,9 Texas, 10 Ohio,11 Missouri and District of Colurnbia,12 Massachusetts, 13 california, 14 Colorado,15 New York, 16 Michigan,17 Illinois, 1 8 and Pennsylvania. 19 An 1886 article appearing in the Detroit Tribune further attests to nineteenth century Blacks' perception of the value of police employment: Three colored men applied last week for places on the police force. Once in a while there is such an application, but seldom or never three in a linnp. The reason is that just at present there is an exceedingly favorable chance for the man and his brother to get on the force, as the colored voter's intend to see if they have any rights which the Board of Commissioners are bound to respect. If the three applicants or any one of them succeeds there are half a hundred other men of different colors who stand ready to try their luck. It is asserted in colored. circles that the force will be black and white before another election. Samuel Johnson, Eli Jones and Henry White are the three men who applied for appointment on the Police Force. A thrill of surprise shot through the entire department. The Superintendent communicated the fact to the Secretary, the Secretary hastened with it to the corrinissioners. A meeting of the Board was called immediately. The question of receiving the colored gentlemen was submitted. One Corrnnissioner made a fei'Vid appeal for instant appointment of the applicants on the plea that "these men for wham you and I and all of us fought, bled and died. The applicants were led up winding stairways, along gruesome corridors through spiked and armored gates, past

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39 sliding panels and over treacherous trap. doors. On one side pages bowed, on another grim guards glared from out their recesses. They entered the mysterious chambers in which sat the Comnission. They trembled with awe, and the Commissioners, at this recognition of their great power, interchanged approving glances and nods. The men were told they must submit to instant examinations as to fitness for membership in the secret order of D. M.P. This pleased them for they had already spent roonths in qualifying themselves. other colored had failed on examination. These men were bound that they should not and were fully primed for the occasion and successfully passed the fire and cross questions.20 In the late nineteenth century and, well into the twentieth century Blacks 1 police employment was severely limited by race discrimination and competition with Irish irmnigrants for police jobs.21 In this period Blacks' opportunity for police jobs was also dependent upon the degree of political influence the black cormrunity could exert upon a city 1 s political structure. Quillian 1 s commentary on black officers in Cincinnati in 191 0 calls attention to the relationship between black political influence and opportunity for police employment: In the police department there are twelve colored patrolmen out of a total of six hundred and ten, which is one-half their quota according to population. They got these places solely as a price for the colored vote.22 In the late 1880s, Blacks in the South were disenfran-chised by various means, and thus lost the capacity to influence corrmunity political structures, including police departments.23 The closure of police employment to Blacks was one, little noted, but important, consequence of their disenfranchisement and southern "capitulation to racism. n24 In the North, European irmnigration characterized after

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40 1848 by the influx of large numbers of unskilled workers2 5 and the emergence of ethnic politics dissipated mUch of black political influence in that region. 26 Although northern civil service refo:rm in the '90s "proved a great boon to young aspiring Negroes"27, providing to them employment as clerks, mail carriers,-and school teachers, Blacks were seldom successful _after 1890 in obtaining jobs in police departments in northern cities. A possible explanation for this is Irish immigrant's dominance of police forces. As Pleck states: The Irish completely dominated the city's police and fire departments. In 1888, the city published a list of its employees, the poorly paid lamplighters and janitors along with the relatively prosperous sheriffs, librarians, and city councilmen. Page after page listed Aheams, 0' Connors 1 and Foleys, and, almost as an afterthought, ten Blacks, one a policeman and most of the rest messengers.28 Imnigrants --of Irish stock as early as 1865 perceived themselves in competition with Blacks for political influence and jobs. General George Stoneman' s report to Ulysses S. Grant regarding the predisposing conditions of the 1866 Memphis riot, noted the clash between black -soldiers and Irish policemen, and the undercurrent of social and political competition between the two groups: These soldiers [black] had been used as instruments to execilte the OrderS Of gOVernment agentS r SUCh as prOVOSt marshal I S bureau agents,_ etc. and consequent! y had been more or less brought directly into contact with the law-breaking portion of the conununity and the police, which is not far from being composed principal! y of Irish, who consider the negro as his competitor and natural enemy. Many negro soldiers have from time to time -been arrested by the police, and many whites, includirig some of the police, have been arrested -by negro soldiers, and in both cases those arrested have not infrequent! y been treated with a harshness altogether unneces sary.29

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41 After 1890, white fX)licemen often cited principles of "associational attractiveness 30 and refused to work with black policemen. Police departments, as public agencies, envoked the doctrine of privilege to exclude Blacks from police employment, or to limit their numbers in police work.31 Whereas 2,951 Blacks were in the police occupation in 1900, only 540 were police officers by 1910.32 Nationwide changes in white-black police officer ratios, 1890-1930, are instructive. In 1890 one out of every 36 policemen was black; in 1910 the ratio was one out of 111, and in 1930 it was one out of 176.33 This trend was not reversed until the mid-1940s, when as a result of black political influence, and as the price of peace with black comnuni ties, police departments began to appoint rrore black policemen. Charles Johnson pointed out the signifi-cance of black political agitation in furthering opportunities for black employment when he wrote: Little Rock, Arkansas, put eight Negro policemen on the regular force after an unfortunate incident in which a Negro anny sergeant was shot to death by city policemen who were subsequently exonerated. However, the Negro population was aroused and a number of Negro M.P. 's were assigned to patrol the Negro business district. At the request of the city government the Urban League of Little Rock submitted the names of 1 0 Negro men they recarmended for the police force and after special training eight were appointed to the force without examination and at regular pay. 34"" In 1944, Johnson enumerated 100 Black officers, employed in 18 southern police departments. In rrost of these departments, Blacks represented only a small percentage of the force.35 In none of them were black officers accorded full police officer status; their assignments were restricted to black neighborhoods,

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42 and their arrest powers were limited to Blacks.36 In at least one city--Macon, GeOrgia--all seventy of that city's black officers were employed as "weekend specials" and required to furnish their own unifonns.37 In other cities, notably Charlotte, North Carolina, black officers were denied the use of two-way police radios and paid less than white officers. 38 Similar conditions. of Blacks' inin police employment could be found in cities of the North.39 Despite the demeaning c6ndition of their employment, in the 1940s, black men, and south, persisted in seeking police work. Maigolis and Margolis in their report to the U.S. Civil Rights Comnission on minority police recrui trnent asserted: It would have been relatively easy in those days immediately following the Second World War for police and fire departments to recruit minority members, j'ust as .it would have been relatively easy for colleges to recruit black stUdents, for industry to hire black personnel, and for builders to sell to black Many returning black veterans, having risked their lives for America, were ready to stake their future on the American system and to share in both its hazards and its opportunities. They were ready, but the white majority kept pretending that Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Mexican-Arneticans, and American Indians had social tuberclllosis.4o Various strategies were used throughout the 1950s and 1960s by police forces to exclude Blacks and to discourage their applications. For example, young black meh who heretofore had been healthy, were often, upon examination by police surgeons, said to suffer from tuberculosis, hypertension, kidney malfunc-tions and other physical disabilities, such as "one leg shorter

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43 than the other. n41 Background investigations also excluded large numbers of potential black officers and application papers were sometimes "lost. In other instances, less subtle methods were used to discourage black applicants. 42 In at least one department with which this writer was associated, terror tactics were used, involving threatening telephone calls and 11Stop and frisk investigations, immediately prior to black appllcants 1 medical exami-nations--obviously, to frighten applicants and to elevate their blood pressure. The lack of upward mobility for Blacks within the police occupation was an additional factor contributing to limited numbers of Blacks in the occupation. William Kephart 1 s 1954 study of black officers in the Philadelphia Police Department revealed that only one of 149 black officers, eniployed at that time, had achieved police rank beyond patrolman: Exclusive of acting ranks there was only one Negro policeman higher than the rank of, patrolman when the present study began, and this man--a sergeant--has since died. 43 Similar situations obtained in other departments. In Berkeley, california, for instance, where a total of five black officers were hired between 1919 and 1956, none had ever achieved pranotion. All left the department before retirement to take various law enforcement related jobs. William Danielson, testifying before the california Assembly, explained black officers 1 resignations this way: The first Negro policeman in the Berkeley Police Department

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44 was Mr. Walter Gordon. Mr. Gordon was first appointed in August of 1919 and served as a member of the department until January, 1930. Mr. Gordon presently serves as a Federal District Court Judge and has previously served as Governor of the Virgin Islands. The second Negro policeman in the Berkeley Police Department served from October, 1928 to June, 1944 and resigned to join the Contra Costa Sheriff's Office. The third Negro police officer was Mr. Major McBee. Mr. McBee served from September, 1946 to May, 1953 and resigned to join the State Bureau of Narcotics. The fourth Negro member of the Berkeley Police Department was Mr. James RuSsell Johnson. Mr. Johnson joined the department in Augsut, 1948. In March, 1956, he resigned to accept a job with the State Board of Equalization. The fifth Negro member of the Berkeley Police Department was Mr. William Rumford, Jr. Mr. Rumford served from November, 1956 until May, 1958 and resigned to accept a .position with another law enforcement agency. Mr. Rumford was in May, 1959 and in February, 1963 to accept a position with the Beneficial savings and IDan Association.44 In the mid-sixties, the notion of Blacks' reluctance to join police forces was introduced, as an expression of police departments' resistance to the fair employment provisions of the Civil Rights Act of 1965. Again, we turn to Danielson's testimony: There is a belief among many public officials in california, including a number Who have the responsibility for employment of policemen, such as personnel directors, civil service commissioners, and police chiefs, that minority group persons, especially Negroes, either do not want to be policemen or cannot qualify, for policemen in canpetitive examinations. This belief probably has developed because relatively few minority group persons have competed in police examinations, and a vecy. small proportion of these have qualified on Conclusions during the 1960s that Blacks were not inter-ested in police employment would seem to contradict Alex's findings

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45 that at least one third of the black officers he interviewed in 1968 were clearly oriented to police jobs prior to entering the occupation. 46 Recruitment of Black Police 1965-1980 Recruitment of black police officers in the late 1960s and throughout the 1970s became, again, largely a matter of "buying peace" with the black corrmunity. Until 1965 America was a segregated society. Nearly a century of black economic and social frustration under segregation poiicies affecting every important aspect of black life, resulted in black youths' insurgency against the oppressive conditions of their In August, 1965, Watts, a ghetto comnunity. in Los Angeles, became a prototype for the articulation of Blacks' frustration. In this cc:mnunity, as in nearly all of the other three hundred in which urban disorders occurred between 1965 and 1968, police-black community relations were at the center of black youths' rage. 4 7 Si tkoff describes the depth of that rage as well as the events leading to the Watts riot: A confrontation between white police and young blacks ignited the tinder in Watts, as it would in most of the subsequent racial disorders of the 1960s. Shortly before 8 P.M., on a sultry Wednesday evening, an ordinary arrest for drunken driving brought a typical crowd of onlookers. Such incidents were everyday occurrences in the ghetto. On this particular night, however, the arrested youth' s mother scuffled with the patrolmen, and blacks observing the tussle responded with menacing jeers, causing the arresting policemen to brandish rifles and to radio for reenforcements. The black spectators refused to be cowered by a show of superior force; they pelted the newly arrived law officers with rocks and bottles . Looting began at midnight, and for several

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46 hours a few thousand blacks openly vented the anger they had so long repressed and concealed . Indeed, the Jrore than five thousand rioters roaming Watts on Friday IIDrning, crying, 11IDng live Malcolm X, 11 protested against indignity and against the rlice brutality of the IDs Angeles Police Department . 4 The National Advisory Comnission on Civil Disorders (Kerner Ccmnission) attributed the disorders in IDs Angeles and elsewhere, to the existence of 11two separate American societies, .. one white--one black; 4 9 one of taken-for-granted superiority, the other of taken-for-granted inferiority of its members. The failure to recruit black police exacerbated the problem. Knowles and Prewitt succinct! y assert: MJ.ch of the friction between law officers and the black corrmuni ty stems from the overwhelming whiteness of Jrost police departrnents.50 Or, as a presidential task force put it:. 11 the dispropor-tionate representation of white officers rerrains extreme.1151 In 1968, the U.S. Congress attempted to address black underrepresentation in law enforcement agencies by including in the Qmribus Crime and Safe Street Act prohibitions against race discrimination in criminal justice agencies receiving federal funds through the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA). 5 2 other federal legislation had a similar thrust, 53 and by 1973 the majority of urban police forces were under the fair employment mandates of several federal laws; six federal agencies, including the U.S. Department of Justice, were charged with their enforcement . Yet, criminal justice researchers, interested in the integration of American police forces could note in 1975: 11 In every city, county and state where statistics are available,

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47 underrepresentation of blacks is the rule, not the exception ... 54 A survey of police department recruitment of black police conducted in twenty-five cities in 1970 found that in only four (i.e. Atlanta, Chicago, Detroit, and Washington, D.C. ) could black officer recruitment be considered reasonably successful.ss Findings of that study were: The percentage of blacks on some forces is the sanie as it was a decade ago [ 1960] . in some cases the percentage of black officers has actually declined . several cities employed gimmicks that failed or merely stepped up traditional recruitment programs that had not worked in the past. Black leaders and policemen did not believe recruitment efforts were serious. Discrimination on forces is still a problem that hurts recruitment. Discrimination in prorootion is also a problem. the major recruitment problem among blacks appears to be the negative image of the police department in the ccmnuni ty COmpounded by discrimination on police forces. 56 Black Community Attitudes Toward the Police and Recruitment of Black Police Officers Several researchers have asserted the relationship between black citizen attitudes toward the police and recruitment of black police. This is akin to "blaming the victim, 57 and deserves discussion. First, there is little empirical evidence offered for this postulate, and second, this assertion does not adequately distinguish between black citizen attitudes towards the police role as it is perceived by the black community and Blacks' atti-tudes towards policing as an occupation.

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48 The majority of Blacks, 20-30 years of age--the usual age of recruitment--are. likely to know a great deal more about the role of the police than about policing as an occupation. Van Maanen 1 s discussion of the typical recruit 1 s initiation into the police occupation suggests that. socialization to police work begins prior to application for employment and entails the perception that a police department is an important place to work. 58 This perception is most often the result of everyday contact and interactions with relatives or associates who are police officers and who serve as occupational role rcodels. The associations also provide an important resource throu9h which the potential recruit acquires information about employment opportunities, knowledge of the appropriate strategies for gaining entry to police work, and the expectation that police employment is realistically accessible. Few black youths have the opportunity for positive preoccupational socialization to police work. They are, therefore, very likely to evaluate the occupation primarily, or even exclusively, in terms of the police role. If the potential black police recruit is a member of the black class, has been acculturated to white class values, and possesses requisite skills for successfully transgressing the police employment screeningout process, he may view police work as attracting only lower class whites who have few occupational choices. From this perspective, police employment has little occupational prestige and represents, in many cases, a lowering of personal aspirations.59

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49 If, on the other hand, the potential police recruit. is a rrember of the inner city black working class' or underclass' several sociological factors, including the pervasiveness of institutionalized racism6 and black defenses to it61 will con verge to socialize him into a secondary labor market that does not include. police jobs. 62 According to Glasgow, these groups evaluate a "good job" in tenns of five variables: ( 1 ) job security, ( 2) salary, ( 3) opportunities for advancement, ( 4) prestige of the job within the black cormnunity (rather than in the broader society) and ( 5) attainability of the job as evidenced by the presence of Blacks already employed. 63 While the implications of the role behavior of the police should not be discounted as a contributing factor in black percep-tions of the police occupation, the prestige of the occupation within the black cqmmunity and belief in the realistic attainment of police jobs are equally important in the anticipatory socialization of Blacks to law enforcement. Paradoxical! y, middle-class Blacks who would probably be most 11 acceptable 11 to White police administrators have indeed not shown great interest in the occupa-tion. The inner city working class and underclass black youth (representing the largest pool of potential black officers) are the most likely to be excluded from police work. Furthennore these groups are least likely to consider police jobs attainable. They have been socialized to anticipate rejection should they apply for police work, and to expect yet another degradation at the hands of a white-controlled institution. A black police recruiter explained these groups' attitudes toward a police job this way:

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50 You see, they look at all the steps they're going to have to go through--the test, the character investigation, all that stuff--and they figure the system is rigged. The schools made them scared of tests. And maybe there's something in their past, like a police record, that they don't want us to find out about. So they drop out. They're tired of being rejected.64 Glasgow's perceptive comments on the occupational attitudes of inner city black youths are more explicit, and bear repeating because of their relevance to their recruitment of Blacks to police work: If work is to be sought, it means figuring out how to circumvent being screened out. It involves going to the "man" in a sincere search for opportunity to work, having only antiquated skills yet refusing to crawl. It involves a deep desire for work but requires modified emotional involvement in the search as a means of neutralizing the hurt of nonattainment. It means having high aspirations but having to find ways to achieve them outside the mainstream . It involves feeling capable of handling the task if opportunity were available but believing the chances are limited. And it means facing the ultimate insecurity. That E;Ven when the job is secured, the job holder must wonder not "what wages do I get?" but rather, "How long can I fake and hold on until I learn or get fired?" This struggle eventually becomes highly impersonal. The teacher, the rent collector, the police, are seen as symbols of exclusion and limitation, not as pbsitive social agents. The persons causing the condition of oppression are invisible, and thus ghetto youths come up against cold institutions and procedures, computers progranmed to reject those whose social profiles are characterized by having left school early and often by police records. The impersonal rejection is further exemplified by the functionally irrelevant aiJ.d eventually discriminatory exams of employing agencies. The search for jobs, then, turns into a perpetual with a world of institutional tricks, games, and deceit. Expectations of rejection by white-controlled agencies and the ensuing economic frustration often leads to a dispro-portinate involvement of young black men in the criminal justice

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51 system--as "clients" of the system. 66 This involvement generally forecloses police careers to most of them. Economic opportunity laws and affinnative action programs in the 1970s, together with increased black political pow'er in rna jar urban areas opened police department jobs to Blacks to. a greater extent than since Reconstruction. There is evidence that the majority of those who risked rejection, who responded to the opportunity for police jobs were members of the black working-class and under-class. This study sought to determine two groups of these officers' cammitment to police careers rather than merely commitment to a steady, job.

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52 NarES-cHAP!'ER III 1w.E.B . Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania), p. 97. 2Elliot Liebow, Tally's Corner (Boston: Little, Brown and Ccxrpany, 1967), p. 7. 3Ronald L. Braithwaite, "Inteipersonal Relations Between ,Black Males and Black Females," in Black Men, ed. Lawrence E. Gary (Bever 1 y Hills: Sage Publications, 1981 ) p. 8 3 4Michele Wallace, Black Macho and the Myth of the Super Woman (New York: warner Books, 1980) p. 84. Swilliam H. Grier and Price M. Cobbs, Black Rage (New York: Bantam Books, 1968), p. 4. 6nouglas G. Glasgow, The Black Underclass: Poverty, Unemployment and Entrapment of Ghetto Youth (New York: Vintage Books, 1981), pp. 81-82. 7Max 'Equality: A Steep and Endless Stair," Fortune, December 1972, p. 47. 8Jack L. Kuykendall and David E. Burns, "The Black Police Officer: An Historical Perspective," Journal of Contemporary criminal Justice 4 (November 1980) : 11 0. 9r.erone Bennett, Black Power, U.S : The Human Side of Reconstruction 1867-1887 (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1968), p. 212. 10Lawrence D. Rice, The Negro in Texas: 1874-1900 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Press, 1971), p. 76. 11Frank u. Quillian, "Cincinnati's Colored Citizens," Cincinnati Independent, 24 February 1910. 12Charles s. Johnson, Into the Mainstream (Chapel Hill:. University of North Carolina Press, 194 7) p. 54. 13Elizabeth Hofken Pleck, Black Migration and Poverty: Boston 1865-1900 (New York: Academic Press, 1979), p. 130. 14william F. Danielson, "Employment of Minority Group Persons in the Berkeley Fire Department and the Berkeley Police Departme!lt" Report to the california Assembly, 1 November 1967.

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53 15cecil 0' Brien OWens, Sr. "The Socio-Historical Impact of Discrimination Practices on Recruiting Blacks as Police Officers" (Ph.D. dissertation, university of Colorado, 1981), p. 49. 16 James I. Alexander, Blue Coats: Black Skins (Hicks-ville, N.Y.: Exposition Press, 1978), p. 3. 17scott McGehee and Susan Watson, "Blacks in Detroit," Detroit Free Press, 15 December 1980. 18Harold F. Gosnell, Negro Politicians: The Rise of Negro Politics in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1935), p. 246. 19w.E.B. DuBois, The Philadelphia Negro, p. 104. 20netroit Tribune, 16 January 1886. None of the applicants were hired; the reason for their rejection by the police force: concern that black policemen would come into contact with white female citizens. 21Pleck, Black Migration and Poverty, p. 104. 22Quillian, "Cincinnati's Colored Citizens." 23Anthony Lewis, "The School segregation cases: Portrait of a Decade, in Black History: A Reappraisal, ed. Melvin Dd .. mner (Garden City: Doubleday and co., 1963), pp. 424-25. 24c. Vann Woodward, The Strarqe career of Jim Crow, 2d revised ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966), pp. 67-69. Palmer and Joel Colton, A History of the M::>dem World (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1950), P 546. 26Kelly Miller, "The City Negro," Southern Workman 56 (April 1902):217. 27w. E. B ou Bois, On Sociology and the Black community, edited by and with an Introduction by Dan S. Green and Edwin D. Driver (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978) p. 14 7. 28pleck, Black Migration and Poverty, p. 130. 29George Stoneman to U.S. Grant, May 12, 1866, "Riot at Memphis, u.S. House of Representatives, Document No. 122 (Washington, D.C.: 1866).

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54 30For a discussion of "associatiqnal attractiveness" see Chester I. Barnard, The Function of the Executive (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1938), pp. 147-48. 3 1Jay M. Shafritz et al., Personnel Management in Government: Politics and Process (New York: Marcel Dekker, 1978), p. 179. 32Kuykendall and Burns, "Black Police Officers: An Historical Perspective : 64 33Ibid. 34Charles s. Johnson, "Negro Police in Southern Cities," Public Management 9 (March 1944):79-80. 36Ibid 38Ibid. 39James I. Alexander, Blue Coats: Black Skins (Hicksville, New York: Exposition Press, 1978), p. 5. 40Richard J. Margolis and Diane Margolis, Report to the u.s. Civil Rights Conmission: "Who Will Wear the Badge?" (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1971), p. 3. 41Ibid. 42Melvin P. Sikes, The Administration of Injustice (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1975_), pp. 56-57. 43william M. Kephart, "The Integration of Negroes into an Urban Police Force, Journal of Criminal law, Criminology and Police Science 45 (September-October 1954):325. 4 4Danielson, "Employment of Minority Group Persons in the Berkeley Fire Department and the Berkeley Police Department. Writer's Note: William Rumford's position with the Beneficial Savings and Loan Association was Director of Security. 45rbid. 46Nicholas Alex, Black in Blue: A Study of the Negro Policerran (New York: Century-Crofts, 1969), pp. 54-56. 47Report of the National Advisory Cormnission on Civil Disorders (New York: Bantam Books, 1968), p. 320. 48Harvard Sitkoff, The Struggle for Black Equality: 1954-1980 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1981), pp. 200-201.

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55 49Report of the National Advisory Comnission on Civil Disorders, p. 321. 50wuis L. Knowles and Kenneth Prewitt, eds., Institutional Racism in America (Englewood Cliffs, N.J. : Prentice Hall Inc.,. 1969), p. 59. 51President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Criminal Justice, Task Force Report: The Police (Washington, D.C. : Government Printing Office, 1967), p. 168. 52Public Law 90-351, 82 Stat., 197 Title 28, Chap. 1, Subpart E of Part 42 ( 1968) 53Equal Employment OpportUnity Conrnission, "Unifonn Guidelines on Employee Selection Procedures, Federal Register, vol. 44, no. 43, -Friday, March 2, 1979 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office), p. 12001. 54Robert Michael Regoli and Donnell E. Jerome; "The Recruitment of a Minority Group into an Established Institution: The Police, Journal of Police Science and Administration 3 (January 1975):410. 55Paul Delaney, "Recruiting Negro Police is a Fa{lure inM:>st Cities," New York Times, 25 January 1971. 56Ibid. 57william Ryan, Blaming the Victim (New York: Vintage Books, 1976), p. 5. 5 8 John Van Maanen, "Socialization For Policing," in Policing: A View from the eds. Peter K. Manning and John Van Maanen (Santa .r.t:>nica: Goodyear Publishing Co. 1978) p. 116 0 59Leland K. Hall, "Support Systems and Coping Patterns," in Black Men, ed. Lawrence E. Gary (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1981 ) p. 159 60touis Knowles and Kenneth Prewitt, Racism in America (Englewood Cliffs, N.J. : 1969), p. 15. Institutional Prentice-Hall, 6 1Kenneth B. Clark, Dark Ghetto: Dilemmas of Social Power (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1965), pp. 66-67. 62Leonard Beeghley, Social Stratification in America (Santa .r.Dnica: Goodyear Publishing Co., 1978), pp. 242-243.

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56 63Douglas G. Glasgow, The Black Underclass: Poverty, Unemployment and Entrapnent of Ghetto Youth (New York: Vintage Books, 1981), pp. 78-79. 64u.s. Commission on Civil Rights, Police Recruitment: Who Will Wear the Badge?" in Police Community Relations, eds. Paul F. Cromwell, Jr. and George Keefer (St. Paul: West Publishing Co., 1973), p. 273. 65Glasgow, The Black Underclass, pp. 81-82. 66r.awrence E. Gary, Black Men (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1981), p. 33.

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CHAPTER N MEI'HODS Study Design Most of the research conducted on the black :police officer has focused on the historical difficulties that black men have encountered in obtaining :police employment, and u:pon the role conflict the black officer is thought to experience as a consequence of his membership in both the black community and the :police comnunity. This writer could find little empirical evidence in earlier studies on the degree of black :police officer career conmitment. This present work is designed as an exploratory field study that uses focused interviews and observation to obtain data on the career commitment of black :police officers employed by the Detroit and Denver :police departments. The study is descriptive as well as exploratory, and is predominately quali-tative in its research approach. Kerliner notes that exploratory field studies have three pur:poses: ... to discover significant variables in the field situation, to discover relationships among variables and to lay the groundwork for later, more systematic and rigorous testing of hy:pothesis 1

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58 This aptly describes the aims of this study which are to identify the factors that influence black police officer career commitment, and to examine the relationship between the position of Blacks within a city and black officers' commitment to law enforcement careers. The study is designed not only to probe for the sociopolitical variables that influence black police officers to pursue law enforcement careers, but also to describe their situation relative to career mobility as perceived and articu-lated by black officers employed in two large, urban police departments. The field study design focuses on the social and institu-tional conditions that shape individual and group values, perceptions, and behavior. 2 Field study "seeks what is, 3 rather .. than what the researcher presupposes to exist. As a method of sociological inquiry, the field study often requires the withholding of hypotheses until the relationships between variables have been discovered in a field situation. This method permits an intense study of the background, current status, and environ-mental interactions of individuals, groups, institutions, and conmuni ty of people as they go about their daily lives within the drama and realism of their life-world. The design is especially appropriate to a study of groups about whom there is limited knowledge. It is equally appropriate when research issues (like those raised in this study) have been given lirni ted attention in other studies. The diversity of studies undertaken within the field

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59 study design attests to its suitability for a study that seeks new knowledge about how individuals and groups think, feel, and interact with (and within) a particular environment, and under unique social conditions. Examples of field studies' capacity to provide fresh insight regarding group behavior are found in the works of Du Bois,5 and in studies undertaken by Wi.lson,6 Van Ma.anen, 7 Gans,8 Whyte,9 lewis, 10 Clark, 11 Dalton, 12 Fraizer, 13 Skolnick, 1 4 and that 6f Agee and Evans. 1 5 Because field studies occur in the real world (rather than in a laboratory) all extraneous variables (for example, differences in the number of management positions in the Detroit and Denver police departments) cannot be controlled. Some measure of control of extraneous variables may be achieved however, through randomization in the selection of study subjects who are as homogenous as possible, within the constraints of human diversity and complexity. 16 Data Collection This study uses focused inter-Views as its principal method of data collection. Interviews are termed "focused .. because the questions asked in the study focused on obtaining specific information regarding black police officers' attitudes toward numerous factors presumably related to their commitment to police careers. The thrust of the interviews is the identification and description of the respondents' reasons for becoming police officers; their socialization into the occupation; their

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60 attitudes toward several factors of the police organizational climate; their job satisfaction; and their attitudes toward and political variables relevant to their employment .and job mobility. The research interview--"a commmication with a purpose"--17 seeks systematic description and explanation that will lead to the prediction of respondents' predispositions, and future behavior. When skillfully conducted, interviews invite respondents' disclosure of their deepest feelings, fears, hopes, concerns, and disappointrrtents. 19 Wittenborn rna.kes a similar observation regarding the interview as a strategy of inquiry: The context of the interview can provide the information concerning the intentions, the attitudes, and the values of the respondent with respect to specific topics. At a more personal level, however, the interview may be used to provide information about the individual's personal circumstances, his background experiences, accounts of how he or others have responded to various experiences and situations, and many other kinds of information which are either directly expressive of the individual's personality or are iri some indirect way clues to qualities which are relevant to an understanding of his personality.20 The focused interview is considered a viable data.collec-tion strategy because it is semi-structured, flexible and pennits control of the direction of questions. This method has the additional value of facilitating probes of respondents' subjective experiences, while allowing respondents their definition of the situation."21 to ascertain Kenneth Bailey calls attention to several other advan-tages of interviews, and notes that this method affords control of question order, control of the environment in which the interview

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61 occurs, and the researcher can observe respondents' nonverbal behavior during the interview. Flexibility, penni tting probes for more specific answers, clarification, or amplification of responses, and greater assurance of respondents' spontaneity are also advantages of the interview as a research method. 22 Additionally, the interview pennits the use of a more complex questionnaire, and the interviewer is present to ensure that all questions are answered.23 Problems in the use of interviews most frequently derive from interviewer bias 24 and personal characteristics, 25 respondents' concern for anonymity,26 and differences in the social status of interviewer and respondent. 27 Differences in the language usage of interviewer and respbndents may also underlie problems in the use of this method. 28 Because interviewer and respondents in this study share ethnic group membership, social status, and occupational experiences (from which differences in language usage often emanate) these factors were considered to pose no serious obstacle to the use of. interviews as a study method. Researcher bias seemed a more serious problem and was dealt with through the researcher's Q control of interaction with potential research subjects until the initiation of the interview, as well as control of voice intonation and facial expression during the interview.29 Nor did respondent apathy emerge as a problem for the study. Respondents were enthusiastic about participating to the extent that several of them requested that the researcher "talk

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62 to my partner." 30 Respondents' concern for anonymity was dealt with through assurances that neither names nor other identifying information (for instance, unit, precinct, or district to which the respondents were assigned) would be used iii. a way that would identify them. The personal characteristics of the researcher did not create difficulties. The researcher's candor seemingly elicited a matching openness in respondents. The researcher is black, female, older than most of the respondents to the study, and a fanner police officer. More importantly, the gemeinschaft of being both a member of the black comnuni ty and a fo:rmer police officer provided the basis for rapport with respondents. Or, as several of the study's participants stated: "Once a cop, always a cop, so you know what I mean." Both participant and nonparticipant observation were used as a second and auxiliary study method. Between 1968-1976, the researcher was employed as a police officer by the Nassau County (Long Island) New York Police Department. This employment afforded the opportunity to experience, as well as to observe, the occupational behavior of the black police officer. External field notes were made of observations and conversations with black officers about their actions, as well as attitudes, toward career mobility. The experience also gave the researcher access to the life-world of the black officer, cornprei:-ension of the language of the police world, and the meaning black policemen give to the artifacts of their occupation. The researcher's field

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63 notes, recorded during 1968-1976 were, in part, the basis of the study's research problem and parts of the questionnaire formulated for the study. Direct observations were used for black police officers in Detroit and Denver. Study subjects were observed in social and occupational situations over a pericxi of several weeks. Often, at the conclusion of the interview, the officers invited the researcher to social functions, professional meetings, and conferences. In several cases, the researcher was intrcxiuced by respondents to their families, to their supervisors, to police administrators, to elected and appointed public officials, clientele, and colleagues not included in the study. Two of the officers-one in Detroit and one in Denver--requested that the researcher "advise" a son or a daughter regarding college courses that should be undertaken.31 These, and similar contacts, afforded the opportunity to observe study participants in varied social and occupational situations. Data obtained through observation are considered important because several writers have argued that social scientists need to devise ways to enter the social sphere of those from wh6m they seek knowledge. 32 Statements regarding this. aspect of social research by BlUmer and those made earlier by Zneniecki bear repeating here because of their salience to this study's research approach. Blmner writes: Several sample yet highly important observations need to be made with regard to the study of this world. The first is that almost by definition the research scholar does not

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64 have first hand acquaintance with the sphere of social life that he proposes to study. He is rarely a participant in that sphere and usually is not in close touch with the actions and the experiences of the people who are involved in that sphere. His position is al.nost always that of an outsider; as such he is markedly limited in simple knowledge of what takes place in the given sphere of life . To begin with, most research inquiry (certainly research inqUiry modeled in tenns of current methodology) is not designed to develop a close and reasonably full familiarity with the area of life under study. There is no demand on the research scholar to do a lot of free exploration in the area, getting close to the people involved in it, seeing it in a variety of situations they meet, being party to their conversations, and watching their life as it flows along. In place of such exploration and flexible pursuit of intimate contact with what is going on, reliance is put on starting with a theory or model, posing a problem in terms of the model, setting a hypothesis with regard to the problem, outlining a mode of inquiry to test that hypothesis with regard to the problem, using standardized instruments to get precise data, and so forth ... Not being aware of the knowledge that would come from firsthand acquaintance, he does not know he is missing that knowledge. 33 Znaniecki also calls attention to the methodological importance of first hand knowledge of phenomena gained through observation and experience: Every attitude and value can really be. understood only in connection with the whole social life in which it is an element . When I wish to ascertain at first hand what a certain activity is, just as when I wish to obtain first hand infonnation about a certain object, I try to experience it. There is only one way of experiencing an object: it is to observe it personally. There is also only one way of an activity: it is to perfonn it personally. 34 Before undertaking this study the researcher both experienced and observed the dynamics of being a black police officer. Although the power of direct observation is well established in studies undertaken by several researchers, 35 this

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65 method is not without certain weaknesses. Some disadvantages of this method of data collection derive from the small size of the sample generally drawn in research that uses observation. other problems may emerge from the-difficulty of quantification of data obtained through observation. Perhaps, the most important weakness of this method is the potentialdanger of bias on the part of both the researcher and study subjects. No research method however, is without bias. In the use of methods, like observation, where bias is admittedly a potential problem, the problem is more likely to be forthrightly considered, confronted and controlled.36 The reliability of findings is another often-cited criticism in the use of observation in social science research. Becker responds to this issue: The reliability of such an _analysis is sometimes questioned in an equivocal way that plays on the meaning of "reliability." The question is put .thus: Would another observer produce, with the same analysis, the same total model, were he to repeat the study? The answer is of course he would--but only if he used the same theoretical framework and became interested in the same general problems, for neither the theoretical framework nor rna jor problem chosen for study is inherent in the group studied. 37 This researcher attempted to contain the potential problem of bias by using interviews as well as observation and by structuring into the research design cornparati ve analysis of the career commitment of two groups of black police officers employed in cities having decidedly different socio-demographic and black political empowerment configurations. This comparison was also considered essential in answering the research question of the possible effect of different socio-demographic and

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66 political situations on black police officers 1 commitment to law enforcement careers. The study 1 s overall research approach, then, is qualitative. By a qualitative research approach we mean studies that are conducted in natural environments and that seek to capture the reality of important aspects of life38 through the exploration of the subjective meaning respondents give to events and situations they observe or experience.39 I.ofland and I.ofland describe qualitative research as "natural research that invokes a close and searching description of the mundane details of everyday life . "40 Backstrom and Hursh note in their discussions of qualitative procedures that qualitative methods ". . seek to explore . the content of a person 1 s mind, and if possible, the preconscious or subconscious motivations for his actions. n41 Morepver, qualitative research penni ts findiri.gs to be reported in the "everyday language of research subjects, n421 while assigning "names" to attributes rather than numbers. 43 Such an approach also allows the exploration of "a tendency to react in a certain way to a certain kind of stimulus . "44 Qualitative research not only has a long and substantial tradition, but more importantly serves the purpose of this study which depends upon discernment of the subjective meanings black police officers give to law enforcement careers, and to the situations, circumstances, and conditions in which careers may be achieved. Indeed, it would seem from Becker 1 s conceptualization of commitment behavior (discussed in Chapter II of this

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67' work)45 and the issues raised in the concepts of psychological contract and expectancy x theory, 46 that provide the study 1 s theoretical framework, that the black officer's subjective attribution of a police career is an essential element in his corrmi tment. Study Sites Because the study design called for a comparison of black officers 1 attitudes under different socio-demographic and political conditions, two cities--one "black," and one "white," were selected as study sites. Criteria of a black city are: (1) one of twenty-five largest u.s. cities; ( 2) sixty per cent or more black population; ( 3) siXty per cent or more elective offices held by black citizens; ( 4) sixty per cent or more appointive positions that influence the police department held by black citizens. Criteria of a "white" city are: (1) one of twenty-five largest u.s. cities; (2) sixty per cent or more white population; (3) sixty per cent or more elective offices held by white citizens; ( 4) sixty per cent or more appointive :p::>sitions that irifluence the police department held by white citizens. The selection of study sites posed both theoretical and practical concerns for the study. Theoretical issues centered on the selection of two cities that not only met the criteria for the classification of a "black" city and a "white" city, but

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68 also cities that had similar political structures characterized by the strong mayor-weak council fonn of government. The :r;x:>si tiort of the mayor was thought important because the research problem :r;x:>sed the question regarding the relationship of the mayor's role and black police officers' career cormrl.tment. The size of the cities was considered significant because of the rela tionsh;lp between city size and :r;x:>lice organizational structures, especially in terms of police officer career opportunity. The criteria of sixty per cent or more black :r;x:>pulation is important because literature addressing black :r;x:>litical influence in municipal governments points to Blacks' significant political influence upon becoming a clear majority of a city's population.47 'IWo cities--Detroit and Washington, D.C. met the criteria of a "black city." Both Detroit and Washington, D.C. have sixty per cent or more black population;48 both are among the nation's twenty-five largest cities, and black citizens hold at least sixty per cent of the elective and appointive offices in city government. Both Detroit and Washington, D. C. are characterized l:;ly strong mayor-weak council governance. 4 9 The names of these two cities were placed in a hat, and an outsider was asked to draw a slip of paper with the name of the city. Detroit was selected over Washington, D.C., as a study site. Denver was selected as the second study site as a "white city," because it met the criteria for that classification, has a strong council municipal government and because

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69 of practical concerns (i.e. the researcher's economic limi-tations}. Differences in Detroit's and Denver's unemployment rates, and other economic differences, were identified as additional extraneous variables beyond the researcher's control. Data obtained from the Detroit and Denver police departments, however suggest that economic conditions may not be significantly related to police officer's decisions to remain in or to leave the occupation: In 1980, 153 Detroit police officers, representing approximately .03 per cent of the Detroit police force left the department through retirement and resignation. 50 In the same year, 34 Denver officers, representing approximately .02 per cent of Denver's sworn police personnel-left that department for these reasons.51 Given that Denver's economic situation (reflected in its unemployment rate) is considered superior to that of Detroit's, significant differences in the two departments' percentages of police officer retirements and resignations from police service were expected. Personnel data however, did not support this assumption. Socio-demographic Characteristics of Study Sites Detroit, the nation's sixth largest city,52 is one of the most economically depressed areas in the country. In 1981 the city ended its fiscal year with budget deficit of $119,000.000. A deficit of $150,000,000 was projected for fiscal year 1982.53

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70 In the decade 1970-1980, the city lost 20.7 per cent of its population and 11 5 per cent of its housing units. 54 In April 1982, the city's unemployment rate of 18 per cent was nearly twice the national average.55 In 1979-1980, 1,100 Detroit police officers laid off because of the city's fiscal problems--reducing the police force from 5,266 sworn police officers to 4,166.56 Sixty-three per cent of the city population is black.57 Detroit has a mayor-council form of government.58 The mayor and six of the nine city council members are black.59 Investigation of black participation the political process, in Michigan,reveals that Blacks hold 293 elective offices at either federal, state or local levels of government. 60 The state's black. population is concentrated in Detroit and. in Flint, sixty miles northwest of Detroit. 61 A board of police conunissioners, consisting of five citizens appoihted by the mayor, has managerial authority over Detroit' s 4, 751 member police department. 62 Three of the police commissioners are black.6 3 The chief of police is black; the executive deputy police chief is white, and 69 per cent of the department IS police OfficerS are white.64 Prior tO 1970 COnflictS between black citizens and the police were frequent and often intense. 65 The city was reported in 1981 as having the fifth highest crime rate in the nation.66 Denver, the twenty-fourth largest U.S. city,67 in contrast to Detroit, is considered economically viable. Between 1970 and

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71 1980, Denver lost 4.5 per cent of its population, while in that decade increasing its housing units by 17 per cent. 68 Reduc-tions in the city's municipal work force in fiscal year 19801981 did not necessitate a reduction in the number of police department employees. 69 The city's unemploymerit rate in April 1982 was 5.6 per cent--about half that of the national average.70 Twelve per cent of 492,365 citizens are black. 7 1 The city's largest ethnic minority is Spanish surnamed, representing 19 per cent of the city's population.72 Denver also has a mayor-council form of government. 73 Two of the thirteen city council members are black; two are Hispanic. 74 In 1983, Blacks held eleven elective offices in Colorado.75 Colorado's population is concentrated in the Denver metropoiitan area and in Colorado Springs, approximately 65 miles south of Denver.76 The manager of public safety, a member of the mayor' s cabinet and appointed by the mayor, has administrative oversight of the city's police, the sheriff's department and the fire department. 77 A black appointee held this position during the period in which this study was conducted, but left the office in May 1983. 7 8 Eighty-two of the department's 1 394 police officers are black; 181 police officers are Spanish-surnamed. 79 The city's crime rate in 1981--12,292 per 100,000 the fourth highest in the nation, but only slightly higher than Detroit's crime rate of 11,982 per 100,000 per population.80 In 1969, David Bayley and Harold Mendelsohn observed

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72 that ethnic group relations were better in Denver than in rrost other urban areas of the nation. 81 Owens, however concluded from his intervieWs with thirty-two Denver black police officers and ten white police officers in 1981, that "a condition of social ineqUity exists in the Denver police department that benefits white at the expense of black officers.82 This conclusion was based, in part, upon the frequency with which Denver black officers mentioned "unequal treatment" as a salient occupational concern.83 Study Sample Respondents to the study are sixty black male police officers--forty in Detroit and twenty in Denver who, at the time of this study, were in the entry level 84 Respondents were random! y selected from personnel lists obtained from the two departments. The lists had previously been stratified by race and indicated the names, rank, and current assignments of black sworn police personnel employed in the departments as of July 1982. 85 A second sampling frame, stratified by sex and police officer rank, was compiled by the researcher for each of the two departments, and numbers were random! y assigned to the names of officers identified as black, male, and in the entry rank of police officer. No effort was made to obtain matching samples in the two cities in te:rms Detroit and Denver respondents' ages, police department tenure, education level, or marital status. The disparity in the number of black officers employed in Detroit

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73 and Denver, together with both departments' uneven recrui trnent of black officers precluded obtaining matched samples. Analysis, however, of Detroit and Denver respondents' social profile data suggests that similarities in urban police forces' selection standards and retirement policies may lead to social characteristics unifonnity among black (as well as white. officers), regardless of the city in which they are employed.86 This is certainly the case in this study. The Detroit Sample As of July 1982, Detroit employed 4,054 sworn police officers. Of this number 1,127 were ident{fied by the department as black officers--922 male and 205 female officers. Because the decision had been made to lirni t this exploratory study's respondents to black. male officers in the entry rank, the researcher focused. upon extrapolating from the department's list of black officers the names of those who were male and in the police officer rank. Six hundred and seventy-five of Detroit's black officers were identified as having these characteristics. 88 Numbers were randaml y assigned to the names of these 675 officers and a duplicate list of the numbers was compiled. Forty-five numbers were randomly drawn 8 9 arid matched with the names of forty-five officers--forty officers as primary respondents and five officers as alternates should some of the primary respondents decline to be interviewed or be unavailable to participate in the study due to leaves of absence or undercover

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74 assignments. While no one declined to be interviewed, the researcher was unable to reach four of the Detroit prirrary respondents although several attempts were made to do so. Supervisors and command level officers were most generous in offering what assistance the researcher might have needed throughout the time of the Detroit interviews. Officers assigned full-time to the Guardians Association were most helpful in offering to provide transportation to the researcher and _office space in which to. conduct interviews, should these things be useful to the research effort. The commanding officer of the Detroit Police Department's public relations office notified all of the department's personnel through interagency memorandum that the researcher had been given pennission by the chief of police -to conduct interviews with black officers. The memorandum infonned the officers that their participation was entirely voluntary, and that additional information could be obtained by calling the office of public relations. The researcher subsequently contacted respondents, and appointments were made to interview (on the average) three officers each day. The Denver Sample As of July 1982, the Denver police department employed 1,394 sworn police officers. Of this number -eighty-two were identified as black officers--seventy male and twelve female officers. As in the case of Detroit, the researcher obtained

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75 from the Denver police department a list of black officers that had been stratified by race, rank, and sex. From this list, sixty-three of Denver 1 s eighty-two black officers were identified as male and in the entry rank of police officer. 90 The process of selection of study respondents used in Detroit was used to select twenty-five Denver respondents-twenty as primary. respondents and five as It was necessary, however, to contact only one of the alternates to replace a primary respondent who left the force after July 1982 and before the Denver interviews were begun in December 1982. The corrmanding officer of the Denver Police Department 1 s Research and Development Bureau greatly assisted this study by notifying personnel through inter-departmental. cormnunication that the researcher had been granted permission by the chief of police to interview Denver officers; his cormrunication infonned personnel that their participation was entirely voluntary. As in the case of Detroit, supervisors and colliiE.Ild level officers offered what assistance the researcher might need in conducting the study, and members of Denver 1 s Guardians Association were most enthusiastic about the study. Sixty officers were interviewed--forty Detroit officers and twenty Denver officers. Although twice the number of officers was selected from Detroit as from Denver, Denver respondents represent 31 7 per cent of black, male police officers in the entry rank in Denver, while Detroit respondents represent slightly less than 6 per cent of the black, male police officers in the

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76 entry rank in Detroit. Detroit employs, overall, about three times as many police officers as Denver, and about thirteen times as many black officers. These differences rendered efforts to select an equal ntmlber or percentage of respondents from each sampling frame ineffective.For example, selection of 10 per cent of officers from each frame would have increased the ntmlber of Detroit respondents to sixty-eight while decreasing the Denver respondents to seven. Thus, emphasis was placed on a selection process in which each officer had an equal chance of being selected from his sampling frame. 91 IntervieWs were conducted over a seven-month period, from October 1982 through May 1983. The interviews were conducted in several. locations in both cities: in the residences. of the respondents and in my own residence J on college campuses J in libraries J .in restaurants, and cafeterias. No interviews were conducted during the officers' on-duty time, but the researcher was invited by respondents to visit their workplace, and thus, was able to observe them in various aspects of their occupational roles. Interviews lasted an average of two hours, with several considerably longer, and none less than one and one-half hours. None of the respondents indicated reluctance to participate ;in the study J several of them offered excellent ideas for enhancing the research project. Interview Schedule An interview schedule of eighty-eight questions was

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77 constructed for the study and pretested in interviews with black male police officers employed by the Chicago, St. Louis, Flint [Michigan] and Muskegon Heights [Michigan] police departments.92 The purpose of these pretest interviews was to ascertain the clarity of the questionnaire's wording and the appropriateness of the order of questions. Pretest interviews showed that the wording of questions was clear except in the case of two questions which were ambiguous. One of these questions was clarified by changing it to two questions. The other was dropped from the questionnaire. Pretest interviews did not indicate a problem in the order of. questions. The questionnaire used the "funnel" technique for ordering of questions that began with the broaq topical issue of "life world" and narrowed to issues of recruitment, occupation socialization, and factors of organizational climate; to perceptions of political figures, and finally to questions of career commit ment and some profile date Closed-ended, opeil-ended and contingency questions were all used. Probes such as, "Why is that?"; "Can you give me an example?", were used where appropriate. Before the initiation of the interview, the respondent was asked to discuss the between the terms "job, "work, and "career," to ensure that the interviewer and the respondent were in agreement on the meanings of those tenns.

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78 Study Limitations A cornprehensi ve study of black :police officers' career contni tment would ideally examine and compare the career commitment of white, Hispanic, Native American, and Asian American officers, male and ferrale, in several cities, who hold several ranks within various sizes and types of :police departments. SUch a study would ideally be conducted over a period of years, examinirig officers' behavior as well as their attitudes toward :police careers--following research subjects from their initial employment to their retirement from :police work. However, within the context of this exploratory study's research problem and its limitations, the researcher decided to interview only black male officers in the entry-level rank. :Because the sample is small, it is not :possible to generalize from, the study's findings on the career commitment of the approxi.n1ately 27,000 black :police officers employed by about 10,000 police departments across the nation. Findings, however indicate a trend or direction in black :police officers' career contni tment and the influence of socio-demographic and political factors on black officers' career commitment. Study findings are re:ported and discussed in the following chapters of this work.

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79 Nal'ES--aiAPTER IV 1 Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research, 2d ed. (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1973), p. 406. 2Ibid., p. 405. 3Daniel Katz, "Field Studies, in Research Methods in Behavioral Sciences, eds. leonard Festinger and Daniel Katz (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1953), p. 76. 4stephen Isaac in Col.laboration with William B. Michael, Handbook in Research and Evaluation (San Diego: EDITS Publishers, 1971), pp. 14 and 20. 5w. E. B. Du Bois, On Socioiogy and the Black Cormnunity, with an Introduction by Dan S. Green and Edwin D. Driver (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, p. 15. 6 James Q. Wilson, Varieties of Police Behavior: The Management of Law and Order in Eight Conmuni ties (New York: Anthenum, 1975). 7John Van Maanen, "Pledging the Police: A Study of Selected Aspects of Recruit Socialization in a Large Urban Police Department II (Ph.D. dissertation: University of california, 1972). SHerbert J. Gans, The Urban Villagers: Group and Class in the Life of Italian Americans (New York: The Free Press, 1962). 9william Foote Whyte,-Street Corner Society: The Social Structure of an Italian Slum, 2d ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961.). 1 Ooscar lewis, The Children of Sanchez: Autobiography of a Mexican Family (New York: Random House, 1961). 11Kenneth B. Clark, Dark Ghetto:. Dilerrmas of Social Power (New York: Harper and Row, 1965). 12Melville Dalton, Men who Manage: Fusions of Feeling and Theory in Administration (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1959). 1 3E. Franklin Frazier, Black Bourgeois: The Rise of the New Middle Class (New York: The Free Press, 1956) 14Jerome H. Skolnick, Justice Without Trial (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1966)

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80 1 5James Agee and Walter Evans, Let Us Now Praise Famous Men: Three Tenant Families (New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1939). 16Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research, p. 309. 17Robert L. Kahn and Charles F. Cannell, The Dynamics of Interviewing: Theo:ry, Techniques and cases (New York: John Wiley, 1957), p. 17. 18Ibid. p. 23. 19Ibid., p. 21. 20rnternational Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1968 ed., s.v. "Interviewing," by J.R. Wittenborn. 21 Robert K. Merton, M.O. Fiske, and Patricia L. Kendall, The Focused Interview. (New York: The Free Press, 1966), pp. 3-4. 22Kenneth D. Bailey, Methods of Social Research (New York: The Free Press, 1978), p. 151. 23Ibid. 24John Allen Williams, Jr "Interviewer-respondent Interaction: A Study of Bias in the Infonnation Interview, Socometry 27 (November 1964) :252. Hyman, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, p. 115. 26nerek L. Phillips, Knowledge for What? Theories and Methods in Social Research (New York: Rand McNally, 1971), p. 49. 27Barbara Snell Dohrenwend, John Colombatos, and Bruce P. Dohrenwend, "Social Distance and Interviewer Effects," Public Opinion Quarterly 32 (April 1968) : 41 0. 28Edward Boren, "The Language Behavior of Negroes and Whites," Pacific Sociological Review 4 (Spring 1981 ) : 69. 29 The researcher, while a police investigator, received extensive training in interviewing techniques. 30This was dealt with by explaining to the officers that the study required that respondents be randomly selected. 31Respondents were aware that the researcher is a teacher in a Criminal Justice Studies Program.

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81 32Richard N. Adams and Jack J. Preiss, eds. Human Orqanization Research: Field Relations and Techniques (Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey Press, 1960), p. 267. Blumer, Critique of Research on the Social Sciences (New Brunswick, N.J. : Transaction Books, 1979) pp. 110-111. 34Florian Znaniecki, Preface by Robert Bierstedt Press, 1959), p. 68. Qn Humanistic Sociology with a (Chicago: University of Chicago 35James P. Spradley, You OWe Yourself a Drunk: An Ethnography of Urban Nomads (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1970); Erving Goffman, Stigrra:. Notes on the Management of SJX?iled Identity (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1963); Peter M. Blau, The Dynamics of Bureaucracy: A Study of Interpersonal Relations in Two Government Agencies, 2d ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963); Fred Davis, "The Cab Driver and His Fare: Facets of a Fleeting Relationship, American Journal of Sociology 65 (September 1960) 158-65; Gresham M. Sykes, The Society of Captives: A Study of a Maximuin Security Prison (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958); Skolnick, Justice Without Trial. 36wax:. argues the value of bias,. and writes: "However, it is precisely that 1 bias 1 of participants that the researcher wishes to become capable of assuming and understanding. The observer who establishes himself and remains in a role external to the group being studied is not so much unbiased as incompetent or unenterprising. No technique of research is free from error, and perhaps one virtue of participant observation is that the kind of data it yields allows biases, inadequacies, and predilections of the researcher to be closely perceived. The bias of sample surveys and other quantitative procedures is sometimes subtle and more troublesome for science because the overall perspective reflects the attitudes of management and authority maintained around the conference table. Such investigative techniques frequently lack insight into the activities, attitudes and bias axioms of the population to be surveyed." Rosalie H. Wax, "Twelve Years later: An Analysis of Field Experience," American Journal of Sociology 63 (June 1957): 133. 37rnternational Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1968 ed. s. v. "Social Observation and Social Case Studies, by Howard Becker. 38Egon Bittner, "Objectivity and Realism in Sociology," in Phenomenological Sociology, ed. George Psathas (New York: John Wiley and Son, 1973), p. 109.

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82 39See generally, Florian Znaniecki, Cultural Reality (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1919) 4 0John I.Dfland and Lyn H. I.Dfland, Analyzing Social Settings, 2d ed. (Belmont, Calif. : Wadsworth Publishing Co. 1984), p. 3. 4 1 Survey Research, quoted in Cecil 01 Brien CMens, "The Socio-Historical Impact of Discrimination Practices on Recruiting Blacks as Police Officers" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Colorado, 1981), p. 56. 42Howard Schwartz and Jerry Jacobs, Qualitative Sociology: A Method to the Madness (New York: The Free Press, 1979), p. 4. 43:sailey, Methods of Social Research, p. 51. 44Arthur Pap, Semantics and Necessary Truth (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press,. 1958 .), p. 426. 4 5Howard s. Becker, "Notes on the Concept of Comnitment," American Journal of Sociology 67 (July 1960):35. 4 6These concepts are discussed at length in Chapter II of this work, p. 20. 47 Henry Eichel, "What Happens When Blacks Gain Strength," Focus, september 1975, p. 3. 48u. S. Department of Comnerce, Bureau of the Census, Advance Report 1980. 49washington, D.C., achieved home-rule status in 1973. 50oetroit Police Department, Annual Report 1981. 51 Denver Police Department, Annual Report 1981 52oetroit 1 s population in the 1980 Census was reported as 1 ,203,339. See also City of Detroit Planning Department, Profile Package for United Comnun.ity Services Subcommunities, Report no. 35 (Sumner 1982). 53Facts on File--W::>r ld Atlas (New York: Hammond Incorporated, 1981), p. 616. 54u. S. Department of C6rrmerce, Bureau of the Census, Advance Report 1980. 55u. s. Department of labor, Employment Reports, April

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83 1982. (The national unemployment average was 9. 5 per cent in April 1982.) 56netroit Police Department, Annual Rep?rt 1980. 5 7u. S. Department of Ccmnerce, Bureau of the Census, Advance Rep?rt 1980. 58 David Greenstone, "A Report on the Politics of Detroit" (Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harvard University, 1 961 Mimeographed) pt. II, p. 8 59Researcher's Observation, May 1982. 60Joint Center for Political Studies, July 1983 (WashD.C., 1972), p. 60. 6 1 u.s. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Advance Report 1980. 62A distinction is noted between members of the department --all employees, including 859 "civilians, "--and members of the force--4,166 sworn police officers. 63Researcher's observation, September 1982. 64netroi t Police Department, Annual Report 1981 65Fdward J. Littlejohn, "The Cries of the Wounded: A History of Police Misconduct in Detroit, University of Detroit Journal of Urban raw 58 (Winter 1981 ) : 173 66u.s. Department of Justice, Uniform Crime Rep?rts, 1981. 67u.s. Department of Conmerce, Bureau of the Census, Advance Rep?rt 1980. 68Ibid. 69nenver Police Department, Annual Report 1981. 70u. s. Department of labor, Employment Reports, April 1982. 71 U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Advance Report 1980. 72Ibid.

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84 73 Kenneth E. Gray, "A Rei;X>rt on Politics in Denver, Colorado" (cambridge: Joint Center for Urban Studies of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harvard University, 1959, Mimeographed), pt. III, p. 7. 74Researcher's observation, June 1982. observation, July 1983. 76u. S. Department of the Conmerce, Bureau of the Census, Advance Report 1980. 77Denver Police Department, Annual Report 1981. 78Mr. E:lvin caldwell, Sr., held the I;X>Sition of Manager of Public Safety until April 1983. 79nenver Police Department, Annual Report 1981. 80u.s. Department of Justice, Uniform Crime Reports 1981. 81 David H. Bayley and Harold Mendelsohn, Minorities and the Police: Confrontation in America (New York: The Free Press, 1969), p. v. 82r-... "Th So . 1 ct f . . vwens, e Cl.o-Histon.ca Irnpa o Dl.scn.ml.natl.on Practices on Recruiting Blacks as Police Officers,.. p. 128. 83Ibid., p. 129. 84officers assigned as detectives and technicians are included because these I;X>Sitions do not constitute a I;X>lice rank. Officers. are "detailed" to these I;X>Sitions, serve at the "discretion" of the chief of I;X>lice, and retain the I;X>lice officer rank until pronoted to the sergeant I;X>Sition through competitive examinations. 85It has become a general practice for large I;X>lice departments to maintain personnel rosters indicating the race, sex and ethnic group membership of employees. It is assumed that this is done for EEOC rei;X>rting purposes and for affirmative action recruiting programs. 86See generally James W. Sterling, Changes in Role Concepts of Police Officers (Washington, D.C.: International Association of Police Chiefs, 1972). 87It is assumed that the discrepancy between this figure and that of December 1981 is due to Detroit I;X>lice officer .attrition between December 1981 and July 1982.

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85 88nata from the Detroit list of personnel revealed that 316 Detroit black officers (including the chief of police and four deputy chiefs of police} are in police ranks of sergeant or higher. 89Procedures for the use of numbers for randcm sampling purposes are based upon suggestions found in Paul D. reedy, Practical Research: Planning and Design (New York: .Maanillan Publishing Co., 1974}, pp. 94-99. 90Eight of oenver I s 82 Black officers were found to be in ranks of sergeant or higher (four male sergeants and one female one lieutenant and two captains}. Although 91 black officers were reported on the Denver police roll as of December 1981 the list obtained from the Department in July 1982 contained 82 names. It is assumed that this difference is due to officer attrition between December 1981 and July 1982. 91Babbie provides insight concerning representative of samples: "A sample will be representative of the population from which selected, if all members of the pop)llation have an equal chance of being selected in the sample. Earl Babbie, Survey Research Methods, Belmont, Calif. : Wadsworth Publishing Co., 1973, p. 78. 92Fifteen officers. were interviewed in the pretest of the questionnaire: seven Flint four Muskegon Heights officers; and two each from the St. louis and Chicago police departments. All of the officers are employed in cities that have large black populations, but only Muskegon Heights, Michigan, is a predominately black city and has a black mayor. Pretest interviews were conducted in Flint, Michigan, where the Region IV Guardians Association convened October 1-3, 1982. Although the writer was a member of the Guardians while employed as a police officer in New York, black officers in New York are in a different regional organization and the writer, therefore, had no previous contact with officers in the Association 1 s Region IV which includes Michigan, Missouri, Ohio, and Illinois.

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CHAPTER V CAREER COMMITMENT ATI'ITUDES OF BLACK POLICE OFFICERS IN DEIT'ROIT AND DENVER Study Results While no sweeping generalizations can be made based upon data acquired in this research on the career commitment attitudes of the nation's approximately 27,000 black police officers, the tenor of the study results suggests that black police officers' attitudes toward and commitment to law enforce-ment careers are affected by variables of the socio-political environments existing in the cities in which they are employed. Where Blacks have achieved a significant degree of political power through population predominance, and consequently administrative control of a police departinent, black police officers are more likely to perceive law enforcement as a viable career for themselves and for their sons and daughters, as well as for other young black men and women. Data obtained from interviews with black police officers employed in the socio-politically dichotomous cities of Detroit and Denver (as characterized by vast! y different degrees of black political influence and power in each city) indicate that black police officers in Detroit and Denver have substantially

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87 different attitudes toward police careers, as the term is defined in this work. Comparative analysis of data obtained in interviews with forty black officers in Detroit and twenty black officers in Denver disclose that Detroit officers are 47 per cent more .likely to describe present police employment as a career, rather than as a long-term, well-paying job (Fig. 1 ) When Detroit police officer responses are compared with those of Denver police officers, the Detroit officers are nearly 62 per cent more likely to have participated, at least once, in promotion examinations for the first level police supervisory position (Fig. 2); 62 per cent more likely to decisively encourage a son to enter police work (Fig. 3); 33 per cent more likely to lend encouragement to a daughter to enter the police occupa-tion (Fig. 4) -and 12. 8 per cent more likely to encourage other young black men and women to consider a police job (Fig. 5) Data reveal further that in Detroit, where Blacks are a majority population and hold a majority of public offices that significantly affect police department personnel policies, black officers are 45 per cent more likely than Denver officers to consider alternative employment in another police department (Fig. 6); and nearly 54 per cent more likely to consider employment as a federal law enforcement agent (Fig. 7) -Data did not reveal substantial differences in the two groups' attitudes toward employment in a state law enforcement agency (Fig. 8) The study also found that Detroit interviewees were less likely (within the two-year period prior to the study) to have considered

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88 leaving police work for another occupation, while at the same time, they are less likely to report economic factors influencing their decision to remain in law enforcement. Finally, data indicate that Detroit study participants are somewhat ( 3 per cent) more likely to plan to leave the occupation before they are eligible for retirement (Fig. g) This latter finding was initially considered inconsistent with others that focused upon the officers' career corrmi tment attitudes. Closer analysis, however, of the two groups' predispositions toward several broader aspects of their employment, and the socio-political variables affecting black police officer attitudes revealed that for Detroit officers, who say that they do not plan to remain in police work until retirement, the intention to leave is less indicative of noncommi tment to a police career than it is of occupational aspirations as a consequence of their police department emPloyment. A rna jority of Detroit interviewees express that they have come to view their jobs as having afforded opportunities for upward rnobili ty, as well as having provided a chance for personal growth, and, important! y, having given them the confidence to confront the risks involved in occupation change. In contrast, Denver officers, when explaining reasons for desiring to leave police work, tend to describe their occupational .experiences as encumbering both occupational advancement and personal growth. Neither differences in the tasks of police officers in the two cities, in the officers' social backgrounds,

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89 work histories, nor educational attainment prior to becoming policemen explained differences in Detroit and Denver officers attitudes toward career comni tment. Findings point, however, to differences. between the two groups perceptions of fairness in assignments to special police units, and perception of opportunity for upward mobility as key variables in black officers attitudes toward career commitment. The majority of Detroit officers rate administrative policies on assignments as generally fair and the chance for promotion to high police positions as either good or excellent. M:Jst Denver interviewees hold the opposite viewpoint. Denver black officers state that assignments are based upon favoritism, and that black officers have .little chance of attaining high level positions in the Denver department. The Detroit officers attribute fairness in assignments, and other opportunities .for advancement to the advocacy of the city s mayor, and. to Detroit s board of police commissioners who carry out the mayor s policies regarding equal employment opportunity and affirmative action. Detroit interviewees also assert that the mayor's policies are reflective of black community political pressure for police department personnel representative of the city's population. Denver's black officers relate their lack of opportunity to race discrimination within the police department and to the inability of black public officials and citizens to influence police department personnel policies . A significant number of officers in both the cities say that

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90 a "double standard" exists. in matters of discipline and officer performance evaluation. This latter finding suggests that Detroit officers, as well as those in Denver, perceive race discrimination as existing in their respective departments, but that discrimination in discipline and evaluation is less significant to career commitment if it does not deny opportunity for advancement. Detroit officers also perceive less fairness in those aspects of their employment not readily subject to black community and elected public officials' scrutiny. Additional Study Results Black police officers began striving for upward occupational mobility well before entering police work. The desire for upward occupation mobility may be an important reason for their joining a police force. An. effort was made 1 therefore, to ascertain interviewees' general occupational aspirations prior to their current employment, and to determine the influence of preemployment work histories and orientation to. police work on their later decision to pursue a law enforcement career. Interviewees were asked about the jobs held before joining the police force and about attitudes toward police work as an occupation and as a social role. r.bre than one third ( 37. 5 per cent) of Detroit interviewees and 15 per cent of Denver interviewees report their most immediate prior occupation as the anned forces. Ten per cent of Detroit officers and 25 per cent of those in Denver report having been employed in civil

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. 91 law enforcement and criminal justice agencies, including federal installation security, sheriff's departments, probation and youth services. Detroit interviewees are only slightly more likely than Denver officers to have held other types of public sector jobs before entering police work. Overall, six occupation categories were identified. Only one of the sixty officers reports having been unemployed immediately prior to joining the police force. Interviewees were asked, "At the time you came on the job was there some other type of work you would have preferred?"; "What was the main reason that you wanted that line of work?" Sixty-five per cent of Detroit interviewees and 55 per cent of those in Denver identified other occupations preferred to policing. Thirty-five per cent of. Detroit interviewees and 45 per cent in Denver indicate that police work was their preferred occupation at the time they joined the police depa.rtritent (Table 1). All of the nine Denver officers reporting police work as the preferred occupation indicate definite aspirations for police work. Five of the fourteen Detroit officers, however, who said that there was no other preferred occupation, relate that this was less a case of wanting to be police officers than having no definite occupational interests. The study also focused attention on the officers' preem ployment orientation to police work as an occupation, and interviewees were asked: "As a black man, what appealed to you most

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92 arout becoming a police officer?" A majority of both groups of officers cited the service aspects of police work as most important. Detroit officers were somewhat less likely to report the factor of employment stability, and somewhat less likely than Denver officers to identify the work of a policeman as having important appeal. A second and closely related question was: "As a black man was anything that bothered you arout becoming a police officer?" In response to this question, 80 per cent oC Detroit interviewees, and 65 per cent of Denver interviewees responded, "Yes." Detroit officers stating that they had concerns arout becoming police officers generally emphasize the social role of the police as a source of that concern,while Denver officers tend to emphasize organizational aspects of the occupation. Some of the interviewees 1 statements expanding upon their answers are: The police have been a serious handicap to the black comnun i ty, and I did not want to put myself in a position of contributing to that . (Detroit) I had never seen the police do one positive thing in the black carnrrnmi ty, and I think that had it been twenty years earlier they would have tried to find a way not to hire me. (Detroit) I wanted the job . I have wanted to be a policeman as long as I can remember, but I didn 1 t want the negative image the Detroit police have earned. (Detroit) I knew right from the way they answered the phone the first time I called a district station to get information about how to apply--very abrupt like--that if I got the job I would be working with some very ignorant dudes. (Denver) I had seen the way the state patrol acted when I had applied

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93 [in Georgia] and I was expecting pretty much the same thing. (Denver.) Two inquiries made of preemployment orientation to the police as a social role: "How did you feel about the police before you joined the force?"; "Since becoming a police officer have you changed your ideas about the police in any way?" Analysis of interviewees 1 responses to these questions revealed that preemployment attitudes toward the police role ranged from neutrality to suspicion to hostility. Officers identified from social profile data as having grown up in Denver, or in small comnuni ties in the midwest and in the south were the roost likely to recall having neutral attitudes toward the police. Those who grew up in larger, urban areas (irrespective of region or location) recall being suspicious and generally mistrustful. of the police. Officers who grew up in Detroit are the roost likely to relate dominant attitudes of hostility and intense mistrust of the police. ) Representative attitudes toward the police before entering the occupation are found in the following commentaries: I grew up in an all black connnuni ty. I didn't know much about the police. '!he sheriff came to our town once or twice a year and then only because he was invited . like on the Fourth of July or when the town changed its name . The first real contact I had with the police was when I applied for the job. (Detroit) I had some problems with one officer--a black officer-but I certain! y didn 1 t think every policeman was like him. In Mountgreen [Alabama] you didn 1 t see much of the police. It never occurred to me to ask why. (Detroit) I remember that I very much admired Constable Brown who lived next door to us. I thought for a long time--until

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94 I came to the States when I was about fourteen--that all policemen were black and all of them like the Constable. It didn't take long to find out I was wrong on both counts, but I never forgot him. (Detroit) I was pretty indifferent to them . kept out of their way tried not to get into stuff that would bring them running up to the "Hill" . Didri' t always succeed, but I tried because I knew they weren't likely to see our point of view. (Denver--grew up in large midwestern city) I would see .them flying down the streets. I didn't think they were pigs and I didn't see them as gods. My parents and my grandparents respected the police, so I respected them too . But I never thought that much about them one way or another. (Denver) In the Fifties rrost people respected the police. This was before the burgl.ary scandal and before the civil rights movement. When the black power movement and the Denver riots occurred I was in Vietnam and missed all of that, but I never had any problem with the police. (Denver) They woUld come into the "Projects" They seemed O.K. to me . I knew two of them--they recruited me, so to speak. (Denver) Other comnents, considerably less neutral, come from Detroit officers, particularly those who entered the occupation in the 1960s. I knew nothing good about the police. They were the enemy, no doubt about that. They were arrogant and brutal, dishonest and immoral and most would still be that way without the black corrmuni ty controlling them. I was a baby in my mother's anns when the '43 riot started. We were out at Belle Isle, 1 when we heard, and I grew up knowing what happened to black men, women and children that night. . the way the mobs pulled black women off of the streetcars and beat them--under the watchful eyes of Detroit's Finest. I didn't like them. Didn't respect them and sure wouldn't turn my back on one of them. Ever since Detroit was a fort, black blood has been periodically spilled by white mobs and right in the middle--whether

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95 we are talking about the riot of '26, 1932, 1943, or 1967-whi te cops have been the handmaidens of white mobs. I saw a white cop kill my cousin in 1953. Does that answer your question? The black cops were O.K. except for Turpin, and I never saw him been dead for years. As for the rest, it's hard to find one that doesn't stop being a human being when they get that gun. A majority of both groups of officers (77.5 per cent in Detroit and 60 per cent in Denver) state that their attitudes toward the police have not changed. That is, most of those who were either neutral, suspicious or hostile toward. the police retained those attitudes after they became members of the police force. Typical ccmnents of interviewees who have changed attitudes toward the police indicate that in every instance the attitude has become more negative since entering the occupation. Some of the comments of these officers are: The police department introduced me to Hell. If there is a Hell it was being. a black man in a white policedepartment in 1955. I never experienced growing up in Ford City, or in the Air Force or anywhere I ever traveled the kind of bigotry I found when I joined the police department. (Detroit) I knew the city was segregated. I knew that white cops were probably prejudiced like a lot of the teachers at Bishop School but I didn't know what real segregation or prejudice was until I became a policerran. (Detroit) I was naive about the police. I' 11 admit that . I was naive about what some of them are capable of doing to another human being, if that human being happens to be black. (Denver) I grew up in a segregated comrmmi ty, in the South, but I didn't know until I carne on this job the extent to which some whites hate and fear blacks. (Denver) My education in race relations has been almost all from the police department and none of it has been good. I have

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96 to ask myself why the whi 1;:e kids I grew up with--went to schools with--never became police officers. Maybe they knew something I didn't know. (Denver) Summary Data regarding interviewees' preemployment orientation to the police indicate that Denver officers are more likely to have been in law enforcement or related jobs before entering the police depa.rbnent; more likely than their Detroit counter-parts to have preferred police work to other occupations, as well as more likely to have held neutral attitudes to the social role of policemen. A significant percentage of interviewees in roth the cities report having preferred other, generally higher status occupations to that of policing. And, yet, all of them entered law enforcement. The second part of the questionriaire focused on issues of recruitment, officers' reasons for becoming policemen, and their initial socialization to the police occu-pation. Recruitrrent, and Reasons for becoming Policemen The period in which interviewees entered the occupation was found to be related to how they were recruited, their reasons for becoming police officers, and initial socialization to the occupation. Three broad periods of recruitment, spanning twentyeight years, were identified from social profile data and divided into three eras: 1952-1955; 1966-1975, and 1976-1980. Twenty per cent of the Detroit sample, and 1 0 per cent

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97 of the Denver sample entered the police department between 1952 and 1965. Seventy per cent of Detroit interviewees and 60 per cent of those in Denver entered during the second era--1966-1975. Ten per cent of Detroit interviewees and 30 per cent of Denver interviewees were hired between 1976-1980. Era I officers in both the cities report intiating inquiry to the police department or Civil Service Commission regarding police employment opportuni1:ies. Slightly more than 32 per cent of Detroit Era II officers, and 75 per cent of Denver officers entering the department between 1966 and 1976 (Era II} also report initiating inquiry for a police job. All of the Detroit officers employed between 1976-1980, and one of the six in. Denver appointed in this period report that they learned of job openings through fonnal police recruitment programs. Put somewhat differently, 42.5 per cent of Detroit interviewees and 80 .per cent of those in Denver can be said to have been self-recruited to their police jobs.2 Detroit and Denver officers who entered police work in the Era I period (1952-1965} emphasize job security and opportunity for advancement as the most important reasons for their becoming policemen. Detroit Era II interviewees ( ap:p::>inted between 1966-1975} tend to focus upon the social role aspects of policing, especially as that role affects the black community. Denver officers entering the department between 1966-1975 cite the content of the :p::>liceman' s job, plus the op:p::>rtunity for career advancement as the most important reasons for their

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98 becoming policemen. Era III. officers ( 1976-1980) in both the cities tend to emphasize the work of a police officer as the most important reason for entering the occupation. Era I officers describe their reasons for becoming policemen in these ways: I was I wanted to get married and I needed a job to do that . not just any job, but one where I could get ahead. My brother encouraged me to look into police work. I didn't know much about the job . didn't know any policemen, but I hadn't heard of policemen being fired or laid-off. I had no doubt that I would be hired. It just never occurred to me that I wouldn t get the job. I later found out that they [the police department] assumed from my picture that I was white, so I didn't have the kinds of problems other blacks were running into trying to get on the force . when I was discharged, I went into the academy, got married. But the nain reason was I wanted a steady job where I could advance. (Detroit--entered Department in 1953) When I got out of the service I worked at Chrysler for about a year. That paid O.K. and there were no lay-offs then. People were buying cars like there was no tomorrow. I was doing some of the things I had planned . putting a .. little on the side, but I figured I didn't want to work in. an auto plant for 30-40 years. My brother kept telling me to put in an application [police ernployrrent application]. It was a better. job, there was more opportunity in it than stamping motor plates, but I had to take a cut in salary. (Detroit--entered Department in 195 7) I had been in some kind of uniform rnost of my life . I had always been fascinated by police work but I was looking for job security. I took the test the first time in 1954, and blew it. But my father and a retired Denver police sergeant I was working with at the time kept after me to take the test again. so I took it a second time. I've never regretted it, but job security was the motivating factor. (Denver-entered the Department in 1956) In contrast to reasons given by Era I officers, interviewees entering police work between 1966-1975 have these comments: You won't believe this, but I joined the police department

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99 because I got tired of being on welfare. I was twenty-five years old, married and had three babies. I took every kind of civil service examination--Department of Public Works, the Post Office, DSR [public transportation] . there was always something wrong . I even tried to join the anned forces and they wouldn't take me because I had children Police. work was the last thing I wanted, but Mr. Jackson at the Michigan Employment Security System made an appointment for me to take the police test . I really resisted the idea because I didn't think Irn.lch of the police; how I had seen them behave; but Mr. Jackson convinced me that besides needing a job I had a better chance of changing the police . doing something for the black conununity, which was a lot better than being on welfare and my wife and babies doing without. (Detroit--entered Department in 1966) I was a security officer aboard a C-119 . that gave me time to think about the role the police play in American society . in keeping the black man down. It seems like a simple idea now, but when I was twenty-two [or] twentythree, it was a new idea. So, when I was discharged in '70, I made straight for the Detroit Police Department even though I never liked being an AP [Air Police] and didn't expect I would Irn.lch like being a policeman . I don't want to come off sounding noble or anything, but sometimes a mari' s got to do what he's got to do. (Detroit-entered the Department in 1970) I grew up in this city and one day I took a good look at what was going down--here and everywhere else . I could see that when the police weren't letting drugs and crime run rampant .in the black community they were killing black people and setting dogs on them. we heard about this all the way in Nam, but the worst part was that while I was in Nam my younger brother o. d. 'ed [drug overdose] on shit the police let into the black conmuni ty while they ran around shooting black people . I came here an angry man, and I never want to stop being angry, but I've sure stopped a few white bigots from shooting little black kids, and I've put away a few "pushers." (Detroit--entered the Department in 1972) I had been stationed at Carson [Fort Carson, Colorado] My wife and I liked Colorado, so when I was discharged we came back here. My brother was on the force in and it didn't seem like a bad job . nothing I couldn't handle, so I applied. (Denver--entered the Department in 1968)

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100 When I got discharged I went back heme and it seernro that everybody I knew was either in jail or on their way to jail, and I knew that if I stayed there, I 1 d end up the same way. Denver seemed to offer more opportunity. When I moved here I worked at three other jobs but I wasn 1 t getting anywhere . so I decided to' join the police department. (Denver-entered Department in 1970) Era III officers in both cities are more likely than Era I or Era II officers to emphasize the nature of police work rather than either econanic or social factors in their expla-nations of reasons for joining the department. Some of this groups 1 cormnents are: I have always been interested in police work--it 1 s simple as that. (Denver) I had two friends who were police officers. They were always telling me it was a good job and I was a little burnt out where I was, working with juveniles and never seeming. to make any headway with them .. I joined because I thought that at least in police work I could see some result. s of my efforts. (Denver) I always wanted to be a cop. For me the work is the main reason I wanted the job. I let the fools worry about that other stuff So when I got the chance I took it. (Denver) I never thought all that Im.lCh about the pay . sometimes I forget exactly what my "take home" is . I wanted the job, not to save the world but because it 1 s something I enjoy and something I 1m good at. (Detroit) The study inquired how interviewees learned about police department job openings. In every instance officers in both the cities, entering the police department before 1966, obtained information about police employment by telephoning or visiting the police department or Civil Service Commission. Those appointed to the force after 1966 are more likely to have learned of job openings from media announcements, a friend, a police officer

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1 01 or a former :police officer, and through formal :police recruitment programs. Data also suggest that :police recruitment programs conducted on military installations were effective, especially among Detroit officers; in providing information about jobs in :policing. Civil Service announcements seemed not to have been particularly effective at reaching :potential black :police applicants. Sixty per cent of Detroit and 65 per cent of those in the Denver sample emphasize that a relative or friend encouraged them (often persistently) to enter :police work. Occupational Socialization While the. :police occupation socialization process is thought to begin before application for a job in the police department, for the black :police recruit the process most frequently begins at the point of application, continuing throughout th\= selection process, the :police academy experience, and the first assigrunent as a probationary :police officer. Not only is this period of occupational socialization im:portant to retention of the black officer, but it may also crystalize overall attitudes toward the value of police employment in terms of both a job and a career. Interviewees were therefore queried concerning early socialization to :police work. The first question on this factor was: "How long did it take from the time you first applied until you were hired?" For Detroit interviewees the average length of time from application to appointment

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102 was nine m:>nths; for Denver interviewees the average was six m:>nths. A second question was, "Did you encounter any problems in obtaining the job?" In response to this question, only 15 per cent .of Detroit officers, and 10 per cent of Denver officers replied, "Yes." Among the sma.ll percentage who encountered problems, m:>st report that the difficulty grew out of the appli-cant background investigation and usually involved financial problems. The m:>st ccmnon kind of "financial problem" involved unpaid traffic fines and past-due installment loan payments. Two of the Detroit officers, however, stating that they encoun-tered problems when applying, identify other problems. The first officer relates that when he applied for a job in 1973, he was rejected because of accusations of drug abuse. The second officer reports that his application (first made in 1969) was rejected by the Detroit Civil Service Conmission because of the height requirement. Both officers report that their problems were resolved by the intervention of the Detroit mayor 1 s office, in 197 4. These two officers recount their experiences in this manner: They said that I was not "sui table" to the department because of, and I 1 rn quoting, "your extensive involvement in drug trafficking. When they got finished I sounded like the biggest dope peddler in Detroit. I lmew it wasn1 t true and I could have marched a hundred people in here who would have sworn on a stack of Bibles that it wasn 1 t true. I called the minister at my m:>ther 1 s church and he wrote a letter--no dice. Then I contacted the NAACP. They had heard of other cases like mine and they were going to take it up. But something better happened! Black people voted in

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103 COleman Young and we went down to his office. We met with him and he asked only one question, "Is it true or not?" If my life had depenqed on it I couldn't have lied to him. Anyway I said, "No," and he said "Go home and get your stuff together. I was in the next class. About every three rronths I would put in an application. I was hearing about how the Detroit police were trying to .recruit black officers and they qould plainly see from the picture you had to submit that I was black. But they kept rejecting the applications. Sometimes I would get a notice from the Civil Service that they could not accept the application because of my height--more often they would just put it in the wastebasket . I would read in the papers the kinds of things some people would do. to themselves--mutilations and things--to appear taller. One man was hitting himSelf on the head or some foolishness like that. I wasn't into wanting the job that bad and I could see what was coming down in Detroit . I could see that they [the department] would have to give up that tired excuse about height . When Coleman was elected I called and explained to an aide about how many times I had applied. By this time I was over the age tired excuse-but he [the aide] set up the test for the next week. I passed. After having applied for five years, I was appointed and in the academy within three weeks. A second and third question relative to officers' early socialization were: "How long were you in the academy?" and "How would you describe your academy experience?" For officers in both Detroit and Denver, appointed before 1966, the average length of time in the academy was six weeks and for those appointed after 1966 the average time was fifteen weeks. In response to the question on satisfaction with the academy experience, 70 per cent of Detroit interviewees and 40 per cent of those in Denver describe the experience as "satis-factory. Twenty per cent of Detroit. officers and 45 per cent in Denver rate the experience as unsatisfactory, while 1 0 per cent in Detroit and 15 per cent in Denver describe it as "very

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104 unsatisfactory. None of the interviewees said "very sa tis-factory." Same of the comments of interviewees who said the exper-ience was satisfactory are: It wasn't as difficult as I thought it would be. I expected it to be like boot camp, but it was nothing like that. (Detroit) I made two very good friends while in the academy so I consider that important. (Detroit) I didn't have any problems so I guess it was satisfactory. (Detroit) I felt I learned something I would not have otherwise learned It was O.K. (Detroit) A lot like the anny' s training, a lot of wasted time but I didn't expect to get a whole lot out of it anyway. (Detroit) They would bring in some pretty interesting speakers. I appreciated that. (Denver) It' s a lot better now than when I was there, but over the years I've came to realize that in police departments [it] is more often than not a case of the blind leading the blind. But I suppose the training that we got was in some ways useful . I'm still here. (Denver) Some corrunents describing the experience as either unsatisfactory or very unsatisfactory are: In those days [ 1952-1953] the academy was used to get rid of Blacks. That wasn't supposed to be its function but that's the way it was used. (Detroit) Instructors were very unprofessional. Had a lot of racists teaching. The white boys ate up the war stories, for black officers it was a waste of time. It's improved 100 per cent since Hart took over, but when I was there, it was pitiful. (Detroit) It [training] was not extensive enough. They put emphasis on all the wrong things. (Denver) There were no black insb;uctors and even though they have

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105 [had] a Black running the academy it leaves a lot to be desired. It especially needs more black instructors--for a start. (Denver) A lot of pressure is put on black officers in the academy-more than on white. officers--! was the only Black in my academy class and I know I was being watched more than they were watching white officers. (Denver) It's fair, I guess, but they need a different set-up, and more black instructors, before it's satisfactory. (Denver) The initial, early occupational socialization of the black police officer continues during the officer's first assign-ment as a probationary officer, and data obtained in this study suggest that the probation period may be critical in inculcating later attitudes toward co-workers, supervisors, administrators and pc)lice department clientele. Interviewees were asked to identify and discuss their first assignments after leaving the police recruit training academy, and about relationships with co-workers in the first assignment. One hundred per cent of both groups of officers appointed between 1952 and 1965 recall that their first assignment was in a predominately or exclusively black neighborhood. These Era I officers in both the cities further relate that they were assigned to work either alone or with another black officer. They were not pennitted, they state, to work in predominately white neighborhoods. of the city, nor were they ever assigned to work with a white officer. Officers joining the departments between 1966-1975 also report that their first assignments were in predominately or exclusively black areas, and recall that they were usually assigned to work without a partner. Detroit interviewees appointed

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106 after 1975 state that they were assigned to racially diverse precincts and were as likely to be assigned to work with an experienced white officer as they were to be assigned to work with a veteran black officer. Four of the six Denver officers in the study, appointed after 1975, recall that their first was to predaminatel y black neighborhoods, urider the tutelage of a field training officer, who was in every case a white officer because as these officers explain: "There are no black Fros [field-training officer]." In response to the question, "How did you get along with co-workers in your first assignment?" Denver officers are more likely than their Detroit counterparts to say, "got along very well, or "well enough. But it is the comments of Denver which best relate relationships with co-workers during the probationary pericx:l: We [black officers] had very little contact with whites-very few lived on the "Points" . you only worked with another black officer when you weren't working alone. So what you learned about the job, about how to conduct yourself, how to approach supervisors, came from the more experienced black officer. I guess they weren't educated men by tcx:lay' s standards but they had a certain of class, a way of handling things that you don't find anymore. But I got along with everyone . had to . I always get along with people, regardless of who or what their thing is. I'm a loner, so what other people say or think does not affect me. I always got along just fine with everybody because I stayed away from them. I get alonq with everybody as long as they want to get along with me. I never told jokes and I never listened to jokes, but if I caught one of them wrong I told him so.

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107 I believe in live and let live. Some of the white officers have problems, period. I never thought, and still don't think, I can change that, so I let them alone. Detroit interviewees who entered the department in the late to mid-1960s are the most likely group to recall difficulties in their _relationship with co-workers during the first duty assignment. Some of this groups' conrnents are: They didn't talk to you and if they were talking and you came into the room everybody would get very silent. Their attitudes were . very cold . very rude . not all of them felt animosity toward us, but all of them would cave in to that peer pressure. One or two of them were "sleeping black" but you couldn't tell it by their attitude toward Blacks on the job . never bothered me or any other black officer. We accepted it for what it was worth . we considered the source. They didn't want us here. They would act like you were invisible. I guess they didn't like having to acknowledge that a Black was wearing a badge same as they were and was usually better at the job. But other than ignore you, pretend you weren't there, there was nothing they could do about it. I didn't like the way they treated black people; when they would bring them into the station house they would treat them like animals, like a piece of shit you picked up on your shoe. I couldn't let that pass. Every time it was a dead dog the sergeant would send me to pick it up. That would get a big laugh out of the white boys. By the time I started on the job [ 1966-1975] they were assigning white and Blacks together in all black p.eighbor hoods and it might have worked out just fine if my white partner had known how to keep his sexual fantasies to himself. He had this hangup about black women, but without any kind of respect. Used to ride around describing them as Negresses-you know, like in tigress and other ways that can't be printed. When I had had enough we got it on. I drew five days--he got nothing. Interviewees' discussions of their first assignments

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108 provide additional insights of their early occupational socialization. Detroit officers state: My first assignment was to the Jefferson Projects.3 I worked alone. I would have just arout frozen to death that first year or been killed if it had not been for the people in the projects. They knew exactly what was supposed to happen to me . the way the department planned it I wasn't supposed to make it through the winter, but they kept me wann, "pulled my coat" to things. Some of the older black officers would try to sneak over to Jefferson to see how I was doing but I was pretty isolated from them, and when something went down it was me and whoever. I grew up on the west side--thought I was a pretty tough dude, 'but my first assignment was walking alone on Adams-the old "Black Bottom," and I was scared to death. I had been in the 1 0 1st Airborne, but nothing prepared me for that experience I had on Adams Street . The older black officers took me under their wing and somehow we survived. Denver officers indicate a different aspect of the process by saying: They really watch you--especially the first year. They would be whispering arout Blacks ccming on the job as "lowering the standards." Never said it to my face but I knew they were saying it to each other. That doesn't do a whole lot for your confidence-level . and most of what I learned arout the job, I learned on my own. It was a kind of lonely experience. That's what I remember most. You learn to survive on your own. Role of Family and Friends and the Police in the Socialization Process Black police officers' attitudes toward police work may also be influenced by the attitudes of family and friends, and the study attempted to identify the role of those with whom the officers are in close personal contact during the early socialization period. Two questions were posed: "How did

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109 your family feel about your joining the police force?", and "Did you lose any friends when you first became a police officer?" Interviewees' responses to the first question indicate that the attitudes of the officers' families were generally positive, and answers to the second question reveal that none of the officers perceives his police employment as having posed a threat to friendships existing before he became a police officer. Some of the comments of Detroit officers stating that their family was "very proud" are: My father spent his whole life working construction. But what people usually don't know is that black construction workers are the first to be let go when work is slow or the weather turns bad . and the unions are in on that. So, he never wanted that for me, and police work was an improvement. My mbm is very proud . She worries and I've come to accept the fact that mothers are going to worry no matter what you do. But you can see the pride there . I'm not dead, I'm not in a mental institution, and I'm not in jail. My morn and aunts like to think that's due to my being a cop . but for whatever reason they are proud, and that makes me feel good. There are two of us now on the force. Too bad they don't give out those flags they used to give for having sons in the service because my mother would have one blown up and put in the window. My father was blind--so he never saw me in the uniform, but thE:+e he would be outside the "projects" describing how I looked in the blues . just like he could see it. Denver officers who also report that their families felt proud about their having joined the police force have this to say: My mother worried when my brother joined so by the time I did she had sort of accepted it . my folks knew it was a big improvement over sharecropping. Comments of the 20 per cent of Detroit officers and

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110 15 :per cent of Denver officers who answered "didn't care one way or another" are: We didn't discuss it, but I've been on my own a long while so I don't think it was a big concern to anybody in my family. Most of them thought I would be in Jackson [state prison] by now, anyway! (Detroit) Nobody knew about it for a couple of years . When they found out, nobody comnented . sure didn't throw a party (Denver) A few of the corrments of those selecting "don't know" are: It never has come up. (Detroit) I never asked. (Detroit) can't_ really say I'd be second guessing. (Denver) And some of the comnents of those stating "disappointed," are: My sister has a real hangup about the police . although I don't think she's met a single one :personally . She was always the radical, used to go on Freedom Rides and she about "blew" when she heard . after a while we stopped talking about it. (Detroit) Considering the history of the Detroit Police, it was hard for them to accept . . I don't think they hcive changed their opinion that much, but I guess they ho:pe I'm different. (Detroit) My wife never really accepted it . she still doesn't. (Detroit). My father expected all of us to go into something big time . to do the things he couldn't do . policing wasn't one of them. (Denver) They [family] thought I'd do something else . you know, something that called for a three-piece suit . I think they were more surprised, though, than disappointed. (Denver) One hundred per cent of interviewees state that they did not lose friends when they first became a police officer. Both groups' amplification of answers to that question are represented by the statements:

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111 I've had the same two friends since I was in second grade . It would take something more than where I work to end that friendship. (Detroit) I mean no offense but I detect a little racism in that question. It seems to me that the implication is that all black people are criminals so we would have to pull away from everylxxly in order to stay on the job. (Detroit) People who were my friends before are still my friends. (Denver) I didn't know rrany people in Denver when I started on the job. (Denver) A final probe in the area of socialization of black officers was made when interviewees were asked: "Has being a police officer affected your attitudes about life?" Nearly 68 per cent of Detroit interviewees and a full 60 per cent in Denver replied, "Yes." Some of their answers are: I think the job made me more aware of things, more attuned to people than I would have otherwise been more attuned even to myself. . what's my part in things . more aware of situations going on around me. (Detroit) There's a temptation to get very narrow, to see things only from one side, to get content. to go to work, come home, go to work. I've really had to fight that. (Detroit) I'm more compassionate as a result of the job . I could have gotten very hard, very uncaring--but compassion is the real dividing line between black and white cops. It's hard to hold on to, that's for sure, but it's not impossible. (Detroit) I'm a lot more aware__ of black people' s situations . I know we all think we know the situation because we are affected, but my becoming a policeman let me see the situation better. (Denver) I work alone--2 A.M.-10 A.M. That makes a person very reflective, you don't take as much for granted. (Denver) I've come to realize that black police officers are in a leadership position. That's not something we sought. It

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112 just is. Whether we like it or not that's a burden sometimes but it's a fact. (Denver) It's changed my attitudes about whites to a great extent . growing up in Denver, black kids are pretty protected . We heard about court cases to integrate the schools, But we didn't know Irnlch about not being integrated, I mean that didn't have a lot of meaning in our lives. You would even hear the older people talking about not being able to buy a house on the east side of Colorado Boulevard-but what did that mean? We felt good about where we did live . The Black Panthers were just somebody you saw sort of standing around, the Muslims were kind of crazy but none of this meant anything until I became a cop. Yes, the .experience opened my eyes to a lot of things. I saw the campeti tion, the envy whites have for each other and for the black man . and what all the yelling in the 60s was about. (Denver) Some of the conunents of officers .answering, "No," (becom-ing a police officer had not changed their attituqe toward life) are: For better. or for worse my attitudes were pretty set when I started. I grew up pretty Irnlch on the streets and to get along I had to learn to give and take. I still see things that way. (Detroit) I knew who I was when I joined the department. I feel I'm basically the same person. What was important to me then is important to me now and I didn't get that from my job. (Denver) Organizational Climate Part III of the questionnaire focused upon interviewees'. attitudes toward eleven organizational climate variables. Interviewees were asked about job satisfaction, assignments, disciplinary practices, the promotion process, and. opportunities for upward mobility in the organization. Additionally, inter-viewees were queried about their assessment of supervisor and

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113 administrator effectiveness, relationships with co-workers and with the public; attitudes toward police unions and the black police officer associations, as well as attitudes toward the role of appointed and elected public officials who this researcher believes can influence the overall organizational climate of the police department. A premise of the study is that these variables of organizational climate may affect black officers' expectations for a career while influencing the organizational context in which a career can exist. Findings ori each of these variables are reported in detail in the following section of this paper. Job Satisfaction Interviewees were asked thirteen questions relative to overall job satisfaction. Data findings from these questions are presented in Tables 3 through 11 Data on job satisfaction reveal that Detroit and Denver officers. have very similar attitudes toward their jobs, and attitudes toward twelve of thirteen job satisfaction variables; they differ significantly only on what they consider the "worst aspects" of their jobs. On this point Detroit interviewees tend, on the whole, to point out the discipline system as the "worst aspect, while Denver interviewees selected several factors including discipline practices, assignment policies, opportunities for promotion, leadership and supervisor effectiveness as the "worst aspects." Although both groups identify elsewhere in the study their

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114 concern about perfonnance evaluation practices, neither group state that this is the worst aspect of their employment. In discussions of the most satisfactory features of their work both groups frequently mention "helping my people," "rendering a service," and "acting as a buffer" between the police force and the black comnunity. I::>etroit interviewees' responses to questions of job satisfaction reveal, however, a deep concern about continued black control of the police department in that city. This concern is expressed in the following commentaries: Every day I am very much aware that I'm not just making a living. My being here is a way of insuring my survival as a black man and the survival of other black people. I don't think it's just coincidence that there were almost no Jews in the Gennan police forces in 1939. Had Jews controlled the police, what happened could not have happened. Make no mistake about it, our position as Blacks in Detroit in 1965 was very much like that of the Jews in Europe in the 1930s. I've read about the pogroms in Gennanl and Poland and thought, My God, here we have [had] STRESS -same thing, an officially sanctioned organization for the systematic elimination of young black rrales. In 24 months, STRESS killed 22 black men and wounded a lot of others. One of them could have been me or one of my sons. And this badge is no protection--look at what happened to Jesse Ray. 5 The protection comes fr6m control of the police department by black people There was a time when black people didn't run anything in Detre>i t. We had no control of anything and it showed in our inability to control police behavior toward Blacks. They [the police 1 could insult our women and kill our kids . I don't get asked my opinion about how to run the police department, but I can stop a white cop from insulting a black woman or beating a black kid to death, and I can't think of a better reason for being on this job. That' s what' s important to me. Would Algiers 6 have occurred if black folks had controlled the police? I doubt it . But if we ever walk away from the job, give up the control

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115 the police establishment has not changed, has not seen some great blinding truth ... attitudes do not change. What's changed in Detroit is that black men control what the police can and cannot do. But remove that control tomorrow and it's 19437 all over again. There were rrany days I thought seriously about quitting, but each time I carne close something would happen, some incident in which a black person's life was threatened by a white officer's behavior, and I knoW if I had not been there, had not been able to exercise control of the officer, control of the situation, that a black life would have been lost. I finally got the "You're here because it's i.mporant. You're here for a reason." I'm contented for the first in a long time, but I worry about the young officers. I don't think they know what it was like before Blacks controlled this department. There were streets which we, as black men, could not cross. 8 I worry that if this thing gets turned around it will be the same. I don't know if they know how important it is for one of them to be capable of taking over Hart's job, to assume control . Denver officers' answers to the question about features of their work that they find nost satisfying also emphasize the impact of their roles as black policemen on the black commun-ity. Some of their cormnents are: I feel I make a difference in how black people are treated. There aren't enough of us to have the kind of effect we need to have, but still we [black police officers] can make a difference . If there' s an arrest and I'm there, white officers are going to be more careful, nore legal. I understand black peOple's problems a whole lot better than the white cop does, and understanding means you are not going to be one hundred per cent impartial, but you are going to use your police authority so that it doesn't add to the problems black people already have. I like to use my discretion--police discretion--tC? try to help my people, not to harm them. That's not always possible because there are some people you can't help no matter what. But most of the time you can use that discretion so that black people can get some benefit from it. The officers were also asked: "What kinds of things

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116 bother you most about your work?" In responding to this question Detroit interviewees present two overarching concerns: the extent of drug abuse in the Detroit black cormnunity and "attitudes" of younger black officers (i.e., officers appointed after 1976). Sane of their statements of concerns are: It bothers me that we are losing so many of our young cousins to drugs. It 1 s like so many of them are. hell-bent on selfdestruction . You cut off one source and another one takes its place. You go into the schools talk to the kids . you try to let them know you 1 re on their side . In third and fourth grade they 1 re bright, eager, listening. You can see all that intelligence, that understanding . you see these same kids four, five years later and you know they 1 re on the shit, maybe already dealing . you even start to look at your own children with the long eye because there 1 s no guarantee that any one of them is safe. The black cop can 1 t shrug this off--go horne to the suburbs and forget about it. Sometimes I would like to but it 1 s not possible ... The attitudes of some of the young black officers bothers me quite a bit . I worry that they are going to end up on the bOttom of the heap. They are. not mentally, emotionally or psychologically disciplined . They have never been denied anything . they have been protected .and insulated from prejudice and Jim Crow It has all came so easy for them and they have become "Negroes." They want to party from sundown to sunup. They do not know their history as black people. They do not have the keen survival. instincts that we had . they are not survivors, they are partygoers and that bothers me because so many of them start to let this attitude affect their jobs. Denver officers also identify two primary concerns about their work: the inadequate number of black officers on the force and the lack of opportunity black officers have for advancement in the Denver department. The following statements are representative: 13eyond the lack of black participation in management [of the police department] the number one problem that we have

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117 is that there has been almost no change in the number of Blacks entering the deparbnent. When I started ten years ago there were sixty-five black officers, today there's about ninety--thirty in ten years. In the last recruit class there weren't any Blacks. That says something about where the department is heading. I have to be concerned about that because so many other things depend on it. Racism on the job bothers me. Not for some pie-in-thesky reason but because it prevents black officers from advancing--we don't get the better assignments, our work loads are heavier because about half of all of us are in District X and we aren't being promoted. In fact, I can see that we are being picked off one by one. last week they filed on captain Morton's son--so you know he' s "gone. 11 Before that they got to John Dernpey. Indicted him for raping a prostitute. They pretty much leave the black policewomen alone, but when they have gotten rid of the rest of us, I expect they will go after them too. The older officers have .'lived with this for twenty years, so they think things have gotten better and they can't see why some of us are enraged. But I didn't create this department. I didn't bring in the racism, I found it that way, and there's not a danm thing any one of us can do about it. Attitudes Toward Departmental Disciplinary Practices careful questioning of interviewees regarding their attitudes toward departmental disciplinary practices reveals that a majority of officers in both Detroit and Denver are convinced that double standards of discipline based upon factors of race and or color prevail within the police department .. In response to the question: 11How would you describe disciplinary practices in your department for black police officers?" Sixty per cent of Detroit interviewees and 75 per cent of Denver interviewees answered, "Different than for. white officers." 'IWelve and one-half per cent in Detroit and 10 per cent of Denver officers replied that discipline practices are

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118 the "same, while 27. 5 per cent Detroit interviewees and 15 per cent of the Denver sample report that disciplinary practices "depend upon the situation," (see Table 12). Detroit officers stating that differential discipline practices prevail in the Detroit police deparbnent had the following comments: Black officers are still watched more closely than the whites are. White supervisors would like to get something on the black officers as a way of controlling us and ultimately getting rid of as many of us as possible ... that's the way they've always been able to play it They have been taught that Blacks are just naturally in. the wrong--that Blacks are lazy, stupid, dishonest and criminal But beyond this is the poii tical thing or call it economic competition. We are in. competition with whites for police jobs as much as for other things in the city . When discipline was entirely controlled by whites-without the least accountability to the black cormruni ty, _the black cop was just so much black meat to be ground up in the system--it gave whites an economic edge. The black community would yell for more black cops, burn down a few buildings, the police department would hire one or two more, but for every one Black hired two were fired, or as they said "dismissed. or resigned under charges." That's changed; fewer Blacks are forced to resign or dismissed. But still the race discrimination exists because white supervisors' attitudes have not changed; they are just slicker than they use to be . have to be slicker now! There' re two systems whether you are dealing with a black or white supervisor . I've had both and I can't see the difference when it comes to discipline . If anything the black supervisor is worse But you have to try to figure out this thing, if it's going to change We always knew where the white supervisor was coming from, but black supervisors getting into that thing was a surprise ... The Guardians [black officers' association] are working on this . we've been in contact with some people from Wayne [Wayne State University] trying to get answers so that we can approach this as a management problem rather than from a purely emotional standpoint. A couple of things we've learned is that black supervisors are afraid of being accused of favoritism toward black officers, so they go overboard. Some of them are also afraid of authority-never had a chance to learn how to use it and when not to use it. As it was what they learned was from observing white supervisors who are "sorry" to begin with.

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119 A legacy of political colonialism is that even after the colonists have left . lost control . traces of it [colonialism] survives in the mentality of those who were colonized . that's a problem . it's a natter of reeducation. I think black supervisors are beginning to understand this. You need to remember that most of the white supervisors now on the job are people the department brought up here from Alabama and Kentucky in the 50s and 60s, and they found fertile ground in the department about how to treat Blacks as "niggers. They are being weeded out--they can be controlled, but not changed. Denver officers stating that discipline in their department is different for white and black officers, make these observations: You don't stop being black because you put on the uniform If Blacks are treated worse outside the department than whites--and they are--then you can't expect that Blacks aren't going to be treated worse inside the department-and we are. Charges will be brought quicker against black officers than against whites . I've seen this done. The white officer will be charged one day for some complaint . the black officer pulls four or five days for the same thing. There's definitely a They will file a lot quicker on a black than a white officer. For example, there was an incident of a white and a black cop both holding their wives and families as hostages. The white cop was sent to a psychologist, the black cop was fired . I wanted to file a lawsuit on it, but the other black officers backed down. Some people say it's because the white officer was a sergeant and the black cop wasn't. All I know is that they were treated differently. They didn't want us here in the first place, so they use disciplinary action to get you off the job . to prove they were right in the first place . I've seen quite a few black officers play right into their hands getting involved in unnecessary stuff. Racism is alive and well in the Denver Police Department and wherever you find racism you're going to find different discipline for B.lacks and whites . I saw it in the army and I see it here.

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120 It's [discipline] different, and that's the hardest thing to accept about the job. Detroit officers stating that discipline practices are the same for white and black officers offered these kinds of insights: Yes, it's the same, now. Before, black supervisors were expected to defer. to white officers ... Inspector Walker, when he was a lieutenant, had to go to court to establish the right for black supervisors applying the same discipline to whites as to Blacks Seems we have to go to court for everything ... Now it's the same because the chief and the Board [Board of Police Oommissioners] will came down hard on a supervisor caught singling out black or Spanish officers for complaints. And a comment of one Denver officer describing discipline as the "same" is: It's the same if the complaint is the same and the white and black officers were together at the time, because that tells them that the black cop already thinks the same as whites and that's what they are aiming for with discipline-to make you think and act white. In Detroit, officers stating discipline "depends on the situation" explain their perceptions this way: If it's something piddling it's different, but if it's a serious charge the treatment will be the same because serious charges have to be reviewed by the chief and the Board [Board of Police Commissioners] Once a charge gets that far, Hart's going to see to it that it's resolved fairly. That keeps down allegations. Depends on the commander. For example the commander in the Twelfth knows what she's doing and she's going to insist that everybody gets a fair shake--even if you're orange. Denver officers who also selected "depends" as the descriptor of their perceptions of discipline practices qualified their answers in this way: Depends on who and what is involved. If it's something

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121 dealing with excessive force then they are going to be just as supportive of Blacks as of whites. Otherwise it 1 s different. Depends on the color. Very light-skinned Blacks are treated nearly the same; very dark Blacks are treated very different, both get treated different than the white and Chicano officers. The Chicano officers are treated worse than white officers, but better than the Blacks. Color determines which way it will go. You see, we 1 ve got three systems going--maybe four. if you consider that supervisors are never disciplined no matter what they do. Attitudes Toward Performance Evaluation Practices The study also attempted to determine the relationship of black officer attitudes toward evaluation practices and cormni tment to a career. In response to the question: "How would you describe performance evaluation practices for black officers?", 42.5 per cent of Detroit interviewees and 25 per cent of Denver interviewees describe practices as either "fair" I or "somewhat fair." A majority of both groups, however, assess performance evaluations as unfair, and 5 per cent of bOth Detroit and Denver in-t::erviewees say that practices are "very unfair. None of the officers rate evaluation practices as "very fair" ( see Table 13 ) Detroit officers assessing performance evaluations as "unfair" amplify their answers in this manner: White supervisors tend to see white officers in a better light. They tend to be more prone to see the black officer in a lesser light. Black supervisors are usually fairer, but can get hung up in the same things. The problem is with the document used to evaluate officers the standards were set up for white officers by whites. Black officers have a different approach to policing that

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122 is not reflected by the evaluation. I don't mean that we rewrite the rules and we sure don't change the laws, but I'm not going to be as quick as a white cop to make an arrest when I know that the arrest isn't going to help the situation. Now this might get looked at by a white supervisor as not exercising initiative even though the action I took is, in the long run, a lot more constructive, maybe even creative. There's too much emphasis on attitude and not enough on performance. Even same of our black sergeants and lieutenants expect black officers to adopt white, middle-class attitudes. The young officers we have now just aren't going to do that, so same of them get a reputation for having a bad attitude . not caring. Denver officers describing evaluation practices as "unfair" provide similar criticisms: The criteria is [sic] all wrong. It's definitely wrong when it comes to the black officer. A poor performance rating can hurt on the nl.llilber of J;X>ints an officer gets toward promotion. Supervisors know this, so they tend to stay in a lower range when they are evaluating a black officer. Detroit and Denver interviewees who describe officer evaluation performance as fair or fair are most likely to be assigned to or other special units. Thirteen of the 17 Detroit officers and four of the five Denver officers who rate evaluation practices as "fair" or "somewhat fair" are assigned to non-patrol duties. Some of their corrnnents are: It' s as fair as something like that can be. I don't have a problem with the evaluations ... My supervisor tries to be fair. I can't ask for more than that. I feel that it pretty well states my abilities, not perfectly, but it's O.K. And Denver officers saying "fair" or "somewhat fair" amplify answers by stating:

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123 That's not something I give a lot of thought to. It's almost a game, but I guess I would say "fair." I don't think my supervisor is trying to be unfair when he evaluates. But the criteria are faulty. So he doesn't have much to work with. In that sense evaluations are fair because white.officers get rated the same as black officers. Statements of officers saying "very unfair" tend to emphasize inadequacy of supervision. As one of the two Detroit officers selecting "very unfair" as a description of evaluation practices puts it: It's been my experience that a great many supervisors don't know how to make evaluations of patrolmen. They become too personal and evaluate personalities instead of mance. And the Denver officers saying that evaluation practices are "very unfair" had this to say: The evaluation more accurately reflects poor management than poor performance. But it's the individual officer, not the supervisor, who's being evaluated. That makes the whole thing illegitimate as far as I'm concerned. Attitudes Toward Supervisor and Administrator Leadership Effectiveness The study also examined interviewees' attitudes toward supervisor and administrator leadership, as two additional factors of organization climate that may have bearing on the black police officer's commitment to a law enforcement career. In response to the question, "How would you describe the leader-ship effectiveness of your .imnediate supervisor?" 55 per cent of Detroit interviewees selected "poor" as a description; 27.5 per cent described the supervisor's leadership as "good," and 17. 5 per cent stated that supervisor leadership is excellent.

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124 Denver officers assess supervisor leadership in a similar way. Sixty per cent assess it as "poor," 25 per cent selected "good" and 15 per cent rated supervisor leadership as "excellent" (Table 14). Officers in both groups who rate inmediate supervisor effectiveness as either good or excellent tend to evaluate such effectiveness in tenns of the degree of autonomy the supervisor permits to the officers in their work roles, the supervisor's fairness when dealing with employees, and training opportunities provided to officers by the supervisor. Some of the typical comments of Detroit interviewees assessing supervisor effec-tiveness as either good or excellent are: lets you plan your work. Doesn't interfere with how you run your post Treats everybody the same Tries to be fair . . . plans very good training sessions. And Denver officers had these kinds of comments: Sets up training that I look forward to leaves me alone . Seems to be fair . Detroit officers rating supervisor leadership effectiveness as poor explain their reasons in this way: My supervisor is always into crying to get the black and white cops to fighting with each other. He does a lot of sneaky things that will make it appear that the white cop is getting over, where the black cops aren't Likes to keep things stirred up, to cover the fact that he' s

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125 a very poor supervisor, and I suppose, to vindicate his mentality that no way can whites and blacks ever' work together. The nan is a .holdover from 1912--can' t change--doesn't want to change . Hates being with "Niggers, hates the fact that one's his boss, and there's not a damn thing he can do about I have as little to do with him as possible. Same of the statements of Denver officers describing supervisor leadership as "poor" are: . too much into game playing on politics than supervision . Spends more time My supervisor is ah inherently unfair person. I know this and so do most of the white cops who use it to their advantage. The supervisors on this job just don't seem to know how to relate to people. . spends most of his time trying to get something on black cops in the district. I don't like the way he permits white officers to treat Blacks in the district. I know nothing good about the man, considered one of the department's 'fair although he's haired boys. Similarly, interviewees were asked about their perception of department adrninistrati ve leadership effectiveness: "How would you describe the administrative leadership effectiveness of the police chief?" Forty per cent of Detroit interviewees rate police chief administrative leadership as excellent and 60. per cent rate it as "good," none of them selected "poor" as a description. In Denver, ten per cent of interviewees rate police chief administrative leadership effectiveness as "good" and an overwhelming 90 per cent described it as poor9 (Table 15)

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126 Some of the reasons given by Detroit officers for their viewpoints on this factor of organizational climate are: Chief Hart is doing an excellent job, assignments are fairer and there's more chance for promotion . officers have access to the chie{'s office Everybody likes to say that his door is open but with Hart it's true . remembers from whence he came. The chief 's been in the trenches--been in the 11black cars 11 It's ironic but he almost didn't get hired . they said he had tuberculosis He's gone a long way toward professionalizing the department. He' s a strong leader . a good rran. for the job . He was one of the founders of the Detroit Guardians and we are proud of that . he knows the history of this department; knows the problems of the black officer and he never backs off as far as I can tell from doing what' s right. I've heard the stories about what it was like for the black officers on the job in the 50s and 60s and I have to admire anybody that survived that shit with his soul intact. There were days I didn't want to come to work . lots of them . that's how ruch hell existed in the department Hart battled it out . changed most of it. Corrments of Denver officers saying that administrative leadership of the police chief is "good11 are: He believes in backing up his command officers . even if they are wrong . which they usually are. 1 0 I think he's tried to make the department better, to hire more black officers . even if this hasn't been successful. Denver officers rating the police chief's administrative leader-ship as "poor" amplify their answers this way: He's surrounded himself with some very inept, prejudiced administrators and he is easily influenced by them instead of the other way around. I don't say that the man is evil, but I do say that he is

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/ 127 unaware of a lot of what goes on in the department, which is totally out of control, from the top down. They came down hard on officers for small things, but ignore more serious things that people are involved in. I hold the chief responsible for the way some of the district captains run their districts and I would have to hold the chief responsible for the situation black officers are in. I would still have to say intended or not the chief is doing a very poor job . and I expect some kind of scandal any day now. I think the chief could do a better job, but he's got to start by getting rid of some of his chiefs and captains. It's a disgrace the way this department operates and you don't have to be an expert on anything to know it. The reason that there aren't more black officers in the department is because they keep bringing charges against Blacks and firing them. But nobody gets fired without Chief Dill's endorsement and permission. Morale is very bad. Black and white officers just might come to blows or worse in District X . I lay that at the chief' s door because he appoints the district captains. There's no discipline in the departinent. Hasseling black cops is what gets passed off as discipline. Three Denver officers said "no conment," when asked for examples to support their assessment of administrative leadership. Thus, while officers in Detroit and Denver have similar views of imnediate supervisor effectiveness, the two groups differ greatly in attitudes toward the administrative leadership of the two cities' police departments. Attitudes Toward Assignments Interviewees were asked to identify their present assign-ments and then asked three questions regarding how they felt about assignment practices. Sixty-five per cent of the Detroit officers identified their present assignment as precinct patrol;

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128 7. 5 per cent re:ported that they were assigned to investigative units as detectives, and 27. 5 per cent identified assignments to special :police task units. In Denver, 70 per cent of interviewees state that they are assigned to district patrol; 11 15 per cent are assigned to investigative units as detectives and 15 per cent have assignments in special :police task units (Table. 16). Interviewees were then asked: "What do you think is the best assignment an officer below the rank of sergeant can have in this department?" In res:ponse to this question 42. 5 per cent of Detroit officers and 55 per cent of Denver officers identified assignments other than those they presently have as "best" assignments. Interviewees identifying assignments other than those presently held were asked the contingency question: "How would you rate your chance of getting that assignment?" Among these tWo subgroups ( 17 in Detroit and 11 in Denver) 42 per cent of Detroit officers rated chance of attaining the "best" assignment as "excellent," 47.1 per cent rate the chance as "good," and 12 per cent rate the chance as "fair." None assessed chance of attainment as "poor. In contrast, 18 per cent of Denver officers rated their change of getting a best assignment as "good;" 18per cent said "fair," and 64 per cent assess their chance of attaining a best assignment as "poor. None of the Denver officers said chances are excellent (Table 17) J The third question regarding attitudes toward assignments was :posed to all interviewees ( N=60) as: "How does an officer

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129 usually get a special assignment that he wants?" In res:ponse to this, 12. 5 per cent of Detroit interviewees state that a special assignment is attained by requesting the assignment and waiting until there is an opening in the unit; 22. 5 per cent say that the officer must "know somebody," and 65 per cent selected "other, which they describe as a combination of requesting the assignment and "know[ing] somebody." Among Denver interviewees, 10 per cent answered the question by replying that special assignments are acquired through request, but an overwhelming 90 per cent state that in order to obtain a special assignment an officer must "know somebody. Thus, both groups of officers express same degree of belief that special assignments are attained through favoritism. As the data indicate, however, this attitude is a good deal stronger in Denver than it is in Detroit (Table 18 ) Probes were made regarding the officers' reasons for their viewpoints, and same of the comments of Detroit interviewees stating that an officer must "know somebody" are: Blacks are now pretty well dispersed in all kinds of units and the DPOA [police union] tried to make a case even about that, but didn't get very far with it, so we are in assignments that we never cquld have gotten in before . but it's still who you know, plus what you know big difference is that black officers now know somebody. There's been a lot of changes on that and I' 11 give the administration credit for trying to break down this thing of it's who you know to get into a good unit but it still works that way It's tradition and tradition dies hard because :police departments just seem to naturally attract people who are tradition-dependent. Until about 1969, the Detroit :police deparbnent was as segregated as the city Just as there were hotels and restaurants downtown that Blacks couldn't go in . neighborhoods we couldn't buy homes in . the same thing

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130 existed in the department . there were black special assignments, mostly busting "Blind Pigs" and white assignments in everything else . there were black precincts and white precincts, black scout cars, and white scout cars, and assignments were based upon race. That's no longer the issue but I'd say that a young officer wanting to get into a special unit better do his home work . Denver officers stating that special assignments are dependent upon officers "knowing someone" had this to say: Publicly they say that special assignments are open to everyone, but that's the public statement and it' s not accurate Black officers need to know somebody and have somebody know us. When it comes to the prestigious assignments suddenly nobody knows who you are. For example, there are no Blacks assigned as academy instructors, FIDS [field training officer] . no Blacks in research, the chief's office or the manager of public safety office these are the prestigious ones [assignments] and there are no black officers in any of Assignments are based on favoritism . if you are one of their favorites and don't mind them teJ,.ling racial jokes and generally kiss-up to whites you stand a better chance of getting a special assignment . otherwise you will stay in patrol. You have to be a special color in order to get into one of the better assignments . be a very light-skinned Black, plus you need to have the "right attitude" according to white definitions of right attitude, which is saying that you have to be a very manageable Black . it helps if you have caucasian features, straight nose, small lips ... that way you are less "offensive" to them. They know how to control black officers with special assignments . keep Blacks cowed by appointing them as detectives, and then .subtly reminding them that they can always be sent back to patrol. So it' s better to just stay in patrol to beg:i,.n with. A comment of one of the Detroit interviewee's stating that special assignments are obtained through request, amplified his answer this way: A lot of people still believe in that old system of it' s who you know, not what you know, but I have to go on my

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131 own experience. I came on the job in '76 and I was always able to get different assignments, each one better than the last . I've had three since I was in patrol and I got them by putting in the request and attaching a resume. Older officers say that before, black officers could never get into recorders' court, chief's staff, cormnuni.cations, and I don't dispute them, but I'm glad that's not the way it is now because I like to move around, get to know as many parts of the job as possible . I think that's important if you're going to advance. In contrast, a Denver officer who also stated that assignments are usually attained through request had this comment: If black officers would prepare themselves for special units they could compete for them and get them . but the "man" is not going to come up to you and tap you on the shoulder and say wouldn't you like to be assigned here and here . I have a special assignment but I had to be qualified for it ... and I didn't mind competing for it. Perceptions of Opportunity for Upward Mobility Becaus e striving for upward occupational mobility is held to be related to perceptions of opportunity for higher rank, interviewees were asked to identify "best positions" within the organizations and to rate their chance .of attaining the position identified if other than the police officer position. 13 Questions asked were: "What do you think is the best position an officer can have in this department?" "How do you rate your chance of attaining that position?" A majority of Detroit officers ( 67. 5 per cent) identified positions above that of an inspector as a "best position; 15 per cent identified mid-management positions in special units as the "best; 12. 5 per cent selected the patrol officer position, and 5 per cent

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132 identified the detective position as a preferred position. Overall, thirty-three Detroit interviewees, representing 82. 5 per cent of this group identified positions other than the presently held position as a preferred position (Table 19). These officers were then asked to rate their chance of attaining the preferred position. Among this subgroup of thirty-three, 73 per cent rate the chance of attainment as "good;" 12 per cent of them rate the chance as "excellent," and 15 per cent assess chance of attainment as "poor. All of the Detroit group who both identify positions other than one currently held and who assess chance of attainment as "poor" have more than 15 years 1 police department tenure. None of the Detroit officers rating chance of attaining a preferred higher position as good or excellent has more than 12 years of service. In contrast, five Per cent of Denver interviewees identified upper management PoSitions as "best," 15 per cent selected mid-management positions; five per cent selected the sergeant 1 s position, 20 per cent selected detective as a best position, and 55 per cent identified the patrol officer position as "best." Overall, among Denver interviewees, 35 per cent identified positions other than one presently held as a preferred position. As in the case with Detroit interviewees, only officers identifying positions other than their presently held positions were asked to assess chances for attaining that preferred position. Three of this Denver subgroup of seven ( 42. 8 per cent) rate chance of attainment as "good," and 57 per cent rate chance

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133 of attainment as "poor. None of them rates his chance of attaining a preferred position as "excellent" (Table 20). Among the three Denver officers who say that the chance of attaining the identified position is "good," all of them have at least seven, but less than 15 years of police service. J\.rnong the four Denver officers who state that the chance of reaching the preferred position is "poor," the average police department tenure is 13 years. At first glance the data from this line of questioning would seem to indicate that Denver interviewees are more satis-fied with the patrol officer positions than Detroit officers are. However, comnents of Denver patrol officers who identify patrol as the best position shed more light on this group's overall attitudes toward opportunities for attainment of positions other than that of patrol officer. Some of their remarks are: The patrol officer position is "cleaner," it's a lot more neutral than most people think. You do your job and don't have to get involved in playing a lot of politics and kissing asses to get ahead. You're not putting yourself in a position of having to hurt other people just so you can stay on top. I don't think I would fit in very well with the command structure in this depci.rtment, although the sergeant's position m:i.ght be 0. K. I can help more black people in a week as a patrol officer than I could help in a year as a captain or higher . as a patrol officer I don't have to play games with people. Detroit officers also identifying patrol officer positions as a "best position" offered these comnents: The patrol officer is the department. We could eliminate just about every other job in the department and probably no one would notice. I'm not saying that I'm necessarily

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134 going to stay in patrol, but it is the most im:r;x::>rtant job-the only one that really counts when we get right down to it. I like patrol work, so I guess that makes it the best for me. I probably can't stay in it for the rest of my careerhave to move on, but it's still the best job an officer can have. Detroit interviewees, identifying preferred p::>sitions as other than the one they presently have and who also assess opp::>rtunity for attainment of the identified, preferred p::>sition as good or excellent offered these tomments: I still have 14 years in the department, and I have no intention of spending all of them as a patrolman there's no good reason why I should . The opp::>rtunity is there and Chief Hart and others have shown that it can be done . I believe I will get the chance and I owe it to myself, the community and my family to take the opp::>r tunity. I say that my chances are excellent as anyone else's and I'm preparing for a higher p::>sition by majoring in business because those are the kinds of skills needed to run a modern department. Politics are involved that's to be expected. But so is ability. I have the ability and I can handle the p::>li tics . Chances are excellent because I believe that black people-me included--just average black people, given the opp::>r tunity, plus the time, plus the interest can achieve whatever we set out to [achieve] once all the barriers are down I have the opp::>rtuni ty, the time and the interest. In a way you might say I have the obligation. look at it this way: white folks have been running p::>lice departments for years and once black folks got inside the P.D. we could see that there's nothing mysterious about being an inspector or even the chief . we can see that a lot of those who have been running things aren't all that bright. In fact some are just the opp::>site. But what it boils down to is that black folks are no longer willing to let white folks have the only say in how a p::>lice department will or won't be run. Blacks are running cities--even nations that whites left when they were falling apart. But we're running them any way. Despite the racist jokes, the lights aren't out in

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135 Detroit, the garbage gets picked up, and if you need to go to a hospital, Receiving [Hospital] is still there, no worse than it ever was, maybe better ... I have confidence that I can participate in management as well as the next and that my children, if not me, will have high positions. It's a matter of competition and preparation--some people want nothing to do with either . but I really can't say that about myself, nor can I say that I don't have the opportunity. I appreciate the fact that most of the older officers did not have the opportunities . that they were hemmed in, held back by racism [and] segregation-that still exists and it would be dangerous for Blacks to think that we died and went to Heaven because we have Coleman--because that's not the case. Whites would like to have the city back but that's not likely to happen unless black people get crazy . unless we forget where we carne from and lose sight of where we are supposed to. be going There's a responsibility in that including the responsibility to take the opportunities--saying every day to the "man," we ain't running, and we ain't giving up what we bled to get. Denver officers assessing opportunity for attainment of a best :p:>sition as "good" offered these kinds of statements: I think I can achieve rank. I would like to head the unit. There might be a problem--they might have to consider the effect of having a Black comnanding the unit--how it would affect the department's relations with external law enforcement agencies that it [the unit] deals with, but I'm confident that I have a good chance. I think the sergeant's position is the best, and my chances of getting it are good. All I have to do is pass the examination high enough to get into one of the five top slots on the list. That's not dependent on anyone except me and it's a position that they can't take away . I think I can achieve whatever I set out to achieve--it's really up to me . chief of police is the best position, but it's too political . but I would like to retire as a division chief and I think I can. Detroit officers identifying positions other than the one presently held and who rate chance of attainment as "poor, gave these kinds of explanations:

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136 If I were just starting out I might say the chance of reaching a top-level position was good but with some of us--me anyway--it's a case of being born too soon or the department changing too late. But that doesn't preclude my knowing that the best positions are at the top-that goes for any kind of organization. The younger officers have every chance in the world of getting into the best positions but it seems a little late for me to even think about that kind of thing. I ask myself sometimes though--had those of us who came on in the fifties had the same cl:lances would we have taken them? You have to wonder, too, what made Bill Hart always push ahead while others didn't. Maybe it's because they tried not to hire him in the beginning . said he had tuberculosis. Denver officers who identify higher positions as "best," and who rate chance of attainment as "poor" provide these insights: You. have to be thoroughly brainwashed or whitewashed to believe that Blacks have the same chance for higher jobs as white officers. If that were the case there would be many more of us in those jobs. There are almost 200 sergeants in the department-five or. six--a handful are black . out of niaybe 50 lieutenants there's one black and he just made that . two black captains . no black division chiefs . even when you look at appointive positions like technicians, detectives, FTO's [field training officer] it's no better, but what you ought to look at if you need a truer picture is the number of black civilians employed here and what they have them doing . not long ago I saw a picture in an Annual . there in the middle was a black man with a vacuum cleaner . same as a broom thirty years ago and that' s still the way most whites. in this department see black people . they work the computers, handle the property, we get to push the vacuum cleaners. No, chances are not good. Blacks in Denver are under a lot of illusions, including many Blacks in the department. Some like to talk about how subtle racism is here, say durilb things like "well .at least in Texas or Arkansas, or whatever, you knew where you stood. Hell, you know where you stand here too. But the result of this kind of talk is the idea that, number one, black people in Denver are making it, and number two, that you can't fight back. Pretty soon black people start to believe the illusions and one is that black officers could do this or that, be this or that same as whites if only we were more ambitious . if only we got ourselves together. Then one or two get promoted and they say, "See, I did it, so can you if only you would try harder .

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137 Now either you've got to believe that the opportunity is there and Blacks are not interested or that we are inferior. Or, you've got to believe that the opportunity just isn't there regardless of illusions . But would any thinking man be more interested in wrestling drunks for fifteen-twenty years into "detox" than sitting behind somebody' s desk . how came we're not inferior making decisions Solomon couldn't handle but inferior when it comes to memorizing the Manual? But to answer your question . the chances are poor . rnbre like nonexistent . Participation in and Attitudes Toward Promotion Process Within a majority of urban police forces career advance-ment generally begins with promotion from the entry-level patrol officer position to that of police sergeant. The study considered research subjects' participation in, as well as attitudes toward, the promotion process in the Detroit and Denver police depart-. ments critical indicators of career ccmnitment. The study therefore gave special attention to these variables, and the questionnaire was designed to elicit data about the officers' overall attitudes toward the promotion process. Interviewees were asked: "Have you ever taken the sergeant's examination?" If "yes" : "How many tllries have you taken the sergeant's exami-nation?"; 60 per cent of Detroit interviewees and 25 per cent of Denver interviewees report taking the examination for the sergeant's position at least once. A full 45 per cent of officers in Detroit and 15 per cent of those in Denver state that they have taken the examination twice, while one Denver interviewee reports having taken the examination three times (Table 21). Eleven Detroit interviewees, but none in the Denver sample, report being on a current sergeant's promotion list.

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138 Six of the eleven Detroit officers presently being considered for promotion have taken the examination twice. These data reveal that Detroit officers are much more likely to participate in the sergeant's examination process than Denver officers in the sample; more likely to take the examination twice, and most likely to be successful on the second attempt for promotion. More importantly, the data indicate that 27.5 per cent of all Detroit interviewees have been successful in the examination. Interviewees' statements regarding the process of promotion are more revealing. Detroit interviewees who report having taken the examination explain their attitudes in this manner: Chief Hart, Coleman, or nobody else is giving away rank. We still have to do it by the book same as the white officers . The only way I can move ahead is to corrpete on the exam. Those are the dues and I'm willing to pay I don't care how good a cop you are, you cannot have an important effect on the department being a patrolman for thirty years. I tell my sons that they have to excel, to be the best they can be . now how would it look if I didn't try the same way I expect them to what would I say to them if I stayed content where I am . if I retired in the same place I started . ? Simple economics . . the pay is better for a sergeant than a patrolman! I don't relish being a sergeant, but that' s what I have to be in order to be anything else. Comments of some Denver officers who report that they have taken the examination for sergeant are: The sergeant's position is one they cannot take away from you . they cannot play games with it . once you have it. I am a leader. I proved that in the service and personal achievement is important to me.

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139 I would just rather be a sergeant than a patrolman. There's more respect in that . more prestige. The most frequent reason given by Detroit officers who have not taken the examination center upon the amount of time required for examination preparation. Some typical cormnents of this sub-group are: I'm what they're calling now "a single parent." And I just do not have the time to study. right now, but I plan to take it [the examination] when my boys are older and don't need my involvement as much. I've been in school ever since I started on the job and I had to make a choice between school and the exam. I figured that the exam isn't going anywhere. Mien I'm finished I' 11 have more time to study for it. Denver officers give the following reasons for riot having taken the examination: The exams have been challenged by white officers for this or that reason . sane of the reasons [are] legitimate, some aren't, but in any case it doesn't seem to make good sense to spend six or seven months studying for it to have the whole thing thrown out on a technicality. Captain Braxton is always after me to take the sergeant 1 s exam, says I ought to give up school and study for it . But I know I'm going to get the degree same as white students . I don 1 t know that abouta promotion. I came on the job in 1973 and I'm not going to take the examination until I feel that I 1 ve had enough actual experience on the job. I don 1 t want to be one of those supervisors who only knows the book. A lot of people take the exam to just see what it's like. Mien I take it I will be dead serious about passing. The exam requires about 1500-2000 hours of study ... spread that over a year' s time and you 1 re talking about six or seven hours a day with no assurance that you will be promoted because knowing the books isn't the only thing. You could know them backwards and still not get promoted because the process is rigged against black It' s a game in which the deck is stacked against Blacks.

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140 So why legitimize it by taking the test. We [black officers] take the exam for sergeant in the same proJ?Ortion as whites and we pass it in the same proJ?Ortion, although you may have been told otherwise . but the list always dies just when a Black is the next one on the list. Interviewees were also queried regarding their assessment of overall promotion opJ?Ortunities for the black police officer in the Detroit and Denver Police Departments. In response to the question--"How would you describe opJ?Ortunities for pranotion of black police officers in your department? Would you describe them as excellent, good or poor?", 4 7. 5 per cent of the Detroit interviewees say "excellent," and 52.5 per cent rate them as "good;" none rated opJ?Ortunities as "poor." In contrast, 80 per cent of Denver interviewees described opportunities for black police officer promotion as "poor"_ and only 20 per cent selected "good" as a description. None of the Denver officers assesses opportunities as "excellent" (Table 22). Detroit officers assessing overall pramotion opportun-ities for black officers as either "excellent" or "good" state their reasons for these perceptions in these ways: It 1 s pretty well known that the city had to go to court in order to implement affinnative action in pranotion ... I mean that just in order to cornpl y with the law the city had, you might say, to sue itself ... to do what is right. From the first day in office Coleman Young had to fight with the DPOA [Detroit Police Officers Association] to rectify the past abuses of._ minorities on the job . to treat Blacks and other minorities fairly. But Coleman has won the J?Oint and rrore black officers have been prorroted in the last eight years than in the entire history of this department . so the opJ?Ortuni ty is there and the city is not going to turn away from that. I think a lot of city representatives are knowledgeable enough to know that it 1 s not enough to hire rrore black officers if we all stay at

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141 the bottom . if none of us are in key decision-making positions . 'When Colerran became rrayor less than twelve blacks were lieutenants and I'm talking about out of 200 lieutenants on the job. We had rraybe fifty black sergeants among :rrore than a thousand sergeants. Today about three hundred black officers hold that rank So nearly all the black sergeants and above you see here were promoted since 197 4. Even some of the older officers I mean those who were on the job in the fifties and early sixties have been pro:rroted, took the test because they knew they had an even chance for the first time. The "fifty-fifty" 14 program works and Chief Hart has rrade good use of black officers' talents . the talents of those who were walking around with MBA's but couldn! t get promoted before. I think 1 opportunities are good and will stay that way as long as black folks control the city . Among Denver officers (the rrajority of whom assess opportunities as "poor,") attitudes were articulated in these ways: The process is not conducive to Blacks' being pro:rroted. There are some very good black officers on the job, very talented people who are not getting the chance they deserve. 'Whites control pro:rrotions, they control every part of it from the Civil Service Corrnnission to the oral interview. They control what' s on the test and evaluations. They fear losing control and they know that the key to how this depart ment is run is in control of promotions. The system works against Blacks and will as long as the Civil Service Commission and upper rranagement functions as a gatekeeper--to keep Blacks and Chicanos out. Denver officers describing pro:rrotion opportunities as "good" offered these kinds of comnents: I have as much opportunity as anyone else and I take responsibility for how I use it or choose not to use it. You can't work a second job 15 and still study; you can't party and study and you can't come to work late and expect to be recommended for Fro [field training officer] so you can keep on coming to work late.

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142 If I wanted to be a sergeant I feel that I could ... it's up to me. Disparities in the groups' attitudes toward promotion opportunity were also found in their assessment of possible changes in opportunity, as such changes relate to black officers' opportunities for advancement. The question was posed: "Do you think that the pranotion opportunities for black officers are likely to change within the next five years?" In response, 20 per cent of Detroit officers said, "Yes, 42. 5 per cent of them said "No, and rrore than one-third (37.5 per cent). state that they are "uncertain." In Denver, 75 per cent of interviewees state that they do not think that opportunities for black officers within the department will change; 20 per cent indicate belief .that the opportunities will change (generally for the better) while only 5 per cent of this group express uncertainty about this factor (Table 23) A few of the comments of Detroit officers saying that opportunities will change are: Opportunities will probably change as rrore white officers leave the department. A lot of white officers are leaving-they are going to other places where they don't have to work under black suJ?ervisors. A lot of them find it distasteful to work with black .citizens or to have to take orders from black supervisors or even to have to compete with black and Puerto Rican and women officers and to often lose out in the competition. So a lot of them are leaving. I see this in other places like New York and Chicago--that opens up rrore opportunity for Blacks, opens up rrore positions that we can compete for. I think the opportunity will be a lot better once the city gets in better financial shape. I think the black officers are going to lose out, and I worry about that, not because the opportunity isn't there

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143 now, but because so many of the younger officers refuse to take the opportunity. You see, the young black officers on the job have never been deprived of anything. We tried so hard to insulate them from prejudice that we ended up giving them the false idea that thi.rigs would come easy that they were theirs just for the wanting. It's never been that way for a black man on this job and it's never going to be that way. Too many of them are undis. ciplined. Too many are afraid of competition. We [veteran officers] did not have the opportunities the younger officers have, but had we had them we would have taken advantage of that. And Denver officers expressing the belief that opportunities will change make these kinds of observations: After next year's election [nayoral election] everything in the city administration is going to change. The police department and civil servj,ce will have to respond to that, including increasing opportunities for minorities in the department. The GuardianS [Black Police Officers Association] have been trying to work with the Civil Service Cormnission and they are resistive to change, but Denver has to come into the twentieth century and that means giving black officers more opportunity to advance. But we [black officers] are going to have to first get ourselves together. Detroit officers stating that opportunities are not likely to change add these comments: our opportunities are good and that' s not likely to change unless one morning we wake up and find that all the city's black citizens have up and moved away. Blacks are in charge of some very critical areas in the department like management services and recruitment. These offices respond to the chief and the chief reports to the nayor. No one will ever again be nayor in Detroit without upholding Blacks' opportunity in the city and that has to include the police department. Denver officers who do not foresee change in black officer promotion opportunities give their reasons in this nanner: The message coming out of Washington is that black people have gotten all we are going to get no natter how little

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144 that was. This is reflected in white attitudes in the department there' s been a hardening toward Blacks and no matter how hard it'S been for us before, it's goihg to be a damn sight harder in the next few years. Black people in this country have already seen the best ten years we're going to see for a long tiine and opportunities are not going to change unless you think there will be fewer of them . I just can't see things changing. We just don't have the numbers and change would mean lettil;lg us compete fairly with whites. I can't see that happening. Scme representative statements of Detroit officers saying thiit they were uncertain about changes in Blacks' promotion oppor-tunities are: It' s hard to tell, things could go either way. Blacks could move out of the city-give it back. Or the corporations could put pressure on the mayor; those kinds of things we don't control We need more black economic clout to be sure. I can't say because so many factors are involved. Black people could get careless and take two giant steps backwar4, maybe pay less attention to things. That would affect opportunity for promotion, because you can't write off the black conununi ty 1 s role in more and better opportunities in the department. Relationships with Interviewees 1 relationships with was considered another dimension of organizational climate that may i.nq;x:>rtantly affect black police officers' attitudes toward careers. The police officer's perceptions of co-workers often turn upon issues of co-worker support in situations an officer considers as threatening to reputation, material interests (i.e., support for neri torious citations) and in some instances, physical safety. In the police occupational lexicon, such support is translated as "backing me up." Interviewees were queried regarding

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145 the degree of support they perceive from co-workers. The question was posed: "OVerall, how would you describe the degree of support you receive from co-workers? Would you say that they are very supportive, somewhat supportive, supportive, unsupporti ve, very unsupportive?" In response to this question a majority of both groups of officers state that co-workers are very supportive, somewhat supportive, or supportive. Thirty-five per cent of Denver officers, however, describe co-workers as unsupportive (Table 24). In both the cities, officers assigned to investigative and other special units are much more likely than those assigned to general patrol duties to describe co-workers as "very suppor-tive" or "somewhat supportive." Indeed, all interviewees in both Detroit and Denver who describe co-workers as "very supportive" are assigned to investigative units as detectives. A few of the comments of Detroit interviewees saying that co-workers are "very supportive," "somewhat supportive," or "supportive" are: Where I work [an investigative unit] people help each other out with a case or will give you back-up if you need it, say, in making an arrest. It's a mutual thing because we all know that sooner or later everybody is going to need help with something We don't socialize with each other, and we don't get into each other's personal business, but you feel that the support is there if it's needed. not everybody is equally supportive of everybody else. You develop a support system . you know, pick out who you know you can depend on and identify who you can't. White officers go to white officers. Black officers will team up usually with another black officer. You understand each other' s moves. You can pretty much anticipate how each other is going to react. I guess it's a matter of coillimlnication, and the more I see of whites and Blacks in

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146 the same situation, the more I'm convinced that there's definitely a different way of communicating. When it came down to the "nitty-gritty," black officers have always supported each other. Sometimes you knew the brother was wrong, but still you had to lend that support where you could. Maybe it had something to do with survival --I don't know, but still you had to support each other, because you weren't getting it from anywhere else. I think that's changing and in a way that's good and in a way it isn't. I
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147 by the attitudes of supervisors who have problems with each other. And this tends to rub off on the rest of us . some supervisors will go out of their way to keep things stirred up. On the surface people are supportive, but underneath they are very envious. Most of the whites still think they shouldn't have to work with Blacks and they can't always hide this fact . I have noticed that white officers are supportive of other white officers and that black officers are supportive of black officers. It's getting better .than it used to be, but overall people are not as supportive as they should be. A few of the corrments of Denver officers who described co-workers as unsupporti ve or very unsupporti ve are: I would not trust a white officer to cover me--to give me back-up . I don't think I could depend on him. First, because they are usually scared shitless and second because they hate my guts. I truly believe that there are some white cops on this job who are quite capable of blowing my out simply because I am a black man--I am not comfortable with that You cannot convince me that I am supposed to depend on-look for support from people who can rrake or listen to a statement at roll call to "Keep the niggars scared." Nearly every complaint a black officer gets usually comes from a white officer's report . I know that that has been my experience. People talk about esprit de corps and cops backing each other up. Maybe it exists somewhere on same distant planet, but I can tell you it does not exist in the Denver Police Department, not when it comes to the black officer. If a white officer can in any way avoid backing up a Black he's going to do just that. And a white officer who does not feel this way is going to be chastised for it, and taught that he's not supposed to do this if he can help it . In fact, I have seen white kids come into the department on wham someone had done a pretty good job of teaching them not to let bigotry control their attitudes and behavior and you meet them three years down the line and they are as bigoted as the ones who get here first. When you have a situation where veteran officers are sitting around talking about black people being animals, and a 23-or 24-year-old cop wanting to be accepted and trusted--if and

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148 bigotry is the going thing he's going to give up what he was taught before and. adopt those attitudes. So he stops trying to get along with everybody and instead tries to get along with who's in control, who has the power. A black officer who can't depend on another black officer is up the proverbial creek . If the officer works in a district or in a unit where there aren't other Blacks that he can count on he's going to have to adopt white attitudes toward Blacks or make whites think he has, just to survive. He's going to have to ignore the insults, laugh at racist jokes, pretend that he doesn't see or isn't bothered about the slime. they write in toilets; pretend he doesn't hear the way racial slurs are used to describe Blacks and Chicanos, maybe tell a few racist stories himself. Because, man, he's strung out there on his own he's alone so he might get a reputation as being a white ass-kisser. He decides maybe to be a little rougher on Blacks than necessary and still he's never sure the white cops are going to be there when he needs them. He can't count on the community, because, see . now he's cut off from that too. So he's pretty much alone. Relationship with the PUblic The study also attempted to determine the impact of interviewees' attitudes toward the clientele of the organiza-tion--the public with whom the black police officer deals in his official role. The interview instrument posed three questions addressing the issue of black officer attitudes toward the public and their perceptions of their relationships with the public. . Interviewees were asked: "How do you get along with the public?" "Is there any one group that is more difficult to get along with?" and "Would you say that the public generally understands the problems faced by the black police officer?" In response to the first question, 100 per cent of interviewees in Detroit and 100 per cent of interviewees in Denver answered that they "Usually get along very well" with

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149 the public. Concerning the second question, none of the interviewees in either city identified one group as more difficult than another. In response to the third question, however, consid-erable disparity is found in the two groups' attitudes. Denver officers are more than twice as likely as their Detroit counterparts to state that the public does not generally understand the problems experienced by the black police officer (Table 25). Some typical cormnents of the 30 per cent of Detroit officers who indicate perceptions that the public does. not generally understands black police officers' problems are: Same of the "cousins" might but we never really talk about it. The "bourgeois" [black middle class] are so much like whites they don't want to understand. They are as quick-no, quicker than whites--to see only the blue--or the badge-to want to believe the worse about other black people . to want to believe that all of us sold out while they remain pure. So, maybe they could understand, but I think they choose not to. I've been on the job since I was years-and the first thing I learned walking Woodward was to keep my problems to myself. So I don't go around talking about my problems. When I bought the job, I bought the problems. Goes with the terri tory . Sixty-five per cent of Denver officers relate that tl;le public does not general! y understand the problems faced by the black police ofticer, and offered these comments: No, they don't understand. Sone try, but how can they-:-. we don't tell them, and as far as most people are concerned black people don't have problems--got nothing to complain about. There probably are same exceptions, but I haven't met them. The thing is, that a lot of people don't. want to understand . they have a vested interest in not understanding. When they hear .about a black cop being fired they can't see how that GOuld affect them . they are just not educated to see it. People have so many problems of their own it' s hard for

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150 them to see that a black man on this job could have problems. All they see is somebody in a uniform who they think has a pretty easy job that pays well . and maybe that's the way it shoUld be because they expect us to solve their problems, and how could we do that . how would they have confidence that we could if they really knew about our problems? No, no part of the public understands. They might if they tried, but who's trying? Even black cops don't understand our own problems, so I don't think anybody else is going to . not soon anyway. No, they don't understand. They would rather talk what I call "good black talk." I ask them, "What have you done for your people?" because. I know what I've done, what I do every day. But they aren't even listening. But the problem is that the police have treated black people so bad[ly] that they don't have any confidence in anybody who is associated with a police department. It's like the stigma gets attached to everybody . I can understand that, but I don't expect that the community is going to understand my position . The black conmuni ty likes to yell about having nore black cops . but then, look how the conmuni ty treats us. There are so many problems and we have been working at getting corrmuni ty support. But if we want the community's support we are going to have to first give support to the cornrmmi ty . show that we understand the comnuni ty' s problems understanding between the comrrrunity and black officers is a mutual understanding and we have to work at that. Sanetimes I wonder, does anybody even know we're here. Does anybody even care, let alone understand? Detroit interviewees stating that the public either usually understands or sometimes understands the black police officers' problems amplified their answers in these ways: One of the biggest problems we had to overcome was this idea that the black cormruni ty hates black cops and vice versa. I've never heard a black officer in this or any other department say that . . It's so much propaganda . really vicious--put out by some white dudes who have never been cops or a part of the black conmunity People are going to be cautious and suspicious with a cop because they know that your job is to enforce the law and some of

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151 the young brothers might try to run a game on you, but hell, that's the way they learned to survive, but they know. when to back off. We have a lot better rapport with the community now than in the sixties. We worked at it . stop putting up a front. We went to the corrmunity--all parts of it--and said: "We are in this together. The 'Man' ain't no better to us than he is to you, and when he is better to us, then he's to be better to you . -I'd say a lot of people understand, at least the part of the public that counts .as far as I'm concerned. They understand because they know the games white folks run on them. They know that they didn't always get the promotion they deserved, didn't get recognition they earned, didn't get even simple, plain fairness. I can look .behind their eyes and see they understand even if they don't agree . they understand . White cops have problems with black people that the black officer doesnit have. The white cop comes into a situation wanting to make more out of it than is necessary. But the black cop has more finesse, more understanding--knows how to talk to people and for that you get a lot more support. Well, there's Mrs. Ellaby who is, as far as my job is concerned, an important member of the community. Mrs. Ellaby knew me when I was growing up. She's proud to see me come back on the block. I talk to her when. I can about this and that, but we never talk about the hard facts of being a black officer, but I would say she understands quite a bit, because she is a black woman and has lived her life that way. But there are things that go so deep that black people can't talk about them, not even with each other. Still, I get the feeling that when she says, "Are they treating you right?" she's letting me know she understands what it's been like . . As I told you earlier, if it had not been for .the people in the Jefferson Projects I probably wouldn't have survived the first winter they understood--maybe even better than I did. Denver officers expressing the belief that the public sometimes understands the black officer's problems had these kinds of remarks: We have made contact with black groups in Denver, joined with groups in the community to address some of the problems

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152 connected with the department. You have to build up relationships with the corrununity . show them that you do not stop being a part of that cormnunity because of your occupation. In my assignment I deal with a lot of assaulters and worse bad dudes but I also deal with victims and sometimes the offenders are quicker than the victims to understand that I'm doing my job. Black people have been going through an identity crisis. I see this with my children, and a part of that is not knowing who is on your side and who isn't. We had the miniriots and some Black Panthers in Denver in the 1960s--people are still talking about that after almost twenty years, but the black. cormnuni ty never really had 1 problems with black officers until somebody told them that they did. But most people don't buy into that. I would say that they try to understand but it's hard for them to know what really goes on. They only know what they read in the papers or see on TV and most of the time the picture they get of black officers is very negative, because the television stations only report when a black officer is accused of stealing or raping somebody, and then it's the ugliest picture they can find of the black cop. The public doesn't hear about the positive things we do and if a black officer receives a citation--say for community work--that fact just is never put before the public. I think though, that the black corrmuni ty is becoming aware of this. Attitudes Toward Police Unions and Black Police Officers Association Questions also focused attention on interviewees' atti-tudes toward police unions' and black police officer associations' e 'ffect on the working conditions of the black police officer. In. both the cities, there are two or more police unions and in both Detroit and Denver, black police officers in the early 1960s organized black officer associations, now designated as 11The Guardians. 11 Interviewees were asked about attitudes toward the police unions and the Guardians Association: 11How do you feel about the police unions in your department?.. 11Have they

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153 been effective in improving working conditions for black :police officers?" One hundred per cent of Detroit officers state that the :police unions in that department have not been effective in the improverrent of black :police officer work conditions. In Denver, 75 per cent interviewees said "No,_" the unions had not been effective; 15 per cent selected "Yes, as an answer, and 1 0 per cent selected "uncertain" in res:ponse to the question (Table 26). Same of the extended answers of Detroit officers are: If anything, the unions have been a hindrance to Blacks on the job. They have never addressed the issues of race discrimination and fair treatment of all citizens. If they had, there would have been no reason for us [black officers] to organize the Guardians in the first place. We are members of the DPOA but they don't now, nor have they ever represented black officers' interest, and probably never will. The DPOA, nor the DISA [Detroit Lieutenants and Sergeants Association]; have never dealt with the problems any minorities faced on this job before Coleman Young became mayor, and they still don't. The DPOA has been the single greatest obstacle to progress in the Detroit Police Department. Without qualification I can tell you that were it not for the DPOA there would be few problems that could not be approached constructively. They op:pose affirmative action; they oppose professionalization; they oppose fair treatment for anybody is unlike themselves, and that means about 99 per cent of the people in Detroit. All I can see the DPOA as is a bunch of bigots looking out for the interests of a small minority of white officers against the interest of everybody else . even effective, enlightened law enforcement. At times the DPOA has been a real embarrassment, when for example, they had what they called their Court Watching Program. This program consisted of having off-duty white

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154 cops, their wives--neighbors--even their children--going into the courts, as they put it, "to keep a record of how judges sentenced, "--especially black judges. They overstepped the bounds of a police union and even common sense. It's not an exaggeration to say that a state of war exists between the DPOA, the DISA, and black officers and black .citizens. In 1978 or 1979 they [unions] sued the chief of police, the mayor, the Board [Board of Police Commissioners] and the Guardians to stop the city from implementing an affirrrative action program in promotion. After a very long trial they lost and said it was because of race discrimination by the judge--who wasn't even black. We're back in court now with the NAACP and the Guardians suing the DPOA, the city, the mayor, Chief Hart, and the Board. Not because Chief Hart and the Board do not continue to push for affirmative action, but because the DPOA will use whatever tactics it can to try to stop the inevitable. So we end up having to file a suit against the very people who have done the most for fair representation. The unions are the last stronghold of racism, and everybody knows it. last year the Guardians ran our own slate for executive positions in the DPOA but we still don't have the numbers needed to put Blacks on the executive committee, and probably won't until we are about 40 per ce.."lt of the department . but that will come too . The DPOA is a thorn in everybody's side. It seems to solely represent white officers even though we all pay dues. But we are in a bind; so to speak. You cannot destroy the union, this is a union town and we wouldn't want to if it could be done. But we are determined to rrake the unions representative and accountable, not only to its members but also to the community. You think about it . if the union can get involved in stuff that affects a lot of people in Detroit, then it needs to be accountable to a lot of people. But the ironic thing is that Coleman [Mayor Young] is a union person.. He was a union organizer along with Randolf in the forties and fifties . so he knows how whi te-dorninated unions have always worked and how they have never worked for the majority of minorities. Denver officers are nearly as adamant in expressing disavowal of the effectiveness of police unions in responding to the working conditions of black police officers. Some of their statements are: Black officers' problems are related to race discrimination

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155 in the department, and that's something the unions are not going to touch. If they did, regardless of an individual's way of looking at it, they would be putting themselves in direct opposition to the rrajority of white officers, who whether they admit it or not have benefitted from discrimination. The unions are very weak. For one thing there' re too nany of them. So rranagement can them off;" keep them weak and competing with each other. Even if the unions wanted to do something about discrimination (which I can't see them doing) they wouldn't be stroung enough. So black officers are losers on two counts. That' s why we organized PLAYTOP We changed the name to Guardians. Denver officers who indicated that, in their opinion, the police unions have been effective in improving the working conditions of the black officer; explain their reasons this way: The union will help out a black officer, the same way it will a white, if it's a situation involving something like a citizen's CCl!Tplaint or a shooting. If a black officer needs legal. assistance to defend these kinds of charges, the unions will provide it. To that extent, the working conditions of Blacks, as well as whites, have improved and it's not as easy as it once was to niake an example of a black officer--to sacrifice him, just to show that the department is doing sanething about excessive force complaints. But it won't get involved in internal complaints-it certainly won't do anything about discrimination . I've never had any dealings with the unions--but I guess they must have helped in some way to improve police officers' working conditions--otherwise I don't see how they could still be around. And one of the two Denver interviewees who expressed uncertainty about the role of the unions had this to say: It's hard to tell. I don't think the unions ever definitely tried to improve what happens to Blacks on the job per se, but salary and some benefits have gotten better in the last ten years and we [black officers] benefitted from that. There is much less consensus among both groups regarding the effectiveness of the black police officers' associations, known in both cities as the "Guardians." In Detroit, 55 per

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156 cent interviewees state that the association has been effective; 20 per cent state that it has not been effective, and 25 per cent express uncertainty regarding this organization's effective-ness. In Denver, 35 per cent of interviewees say "yes" the Guardians has been effective; 45 per cent selected "no" as an answer, and 20 per cent note uncertainty (Table 27) Officers in Detroit who evaluate the Guardians as effec-tive are most likely to have been organizers of it, or immediate beneficiaries of its activities, especially in matters of increased numbers of black officers hired in the 1960s and early 1970s. One officer--one of the founders of the Guardians in 1963--presented this point of view: The record speaks for itself . Before Coleman Young became mayor--before Chief Hart reorganized the department, before hardly anybody in Detroit was interested in what really happens to black officers, the Guardians were the only advocacy black officers or even black citizens had . We were never a so-called social club, and we were never a "paper organization. The early members put our jobs on the line if .that was what it took to move the department along. Many of the officers [black] here today probably would not have a job if it had not been for the Guardians. We recruited a lot of the people here now on the job. We have gotten lawyers for black officers in other departments up on charges. We pushed for union reform--and are still doing that. We pushed for reorganization of the department. Now, maybe none of that could have been done unless Blacks in the city had been with us and maybe we could have done it anyway. But a .lot of people remember that the Guardians have been out there punching away and we have been recognized by everybody from the House of Representatives to the City Council. We like to think, though, that in the process not just black officers gained but white officers and all kinds of citizens gained from our efforts. Another Detroit officer (who entered the department in the late 1960s) makes this conment: It was definitely effective in the 1970s, but now it's hard

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157 to get the younger officers to participate. They are crisisoriented and right now they can't see that there's a crisis that can affect them personally . They don't know about the times when, for Blacks on the job, every day was a crisis . just being here was a crisis . they just can't see that if nobody is dumping on them just "because" the credit goes, somewhat, to the Guardians. They can't even see that if they are a little safer, if somebody in their families is a little safer it' s because we had something to do with that too. When they had STRESS we didn't just walk around saying "ain't that awful." We moved to get rid of it. They [younger officers] like to think that the way things are for them now is the way they alWa.ys were--they don't know much about the Guardians and what sane of us had to go through to make it better for them. Detroit interviewees stating that the Guardians have not been effective express their ideas this way: What the Guardians did--how they helped--whatever they may have helped change would have happened anyway . I'm not saying that they [Guardians] didn't help in a lot of ways, but there' s a lot more they need to do. For example, we need to deal with double standards when it canes to discipline. But I don't think that is likely to occur because they have been co-opted by the department. And as far as I'm concerned it doesn't make any difference between being co-opted .by Blacks and co-opted by whites. It all ends up the same way--co-opted. Officers in Detroit expressing uncertainty of the association' s effectiveness explain their reasons this way: There's no doubt that we were effective in the 60s and 70s, but I reallay don't know where we are in the 80s or where we are going. Things .just aren't as clear cut as they once were . not as cut and dried as when whites ran the department. You knew what the problems were and who was causing them, and why. It's not that simple anymore. Denver officers, discussing the effectiveness of the Guardians Association in their city, had this to say: We have not been as effective as we need to be, but we have accomplished sane things. For example, we were able to get detective positions opened to black officers. It is a striving organization; always .has been, and there

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158 is so much to strive for. A problem is, though, that a few people seem to want to use the organization to deal with single issues--when in fact we need to deal with broader issues--those that are affecting all of us and not one or two people. We have been effective I think because the department knows that we are here and they can 1 t totally ignore us. But before we can have an impact on the department we need to deal with ourselves as black men, and then as black policemen. A lot of things have to be done in the background. For instance, building community support for black officers, reaching the comnuni ty, letting them know what we stand for, and why. That takes hard work and not enough people are willing to do it. Denver interviewees stating that the Guardians have not been effective, or that they are uncertain of Association1s effectiveness, explained the reasons for their statements in this manner: When I started on the job ten years ago there were about sixty-five plack officers. Today there are about ninety-less than thirty .rrore in ten years. I don 1 t see that as much of an improvement and I would have to see the effectiveness of the Guardians in terms of a significant increase in the number of Blacks on the job. Any fool can see that that is the key. As long as there are so few of us, nobody is going to have to deal with us. They might hu.rror us-white people are good at that--but they aren 1 t going to take our efforts seriously. I support the Guardians. I attend the meetings because that 1 s important, but i: have doubts about how effective we have been. The older officers--people who came on in the fifties and early sixties, say that a lot has improved but that 1 s hard for me to accept . I mean they are so bad now, I can 1 t see how they could have ever been that much worse. Attitudes Toward Role of Board of Police Commissioner and Manager of Public Safety In both Detroit and Denver, municipal charters provide for civilian control of the police. In Detroit, this authority

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159 is. vested in the five-member Board of Police Corrunissioners, appointed by. the nayor, with Common Col.IDcil approval. In Denver, civilian 90ntrol rests with a Manager of Public Safety, also appointed by the nayor, with the approval of the Denver City Co1.mcil. Both the Board of Police Corrnnissioners and Denver' s Manager of Public Safety are responsible for setting broad police department policies, the resolution of complaints nade by the public alleging police personnel misconduct, and the final review of all disciplinary actions rendered by the chief of police. While tlei ther the Board of Police Corrnnissioners nor the r-1anager of. Public Safety is involved in the day-to-day operations of the police department, policies and actions of the two authorities can affect the naterial and career interests of police officers. Interviewees were, therefore, asked about their attitudes toward these civilian authorities: "Do you think the Board of Police Conmissioners (Manger of Public Safety) understands the problems of blackpolice officers?" In response, 95 per cent of Detroit officers stated "Yes," while 80 per cent of Denver officers stated "No." Although interviewees were given the opportunity to select "uncertain" as an answer none of them in either city did so (Table 28). Representative comments of the thirty-eight Detroit officers saying that the Board of Police Corrmissioners "understands" the problems of the black police officer are: There's not a single stupid person on the Board. These are

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160 astute people who know the city, know the police department, and the people in it. They represent this city although maybe most people in Detroit couldn't tell you their names. But nevertheless they are knowledgeable about and atuned to the problems of black police officers and black people generally. They cannot be bought. They stand for what is right, what is just and fair. If the lord was looking for ten righteous men and women, He could find five of them on the Board. I have to take this opportunity to tell you that overall, next to Coleman, these are the people who have changed this department from what it was to what it is. They know that same of the commanding officers--like the Deputy Police Chief--have not always been right and still they can work with them, can try to sow peace between Blacks and whites in this city . which ain't easy, considering the history. . I don't know where Coleman found them, but he did. Makes you believe that anything is possible. I would like to introduce you to themso you could see for yourself what the members are like, but take my word for it, if. they were wrong, I'd be the first to tell you. They have been sued and threatened and maligned, but that has never stopped a single one of them from going fo:rward. Police officers complain about everything and I'm no exception, but I can't find what I should complain about when it comes to the Board. Denver officers expressing the attitude that the Manager of Public Safety understands the problems of black police officers had this to say: I think he understands, but his hands are tied. The position doesn't have any power. I did a paper for school on the position and found out the Manager of Public Safety doesn't have any power. They've made him a figurehead. He can't help even himself, so how can he help anybody else? . He's a black man who can't help but see what happens to black officers. But understanding is one thing--being able to do something about it is another he can't do anything because the chief of police can stop whatever he tries. That's the way McNichols [the mayor] set it up. You assume that the Manager of Public. Safety is black because that's what he says, but if he is he's forgotten what that means, but he understands all right

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161 Very few people have respect for Crawford. A lot of people remember him when he was just a political hustler from the "Points. 16 That's what he still is. A lot of what happens with us [black officers] could be prevented by Crawford, but that would jeopardize his own position. So he plays the game. I'm waiting for the day when he finds out he's just "another nigger" to the "powers that be." But as far as I know he does, and that's not the same as caring . 1 The two Detroit officers who say that the Board of Police Commis-sioners does not understand the problems of black police officers explain their viewpoints this way: They are too middle-class. They represent that class. They can't see that things have changed. I wasn't on the job before this Board was set up so maybe they are an improvement but they still take the side of the police officer against a civilian complaint, same as before. If you are bright and almost white, the Board can see your point of view, otherwise you're in trouble. I know that from experience and not from what I heard. Denver officers, the majority of whom express the belief that the 1-lana.ger of Public Safety does not understand, had these kinds of commentaries: If the man is black he doesn't know it No, he's too busy looking out for himself. Who does he have to answer to, except the mayor . ? We [black police officers] have tried to get his help, invited him to meetings . as far as I know he's always too busy. The best thing I can tell you is to go talk to the man yourself, and if you do, you can understand why he does not nor is ever going to relate to the problems we have. The Manager of Public Safety is in a position to insist on the department hiring more black officers. He never has . A black woman had to sue to get more black officers when that should not have been necessary. As for understanding, in order to understand anything you have to be interested in a problem. Mr. Crawford isn't interested, but I can't tell you why because I don't know.

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Attitudes Toward Role of Common Council and City Council 162 An effort was also made to determine research subjects' attitudes toward the role of black elected officials who serve as members of the Detroit Comrron Council and the Denver City Council. Special attention was given to interviewees' perceptions of the effect of black elected officials upon the occupational interest of the black police officer. Interviewees were asked: "In your opinion, does having Blacks as Conm::>n Council (City Council) members help the position of the black police officer?" In response to this question, 100 per cent of Detroit inter-viewees selected "Yes" as an answer, and 1 00 per cent of Denver interviewees stated "No" (Table 29). Typical comments of Detroit officers' extended answers to the question are: Cammon. Council does not get directly involved in the police department, but all of them, whether black or white, are interested in what happens in the department . people get elected and unelected because of what the police do Or dOn It dO and they are aware that if the police Start to mess up, they will get unelected. It has helped. quite a lot because Cornrron Council has seen that morale in the department can affect the entire Council members know that the police department is the city's key agency, and what happens inside of it can affect the whole city because if there' s one thing black folks in this town watch, it's the police. You cannot be black in Detroit and not care about the police and we [black officers] have reached out to all elements of the city, including members of the Council. They know the problems that existed, still exist in the department, and they have been interested in the problems--had to be . The coi.mcil has taken a very finn stand on affii:mative action and I don't think that Coleman or Chief Hart could have brought about the kind of changes that have been made

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163 in the department in respect to hiring and prorrotions without supJ;X:>rt of the councilmen [sic] Having black representation on Common Council has definitely helped black J;X:>lice It doesn't make sense to say that you are concerned about how the department treats black citizens while you ignore how Blacks are treated once they are on the job . inside the department The two things are connected and always have been. Denver interviewees' attitudes regarding the role of black city council members (relative to the black J;X:>lice officer's situation in that city) are opposite t9 those of Detroit officers. The difference in the two groups' attitudes can be gleaned from these comments made by Denver officers: No, it doesn't help us at all. First, there's not enough of them and second, the black comrrnmi ty doesn't give black councilmen the kind of supJ;X:>rt they need. The way I see it, black city council people are pretty much in the same J;X:>Si tion as black J;X:>licemen . I want to be fair about this, so I'll say that Harris and Brown are aware of some of the kinds of things that happen to Blacks on the job. They know that there are double standards and that black officers are being. fired faster than that they are hired, and they can see we don't get prorn6ted. So they know and care about those things, but there's not a whole lot they can do about it . No. I guess their hands are tied. Brown tried to help a few times, but nothing much ever came of it. The city council is dominated by ultraconservatives who represent Seventeenth Street and Southeast Denver interests. Black city council members go along with them, have to. Black elected officials do not rock the boat . well, there's one exception to that and she's a state representative who has no influence whatsoever in the police department. I won't say that Brown doesn't care about the J;X:>Si tion of Blacks in the department; and he must know because we have told him, but he doesn't have that kind of power. The black community elects people then they just forget about it. The result is that even if Brown or Harris tried to do something they wouldn't get the proper sup};X)rt even from

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164 people who elected them. That leaves black officers right on square one. Attitudes Toward the Role of the Mayor Interviewees were also queried about attitudes toward the role of the rrayor,. as that role may specifically affect the black :police officer. The question was :posed: "Do you think the rrayor understands the problems of the black :police officer?" One hundred per cent bf Detroit interviewees answered "Yes" and 95 per cent of Denver officers; answered "No" (Table 30). Detroit interviewees' commentaries on the role of Detroit's mayor reveal almost "hero worship. Some typical cormnents are: If it had not been for Coleman I would not have the job Coleman understands the. problems of people--all kinds of people. He pays attention to them . pays attention to who's being treated fairly ahd who isn't ... I've never met Coleman, but I believe that he's the single most .important factor in the changes rrade in the department. If any of us are given to praying we ought to thank God for Coleman Young. When they were trying to railroad me, Coleman saved my butt .. If I were ever even tempted to get involved in something shaky, my admiration for Coleman would stop me if nothing else would . I would not want to put him out on a limb. Coleman has gone to bat for Blacks on the job . gone out of his way to make sure everybody gets a fair chance. The white press likes to call the rrayor "arrogant." That's just another way of saying, "uppity nigger; but when white folks start calling black folks arrogant you know we're doing something right. . He got rid of STRESS

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165 He reorganized the department--opened up rrore jobs for Blacks in the department . . . He was a union organizer and it shows in his policies. Coleman knows his history as a black man . He translates that history in the way he runs the city If I had a job problem I couldn 1 t handle, I believe I could go to Coleman to get help. But I better be right because the man is smart and he 1 s right and don 1 t care who knows it. In sharp contrast to Detroit interviewees 1 statements, Denver officers provide these kinds of carrments regarding the role of the mayor: No, in no way does he understand. He isn 1 t even trying. No, he 1 s not interested. OUr problems would never never concern the mayor . No, how can he? He represents the "old boys 1 club" . . . Well look at his appointments you can tell black people 1 s problems are not a part of this city 1 s agenda. I think the mayor might appoint captain Braxton [a black man] aS Chief ShOuld that poSi ti0n Open Up r but it WOuldn It be because he 1 s interested in our problems. We get so caught up in looking inside the department and worrying about what goes on here that we forget that the mayor is responsible for what goes on inside the department. He appoints the chief who appoints other chiefs and so on right down to the FIO appointments. He sets the tone. of the whole thing. It starts in the mayorts office, and like most politicians, the mayor is going to understand what 1 s convenient for him to understand. Right now it 1 s not convenient. He knows that no matter what, black people are going to keep right on voting for him. Black police officers' problems are not going to change that. I 1m not sure what the mayor understands about any-thing ... 18 . A deeper probe of interviewees 1 attitudes toward the

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166 rrayor, in terins of officer perceptions of the rrayor' s under-standing of police officers' problems was fonnulated as: "Do you think the rrayor understands the problems of any police officers?" Detroit interviewees' responses to this second question were consistent with those given to the earlier question, while Denver interviewees modified their answers: As in the case of the earlier question 100 per cent of Detroit interviewees answered "yes, the rrayor understands the problems of police officers. In contrast to their earlier answers, 80 per cent of Denver interviewees answered "yes," 15 per cent say "no" and one interviewee states that he is "uncertain" (Table 30). One Detroit interviewee further explains his answer in this way: He understands that white officers have been led all their lives to believe that they are just naturally superior to black folks. This used to be reinforced when they carre on the job. The "black cars" and other kinds of assigrnnents were just more ways the deparbnent had of saying to the white cop "you're superior. It followed that they expected to be promoted without half-trying, even if they could hardly read or write. They expected that they could get over by doing pretty much whatever they wanted. Coleman understands that this was one of the white officers' biggest problems. He understands that it' s hard for them to accept the fact that a lot of people lied to them about superiority and that they are not, by reason of skin color, superior to anybody. A sensitive black man would understand this and try to break this down. Denver officers had these kind of statements regarding the mayor's understanding of police officers, generally: He probably understands the problems whites have a lot better than he understands a black officer's problems he sees the world pretty much the way they do. He understands something about white officers' problems--

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167' from the white policeman's point of view he can more easily put himself in the white cop's shoes 0 0 0 He must because there are a lot of cowboys on the job . . better than he understands the black officers' problems. He understands discrimination if nothing else, understands how to use it, anyway. A final question in the area of organizational climate was posed as: "If you, as a black officer, had a job-related problem that you could not handle without help, to whom would you go for help?" Data on this factor reveal that Detroit inter-viewees are more likely than those in Denver to use conununity and political resources as advocacy systems for the resolution of job-related problems. Indeed, Denver interviewees identified no community organizations that they would use as advocates for the resolution of occupational problems (Table 31). Surmrary of Findings: Oh Variables of Organizational Climate In a summary of findings on variables of organizational climate, Detroit and Denver interviewees have similar attitudes toward department discipline and evaluation practices, toward the effectiveness of the immediate supervisor, the best aspects of their jobs, police unions, the black officer association; and their rapport with the public. The two groups of officers have significantly different attitudes toward the worst aspects of their jobs, toward assignment policies in the two departments, and profoundly different attitudes toward the opportunity for promotion and upward mobility in the organization. The most

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168 pronounced differences in the Detroit and Denver interviewees' attitudes are those that pertain to administrative effectiveness and the leadership of black elected officials. Part rJ of the questionnaire addressed interviewee attitudes toward careers in law enforcement for themselves, their sons and daughters, and for young black men and women generally. The final section of this chapter reports these findings. Black Officer Career Conmitment The study made no effort to develop a quantitative measurement of Detroit and Denver black police officers' career conuni tment. Rather, in keeping with the qualitative approach of the study's research design, officers were pennitted to describe career ccmnitment in their own words in response to a series of questions that focused upon variables from which the degree of career corrmi tment may be inferred. In addition to questions regarding the extent of their participation in prorrotion examinations for the first-level supervisory position (as reported earlier) interviewees were asked; ( 1) their definition of their employment as either a job or a career at the time of entry to the occupation, and at the time of this study: ( 2) their considering (during the two years prior to the study) whether to leave police work for an altogether different occupation;

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169 ( 3) their willingness to join another police department, state or federal law enforcement agency (at a higher salary) ; ( 4) their willingness to encourage a son, daughter, or other young black person to enter police work; and, ( 5) their intention to leave police work should the economic conditions prevailing at the time of the study improve. Data indicate that at the time of their entry to the police organization, more than two-thirds of the Denver officers, but fewer than one-half of those in the Detroit sample viewed their police employment as a career (Table 32) At the time of this study, however, 75 per cent of the Detroit officers and 40 per cent of the Denver officers described their employment as a career (Table 33) Thus over time, both groups modified their attitudes toward their police employment, as a career. Interviewees 1 answers to questionS centering on their perceptions of police employment suggests that these perceptions are related to whether they see real opportunity for advancement. Both groups typically call attention to the idea that a career implies upward mobility. Detroit officers had these kinds of statements regarding perceptions of their employment as only a job at the time they were hired and later attitudes: . a .job is what you are paid to do. A person goes to a job because he must. But a career is where you iritend to go; how far you advance . I considered this a job when I started because I didn 1 t expect that I would ever advance in the Detroit Police Department. Advancing means that you not only earn more money but that you get to have more power, more say about this and that. You keep going forward . getting a little more power with each step. I figured that that was something black folks wouldn 1 t get in this department because then we would -change the whole

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170 outlook of the department . So, I thought 0. K. man, you got a gig--but that's all you've got . ride with it until something better comes along. To me a career in anything means having a choice, and that's something most. Blacks never had. We sure didn't have it in the Detroit P.D. until around 1970, when black folks started acting "crazy" and intimidating the "Man". Until then, black cops had no choice and it didn't make a whole lot of difference whether you wanted to advance or not. So most of us just didn't even bother trying . now, I can say that that was a mistake. We should have been watching--seeing what was happening in the city . How we had Char lie on the run . But I saw what I was doing as a job . going nowhere . just a job I came on in the fifties. I wanted a career and that Is a sincere statement but the chance of prcmotion for Blacks was slim . . we knew this . we knew we were not likely to be prcmoted beyond patrolman. Maybe we were as much victims of our own shortsightedness as we were of discrirni. nation, but in 1955 what did we have to go by? We just couldn't foresee that one day a black man would sit in the mayor's office and that black people would be making decision in cormnon-council . We sure couldn't tell then that black people would raise sq much hell that they would "make" a black police chief. When I started out, the highest rank ever reached by a black officer was lieutenant, and even the few that made sergeant and lieutenant rank were not given full recognition--full authority to supervise_ white as well as black_ . officers. So, even they didn't have a career. They were put in charge of other black officers or given an assignment where there were no other officers to suf?ervise . just tokens, used badly. I wanted no part of that. I needed to work and the job paid well, the work was not hard . but until about 1975--we had jobs . not careers. When I started on the job so many Blacks were being fot_qed out of the department, and you couldn't help but wonde! "When will I be next . ? In those days we had no recourse, no black officers' association, no community groups interested in the black officers' situation, no Coleman Young ... no power of any kind ... Under that condition I could not see myself as having a career. Because to have a career you had to believe that you would rerrain in the department. Then, you had to be able to move up in rank, get the best assignments, be fairly treated when charges were brought . we had none of

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171 that. We had jobs and weren't even sure about how long that [sic] would last. I think of myself as having a career. I didn't begin by seeing it that way. I almost quit several times because I never wanted to be a cop and for a long time there was one hassle after another. In three years I had thirteen complaints. But Frances Srni th [she's now an inspector] pointed out that if Blacks kept quitting or getting fired this department would regress to the way it was in 1965. So I stayed. I began to think O.K., this is it--for now . that was ten years ago . but can I add that I would feel better about having chosen this as a career if the police were more professional. I'm twenty-nine years old--too old to be working at a job . If I didn't think I could have a career here, I would leave the department and go where I could . I had a job before I joined the Department . if all I had wanted was a job I could have stayed where I was. Denver officers made these kinds of statements regarding their perceptions of their employment as either a job or a career: When I became a policeman I felt I had entered a career-I felt this way for about a year. I thought that all I had to do was do may work and mind my own business . But soon after the academy, I realized that in the entire history of the Denver Police, maybe out of about 100 black officers, only two have ever achieved rank above lieutenant and to me if you can't make rank as far as your ability says you can it stands to reason that you don't exactly have a career We [black officers] can't advance, so we have jobs, but I \VOuldn' t say a career. It's hard to think of this as a career . I'm almost ashamed to say it but I worry about just staying on the job. I've seen so many good black officers driven out-forced to resign or who just quit because they didn't want to sell their souls in order to be seen in a favorable light . . and you would just about have to do that to have a career . whether you're white or black, but especially if you're black." So I have a job, one that I enjoy; but a job nevertheless. I would say a career, because I feel good about what I do, where I'm assigned, and I think I can move up when

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1 72 the time is right . I have a positive attitude. I figure that unless the supervisors and people who run the department are totally blind or stupid they are going to see that I am good at rrw job . Anyway, sooner or later you've got to cornmi t yourself to something But I will admit that I need a new challenge. I'm in a career. I'm not going anywhere this department is just going to have officers give us more opportunity and sooner or later to deal with black . when that happens I' 11 be right here. to fight for the chance but I'll do that too, a fair chance I might have if necessary. Future Occupational Plans The officers' future occupational plans were also con-sidered in the study. It seemed to the researcher that the most straight-forward way of discovering officers' commitment to a law enforcement career was to ask them about future plans for employment and retirement. '!Wo questions addressed these issues: "Have you within the last two years considered leaving police work for .another kind of work?" and, "Do you plan to remain in police work until retirement?" In response to the first question only, 7. 5 per cent of Detroit officers and 10 per cent of Denver respondents state that, yes, they have considered leaving police work (Table 34). Thus, the vast majority of both groups of officers have not recently considered leaving the occupation. In response to the second question that focused upon the respondent's intention to remain in the occupation until retirement, 82.5 per cent of Detroit officers, and 85 per cent of Denver officers report that they intend to remain in police work (Table 35). These findings, taken as a whole, suggest that while

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173 only 7. 5 per cent of Detroit officers report having considered within the last two years leaving police work, 17. 5 per cent (or an additional 10 per cent of them) have long-range plans to leave the police occupation. Furthermo:r:e, while the Denver officers are more likely than those in Detroit to have considered leaving police work, in the long run they are somewhat more likely to plan to remain in the occupation until retirement. Probes of the officers' attitudes toward these tWo factors clarified the officers' answers. Particular attention was paid to statements by officers who plan to leave the occupation for another line of work. Their statements reveal something about the occupation as well as about their attitudes toward upward mobility . Detroit officers, who say that they do not plan to reinain in police work, had these kinds of c6nunents: . It's just not what I planned for myself. There's nothing wrong with the job, as far as I. can tell, but my personal aspirations just lie in another direction. People have treated me fairiy and I'm glad I got the opportunity, but it's just not the job for me. We're on our feet now. My wife is moving along in her job and we don't have any children yet. So, I've been thinking it' s time that I got started on something else for myself. (Entered department in 1975. ) I've been in school so long it's a joke now, but there was purpose for it . maybe I could use an accounting degree in the department, maybe not. The thing is, I like business. I like all that money that gets made and unmade. Ivbst of all, I guess I just like the challenge of seeing can I get some of it . Yes I 'd say most of all, I like the idea of the challenge. I've learned the job of a cop. and other than relearning it I can't see what else I can do. I want to believe that I can still help my people . maybe show them how to get a better economic foundation . Because helping other Blacks has been the best part of the job ... sometimes it was the only part that counted,

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174 and leaving that is the hardest 1 but I think I can go on helping . rraybe the next step is for us [Blacks] to get a real economic position the way we are getting a political position . that is the real power base. So 1 I'm planning to leave when I graduate. Yes, I've been thinking about it . thinking that it was t:ilne, and the closer I get to the "Bar" [Michigan bar examination] the more I think about it. But I owe this job a lot . I'm t:?e kid that dropped out in 1Oth grade . flunking everything, even P.E., which I know isn't supposed to happen to black kids . man, I couldn't even play basketball right, but this job .made me look at myself differently .. but it's funny, I guess, that I'm thinking about leaving it . rraybe, though, I' 11 come back as chief ... you never can tell. (Entered department, 1975.) Denver officers, who also indicate plans to leave the occupation before retirement, rrade these kinds of comments: I've been giving that [leaving police work] a lot of thought lately. I see so many .people get trapped in the job, but they never do anything about it. They take whatever is put out and go on, and in a way that's cool . I can . in a way even admire it, but a black policeman isn't going very far on the job, and I'm not all that happy thinking about spending twenty-five years at the bottom. (Entered department 1977.) I think it takes a special kind of person to do what I do day in, day out. I'm not that person. Even if I rrade sergeant tomorrow, I would still leave, or at least want to. (Entered department 1976. ) Some of the corrments of Detroit officers who state that they have not considered leaving police work, and who plan to rerrain until retirement are: It's not all that I thought it would be, or hoped it would be, but I like what I do . I like the job. Sometimes I get fed up with it, but I don't lie to myself and that means I'm not going to go around talking about I'm leaving tomorrow, when I know that whatever went down today I'm going to be here, same time, same place 1 and I can't say exactly why. (Entered department 1973. ) call it ego, call it whatever, but I feel like what I do

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175 is important. I'm the buffer between black people and socalled justice. I see so many of them come in here confused and angry, not understanding, and I can straighten stuff out--ease it. a little. I could have left five years ago, because I got in the financial position to do that. But no, I'm going to stay until I'm 75 if they let me! (Entered department 1971 ) And Denver officers who also expressed plans to remain in police work until retirement made these kinds of statements: Where is someone with my education going to make the same kind of money? People who run around talking about they are leaving this job are fooling somebody--:-probabl y them selVeS becaUSe when YOU I Ve got a high SChOOl diploma 1 and that's all you've got, there aren't many jobs that are going to pay you .as well unless they lead right into Canon City [Colorado State Prison]. (Entered department 1972.) . I can deal with the people. It's the politics that get in the way but I just can't give up on the job because of either the people or the politics. (Entered department 1972.) Further efforts to determine respondents' career commit-ments centered on hypothetical considerations to transfer employ-ment (given the opportunity to do so at better wages) to another police department, or to a state or federal law enforcement agency. In the first instance, respondents were asked: "Would you consider joining another police <;lepartment if you could enter at a higher salary?" Eleven Detroit officers ( 27. 5 per cent) and three Denver officers ( 15 per cent) answered "Yes. Clearly, a majority of both groups of officers would not consider transferring their employment to another police department (Table 36). But once again, respondents' statements elaborating upon their answers are more revealing. Some of the cormnents of Detroit officers who report that they would consider trans-ferring employment are:

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176 I would think about more than salary, but if I saw that the opportunities were better I would at least give it same thought. One of the first things I would have to check out is how black people were getting along in that town, that would be important because it would tell me or at least give me some idea of how I would fare in the department--what nw chances are ... I would need to know a little about who's in charge and about how the corrmunity rated the police. Even if they were offering a lot more money for the same job, I'd still be concerned about how the department was relating to the comrrnmi ty. My wife might not want to move and nw children wouldn't want to leave their friends but we could work those things out. My big concern would be how the police operated overall in the black cormruni. ty . If I could go in at a higher rank, I would probably give it same thought . . . not just any department, but maybe Atlanta [Atlanta Police Department]. Denver officers who also report a willingness to at least consider employment in another police department state: . but there would be more to think about than just the salary. The work conditions, chance for promotion and how the move might affect my family . where my sons would go to school--that kind of thing would be determining factors. If you mean a lot more money, then 0. K. not for a few more bucks. yes, but I wouldn't mind Atlanta. Blacks have done very well in that city . I hear in the department . but I sure wouldn't touch a place like Dallas [Dallas Police Department]. A few of the comnents of Detroit respondents stating that they would not consider transferring to another police department are: It would be the same old battles all over again. As a black man I'd have to fight for just keeping the job. I've been through all of that already and I wouldn't put myself in that position again.

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177 I turned down the chance to go with L.A.P . D. [Los Angeles]. They laid off nearly a thousand of us [black officers] and L.A. swooped down on Detroit, thinking that those of us who had been laid off would join L.A.P.D. They may have convinced three or four of us, but I don't see all that many black people having a part in running that department. I sure wasn't going to be one of them in any case. I am too attached to Detroit. This is where I grew up. I know these streets, I know this city--the people in it. I wouldn't want to trade that just for higher pay. And Denver officers provided these kinds of insights regarding why they would not consider entering another police department: Even if they paid more I don't think it would be any easier for me as a black man. Most departments say that they want more black officers but when they get a few here and there they make it very hard for us. If I ever leave this department I'm getting out of the whole thing . I would go into farming . try to get as far away as possible from white people and their bang-ups and games. I wouldn't stay in law enforcement if I quit this job, and I wouldn't care what they were paying . Inquiry was also made regarding respondents' willingness to transfer employment to state or to federal law enforcement agencies. Findings on these two cormni tment indicators are reported in Table 37. It is interesting to note that an overwhelming majority of both groups of officers-97. 5 per cent in Detroit and 95 per cent in Denver--report that they would not consider employment with a state law enforcement agency. Special note should also be taken that while Detroit officers are slightly more likely to consider employment in a federal agency than employment in a city police department, Denver officers indicate the same degree of consideration of federal employment as they do toward joining another police department.

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178 Probes were made to ascertain interviewees' reasons for their responses. Their answers suggest that major concerns about state and federal employment focus upon the perceived relationship these agencies have with the black community. Some of the cormnents of officers who would not consider employ-rnent in a state agency are: Black people have no control over what the state police do, and m:Jst of our contact with them is limited to when you're driving through the South. The ones I've seen are a law unto themselves. last sumner I went to Mineola, Alabama, to help my brother drive a car back here and we broke down in Dennison--one of those places where blacks still aren't allowed after sundown. We went into a 7-11 to see if there was a filling station we could call for help. One of the clerks must have called the state police or maybe they were already following us but before I could hardly pick up the phone there was one of them as big and as ugly, and as ignorant as ever. Wanted to know, "Do you 'boys' have a problem?" I knew enough not to let on that I was on the job because that would have been the surest way in hell to never get out of that town alive. And I'm telling you this happened in 1981--not 1921. (Detroit) I tried to join the state police in Alabama when I got out of the service. Just the way they acted when I went to get the application let me know I didn't have any business working in something like the state police. I put in the application anyway because I'm stubborn, but they found everything wrong with the application--never did get to me--because all they had to observe that here was a "nigger" getting out of his place . wanting a job. (Denver) I don't know that much about them [state agency] but I know that where I come from black people don't like them at all and there's got to be s6me reason for that. (Denver) Probes were also made regarding the officers' attitudes toward employment with a federal agency. Cormnents of the 67.5 per cent of Detroit officers and 85 per cent of Denver officers who would not consider this employment also focused upon a negative image of federal agencies' role in the black community,

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179 plus concern about the. kinds of assignments the officers, as black men, expect to be given as federal law enforcement agents. A few of this group's comments are: There used to be a time when black people looked up to the F.B.I.; looked to them for help and they played the game real well for a long time. But they were already into spying on people, black leaders, and organizations. I.Dok what they did to Malcolm [Malcolm X]. And there is a strong suspicion with Blacks that the F.B.I. had something to do with .Malcolm's death, and maybe even that of Dr. King. But they could never have got white boys that close to either one of these men. So they had to have used a cousin-one of the "Negro" cousins. And right now I can't see that they've [F.B.I.] changed that much. For example, if Coleman Young, Andrew Young or maybe Julian Bond, let's say . began to build a strong black national following, neither one of them would be alive five years from now. I wouldn't take the chance. I wouldn't want to be a part of something like that. (Detroit) When Coleman or maybe somebody like lee Brown 20 gets appointed as Director of the F.B.I., I might consider it--until then I think I'm better off. where I am. (Detroit) Postal Inspector might be 0. K. except for the travel involved but overall I'm not fascinated by the idea. (Denver) I don't think it would be much different for a Black except maybe wearing a three piece suit. (Denver) They would probably want a black person to go into DEA [Drug Enforcement Administration] and I want nothing that involves drugs. (Denver) Corrments of those who say that they would consider employment in a federal agency center primarily upon the profes-sional image of federal law enforcement. Some of the comments are: They [federal agencies] seem more professional to me, more up to date. I wouldn't mind that. I am most positive towards the fact that you don't have ranks and saluting--that boyscout stuff police departments thrive on. (Detroit) If they offered me a better job opportunity and I didn't have to end up in Green Bay [Alaska] to get it, I wouldn't say no . at least not right off the bat. (Detroit)

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180 They have professional attire. That doesn't mean that they are better at what they do than we are, they just look better to the public. (Denver) It might work out. Wouldn't be any worse, so why not? (Denver) Encouragement of others to Enter the Occupation The final set of career comnitment indicators examined involved the officers' willingness to encourage a son, daughter, or another young black man or wanan to enter the occupation. Interviewees were asked about each of these three variables, requiring a forced-choice answer of either "Yes" or "No. Inter-viewees, however, were later given the opportunity to expand upon their answers. In response to the question, "Would you encourage a son to enter police work?", 40 per cent of Detroit respondents and 15 per cent of Denver interviewees selected "Yes" as an answer. Concerning the second question: "Would you encourage a daughter to enter police work?", slightly rrore of the officers--52.5 per cent of those in Detroit. and 35 per cent of those in Denver The third question in this area was: "Would you encourage a young black person other than a son or a daughter to enter police work?" In response to this, 97. 5 per cent of Detroit officers and 85 per cent of Denver officers selected "Yes" as an answer (Table 38) Data findings from these three questions reveal that while Detroit interviewees are rrore than twice as

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181 likely as Denver officers to encourage a son to enter the occu:pation, and significantly rrore likely to encourage a daughter to do so, the majority of both groups of officers (60 per cent in Detroit and 85 per cent in Denver) would not encourage a son to enter the ciccu:pation. Detroit officers who indicate willingness to encourage a son to enter police work explain their attitudes this way: We've made it better for the black police officer. Assignments and promotions for the Blacks in the department are better. I like to think that I helped with that and who should reap the benefits rrore than one of my own. I am very proud of my son--the way he turned out. I think he would like being an officer. He has a good head on his shoulders. He was a leader when he was only five or six and still is. The department could do a lot worse. One of my sons is an officer. I don't know if I encouraged him I never sat down and said you should do this or that because it's what I've done . I don't believe in doing something like that, but I think he has seen the way I approached the job. I never lied to any of them, didn't try all the time to hide things. about the job or the department, still I'm glad I never approached things in such a way that he would turn away from it. My sons can do a lot rrore on the job than I could because it's a different world than when I started. Fifteen years ago I would have discouraged my son from even thinking about coming on the job because of the conditions we were under but that has changed. There's rrore opportunity and I see the department as rrore professional now than it was then. Hart has made a lot of changes in that direction--changes black officers were pushing for because they were right. Even the conununity recognizes this and gives a lot rrore support to the department and to the black officer, but the important thing is the professionalism. We still have some "Keystoners" around, but they're leaving. We have quite a few young black officers who are moving up, getting the chance to use their skills. For example, Edward Williams was recently given a leave of absence to

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182 do some work in another city department. He didn't get this because he is black, he got it because he has the skills that division can use. That's the same chance I would want for my son and I think that now he could have it in the department. Denver officers who indicate that they would encourage a son to enter the law enforcement occupation made these kinds of statements: I look back on all the ups and downs of the job . the discrimination, the slights because of color the things said about Blacks, the demands made on us and with all of that I don't regret having spent more than twenty years as a policeman . I tried to get my sons to join the force because it's so much better than when I started. But none of them were .interested, but I tried. I encouraged them, the same as my father encouraged me. I would have to tell him the truth and if he still wanted to do it [enter police work] I would try to help him the same way I would anyone else. If my son was in about the same situation I was when I came on the job . jusi: out of the service, no special skills-that kind of situation, I would encourage him to think about it. But the. fire department would probably be better--fewer problems. As mentioned earlier, both .groups of officers were more likely to indicate a willingness to give encouragement to a daughter than to a son. Officers' statements on this point suggest that their attitudes toward encouragement of a daughter is related to perceptions of the "strength" of the black woman in overcoming adverse conditions, perceptions that black women officers are less harshly treated than black male officers, and in some instances, perceptions that the job of a police officer pays a woman better than many other occupations. Infer-mation obtained from profile data also suggest that the officers are more likely to have sons than they are to have daughters,

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183 and hence encouragement of a daught7r is perhaps more abstract for them than it is in the case of a son. Representative statements of these viewpoints are: I introduced my daughter to COifiiilailder Ella Gibbs. I wanted her to rreet this officer because she is a very positive role model for young black women. She's a very strong woman, very detennined and that's the kind of example I'd want for my daughter. (Detroit) My daughter is so young, it's hard to say what I would or would not encourage her to do, but I know she would be better paid in this job than in most others; and I think she's going to be a very independent lady someday. (Detroit) A daughter yes, a son no, because they are so much harder on the black man than on the black woman. (Denver) My daughter is a very strong person, she would survive whereas I don't think my son would. (Denver) Among the sixteen Detroit officers who say that they would encourage a son, and the tWenty-one who say that they would encourage a daughter, twelve of them (32.4 per cent) were identified from data as stating they would encourage both a son and a daughter. In the case of Denver officers. reporting encouragement of a son two of them ( 20 per cent) indicated encouragement of both a son and a daughter. Some of the conunents of the Detroit interviewees who would not encourage either a son or a daughter to consider the police occupation are: My father stood on his father's shoulders, I stood on my father's shoulders, and I hope that my sons do the same. My grandfather was a sharecropper and that was better than being a tenant fanner. My father was a longshoreman and that was better than what his father did. So, I became a cop, also an linprovement. Now I want my sons to linprove on that. If they are interested in the law [and one of them is] I want to see them naking those laws and not just enforcing them the way I've done.

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184 I would not discourage one of them, I couldn't if I tried, but I would rather see them go further in life than I have. One of them could be the chief of this department, or ma.ybe in Chicago or New York and if that was the ambition, I'd say "fine, but let's do it the right way--evaluate the opportunities, study what you need to compete for the job and go for it." I've been shot twice and trapped in a fire once and that time, almost shot. Every time it's been harder on my wife than on me. My son wanted to be a policeman . took the tests and passed them. I _wanted to interfere. I admit I wanted to go to personnel and ask them to find something wrong, but 'I held back . I didn't interfere, but I was thinking that it would just about kill his mother to have two of us to worry about. We didn't discuss it, but I think my son knew . sensed how his mother felt because when they called. him for the job he turned it down. He went to school, but I don't think he's given up the so I guess we might have to start to worry about it all once again in a year or so. The city's financial problems may have given us a reprieve for a while, but he might join another department, which would be worse than if he joined this one. I've got a fourteen-year-old son who is inaking noises about being a cop and I don't think it's goirig to pass over because he's been saying that for a long time. If he goes ahead, I'll just have to live with it and I will teach him everything I know about the job. At least he .won't have to pick up dead dogs the way I did. Representative statements of Denver officers on this point are: I have five sons and I would rather see them go into something like the law, medicine or aviation--a profession. Every man [well at least I do] wants a fair chance for his son. My son could not have that fair chance in the police department. And I don't think that there's one in America where he could; until that happens--until black police officers are given the same chances as anybody else, I will-do everything I can to keep my son away from the police, period. Despite the fact that a clear majority of officers would not encourage a son or a daughter to enter police work, an overwhelming majority of them in both cities state that

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185 they would encourage a young black person, other than a son or daughter, to do so. Some of the officers indicate by their amplified answers recognition of this inconsistency when they remark: I've paid the dues and it's inp:>rtant--it's even critical that black people go into the police department so I encourage the cousins. We can't go back to 1943, can't let that happen again, and the only way we know it's not going to happen is if black people are in control of this in control tOday, tomorrow and then some, but as I said, I paid the dues, my children were affected, my wife, everybody, so I'm selfish--! say let somebody else's children pay them now. (Detroit) Black police officers change a police department; just by being there we made it a different place; a different attitude--we stir things up and I want that to continue to happen. (Detroit) We need more black police officers. Always have, always will and if we had more, things would be different. (Denver) I would encourage a young person that was strong, who wouldn't get caught in the traps--the tricks they lay for the black officer. But he or she would have to be a person that didn't become enraged about the things that happen to a black person in the department. He or she would need to be able to deal with the problems--to deal, and go on. (Denver)

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186 NarES--cHAPTER V 1Belle Isle is a large public park. 2Due to the city's problems, the Detroit Police Department has not appointed. new officers since 1977. Thus, the latest date that Detroit black officers were recruited is 1977. The Denver Police Department continues to recruit officers. 3Jefferson Projects are predominately black public housing located on the west side of the city. 4stop Street Crime and Enjoy Safe Streets [STRESS] was a controversial anti crime program organized by the Detroit Police Department in 1972. It was disbanded by Mayor Coleman Young in 1974. 5Jesse Ray was a black police officer appointed to the force in 194 7. While assigned to an undercover operation, he was severely beaten by white officers in a case of mistaken identity. Due to injuries sustained during the beating, Ray was granted disability retirement in 1960, and died a few years later. Some of the officers in the study attribute his death to the beating, although several years separate the two events. 6 The Algiers Motel was the site of a shootout between black citizens and the police in early summer 1967. This confrontation is considered by Blacks in Detroit, and by researchers, as a precipitating event to the civil disorder in Detroit in July 1967. 7n 1943" refers to the 1943 Detroit riot in which fortyfour Blacks were killed. Order was restor-ed in the city only by calling in federal troops. 8several of the Detroit interviewees who entered the department in the 1950s and early 1960s report that prior to 1960 black officers were "not allowed to cross Woodward Avenue." Woodward Avenue divides the city east and west. Although black citizens. had resided in segregated residential enclaves on the West side since at least as early as 1935, the majority of Detroit's black population remained concentrated on the Fast side of the city until about 1960. 9The Denver police chief referred to by the officers in this study resigned from the force after interviews were conducted in Denver. The current chief of police was appointed in the summer of 1983.

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187 10six of Denver Police Division Chiefs were given new assignments by the new chief of police after interviews were conducted in Denver. The current Division Chiefs are not, therefore, necessarily, the same as those to whom respondents are referring. 11A "district" in Denver is geographically and adminis tratively equivalent to a "precinct" in Detroit. 12"Blind pigs" were illegal bars that proliferated in Detroit in the 1940-1960s, especially in the black areas of the city. Some of the study's respondents explained their proliferation as a result of segregation in Detroit's restaurants, taverns and hotels. The department's vice squad was charged with closing down these establishments. 13For data on police department positions and salary schedules see Appendix D. 1 4The "fifty-fifty program" refers to the city's affirmative .action policies instituted in 1974, in which 50 per cent of municipal nanagement positions are to be held by whites and 50 per cent are to be held by Blacks. To achieve this goal in the police department 50 per cent of those promoted to supervisory and management positions are black. 15Approximately 50 per cent of Denver interviewees report holding a second [part-time] job. Although accurate data is not available, the researcher believes that as many as 50 per cent of all Denver officers may hold part time jobs. In addition to their regular police duties, many Denver officers work as security officers for theaters, supermarkets, and banks, and during public events like football games. 16"The Points [or Five Points]" refers to a predominately black neighborhood located in northwest Denver. 17The nanager of public safety to whom the officers refer resigned from the position after interviews were conducted in Denver. The current manager of public safety is white. 18The mayor to whom the Denver officers refer did not seek reelection, and.left office after interviews were conducted in Denver. The new mayor was inaugurated in July 1983. 19The Denver district attorney to whom the officers refer left office in 1982 after interviews were conducted in Denver. Mr. Norman Early, a black man, was appointed as Denver' s interim district attorney pending public elections to be held in November 1984. 20or. Iee Brown, a black man, is manager of public safety for Atlanta, Georgia.

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CHAPTER VI INTERPREI'ATION AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS The thrust of this study was to measure the effect of different black socio-demographic and political configurations on black police officers' career ccmnitment. The research focused specifically upon the relationship of the proportion of Blacks in a city's population and other factors of black political eir'I!;X)Werment and black police officers' attitudes toward law enforcement careers. The cumulative findings of the study are these: black police officers' career ccmnitment is significantly affected by the proportion of Blacks in a city's population, plus black predominance in elective and appointive positions that influence a police department. Data obtained through interviews with black police in Detroit and Denver--cities where blacks have decidedly different degrees of power--reveal that in these cities, black officers' commitment to careers is affected by socio-demographic and political variables that lead black officers to believe that upward mobility in the occupation is (or is not) realistically attainable. Data did not disclose important differences in the officers' personal and social characteristics, attitudes toward the job of the policeman, nor differences in their aspirations for careers. Rather, data indicate that black officers'

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189 career corrmitment is most importantly affected by expectations of success or failure when attempting to gain promotion within the department. The results strongly suggest that where Blacks are a majority and control political offices that significantly influence police department personnel policies, the black officer is more likely to expect success in his occupational endeavors, and will be more comni tted to a career. Literature underscoring the concepts of psychological contract and expectancy x theory within a framework of race relations in the Detroit and Denver departments provides support for study findings. Police Officers' career Commitment The psycho-sociological concept of commitment, although used widely, remains elusive. 1 To deal with this, we defined career comnitment as a cognitive agreement freely made by an individual to achieve higher status positions based upon an expectation that investment of present effort will pay off in the future. 2 A police officer's comnitment to a law enforcement career entails the investment of time and money, consent to have his performance evaluated by presumably objective standards, as well as the desire to move from the entry-level position to one in supervision, and ultimately to police management. Career commitment also involves some degree of confidence that the socio-occupational environment can be manipulated for the aspirant's benefit. The officer must also be willing to compete for scarce positions.

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190 Among all American law enforcement sworn personnel employed by local :police departments, fewer than 25 :rer cent achieve a rank higher than that of :police officer. 3 Approxirna. tel y 4 per cent achieve the :position. of chief of :police; 4 per cent attain :positions in up:rer management, and 1 0 :rer cent in su:rervisory :positions. In addition to factors of organizational structure, a :police officer's career mobility is affected by fiscal decisions -that determine the availability of higher :positions. Agency size and degree of s:recialization will also influence real op:portunity for advancement. Iateral entry into management, although recormnended by the President's Comnission on Iaw Enforcement and Administration of Justice in 1967, 4 con-tinues to be limited to a few :police departments. Consequently, ,. :police officers' occupational mobility is usually confined. to the department in which initial employment is obtained. Black :police officers face the. additional problem of race discrimi-nation within a majority of the nation's police forces.5 In the Detroit Police Department in 1980, 28.5 per cent of the department's employees held su:rervisory or management PoSitions.6 Twenty-five per cent of Detroit's :police su:rervisors and managers are black.7 In the Denver Police Department in the same year, 17 :rer cent of all :police force members were in :positions above the entry rank of :police officer. 8 Three per cent of Denver's :police su:rervisors and managers are black. 9 Between June 1980 and December 1982, 104 Detroit officers were promoted from the entry rank to police sergeant, these officers

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191 represented approxirnatel y 3 per cent of all personnel in the entry rank.10 During this period, 28 Denver officers were promoted to the supervisory position, and representeg 2.4 .. per cent of police officers in the entry rank. 11 In Detroit 50 per cent of those promoted are black. 12 In Denver, none of the department's newly-promoted police sergeants are black. 13 While promotion to sergeant is apparently limited in both departments, it is not substantially different between the departments except for black police officers. Given that 90.2 per cent (N = 74) of all Denver black officers are in the entry level rank, we would expect. that at least ohe black officer would have been among those promoted to the sergeant position. between June 1980 and December 1982. Nonetheless, both objective and subjective factors were assumed to underlie black officers personal decision to 14 pursue careers in law enforcement. Motivation for Success or Failure American society attaches great value to the achievement of success, especially success in the work place: Striving for success is encouraged to such an extent that it approaches the status. of a culturally obligatory pattern. To occupy a powerful position--to be a "boss," "the guy on top," is the challenge held out to Americans. The desired norm is "to be over others, not "to be under others, 11 "to give orders, 11 not "to take orders. n15 Black Americans, no less than other groups, have assimi-lated this view of success. Margaret Just Butcher corranented on this when she wrote that: In basic attitudes and alliance with overall American concepts

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192 and ideals, the Negro is a conformist. He believes implicitly in the promise and heritage of basic American documents, and he has applied the precepts of self-reliance, personal dignity, and individual human worth to the long, rewarding fight The American Negro's values, ideas and objectives are integrally and unreservedly American. 16 E. Franklin Fraizer notes siritilar facts about Black Americans striving for the American dream of success, 17 as have more recently Davis and Watson in Black Life in Corporate America. 18 Atkinson and Birch, based upon extensive research on achievement motivation, assert that most individuals are inclined to desire success in their life ehdeavors.19 Maslow also argues the universality of human striving for higher goals,20 and this idea is emphasized in Herzberg's studies of human motivation.21 The tendency, inclination, desire, and need to be successful is however only one side of the coin of motivation: The other is the neErl to avoid failure. 22 These motivations are thought to under lie and explain all human actions, while, as Atkinson and Birch state, of the individual. n23 constituting the daily life Different personal and situational variables d,etermine the relative strength and weakness of the over arching, but conflicting motivations. In the instance of the stronger motiva-tion to achieve success, expectations of success and the incentive success holds for the individual will dominate behavior.24 When the stronger motivation is to avoid failure, expectations of failure and the negative incentive of failure are paramount situational and personal factors that engage the individual's

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193 attention and direct his actions 0 25 Achievement-oriented activities, such as striving for higher occupational status, while providing an opportunity for success, also pose the risk of failure: It is presumed that any situation which presents a challenge to achieve, by arousing an expectation that actions lead to success, must also pose the threat of failure by arousing an expectation that actions may, on the other hand, lead to failure. Thus, achievement-oriented activity is always influenced by the resultant conflict between two opposed tendencies--to achieve success and to avoid failure.26 Before undertaking some achievement-directed activity, the individual calculates which 0f the two outcomes is likely to occur. If he decides that failure is the most likely result, he will be motivated to avoid failure.27 Expectations of failure, together with fear of failure, inhibit and may even extripate the motivation for success: First, it is assumed that disposition to be anxious about failure tends to make all activities in which perfonnance is evaluated threatening to an individual; and actions which might lead to potential threat are actions to be avoided whenever that is possible. That is precisely what the minus sign on the strength of tendency to avoid failure implies: the person is negatively motivated or motivated not to perform an act which might have as a consequence, failure. In other words, the theory of achievement motivation asserts that the achievement motive and expectancy of success provide positive interest and pursuit of success, but the motive to avoid failure and the expectancy of failure steer an individual away from achievement activities because they produce a tendenSd' to avoid or inhibit actions that might lead to failure.28 Detroit and Denver Black Police Officers' Expectations of Success and Failure Black police officers in Detroit and Denver indicate in reports of their actions, and in statements relative to

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194 careers, different expectations of the outcomes of efforts to achieve u:p.orcrrd rnobili ty. Whereas a majority of Detroit respondents report having undertaken the examination for the sergeant's position at least once, a full three-quarters of Denver respondent's report that they have not taken the examination. Detroit black officers express expectations of advancement to the highest positions in the organization and attainment of assignments in prestigious units as an interim step to higher positions; a majority of Denver black officers express expectations of failure in these occupational endeavors. When the officers were asked to elaborate on the reasons for their attitudes toward advancement, Detroit officers consistently convey expectations of success. In contrast, Denver officers' statements most often call attention to their anticipation of failure: II the process is rigged against Black officers ; "the deck is stacked against Blacks . ; "the list always dies just when a black is the next on the list . Respondents' statements also call attention to differences in perceptions of self-efficacy and confidence in the ability to manipulate the socio-occupational environment. The study noted that the Detroit group tends to describe manipulation of their socio-occupational environment in terms of active control: "I will;" "I can;" "I have ... ;" "We will .. II In contrast, Denver officers are passive, almost helpless in their statements about advancement. They often begin discussion of rnobili ty by saying: "They have got to give me a chance . ;

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195 "Sooner or later they will recognize that I am good at my job "They control the process of promotion. There appears to be a conviction anong Denver black officers that they have little personal control over their occupational life, and that they must depend upon external control factors which they as inimical to black officer career advancement. Dependency upon external control factors has beeri shown to have a devastating effect upon motivation. 29 Ronald Taylor com:nents on this: The belief in "external control," that is, the individual 1 s expectancy that external forces over which he or she has little or no control. will dete:rmine the rewards received in life--is shown to be consistently related to low occupational and educational aspirations, poor performance in school and on other achievement tasks and overall perceptions of life chances and opportunities.30 In both Detroit and Denver, black police officers clearly indicate that they have different perceptions of their occupational opportunities as policemen. We reiterate, however, that this present study did not find significant differences in Detroit and Denver officers 1 aspirations for careers; and as cattel and Child suggest: . the fact that overt action is stifled or inhibited does not mean that the tendency for the action is not there. 3l Deutsch offers the common-sense explanation that people are not likely to attempt to achieve even the most highlyvalued objectives when they see no way of attaining them.32 Grier and Cobbs also make this point when they write: We suggest that there is no more subtle student of society than the black man, and when he suspects that he is to a race where there is no prize he simply declines to run . Detroit officers, unlike officers in Denver, perceive

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196 themselves in a race they can win, and this, more than personal factors and aspirations for careers, sets them apart from their Denver brothers. Detroit officers assert expectations of success, while Denver officers assert expectations of failure when undertaking activities that lead to careers should they attempt to gain higher positions. Detroit officers view thert1Selves as co-caretakers of the empowerment accruing to Detroit Blacks by means of demographic change and black predominance in the city's political structure. Denver officers perceive themselves as supplicants within the police establishment and outside Denver's power structure. Detroit officers view political figures as advocates for equality within the police department; Denver officers think of political actors at best as indifferent, insensitive, or ineffectual in securing equal chance for black police officers and, at worst, "gatekeepers" who negate Blacks' career opportunities. In a word, these two groups of black police officers have different expectations of the realistic attainment of careers, and hence are differently mOtivated to seek them. Psychological Contract and Expectancies of Success and Failure Black police officers' career commitment entails a logical contract--that is, the cognitive agreement to achieve a higher position. The psychological contract, like other agree-ments, is not unilateral. The organization in which the officer works, supervisors, colleagues, and the conmuni ty' s political structures that underwrite police services, are parties to it.34

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197 The black police officer's cognitive agreement to achieve a higher position is influenced by the expectations significant others have of him. These expectations are conveyed to the officer through the nonns and values of the groups to which he belongs and with which he interacts. Nonns and values, together with the policies predominant in the organization, the work group, and the community also transmit to the black police officer certain expectations regarding his behavior. Whisenand and Ferguson in discussing the social-exchange characteristic of the psychological contract comment: The notion of a psychological contract implies that the individual has a variety of expectations of the organization and that the organization has a variety of expectations of him. These expectations not only cover how much work is to be performed for how much pay, but also involve the whole pattern of rights, pri viieges and obligations between worker and organization . expectations such as these are not written into any fonnal agreement between employee and organization, yet they operate powerfully as determi-nants of behavior.35 Black police officers enter the occupation with certain predetermined expectations that the association will be mutually beneficial; thus they can be said to have already made a calcula-tive contract: . the contract is a voluntary one. There is usually a fairly explicit exchange of goods or money for services rendered. The control is retained by the management of the organization but is expressed mainly in its ability to give desired things to the individuaL "Desired things" include not only money, but promotion, social opportunities, even work itself.36 Officers participating in this study were asked specifically about their expectations for careers at the time they entered the police department and about their expectations for careers

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198 at the time interviews were conducted. Additional probes were made of the officers 1 expectations in questions centering on their reasons for joining the police department as well as reasons for remaining in police work, future occupational plans, and their aspirations for their sons and daughters. As data, presented in Chapter V of this work disclose, Denver officers (when first employed) were much more likely than Detroit respondents to expect that they would advance in the occupation. At the time of this study, however, Denver officers were much less likely than Detroit officers to indicate expectations for careers. Furthenrore, Detroit officers were more likely than Detroit officers to have actively sought police work because of the nature of the work itself. This too changed for the Denver officers, who at this junction in their employment are more likely to remain in the occupation for economic reasons. These findings suggest that black police officers 1 expectations for success or failure, and motivation to seek careers are learned within the context of the occupational socialization process and through interactions with others in the organization. The data also suggest that Denver officers 1 calculative contracts have been transformed into coercive contracts. 37 Black Police Socialization and Interactions within the Police Organization Socialization of new members into an organization has several goals, but two stand out: First, the organization attempts through socialization to rid the novitiate of "foreign ideas"

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199 that are at variance with those of the organization. 38 Second, the organization tries to instill in the new member attitudes that confrom to the ideological posture of its predominant members. 39 The police socialization process is thought to occur simultaneously at formal and informal levels.40 Through sociali-zation involving interactions with others, the police novitiate learns what he can expect from the organization and what the organization expects from him. Conclusions by Alex,41 Alexander, 42 OWens, 43 Palmer,44 Teahan 45 I and others suggest that black police officers' socialization often informs the black officer that he is expected to fail in his efforts to become a fully integrated and valued employee of the organization, sharing in its rewards as well as in its obligations. Moreover, the process attempts to socialize the officer to notions of Blacks' inferiority and powerlessness. It has been this writer's exper-ience and observation that as reported by respondents to this study the black police recruit is often "watched" for resistance to the ideology of black inferiority and powerlessness and tested for his adaptability to the ideology that casts Blacks (especially black men) in a mold of inferiority. This can often be accomplished by innuendo and racial stereotypical humor that portray Blacks as inept and infantile. If the black officer protests racial "hlli!'Dr" as offensive, tasteless, and inapprop-riate, he will very likely be defined as either "too sensitive" or as derronstrating. a "poor attitude." Either definition may mark him, even in the earliest stage of employment, as a "poor

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200 team player, and therefore nnsui table for management. The second phase of the black officers' socialization occurs at the point of his first assignment upon leaving the police academy. Historically, this has meant assignment to a segregated neighborhood, nnder the tutelage of a veteran black police. officer. 46 The veteran black officer's role has tradi-. tionally been to teach the black neophyte ways of "staying out of trouble with supervisors, who in most police departments are white. A second reason for assigning the new black officer with a veteran black officer is that the veteran officer has credibility when instructing another Black in the futility of challenging conditions and circumstances of racial inequality. The veteran officer's instructions are, nevertheless, sincerely rendered for the purpose (from his viewpaint) of teaching the novice survival strategies in an environment hostile to Blacks' presence.47 The veteran officer may even have a personal stake in the success of the instruction: The implication is that were it possible to successfully contest racial inequity, then he (the veteran officer) would have done so; his self-concept is, in a sense, on the line. .rooreover, unsuccessful challenges can result in making the situation worse for other Blacks in the department, calling attention to black officer dissatisfaction, and perhaps inviting whites' definition of the black officers as "militant." The veteran black officer has at his disposal several examples of black officers who tried and failed in efforts to redress inequities. Those who fail pay the price of

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201 failure. They may be "buried" in dead-end and isolated assignments, 48 described as "cowards,". or ultimately out of the department. The socialization of the.black officer may also include certain degrading rituals from which the veteran black officer cannot protect hiln. Several Detroit officers coming into the department in the 1950s and 1960s, mentioned being assigned the task of "picking up dead dogs. These officers interpreted such tasks as degrading and racially motivated because of the laughter they evoked from white officers. White officer avoidance of contact and conversation with black officers, constituting. a type of "shunning" ritual is especially damaging to expectations of assimilation into the organization. This does. not mean, however, that White officers do not communicate to the black officer their beliefs about Blacks' inferiority. The mere avoidance of contact with the black officer sends a formidable message: Nonverbal corrmunication is in fact as important, if not more so, than actual words used. Nonverbal cues are often the best ways we have of ascertaining goals, intentions and expectation of the other party in the interaction . Detailed studies have been done of eye contact, of physical proximi. ty and of features and interactions in order to demonstrate the ways we have of cormninicating without words. 49 Nonverbal communications between white and black officers often take the form of white officers' refusal to work with black officers and the suspension of conversation when a black officer enters a room. other types of comnunication convey the white officers' attitudes toward Blacks. The language of graffiti found within common areas of police buildings describing Blacks

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202 in derogatory terms communicates white officers' attitudes; descriptions of predominately black neighborhoods as "Pork Chop Hill" and the "DMZ" (Demilitarized Zone); descriptions of Blacks in a.nirralistic and dehumanizing terms (i.e. "negress as in tigress";) freely-made explications of sexual fantasies involving black women; statements like "keep the niggers scared," and the more sophisticated statement that affirmative action programs have "lowered police standards, all serve to communicate to the black officer that his presence in the occupation is an intrusion and that he is not expected to advance in the organization. But the most potent kind of communication is one that conveys messages of black powerlessness. This may, and often does, involve abuse of black arrestees. For example, a recurring story told to this writer concerns white officers urinating ori a black" :occurence that would be difficult to hide -from black officers. The story may of course, be no more than rumor, circulated for its potential effect on black officers' morale_ 50 The black officer's attempts to prevent abuse of black (or white) arrestees may result in negative definitions of his behavior. He may be assessed as one who "interferes" in another officer's arrest of suspects, or described as a "bleeding heart liberal. He may, because of protest against abuse of arrestees, even be defined as one that cannot be trusted to "back up a fellow officer." Without adequate support systems and role models that

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203 effectively counteract white definitions of black inferiority, the black officer may come to accept the messages of black inferiority received in the socialization process. For as Van Maanen observes: Few, if any, pass. through the socialization cycle without being their own experiences and the sagelike wisdom passed from generation to generation of policemen--to accept the occupational accepted frame-of-reference. This frame-of-reference includes, of course, both broad axioms related to police work in general [role] and the more specific corollaries which provide the ground rules of the workaday world . 51 For the black officer the corollaries of his workaday world are often those of denial and denigration that may occur at several points in the occupational experiences of black officers. Structural Sources of Black Police Officers' ExpeCtations of Success and Failure. Double standards in police organization behavior systems are posited by Owens as a part of the black officer's sociali-zation: "Inherent in this double standard behavior system is a type of inequitable treatment that has a socializing effect On police OfficerS in the department IS OCCUpatiOn prOCeSS. n52 Double standards in performance evaluations, in assignments, in discipline, and in promotions may reasonably be inferred to socialize black off1cers to expect failure. The bias implied in these practices can be assumed to create uncertainty about standards by which the black officer's overall performance will be judged; and as mentioned earlier, consent to have performance evaluated by presumably objective standards of excellence

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204 is an integral part of striving for a career. The most widely used police personnel performance systems provide supervisors ample opportunity for subjectivity when evaluating the personal characteristics of black officers as well as black officers' performance. 53 Most systems call for evaluation of such personal characteristics as loyalty, presence of mind, expressiveness, adaptability, common sense, diplomacy, imagination, alertness, emotional stability, presentation of ideas, general attitude, and attitude toward and ability to get along with supervisors, peers, and the public. Indeed, the. larger part of performance evaluation criteria found in instruments used by a rna jori ty of police departments has not been validated for objectivity and relatedness to excellence in police officer performance. rn place of validated criteria one finds subjective factors based upon conventional wisdom, and various traditions assumed to be related to police officers' performance. As Ionnone suggests, however: The performance standards which emerge from an effective rating system will give employees the clues as to what is expected from them. These standards will serve as goals toward which they can strive when know where they stand in comparison with other employees.5 In a situation where the black officer is held in low esteem and ascribed an inferior status, an "effective" evaluation system is one that conveys expectations of failure, and at best, the expectation that the black officer will conform to white standards in such personal characteristics as verbal expressions, presen-tation of ideas, and emotional stability, in addition to other

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205 subjective criteria implied in the repart. Even the supervisor who disavows personal racial bias is quite likely to interpret black officers 1 challenges of the status quo as disloyalty and confrontations with white officers because of racial stereotypical "jokes il as inability to get along with co-workers. Such challenges and confrontations ma.y even be considered indicative of emotional instability. Double standards in discipline and evaluations may also conmunicate that the organization 1 s behavior toward. Blacks can be capricious and unfettered by requirements of fairness and impartiality. Moreover, organizational behavior characterized by double standards can be a very real source of the black officer 1 s frustration and stress that may lead to poor duty performance, 55 and in some instances, to aberrant behavior. 56 The black palice officer is subject to the usual stresses of the palice occupational role, 57 plus those that emanate from a stigmatized status:58 Minority officers face not only the daily stressful situations of persons on the force, but aiso the problem of being a minority on a force which in most cases is dominated by whites . Minority. officers tend to suffer significantly more stress than majority palice officers . They are always reminded of their minority status on the force. Minority palice generally perceive that there is not the closeness within the department with white officers There is a continuing sense of alienation from the rest of the palice conmuni ty. 59 Under conditions of inequality, debasement, and the aggressiveness of racism, the black officer is very likely to be continually anxious about retaining employment. The reader is asked to recall that Detroit officers first employed in the

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206 1950s and 1960s, and officers in Denver, generally, revealed anxiety about retaining their jobs in statements like: 11We used to wonder if we could just hold onto the job, 11 and "I worry about staying on the job. 11 This is not paranoia; the black officer soon comes to realize that arbitrary standards in perfonrance evaluations, combined with double standards in disciplinary actions can be used to dilute the number of Blacks in a police department. To contest the situation will most assuredly increase the possibility of reprisal and perhaps dismissal: When they [black men] protest against racial discrimination there is always the threat that they will be punished by the white world. In spite of the movement toward .the wider integration of the Negro into the general stream of American life . Negroes are still threatened with the loss of positions and earning power if they insist upon their rights. 60 Discriminatory practices in to special units is another--if perhaps more subtle--way the organization imparts its expectations of black officers' failure--if they rerrain employed. Systerratic denial of fair opportunity to compete for assignments in prestigious units sends a message to the black officer that his membership in the organization is one of marginality. 61 For a majority of police officers, assignments to special units provide the opportunity for personal developrrent as well as an increase in salary, occupational prestige, and higher status in the organization. An increase in status and prestige has been shown by Kotter to be important determinants of employees' psychological contracts. 62

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207 On another plane, discriminatory practices in assignments limits opportunity for promtion. Special assignments function as a preparatory stage. for higher positions. Burtell Jefferson, an executive in the Washington, D.C. Police Department, calls attention to the relationship between assignment to special units and pr0100tion: Service in special units or special training has a significant effect on an officer's "suitability for promotion" and his place on the promotion roster. The opportunity for and training for favored staff functions has been systenatically denied Blacks. Lack of knowledge and experience in these critical functional areas have been effective bars to promotion,. Discriminatory assignments and pr0100tion practices largely account for the dearth of black executives in staff and conmuni ty positions. Discriminatory practices serving to exclude Blacks from elite units are varied and often. covert. "Tailor-made job descriptions" and special qualification requirements have been used effectively. The selection of aspirants may be covertly controlled by delegating authority to comnanding officers of staff units to hand-picked members. Special interest groups inside and outside the department can apply pressure for the selection of specific individuals often less qualified for the job. When Blacks do penetrate specialized units, they are often denied opportunities to attend seminars, workshops or advanced study courses. Dubious reasons are often cited: for example, budgetary limitations, availability of slots; or the irrelevance of the program to one's present assignment.63 In both the Detroit and Denver Police Departments, the selection of officers for special units is controlled by comnand ing officers of the units, and in both of the cities black officers recognize that assignments to staff units are invaluable to definitions of suitability for promotion. Staff unit assign-ments are also desirable because they generally afford greater training opportunities than can be had in line units. 64 Just as importantly, assignment to prestigious staff units lends the

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208 aura that the officer has an influential mentor who is interested in the officer's advancement. Data point to black officers' assignments to special units, other than criminal investigation, as critical to their perception of equal chance for advancement in police work, and there appears to be no difference in the percentage of Denver black and white officers assigned to criminal investigations. Overall, in 1980, 15 per cent of all Denver's sworn personnel were assigned to investigations, as were 15 per cent of the department's black police officers. 65 Differences between black and white officers' assignments are more pronounced in the department's jUvenile, traffic, technical services, and administratio!l divisions. Where 27 per cent of all Denver police officers were assigned in 1980 to special units (other than investigations) 15 per cent of Denver's black officers had assignments in these units. Put another way, Denver's black police officers tend to be overrepresented in the patrol division, equally represented in investigative, and underrepresented in technical, juvenile, traffic and staff assignments. In contrast, Detroit black officers' assignments in patrol, and special units, including staff units,. is reflective of their overall representation in the department. However much police officers may ascribe to the idea that patrol work is the most difficult and challenging aspect of the occupation, prestige and occupational status continues to comes through assignments to units other than patrol, especially those in staff units.

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209 Still another means of conveying the organization's expectation of black officers' failure is to limit the number of black officers promoted, and to select for promotion black officers whom other Blacks consider "white niggers. The organi-zation may defend this latter practice with arguments that "good team players" (black or white) make better managers. From the black officer's perspective, however, the connotation is that a career is dependent upon "selling one's soul" in exchange for good will of those who control advancement. "Selling one's soul" is given a Faustian interpretation 66 and viewed by many black officers as demanding negation of the black point of view, the relinquishment of their "Negritude" 67 and other black cultural expressions that may offend white sensibilities.68 Self-effacement. and group deprecation, where required, is per-ceived by black officers as obesquious, and a poor bargain in a psychological contract for higher position. In most instances where whites control police depart-rnents, administrators ascribe the differential rates of black-white officer promotions to black officers' inadequate prepara-tion for management positions. Akins Warren and Robert Ingram, however, recently noted: Even when Blacks are promoted there appears to exist resistance to their being promoted to any position higher than sergeant. James Steward retired as a sergeant in 1966 from the Detroit Police after 26 years. Before his retirement he was considered the "cream of the crop. He had a master's degree and had completed two years of law school. However, Steward charged in a 1980 article [Detroit Free Press], 'I was denied a promotion to lieutenant because I am Black. They could not deny me seniority, they could not deny me

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210 my written exams--I always had the best scores in the depart-. ment, time and time again. 69 Vicarious Experiences as Source of Expectations of Success and Failure Black police officers' expectations of success and failure in pursuing careers may be formulated by reports or observations of other's experiences. 70 The importance of vicar-ious, symbolic experience in the formulation of black officer expectations is brought home forcefully by respondents 1 statements, like: "Hart and others have shown that it [advancement] can be done . "Three hundred black officers have been promoted to. sergeant or higher since 197 4 . 1r.;" "In the history of the department [Denver Police Department] only two Blacks have been promoted beyond lieutenant. Symbolic experiences may occur in other ways. As one Detroit officer J?
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211 of black success versus failure in the broader society.71 Evidence obtained from officers in this study is that Detroit officers are more likely than Denver officers to receive messages of Blacks 1 success. In Detroit, officers can observe at first hand Blacks 1 extensive participation in the city 1 s .political and criminal justice systems. Not only is the mayor black, but so too, are the city 1 s commissioners of transportation, sanitation and water, housing, health and hospitals, and elections. The chief of police and the sheriff of Wayne County are black. .M:my of Detroit 1 s judges and magistrates, and three of five members of the Board of Police Cc:mnissioners are black. Black involvement in the upper echelons of Denver 1 s political and criminal justice structures is relatively limited.72 Even in the private sector Detroit Blacks are more likely to reach prominence than they are in Denver, providing additional black impact upon the political process. 7 3 A strong black press in Detroit (absent in Denver) also helps to convey messages of black success over those of failure. In contrast, a Denver respondent points out: "Have you ever noticed that most of the black men in Denver in my age group [ 38 years old] are in jail or just hanging around? 11 This is not to say that Denver 1 s black citizens do not, to some extent, influence the socio-political and economic structure of the city. The more irrportant point here is that black officers in Denver tend to perceive black influence as limited and often ineffectual, and it is black officers 1 subjective attributions of their socio-political

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212 environment that influences attitudes toward career opportunity. Historical precedent may also provide the black officer important symbolic experiences of success from which to construct his own expectancies. This present study found that both groups of officers are keenly aware of the historical experience of black policemen in their respective police departments. Detroit officers, not infrequently, speak of the deprivations experienced by black officers in the 1950s and 1960s. They relate stories of segregated assignments and of the "black cars, 7 4 and about the black lieutenant who filed a civil suit to establish his authority to discipline white officers. 75 They recount other experiences of black officers, some ending in tragedy, others in triumph. First, Jesse Ray, severely beaten by white officers in a case of "mistaken identity." 7 6 A tragedy involved Executive Deputy Chief Frank Blount who was expected to become Detroit 1 s first black chief of police, but whose career ended in the wake of a federal investigation charging him with theft of fireanns. 77 Other stories tell of black officers 1 triumphs. Respondents frequently mentioned the black officer who was initially refused emplo:Yment because he had "tuberculosis, but who nevertheless succeeded in entering the Detroit police department and went on to became Chief of Police.78 Denver respondents also reveal an awareness of historical experiences of Blacks in the Denver department, but always with overtones of helplessness: "They didn 1 t have much chance . ." ; "They went along with the program . "; "They say it 1 s better

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213 now, but I don't see how it could have been much worse. The outcome of the black officer's historical situation is viewed quite differently by Detroit and Denver officers. In Detroit the officers tend to perceive that deprivations and experiences attributable to racism, and policies of segregation have been overcome, and that black policemen emerged from the "struggle" as survivors of inequality: Black officers once assigned to segregated scout cars, and officers once denied assignments in prestigious units, emerged, as one of the officers put it: "With their souls intact. More objectively, one of these officers went on to become chief of police. Others are now commanding officers of units from which they had previously been excluded. Denver's black officers perceive little basis for expecting that conditions of deprivation and denial can be overcome. From their perspective, there has been little progress for Blacks in the Denver Police Department. These officers point out that whereas 24 black officers were employed in 1968, 82 were employed in 1982--a gain of 58 black offiqers in 14 years; whereas two black officers were sergeants in 1969, in 1982 only six of the department sergeants are black. Two black officers were lieutenants in 1976, one black officer held that rank in 1982. More disturbing to the Denver black officer is the number of Blacks leaving the department through voluntary resignations, or resignations under pending charges, or by dismissal. From a high of 92 black officers in December 1981 the number of

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214 black officers declined to 78 by April 1983--nearly a 15.2 per cent decrease. Hence the Denver officers' statements: "They are firing black officers faster than they are hiring them," and I don't see how it could be much worse . Detroit officers attribute Blacks' progress in the Detroit Police Department to that department's paying attention to the effects of racism on black officers' opportunities, and attribute that attention to black political empowerment in Detroit. Officers in Denver attribute the lack of Blacks' progress in the Denver Police Department to the pervasiveness of institu-tionalized racism, and to the political impotency of Blacks in the Denver cormruni ty to challenge it. Both of these viewpoints affect black officers' career commitment. Institutionalized Racism: Impact on Black Police career M::>bili ty in the Denver Police Department Theoretically black police officers in Denver have opportunities for occupational upgrading equivalent to those of white officers. That is, within the Denver department there are no policies that interdict black officers' promotions to the highest positions, and yet, Denver officers believe that race prejudice combined with race discrimination create practices inimical to Blacks' advancement in the department. These officers believe that racism poisons their occupational environment to the extent that neither legislation outlawing discriminatory practices, nor judicial mandates addressed specifically to the Denver Police Department regarding minority hiring, have removed

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215 patterns and norms of racism, implying that racism has been institutionalized within the Denver Police Department.79 In defining the institutionalization of norms, Theodorson and Theodorson state that norms can be considered institution-:alized where there exists: A pattern of interrelated social norms that defines the expected and legitimate mode of behavior in a social situation ... a system of sanctions is associated with institutionalization such that conformity to institutionalized .expectations is rewarded and deviance is punished. so Matthew Holden describes the institutionalization of racism in these terms : To speak of "institutionalized racism" is to say that in a given institutional pattern systematically and regularly discriminates in favor of one set of claimants . against another set of claimants "Institutionalized racism" is what we would measure . by observing the extent to which a wide variety of social roles [ "voter, "priest, . "policemen" . ] and the likes should regularly be predictable on the basis of race . 81 This dominance [of institutionalized racism] could be suggested if we looked not at the actual recruitment of decision makers, for instance, but at the decision process rules which decision makers are expected to follow. Once the recruitment rules have been modified, so that when a for:rnally closed social role is deemed open, it is important to ask if the criteria for role performance differ from one sort of person to another. To the extent that blacks are under constraints which whites in the same roles would not be under, the phenomena of institutionalized racism may be said to be present . The net effect is a sort of unofficial apartheid.82 Denver respondents charge that: 1 Practices in promotions, assignments, evaluations regularly discriminate in officers against black officers. discipline and favor of white 2. The race of those in the higher echelons of the department is predictable.

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216 3. Criteria of role perfonnance are different for black officers than for white officers, light:-skinned black officers, and Chicano officers, as manifested by "double and triple standards" of discipline. 4. Black officers are under constraints which white officers are not under. 5. Both black and white officers who deviate from the norms of racism are subject to sanctions. According to Denver respondents,' the norms of racism and the pa.tterns of race discrimination have been amenable to neither legislation nor to judicial decree. Denver black officers, like most black Americans, tend to ascribe racism in their work place to white co-workers "taste for discrimination." 83 On balance this seems a plausible expla-nation, especially when it is considered that race prejudice can be expected to find fertile ground in an occupational culture that conditionsits members to a "threat orientation" for inter-preting the world. 84 Skolnick concluded from his study of the police occupational culture that a "threat orientation" is indeed a part of the occupational behavior of police officers. The policerran, because his work requires him to be occupied continually with potential violence, develops a perceptual shorthand to identify certain kinds of people as symbolic assailants; that is, as persons who use gesture, language, and attire that the policerran has come to recognize as a prelude to violence. This does not mean that. violence by the symbolic assailant is necessarily predictable. On the contrary, the policerran responds to the vague indication of danger suggested by appearance. Like the an.i.nals of the experimental psychologist, the policerran finds the threat of random damage more compelling than a predetennined and inevitable punishment.85 Allport and Kramer, in discussing the roots of prejudice, note that the prejudiced adult tends to view the world as

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217 dangerous and m:>st individuals as venal. They St:II'([[BI"ize this view with the propositions: The world is a hazardous place in which men are basically evil and dangerous. We do not have enough discipline in our American way of life. On the I am more afraid of swindlers than I am of gangsters. Peter Manning formqlates similar propositions to describe assump-tions of the police culture: People cannot be trusted; they are dangerous. Experience is better than abstract rules. You must make people respect you. The legal system is untrustworthy; policemen make better decisions about guilt or innocence. People who are not controlled t?reak the law. 87 Bayley and Mendelsohn in their study on police-minority relations in Denver cautioned, however, that while white policemen in Denver are indeed I?rejudiced they are only slightly more so than the community as a whole;88 and Westley writes: For the police the Negro epitomizes the slum dweller and, in addition, he is culturally and biologically inherently criminal. Individual policemen sometimes deviate sharply from the general definition, but no white policeman with whom the author has had contact failed to mark the Negro, to use some type of stereotyped categorization, and to refer to interaction with the Negro in an exaggerated dialect when the subject arose. 89 Bell notes in his. study of police attitudes that . When questions were posed in policy tenns or where legal or formal discrimination was at issue, the officers expressed less prejudice than the general public. For example, legal measures were vigorously supported by the participating

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218 officers. However, the participating officers have not taken y strong positions against informal discrimi These mixed findings suggest that race prejudice, race discrimination and race ideology are different phenanena and serve quite diff.erent purposes. The later finding by Bell further suggests inconsistency in the behavior .of white officers and raises the question of why the white officer may on the one hand support legal measures to prevent while on the other, he may engage in behavior contrary to legal mandates. Bayley and Mendelsohn offer a possible answer: While policemen are willing to concede that rrdnority groups may have right on their side as a theoretical matter, they still resist encroachments entailed by minority demands. Their potential hostility is toward the encroachments of Negroes than the Spanish-named. When officers were asked whether they thought minority people. were trying to push in where they were not wanted, 47% [sic] of the officers said this was true for Negroes; 17% [sic] said this was true for the Spanish-:-named, and 5% [sic] said this was true for Jews.91 Not only do Denver officers in Bayley's and Mendelsohn's study express greater antipathy toward Blacks than toward other minority groups, but they are also more likely to perceive contact with Blacks as more physically contaminating than contact with other minorities who share skin coloring and facial features like those of whites. This situation supports Denver respondents' statements that very light-skinned black officers encounter less discrimination than those whose skins are very black; and that it "helps to have caucasian features--that way you don't offend them as much." On another level, white officers may be antipathetic

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219 toward other minorities than they are toward Blacks because no minority group has been as visible as Blacks in asserting their right to equal employment opportunities in Policing--a stand which is all too often interpreted by white officers as "pushing themselves in where they are not wanted. At the present time, as in the past, Blacks are not only considered the most vocal and aggressive in asserting rights of fair employment in police departments, but are also likely to be the mino!i ty group most in competition with whites for police jobs.92 Race prejudice and race discrimination (where institu-tionalized raciSm pennits) serve the pragmatic. purpose of decreasing competition for scarce positions. As Rose observed some years ago: To white workers the Negroes easily appear 'different,' as I lOW grade people f I and it becomeS a matter Of SOCial prestige not to work under conditions of equality with them . Once white workers. -look upon Negroes as different from themselves, and corisequently, do not feel a common labor solidarity with them, 'economic interest' will back up discrimination. By excluding Negroes from competition for jobs, the white workers can decrease the supply of labor in the market, hold l.lP wages, and secure employment for themselves. To give white workers a monopoly on praroc>tions is, of course, to give them a vested interest .in job gation . The racial beliefs are convenient! y at hand to rationalize prejudice and discrimination.93 Rose' s observations continue to be relevant, especial! y for the present-day employment situation within most urban i;:olice forces. Police employment has been recently curtailed by a decline in the fiscal resources of urban communities. 94 Consequently there are often many more applicants for police positions and police promotion than there are slots. 95 Even

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220 in the absence of race prejudice on the part of individual officers, economic competition provides incentive for using racism to limit black competition. Davis and Watson .found that where there is keen competition for a few places at the top, race, color, and even differences in black and white language usage and cultural expressions can be called forth as weapons with which to sabotage Blacks' mobility in the organization. 96 It is presumed that white police officers in Detroit and Denver share the occupational perspectives described by Manning. It is also presumed that white police officers and administrators in Denver are no more prejudiced than their counterparts in Detroit. Certainly the norms and patterns thought to underlie institutionalized racism and its attendant sanctions were operative in the Detroit Police Department at least until 1974. Detroit officers coming into the department between 1952 and 1968 vividly relate experiences resulting from discriminatory practices. Even now, according to Detroit black officers' reports, the residue of institutionalized racism is manifest in interpersonal and intergroup relations among black and white officers. It is beyond conjecture that Detroit's fiscal difficulties are reflected in the suspension of hiring new officers, and the furlough of more than one thousand Detroit officers. Race discrimination however, no longer prevails in the Detroit department to the extent that black officers perceive it as blocking: their career advancement and suffocating their expectations of occupational success. This suggests that something

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221 more than legislation, judicial decrees, and affirmative action mandates operate in the Detroit Police Department to provide (and more importantly) to guarantee black officers a fair chance for careers. The Detroit officers participating in this study ascribe this to black community errq;:owerment and to the election of officials comni tted to equal opportunity, without the interposition of law. In other words to black power! The Effects of Black Political Empowerment on Detroit Black Police Officers' Expectation of Career Success In order to understand the effect of black corrmuni ty political ernpower:ment on Detroit's black police officers' expec-tation of career success, it is necessary to understand the sources and the broad characteristics of "Black Power" as well. When Stokely Carmichael uttered the phrase "Black Power" in 1966, a majority. of establishment Americans thought the ter:m threatening, meaningless, or confusing. 97 Scholars analyzed the tenn and found it ambiguous and emotional. 98 Black leaders thought it provocative and dangerous; whites generally defined the phrase as peremptory. 99 Black youth, the alienated, and the oppressed understood the meaning of "Black Power" and embraced the concept100 even before Carmichael and Hamilton explained it in these tenns: The goal of black self-determination and black self-identity-black power--is full participation in the decision-making processes affecting the lives of black people, recognition of the virtues in themselves of black people. 0

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222 Perhaps the majority sentimerit regarding "Black Power" prevailed because few Americans in 1966--black or white; scholar, private citizen, or public figure--could envision that in less than twenty years black Americans would significantly influence and in some instances predominate in the power structures of rrany of the nation 1 s important industrial, carrmercial and cultural centers. Few Arr!ericans in the Sixties, in light of white America's historical denial of Blacks 1 access to the points of power, foresaw how demographic change, and the notion of representative government would combine With interest-group politics to give Blacks political power and advantage in cities like Atlanta, Birm:irigham, New York, New Orleans, Newark, Gary, Philadelphia, Chicago, and Detroit. 102 The polemics occasioned by the major themes of "Black Power" together with their symbolic and propagandistic thrusts, 103 obscured the possibility of the developnent of political sophistication among Blacks by 1980. In 1973, the editors of Focus commented: Clearly, the wide swath Blacks have cut in the electoral process in America results from a variety of activities in years just recently past. The contemporary political thrust owes some debt to the politically...;.charged civil rights movement of the Sixties, to the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and to all inanner of black activism in the Seventies. The pattern of annual growth since the first national measurement was taken in 1969 testifies that there has developed all over the United States a sophisticated Black electorate that has come to view politics as the new cutting edge of the civil rights movement. 104 In the 1960s, however, political scientists seemed to have failed to discern the relationship between the civil rights movement,

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223 demographic change that would result in black population predam-inance in many urban areas, and the political empowerment of Blacks in cities where they are a majority of the population. Banfield and Wilson, for example, in focusing on the clevages between lower class and middle class Blacks concluded that Blacks were disadvantaged by the absence of a viable ethnic political tradition, and consequently lacked the communal solidarity needed to affect the polity. 105 Although Blacks were already a numerical majority in many counties in the South (and pressing for a voting rights bill), and approaching numerical majorities in several northern cities, researchers and political observers did not anticipate the impact of demographic change, combined with increased black voting, on municipal and national levels.106 Nor, apparently, had political scientists in the early '60s considered that in a race-conscious nation, "race-thinking" may be as viable as ethnic thinking in forging conmuni ty solidarity. 107 The concept of "Black Power" did not overlook the irnpor-tance of "race-thinking." In assessing the overall impact of the major themes of "Black Power, Robert Smith asserts: The civil rights revolution, by facilitating the growth, development, and diversification of the Black middle class and by removing the legal basis of status inferiority, contributed to the development of a Black ethnic tradition in politics; the movement also encouraged the emergence of new leadership and muted the dichotomy in urban Black politics. The central contribution of Black Power was to make race-specific this emergent communal solidarity and thereby to contribute to the incipient representation of Blacks in the polity. 1

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224 Gamson makes only a slight distinction between group solidarity--that is, comnunal solidarity--and interest groups 1 behavior. According to Gamson 1 s theoretical rrodel, group soli-darity is achieved when "collections of individuals think in terms of the effect of political decisions on the aggregate and feel that they are in some way personally affected by what happens to the aggregate." 109 Henderson cites the decisiveness of the black vote in electing carter to the Presidency as an indication of increasing black political solidarity and the emergence of black interest group pragmatism, based upon "racethinking" : Unquestionably, the Black vote elected Jimny carter. More than 90 per cent of the Black vote went to carter. More critically, the Black vote was the clear .rrargin of victory for carter in such key states as louisiana, Mississippi, South and North Carolina, Ohio and Pennsy 1 vania. These and other states were the targets of a massive voter registration and education drive known as Operation Big Vote. Big vote was the result of the indefatigable efforts of the National Coalition on Black Voter Participation, a nonpartisan organization designed to stimulate greater interest and participation in the electoral process. The National Coalition included 45 participating organizations representing religious, fraternal, labor, c1 v1c and public .interest groups. Its efforts to stimulate Black participation in the presidential efforts was reinforced by the Congressional BlaCk Caucus, the Joint Center for Political Studies, the Voter Education Project and other national and local organizations. The payoff was a Black voter turnout which rrore clearly elected the President than the Black vote ever had. Black Carter supporters argued that any Democratic nominee was better than Gerald Ford and that Blacks cannot expect to elect a president who perfectly mirrors their concerns. Many Black politicians who in 1968 and 1972 were alrrost ideological purists on such issues as affirmative action, aid to the cities, Black participation in derrocratic decision-making and other concerns, now exchanged a belated and bewildered comni tment to Jimny carter for the uncertainty that he would be responsive to Black concerns. Since Carter is clearly not a liberal and since he reflects much of the

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225 white public reaction to Watergate and the "Black programs" of the Sixties, Black politicians found themselves espbusing an unwilling backlash pragmatism. 110 Role of the Detroit Mayor and Black Officer Expectation Coleman Young, Mayor of Detroit, is one of the most pragmatic black leaders to emerge from the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s. Young clearly endorses the principles inherent in the concept of "Black. Power." Detroit respondents assess the election of Young .as the single most important factor in their opportunities for jobs and promotion, and more critically for the removal of racially ascribed definitions of black officer inferiority in the Detroit Police Department. To black police in Detroit (as well as in other cities) Coleman Young is the embodiment of "Black Power." When Coleman Young was inaugurated as Mayor of Detroit in 1974 the city could best be characterized in terms of the contradictions that almost perfectly mirror the contradictions of American society, and especially those of urban areas in which Blacks have achieved political empowerment through demographic change. Hill describes Detroit in this manner: Today, Detroit has become the symbol of monopoly, capital, organized labor, and Black struggle. General Jlibtors, Ford, and Chrysler number among the world 1 s largest corporations. Decisions made in the board rooms of these companies shape the course of U.S. industry and world economy. The roots of the contemporary labor movement in the United States were planted in Detroit. The city now serves as the home base for the leadership of several of the nation 1 s largest labor unions, including, most prominently, the United Auto Workers. And constituting one of the world 1 s largest Black majority

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226 cities, Detroit is a preeminent center of Black culture and political leadership. In the world of the late 1960s, Detroit also came to be identified with 1967 violent Black upr1s1ngs and the poverty, deteriorating neighborhoods, misguided urban renewal, flight to the suburbs, and chaotic urban sprawl which helped stoke the flames of that rebel-lion. 11T Young became mayor of a city characterized by an increas ing! y deteriorating infrastructure, a declining economy, massive unerrployment, and urban blight. It was also a city with the ingrained problems of workplace and neighborhood conflicts between Blacks and whites, and a city in which the bureaucracies (including the police) defied the notion of representative government. Young 1 s first actions focused on gaining black control of the city 1 s bureaucracies, especially the police. 112 Stop Robberies and Enjoy Safe Streets (STRESS), the controversial police anti-crime program, was disbanded. Black citizens had attributed the deaths of twenty black rren to officers assigned to STRESS. Young, in campaign speeches, described the unit as "blackjack rule by the police." Within his first ninety days in office, Young disbanded STRESS, appointed a new Board of Police Oammissioners; instituted residency rules for police and other city errployees; spearheaded a major reorganization of the police department; created a "fifty-fifty" program for racial distribution am:mg all executive department heads and their deputies, and instituted a 50 per cent white--50 per cent black racial distribution palicy in the promotion of police officers: Drawing upon powers instituted in a new city charter, the

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227 Mayor appointed more city officials than any previous incumbent, replaced most of the veteran department heads and deputies with his own choices, and completed the most extensive bureaucratic shake-up in Detroit's postwar political history. During Young's first year, Blacks increased their share of high-paying city hall jobs by about sixty per cent without losing the ninety per cent they already held in the sanitation department. Having established a measure of control over the city's bureaucraciel?, the second phase of Young's first term involved 'reaching out' to establish strong working ties with the city's neighborhood leaders. Young initiated a series of 'reports to the people' sponsored by the city's nine neighborhood city halls, his press secretary made an effort to make the mayor more visible in subcomnuni ties, and Young great! y increased his public appearances before local con-stituents. 113 Coleman Young's background is working-class, and similar to that of a majority of black officers. He grew up in what was known as Detroit's "Black Bottom. 114 As in the case of many of Detroit's black policemen, Young's occupational choices were. limited to military service, criminal activities, or a job (if available) in an automotive plant--Young chose the latter. In the 1940s, he worked for the Ford Motor Company where he became a labor organizer for the United Auto Workers (UAW). He was fired twice from this job: first because of hitting a race-baiting white foreman with a steel pipe, and the second time for his efforts to unite black automobile industry workers in a new union. By the late 1950s Young had achieved the reputation of a "dangerous radical" even within the UAW, itself considered radical. By the 1960s, he had the reputation of the "consumnate politician." He does not deny reports that his ambition is to become the "Mayor Daley of Detroit," 115 and his style and administrati ve behavior is often that of the old-time Tamnany Hall-

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228 Boston-Irish politician. During his first year in office, Young's attention was never far from the police. 116 He gave particular attention to increasing the numbers of minority police officers recruited into the department and to u:I;>grading those already emPloyed. In May 1974, the department (using a civil service promotion register established before Young' s election) promoted thirty officers to the rank of sergeant and eleven to lieutenant. Among the 41 officers promoted, two were black. In August 1974, the department agairi made promotions to sergeant. Of the thirty officers promoted this time, twenty-seven were black, and three were white female officers. No white male officers were promoted. 117 Since October 197 4, all promotions have been on the basis of 50 per cent white officers and 50 \ per cent minority officers. 118 This, together with other actions taken by Young in his administrative relationship to the police department, may have prompted Young' s public statement that "some hate-eyed white sharpshooter from within rey own police department might try to assassinate me." 119 By midsurrmer 1974, Young had engaged the powerful Detroit Police Officers Association (DPOA) in open, highly publicized battle on the issue of reorganization of the department and on the Department's minority officer promotion policies. The DPOA's ire first focused on Young' s appointment of Phillip Tannian as Chief of Police. The city's black press described the conflict this way:

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229 The position taken by the Detroit Police Officers Association [DPOA] in its apparent 'showdown' with Mayor Young in an effort to force the mayor to fire his police chief, Phillip Tannian, has all the earmarks of events that occurred in bygone days that have continued through the years. Regardless of the reasons the DPOA gives for its opposition to Tannian it is clearly obvious that it boils down, pure and simple, to a power struggle. 120 Since appointment by Young in January 1974, the Board of Police Cormnissioners had moved to doet.nnent the existence of de facto discrimination in the department. In July of that year, the Corrmissioners issued a resolution describing the department's new stand on affirmative action. The resolution stated: It has been determined that the Detroit Police Department has submitted facts and statistics that would indicate that de facto discrimination exists in the hiring of Blacks and other minority groups as police officers contrary to the U.S. and Michigan Constitution, the Charter of the City of Detroit, and the Civil Rights Act . It has also been determined from facts that de facto discrimination exists in the promotiilg of Blacks and other minority groups to supervisory positions in the Detroit Police Department contrary to U.S. and Michigan Consti tutions, the Charter of the City of Detroit, and the Civil Rights Acts . It is necessary because of past and present discrimination in the hiring and prom::>tional policies of the Detroit Police Department that this Board establish an Affinnative Action policy that will guarantee to every individual who is now a police officer or who intends to pursue a career as a police officer, a policy of equality in hiring and in promotion and most importantly, an Affinnative Action Program of enforcement to support that policy . The u.s. Constitution, the Michigan Constitution, the Charter of the City of Detroit, the Civil Rights Acts, and the overwhelming moral principle of equality compels this Board to take Affinnative Action to guarantee to all persons equality in their promotional and hiring rights. 121 The Commissioners, reflecting their own attitudes, as well as

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230 those of Young, deviated from most police departments' position on affirmative action. First, they assumed the posture that equality in hiring and promotion is a moral imperative that goes well beyond legal requirements. Second, they took the unusual position that a police department must guarantee the opportunity for a career to every police officer. To the DPOA, the Board's action, combined with Young's policies on promotion of black officers were radical and revolu-tionary. The union shortly filed suit, charging Young, the Police Corrmissioners, the Detroit Police Department and the city with reverse discrimination.122 To a majority of black officers, however, Young's politics and those of the Board of Police Comnissioners represented "Black Power" in a tangible way that removed barriers to black police officers' careers in the Detroit Police Department. Tb black officers in this study, Young is less a radical in his style than he is a "Deliverer,"123 who expresses the major cultural themes of Black Americans, as reflected in the 1960s concept of "Black Power. Matthew Holden has explicated these themes as "Hope for Deliverance," "Wish for Defiance," "Dionysian Individualism," "Moralism," and "Cynicism and Fear." 124 For Detroit's black policemen, Young personifies all of these themes. Writing about the themes, Holden states: Perhaps the single rnost cormnon theme in all Afro-American culture is the hope for deliverance someday There has probably never been a generation in which people did not look at their parl.ous state and say, 'We've had to put up with this, but these young folks ain't gonna take

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231 it forever .. The expectation of the Young-as-Deliverer animated much of the passionate concern for schooling . and can even be found in the language of present day Panthers, who speak of the expectation that the whole emerging genera-tion will be Panther-minded. 125 Regarding the second theme, the Wish for Defiance, Holden writes: But there is another cultural theme which is near 1 y as deep and profound--defiance. The spirit of defiance serves the need that prudence has usually forbidden people to gratify to compensate for the pervasive insults and humiliations of the past and the present by telling 'the white man' where to go and what to do, and making him go and do it! Defiant heroism is represented by the plantation folklore of the 'bad nigger' or the 'crazy nigger' who, pushed beyond his tolerance limits, retaliated with the simple self-help of personal violence, even if doing this guaranteed his own death. The stories. are too widespread in black folklore to be understated The wish for defiance is buttressed by a belief in the black capacity to endure ... The latent spirit of defiant heroism runs even through the sedate policies of the NAACP. 126 And of the third theme, Dionysiuan Individualism: . the standard is a 'culture of the swagger. One of the powerful themes of the culture is . a kind of Dionysion individualism . expressed . in the adaptation of segmentation and secession as a means for the defense of honor, in those cases where honor cannot be reconciled with continuency [in] existing organization Black men do not like to operate in organizational situations where they have no options but to go along or shut up. 127 And on the theme of Moralism Holden states: Life is interpreted through still another Protestant residue:. A moralistic language which expresses the view that men ought to do 'right' . If one knows the ways of realist politics, is even. capable of using them--and protests-. something deeper remains about one's own values. This similarly comes through in even the most melodrcimatic and threatening language of most 'Black Power' advocates . "This country ain't got no morality" was the theme which in the speeches of Mr. Stokely carmichael could get overwhelming responses from black audiences. The moralistic demand is not merely turned outward, but inward as well. It demands of leaders that they should approach perfection in their heroism, and .the more nearly they do so, the more their other failings can be excused. 12B

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232 And regarding the fifth and final overarching black cultural theme: The same experience which teaches people to wish for defiance and hope for deliverance also teaches them to be cynical about the project In part, this cynicism-and-fear is utterly realistic The political repercussions are important. For this is usually the case that most black leaders neither do, nor could1 go the uttennost distance commanded by the wish for defiance and deliverance. 129 The stance taken by Young on affinnative action and black representation in all areas of city government; his will-ingness to engage the powerful police union, his reversal of Detroit's declining infrastructure together with his ability to deal with Detroit's corporate as well as its political structure, 130 convinced black officers that their investments in the pursuit of careers could pay off, and that fair competition ., for scarce positions was available to them. In short, Young's actions convinced Detroit black officers that success in the effort to achieve higher positions was more likely than failure. The officers in this study, however, note that the communities in which they are employed also contribute to their occupational situations. Detroit officers state: "Coleman could not have done all he lEs done, without the black corrmuni ty backing him up." In contrast, Denver officers state, "The problems of black officers are not on this city's agenda." Both Detroit and Denver officers recognize that their fortunes in the police deparbnent, including career advancement, is overshadowed by the socio-political culture of the city in which they are employed, and by the position of Blacks in the city.

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233 NarES--cHAPTER VI 1 George A. Theodorson and Achilles G. Theodorson, A M:xlern Dictionary of Sociology (New York: Barnes and Nobel Books, 1979) p. 61.. 2This definition incorporates ideas borrowed from Howard Becker 1 s cOnceptualization of ccmnitrnent as well as those in the concepts of psychological contract and expectancy x theory. Howard S. Becker, "Notes on the Concept of Carrmitrnent, American Journal of Sociology 66 (July 1960):32. 3This percentage was derived by extrapolation from personnel data of the 1980 Armual Reports of four urban police departments (i.e., Detroit, los Angeles and New York). 4President 1 s Ccmnission on raw Enforcement and Administration of Justice, Task Force Report: The Police D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1967), pp. 142-143. 5I.ouis L. Knowles and Kenneth Prewitt, Institutionalized Racism (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice, Hall, 1969) 6:oetroit Police Department, Armual Report 1980. 7Ibid. 8 Denver Police Department Armual Report 1980. 9Ibid. 10:oetroit Police Department Armual Report 11Telephone communication with representative of the Denver Civil Service Commission, September 1983. 12:oetroit Police Department Armual Report 1982. 13Denver Police Department Armual Report 1982. 14John W. Thibaut and Harold H. Kelly, The Social Psychology of Groups (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1959), p. 21. 15James w. Vander Zanden, American Minority. Relations 2d ed. (New York: Ronald Press, 1963), p. 120. 16Margaret Just Butcher, The Negro in American CU1 ture (New York: New American Library, 1957), p. 221. 17E. Franklin Fraizer, Black Bourgeois: The Rise of a New Middle Class in the United States (New York: The Free Press, 1962), p. 141.

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234 18George Davis and Glegg Watson, Black Life in Corporate America: SWimming in the Mainstream (Garden City: Doubleday, 1982), p. 19. 19John w. Atkinson and David Birch, Introduction to .M:>tivation, 2d ed. (New York: D. Van Nostrand Co., 1978), pp. 29-33 . 20 A.H. Maslow, "A Theory of Human .M:>tivation," in Classics of Organizational Behavior, ed Walter E. Natemeyer (Oak Park, Ill.: Moore Publishing Co., 1978), p. 49. 21 Fredrick Herzberg, "One .M:>re Time: How do you .M:>ti vate Employees?" in Classics of Organizational Behavior, ed. Walter E. Natemeyer (Oak Park, Ill.: Moore Publishing Co., 1978), p. 95. 22Atkinson and Birch, Introduction to Motivation, P 97. 23Ibid. 24Ibid., p. 93. 25Ibid., P 96. 26Ibid., p. 97 . 27Ibid., p. 96. 28Ibid., p. 97. 29Julian B. Rotter, 11Generalized Expectations for Internai Versus EXternal Control of Reinforcement, 11 Psychological .M:>no graphs (1966):20. 3Ronald L. Taylor, "Psychological Modes of Adaptation," in Black Men, ed. Lawrence E. Gary (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1981 ) p. 14 1 See also Kurt Iewin, ed. Resolving Social Conflicts: Selected Papers on Group Dynamics (New York: Harper and Row, 1948), p . 145. 31Raymond B. cattell and David Child, .M:>tivation and Dynamic Structure (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1975), p. 5. 32rnternational Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1968 ed. s. v. "Field Theory, 11 by .M:>rton Deutsch. 33william H. Grier and Price H. Cobbs, Black Rage (New York: Bantam Books, 1968), p. 91. 34charles B. Handy, Understanding Organizations (New York: Penguin Books, 1976), p. 19. 35Paul M. Wisenand and R. Fred Ferguson, The Managing of Police Organizations, 2d ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: PrenticeHall, 1978), p. 379. 36Handy, Understanding Organizations, p. 41

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235 37Ibid., p. 40. Handy describes a coercive psychological contract in these tenns: "'!be individual is held as a member against his will, by forces beyond his control. '!be psychological contract is not therefore volnntarily entered into. '!be method of control is rule and punishment, power in the hands of a small group, the individual's task is to comonn and cornpl y in return for which he will avoid punishment. 'lbese organizations strengthen their control by depriving the individual of much of his personal identity . . and by employing conforini ty. Loss of employment is, of course, a powerful "punishment" for a majority of workers. 38Chester L Barnard, Functions of the Executive with an Introduction by Kenneth Andrews (cambridge: Harvard Univers ity Press, 1968), p. 147. 39Ibid. 40Jerome H. Skolnick, Justice Without Trial (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1966), pp. 42-65; John VanMaanen, "Pledging the Police: A Study of Selected Aspects of Recruit Socialization in a Iarge, Urban Police Department" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of california, 1962), p. 130. 41Nicholas Alex, Black in Blue: A Study of the Negro Policerran (New York: Appleton-century-crofts, 1969). 42 James I. Alexander, Blue Coats: Black Skin (Hicksville, N.Y.: Exposition Press, 1978). 43eecil 0' Brien OWens, "'!be Socio-Historical Impact of Discrimination Practices on Recruiting Blacks as Police Officers" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Colorado, 1981) . 44 Fdward Palmer, "Black Police in America, Journal of Black Studies and Research 5 (October 1973):19. 45James E. Teahan, "Longitudinal study of Attitude Shifts Among Black and White Police Officers," Journal of Police Science and Administration (Winter 1975) :7 4. 4 6More recently, the black officer's initial assignrilent has been to a predominately black neighborhood nnder the tutelage of a field training officer (FTO). 47'lbe veteran black officer's instructions to the yonnger officer in survival tactics in a hostile white world is not peculiar to police departments, nor intended to be sinister. Its purpose is to help the young avoid situations harmful to the individual as well as to the entire black corrmunity. For an excellent example of this see: Theodore Rosengarten, All

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236 God's Dangers: The Life of Nate Shaw (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1974). 48Every police department has its perceived "worst" assignments. For example, in Detroit it seems to be "museum duty." In New York, it is Staten Island. In Denver, it is Stapleton Airport. All such assignments have the comnon feature of isolating the police officer from the action of "real police work" and giving notice that the officer "messed-up." So while this writer (and perhaps the reader) nay not perceive "punish. ment" in spending eight hours in a museum, the connotation of the assignment is never lost on police officers. 4 9Handy, Understanding Organizations, p. 77. 50This is reported to have occurred in the Denver Police Department and there was absolutely no way to verify the occurrence. But the point here is that black officers believed the event took place and that one of the participants went on to become a high-ranking official in the department. The officers told the story to illustrate their own sense of helplessness. 51John Van Maanen, "Kinsman in Response: Occupational Perspectives of Patrolmen," in Policing: A View from the Street, eds. Peter K. Manning and John VanMaanen (Santa Monica: Gqodyear Publishing co., 1978), p. 116. 52ewens, "Socio-Historical Impact of Discrimination Practices on Recruiting Blacks as Police Officers, pp. 132-133. 53For excellent examples of police. officer evaluation reports, see: N.F. Iannone, Supervision of Police Personnel, 3d ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1980), pp. 224...:.244. 54Ibid., p. 254. 55william H. Kroes, Bruce H. Margoles, and Joseph J. Hurrell, Sr. "Job Stress in Policemen, Journal of Police Science and Administration 2 (March 5 6George Henderson, ed. Police Human Relations (Springfield, Ill.: Charles C. Thomas, 1981), p. 155. 57skolnick, Justice Without.Trial, p. 57. 58Taylor, "Psychological Modes of Adaptation," p. 141 59Julius Debra, "Minority Stress: A Case of Dual Identity in raw Enforcement," Police Chief, March 1983, p. 106. 60Frazier, Black Bourgeois, p. 181.

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237 61Alex, Black in Blue, pp. 13-14. 62Jolm Paul Kotter, "The Psychological Contract: Managing the Joining-up Process, II california Management Review 15 (Sept ember 1973)":9L . 63Burtell Jefferson, "Policies for Increasing the Number of Black Police Executives, in Black Crime: A Police View, ed. Harrington J. Bryce (Washington, D.C.: Joint center for Political Studies, Police Foundation, and Law Enforcement Assistance Administration, 1977), pp. 131-132. 64staff units, in Detroit, include Chief's Staff Inspection, Iabor Relations, Disciplinary .Administration, Crime Prevention, Management Services, Public Relations, Personnel Services, Professional Standards, etc. In Denver, staff assignments may be had in Training, Research and Developnent, Intelligence, Personnel and Finance, Police Data, Chief' s Staff, Management of Public Safety Staff, Court Coordination, etc. Investigations, delinquency control, traffic and anti-crime units are line assignments. 65Denver Police Department Annual Report 1980. 66Faust 1. 67Franz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, Preface by Jean Paul Sartre, trans. Constance Farrington (New York: Grove Press., 1968), pp. 212-235. By "negritude" Fanon means transnational black world cultural expressions, especially in emotive style. 6 8Davis and Watson, Black Life in Corporate America, p. 19. 69Atkins Warren and Robert Ingram, "Police Stress in Black and White," Police Chief, March 1983, p. 115. Atkins Warren is Chief of Police, Gainsville, Florida, and Robert Ingram is Chief of Police, OPA locka, Florida. 70Douglas G. Glasgow, The Black Underclass: Poverty, Unemployment and Entrapment of Ghetto Youths {New York: Vintage Books, 1981), pp. 79-80. 71Edwin H. Sutherland, Principles of Criminology, 4th ed. (New York: Harper and Row 194 7) pp. 5-7. Sutherland's Theory of Differential Association, while primarily a learning theory, addressing the learning of criminal behavior, suggest that in the same way that the ratio of frequency, duration, priority and intensity of definitions of violations of law determine different outcomes in learning

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238 criminal behavior (including its underlying rationalizations), success and failure may also be learned through differential association. 72aut of nineteen 2d Judicial judges [Denver] two are black. No Blacks are listed in the Colorado Prison Association Directory as chief executive officers in the state's Department of Correction and Department of Institutions; nor as members of the State Supreme Court and Court of Appeals. After interviews were completed in Denver, however, Mr. Norman Farly [a black man] was appointed as Denver District Attorney pending elections for that office. Two black judges presently serve in the Denver JuveniJ..e Court. No other Blacks held chief executive appointments in Denver's city government at the tfrne of this study. See generally, Colorado Prison. Association, Directory of Colorado Corrections, June 1980 [ uncopywrited]. 73Robert c. Wright, "Urban Political Geography: A Black Perspective of Political Behavior in the 1961, 1965, 1969 Mayoral Elections of Detroit, Michigan" (Ph. D. dissertation, Clark University, 1972), pp. 79-81. 74This is the term Detroit officers use to describe the 1950s policy of assigning only one scout car per shift to black officers, while prohibiting them to use a "white car," assigned exclusively to white officers. state that this officer is now the commanding officer of a prestigious line unit. 76oue to his injuries, Jesse Ray received disability retirement 1960. 77Frank Blount's experience became the basis of the popular film "Absence of Malice." Detroit officers express dismay that a white actor should play the role of the central character in the film. All charges were dropped against Blount, but apparently the damage to his career was irreversible. 78several of the respondents identify this officer as Chief of Police William Hart. 79Irnportant distinctions have been made regarding race prejudice, race discrimination and racism. Race prejudice is generally held to be a system of negative conceptions, feelings, and action orientations regarding members of a particular group, and reflecting three major levels of an attitude system: cognitive, emotional and predisposition to act in a given fashion. Race discrimination involves overt action that denies some resource to an identifiable group, or which imposes upon some group restraint not i.mp:::>sed on other groups. Racism, as Vander

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239 Zanden states focuses upon the differences in physical features among various groups . and makes this the basis of the imputation of inferiority or superiority." Thus, prejudice is emotional and predisP9sitional, discrimination an action, and racism an ideology. An individual Il\3.y theoretically have race prejudice without engaging in discriminatoryt action, and s.imilary subscribe to the ideology of racism without discr.iminatory action. Or, an individual Il\3.Y engage in discriminating action without having either race prejudice or beliefs in the inherent inferiority of the group against whom the action is directed. Consequently, Il\3.ny who have both race prejudice and who embrace racism, Il\3.Y never engage in an overt action of discrimination. See Vander Zanden, American Minority Relations, pp. 6-9. 8 0Theodorson and Theodorson, A Dictionary of Mbdern Sociology, p. 208. 8 1 Matthew Holden, Jr. The White Man's Burden (New York: Abelard-Schuman, 1973), pp. 20-21. 82Ibid. p. 25. 83Gary Becker, The Economics of Discrimination (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957) p. 5. 84Theodore M. Newcomb, Ralph H. Fursen, and Philip E. Conserve, Social Psychology: The Study of Human Interaction (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965), p . 82. 85skolnick, Justice Without Trial, pp. 45-46. 86Gordon W. Allport and B.M. Kramer, "Some Roots of Prejudice," Journal of Psychology 22 (Spring 1946) : 22. 87peter K. Manning, "The Police: Mandate, Strategies and Appearances, in Crime and Justice in American Society ed. Jack D. Douglas (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Meriill Co., 1971), p. 149. 88navid H. Bayley and Harold Mendelsohn, Minorities and the Police: Confrontation in America (New York: The Free Press, 1969), p. 144. 89"The Police: A Sociological Study of law, Custom and Ivbrali ty, quoted in Skolnick, Justice Without Trial, p. 81 90naniel J. Bell, "Police Attitudes: Based on Beliefs or Race," Police Studies 6 (Spring 1983) :25. 91Bayley and Mendelsohn, Minorities and the Police, p. 151.

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240 92Michael Reiss, "The Economics of Racism, in Problems in Political Economy: An Urban Perspective, 2d ed. edited by David M. Gordon (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath and Co., 1977), p. 184. 93Arnold Rose, The Negro in America with a Foreword by Gunnar Mydal (New York: Harper and Bros., 1948), p. 128. 94Peter B. Meyer, "Survival in Economic Downturns: Sane Implications for the Criminal Justice System, in Crime and Justice in a Declining Economy, ed. Kevin N. Wright (Cambridge: Mass.: Oelgeschlager, Gunn and Hain, 1981), p. 39. 95The Denver Police Department recruit examination in Spring 1982 drew nore than 1 000 applicants for fewer than 1 00 jobs. The examination given in Spring 1983 drew a similar number for 1 09 positions. In the Boulder [Colorado] Police Department, 1, 500 applications were sul::mitted in Fall 1983 for fewer than 12 positions. The researcher s contacts in the IDs Angeles Police Department repo'rt that rrore than 4, 000 applications were made for 350 openings in that department in Sumner 1983. 96oavis and Watson, Black Life in Corporate America, p. 121. 97Robert c. Smith, "Black Power and the Transformation from Protest to Politics," Political Science Quarterly 96 (Fall 1981 ) :411 98Donald McCormack, "Stokely Cannichael and Pan Africanisrn, II in Black Awakening in capitalist America, ed. Robert Allen (New York: Doubleday and Co., 1969), p. 390 99susanna McBee reports that J. Edgar Hoover instructed FBI field officers that Cannichael' s statements were indicators of an ensuing "Negro Rebellion. See "Hoover Ordered FBI to Plant Spies, Force Papers against Extremists, Washington Post 8 March 1974. 100Dorothy K. Newnan et al., Protest, Politics, and Prosperity (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978), pp. 22-23. 1 01 Stokely Cannichael and Charles V. Hamil ton, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America (New York: Random House, Vintage Books, 1967), p. 47. 102A similar political advantage has occurred to Hispanic Americans in parts of the country--notably in california, Texas, and Florida. 103Cannichael and Hamilton, Black Power, p. 15.

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241 1 04Black Elected Officials 1 List Grows--But Enough?" Focus, February 1973, p. a. 105Edwaid Banfield and James Q. Wilson, City Politics (New York: Vintage Books, 1963), pp. 294-295. 106rn 1953, W.E.B. Du 13ois stated in a speech: "We Negroes are not fighting tonight against slavery. That fight is won. We are now not fighting in vain for the ballot. We hold the balance of power in the North, and either we get the vote in the South or we cane North and get it there." Quoted in W. E. B. Du Bois on Sociology and the Black Comrrnmi ty, eds. Don S. Green and Edwin Driver (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1978), p. 30. 1 07For examples of Americans 1 race consciousness, see U.S. Department of Comnerce, "Your Guide to the Censes 1 80-Fonn 4-D" (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1979). 108Smith, "Black Power anc;l the Transfonnation from Protest to Politics," pp. 434-35. 109william A. Gamson, "Stable Underrepresentation in American Society, The American Behavioral Scientist 12 (November December 1968 '): 15. 110r.enneal J. Henerson, Jr., "Black Politics and the Carter Administration: The Politics of Backlash Pragmatism, Journal of Afro-American Issues 5 (SUmner 1977) : 244. 111 Richard Child Hill, "At the Crossroads: The Political Economy of Postwar Detroit, Urbanism Past and Present ( Sunmer 1978): 9. 112Ibid., p. 16. 113Ibid.' p. 17. 114 The "Black 13ottam" was an area of the lower east side of Detroit characterized by its sprawling slums and high infant mortality and crime rates. It was replaced in the 1960s by urban renewal and Olrysler Highway. 115williarn J. Metchell, "Shake Up Sets State for Young to Act, Detroit Free Press, 4 March 197 4. 116aill, "At the Crossroads: The Political Economy of Postwar Detroit," p. 18. 117netroit Police Department, "Inter-office Memorandum," 24 October 1975.

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242 118Detroit Police Department, "Inter-office Meroorandum," 30 October 1975. 119Hill, "At the Crossroads: The Political Economy of Postwar Detroit, p . 17 120"Black Cops Rally to. Tannian!" Michigan Chronicle, 17 July 1974. 121Detroit Board of Police Commissioners, "Resolution: Affinnative Action Policy," 31 July 1974. 122Detroit Police Officers Association v. Young, 46 U.S. Week 2463 (E.D. Mich., 1978). 123rn black culture, a is a messianic leader who acts as a liberator of Blacks from conditions of inequality. Expressions of this idea are found in black spirituals, and poetry, and especially in homilies and sermons in black churches. 124Matthew Holden, Jr., The Divisible Republic (New York: Abelard-Schuman, 1973), pp. 17-26. 125Ibid., pp. 17-18. The Black Panthers were a viable force in many black connnmi ties during the time Holden wrote. 1 2 6Ibid., pp. 18-20. Coleman Young, according to reports, did not wait for adulthood to defy establishment figures. One often-told story is that at 11 years of age, he threatened to fire a policeman (someday) because the officer humiliated Young's father, who was a federal security officer. 127Ibid., pp. 21...;23. Young resigned from the UAW when its policies did not generate equal opportunity for black workers. 128rbid., pp. 23-24. Black officers "forgive" Young's failure to hire 1 000 black officers in 197 4, as he promised in campaign speeches. They attribute the failure solely to the city's fiscal problems. 129Ibid., p. 24. Young was one of only a few black leaders to endorse Carter at the beginning of Carter's bid for the Democratic nomination. It was his argument that no president would perfectly reflect black hopes that persuaded other black leaders to endorse Carter after he had won the nomination; this too is forgiven because it is "pragma.tic." 130Hill, "At the Crossroads: The Political Economy of Postwar Detroit, p. 18.

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CHAPI'ER VII CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH On passing from a free country into one which is not free the traveler is struck by the change; in the fonner all is bustle and activity; in the latter everything seems calm and motionless. In the one 1 amelioration and progress are the topics of inquiry; in the other 1 it seems as if the corrmunity wished only to repose in the enjoyment of advantages already acquired. Nevertheless 1 the country which exerts itself so strenuously to become happy is generally more wealthy and prosperous than that which appears so contented with its lot; and when we compare them, we can scarcely conceive how so many new wants are daily felt in the former while so few seem to exist in the latter. (Alexis De Toqueville, 1835) Although Detroit and Denver are very much alike in terms of political structure, 1 the two cities could not be more dissim-ilar in tenns of socio-demographic characteristics and degree of black influence. Nor could they be more different in tenns of the overarching issues that occupy the attention of the cities' elected officials. Where Detroit has historically experienced numerous cycles of recession-depression and has never been without the problems of racial conflict and ccmpeti tion between whites and Blacks for jobs and housing, Denver presents a picture of tran-quili ty. In comparison to Detroit, Denver has both a stable economy and stable race relations; and yet, statements made by the black police officers participating in this study, plus

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244 the evidence of extensive segregation in Denver's neighborhoods;2 contravene expectations of continued racial calm for Denver. This study suggests that the changes occurring in Detroit, relative to Blacks' opportunities in the police department are due to the agitation and preferences of its citizens. It also suggests that the situations of black policemen in Denver, explicated in this study, and other conditions pointing to racially discriminatory practices, is also due, in large part, to citizens' preferences. For as Gruber points out: . Policies are made in response to someone's preference. If no one desires that a new policy be made, it will not be made; or if no one wants an operative policy changed, it will not be changed. Policy outputs will not be produced in the absence of preferences Political structures may either facilitate or impede the translation of certain preferences into policy, but the substantive nature of policy is dependent on the nature of the preference. 3 The citizens of Detroit have made their preferences known; its elected and appointed officials have responded to those preferences. As we have shown in this study one conse-quence of those preferences has been to guarantee black police officers a fair chance for careers in law enforcement, and Detroit's black officers _have responded to the opportunity to advance in the department. The role of a city's mayor in furthering equal oppor-tunity in a police department also seems essential to black police officers' career commitment. In a situation characterized by the strong mayor-weak council fonn of municipal government, the role of other elected officials appears to be secondary to that of the mayor in influencing black police officer career

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245 cormri.tment. While this study discovered only hints of the influence of broad community structures on black officer career commitment, the proportion of Blacks in a city's population also appears to have important bearing on black officer career comnitrnent to the extent that black citizens can more effectively rrake their preferences for equal employment opportunity known where they are a majority of the population. The study revealed that black officers are pragmatic, and that they do not, generally, expect that a city's mayor, nor his police department appointees, will act beyond the preferences of the police department's host corrmunity. In this sense, corrmunity attitudes toward factors affecting black police officers' career opportunities appear critical. The black officers participating in this study endorse the idea that in a democracy "numbers count, and that the majority's_preferences are most likely to prevail in the community. In a city where black officers perceive a majority of the community as uncaring or ignorant of black officers' occupational situation, black officers are less likely to perceive opportunity for careers in law enforcement. This then, is clearly more a criticism of community attitudes and behaviors than it is of those of elected and appointive public officials. The race and ethnic group membership of a majority of a community's citizens is not (or should not be) detenninants of:-.a community's comnitment to equality of opportunity for those who serve it. We have also demonstrated through the words of Detroit and Denver black officers that where opportunity is limited

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246 and where people are made to feel inferior and helpless, such factors have a chilling effect on ambition. People, to put it bluntly, are humanly diminished by racial discrimination. This study is, however, suggestive rather than definitive. Limited resources required that the study be confined to only one group of police officers, and to two cities. It cannot therefore generalize to the effect of racism upon all police departments in this nation. What, however, is known fran other studies, strongly points to racism's debilitating effects upon an entire police organizational structure and its ability to meet its goals. Moreover, this research suggests that where whites feel that racial ideology is appropriate to their economic purposes, this can generally be taken as manifestation .of deeply rooted insecurities regarding personal status iri an organization. As we have discerned fran this study, some of the white officers in Denver appear to hold this ideology. This suggests an area for future research. More directly, we have attempted to discover the effect of black political empowennent on black officers' attitudes. toward careers. Our culmulative findings on this, together with the enormous growth of black political power in the United States over the last ten years provide an excellent opportunity for other researchers to examine the effect of the phenanenon of black empowennent on the career cornnitment of workers of all races and ethnic groups, in several occupations. It is suggested further that the present study be expanded

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247 to other cities, and that future study samples include cities where Blacks are a majority population, but where they do not enjoy the political empowerment experienced in Detroit. Richman, California, for example, although smaller in population than the two cities in this study, offers an excellent research oppor-tuni ty to examine black, white and Hispanic officers 1 career commitment in a city where Blacks are a majority of the popula-tion, but hold few important positions in municipal government. Finally, we conclude from study results that Denver, the exteriorly racially placid community has much to learn from Detroit 1 s struggle for equality for its police officers. As Fredrick Douglass stated in 1855: If there be no struggle, there is no progress. Those who profess to favor freedom, and yet depreciate agitation are men who want crops without plowing up the ground. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its many waters.

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248 NOTES--CHAPTER VII 1 In terms of political structure, both cities have strong mayor-weak council forms of government, in which the mayor plays the stronger role in city government due to his vast appointive powers afforded through municipal charters. For discussion of this, see: Robert s. Lorch, Colorado Government, Revised Edition (Boulder: Colorado Association University Press, 1979), p. David Greenstone, "A Report on the Politics of Detroit" (Cambridge: Joint Center for Urban Studies, M.I.T., 1961), pp. Kenneth E. Gray, A Report on Politics in Denver, Colorado (Cambridge: Joint Center for Urban Studies, M.I.T., 1959), pp. 2-5. 2Chris Broderick, 11City Locked in Racial Enclaves, II Rocky Mountain News, 18 December 1983. 3Judith Gruber, 11Political Strength and Policy Responsiveness: The Results of Electing Blacks to City Councils, 11 Western Political Association (Winter 1980, Mimeographed), p. 23.

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269 Davis, Fred. "The cab Driver and his Fare: Facts of a Fleeting Relationship." American Journal of Sociology 65 (Sep tember. 19):158-65. Dohrenwend, B:lrbara Snell; Colombotas, John; and Dohrenwend, Bruce P. "Social Distance and Interviewer Effects." Public Qpinion Quarterly 32 (April 1968):410-22. Dowdale, George W. "White Gains from Black Subordination in 1960 and 1970." Social Problems 22 (December 1974):162-83. Duben, Robert. "I:rrplications of Differential Job Perceptions." Industrial Relations 4 (October 1974):265-278. Duncan, otis Dudley. "Patterns of Occupational Mobility Among Negro Men." Demc?graphy 5 (January 1968): 11-22 . Featherman, David L. and aa_user, Robert M. "Changes in the Socioeconomic Stratification of the Races. American Journal 82 (November 1976):621-51. Frisbie, Parker and Neidert, Lisa. "Inequality and the Relative Status of Minority Populations: A Comparative Analysis." American Journal of Sociology 82 (March 1977):1007-30. Foster, Lorn S. "Black Perceptions of the Mayor: An Einpirical Test." Urban Affairs Quarterly 14 (December 1978) :245-52. Garnson, William A. "Stable Underrepresentation in American Society. American Behavioral Scientist 12 (November December 1968):15-21. Garratt, Gail A., Baxter, James C., and Rozelle, Richard M. "Training University Police in Biack-American Nonverbal Behaviors." Journal of Social Psychology 113 (April 1981):217-29. Goff, R.W. "Approach to Minority Recruitment." Law Enforcement Bulletin 47 (July 1978):16-21. Goffman, Erving. "On Face-Work." Psychiatry 17 (August 1955): 213-31. Gould, William B. "Black Power in the Unions: The Impact Upon Collective B:lrgaining Relationships. Yale Law Journal 79 (Spring 1970):46-84. Guijot, Dorothy. "Police Departments Under Social Science Scru tiny. Journal of Criminal Justice 5 (February 1977) : 105-118.

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270 Hadden, Jeffery K.; Masotti, I.Duis H.; and Theissen, Victor. "The Making of the Negro Mayors 1967." Transaction (January-February 1968) :21-40. Heiss, William F. "Listening to the City: Citizen Surveys." Urban Affairs Papers 2 (Summer 1980) : 1-9. Henderson, I.enneal J. Jr. "Black Politics and the Carter Admin istration: The Politics of Backlash Pragmatism." Journal of Afro-American Issues 5 (Summer 1977):244-254. Hill, Richard Child. "At the Crossroads: The Political Economy of Postwar Detroit. Urbanism Past and Present 6 ( 1978):1-21. Hulbary, William E. "Race, Deprivation" and Adolescent SelfImages. Social Science Quarter 1 y 56 (June 1 97 5 ) : 1 0 5-114. Jacobs, James B., and Cohen, Jay. "Impact of Racial Integration on the Police. Journal of Police Science and Administration 6 (June 1978):168-183. Jefferson, A.M. ,"Equal Enployment Opportunity and Affirmative Action in raw Enforcement Agencies. Resolution of Correctional Problems and Issues 1 (Summer 1975) : 15-18. Johnson, Charles S. "Negro Police in Seventeen Cities ... Public Management (March 1944):79-80. Johnson, Mackie c. "Metropolitan Police Role in Our Society. 11 Negro History Bulletin Special Issue (October 1962) : 43-50. Jones, Clinton B. "Critical Equal E):rlployment Issues in Criminal Justice. Journal of Police Science and Administration 2 (June Kephart, William M. "The Integration of Negroes into the Urban Police Force. Journal of Criminal raw, Criminology and Police Science 45 (September-October 1954) : 325-33. Kerlingerr, Fred. "Social Attitudes and Their Critical Referents: A Structural Theory. 11 Psychological Review LXXIV ( November 1967):110-22. Killian, Lewis M. "Black Power and White Reactions: The Revitalization of Race Thinking in the United States. The Annals 454 (March 1981):42-54. Kotter, John Paul. 11The Psychological Contract: Managing the Joining.:...up Process. II california Management Review 15 (September 1973)3:91-99.

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271 Kroes, William Margolis, Bruce L. and Hurrell, Joseph J. "Job Stress in Policemen." Journal of Police Science and Administration 2 (March 1974): 145-55. Kuykendall, Jack L., and Burns, David E. "The Black Police Officer: An Historical Perspective." Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 4 (November 1980) : 11 0-117. Littlejohn, Frlward J. "The Cries of the Wounded: A History of Police Misconduct in Detroit. Uni veisi ty of Detroit Journal of Urban Law 58 (Winter 1981 ) : 173-220. Lovrich, Nicholas P. Jr. and Steel, Brent S. "Affirmative Action and Productivity in Law Enforcement Agencies. Public Personnel Administration (Fall 1983) :55-67. MacDonald, A. P. "Black Power." Journal of Negro Education 44 (Fall 1975):547-54. Margolis, Richard J. "Minority Hiring and the Police. New Leader 15 (August 1971): 13-20. "Recruiting Police in the Ghetto." New Leader 15 (September 1971 ) : 17-24. Miller, Kelly. "The City Negro." Southern Workman 56 (April 1902): 217-22. Miller, Robert B. McDevill, Robert J. ; and Tonken, Sandra. "Situational Tests in Metropolitan Police Recruitment Selection." Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology and Police Science 57 (November 1966):99-106. Moore, L.H., and Schwartz, J .A. "Minority Employment in Police Services--A Management Analysis for Police Departments." western City 28 (November 1976):13-14. Mueller, Charles W. "City Effects on Socio-economic Achievement: The Case of Large. Cities." American Sociological Review 39 (November 1974):652-67. O'Brien, John I. "The Chief and the Executive: Direction or Political Interference?" Journal of Police Science and Administration 6 (December 1978):394-401. Odoni, Amedo. "Recent Employment and Expenditure Trends in City Police Departments in the United States. Journal of Criminal Justice 5 (February 1977):119-147. O'Reilly, Charles A., and Caldwell, David F. "Job Choice: The Impact of Intrinsic and Extrinsic Factors on Subsequent

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272 Satisfaction and Comnitment." Journal of Applied Psychology 65 (September 1980):559-65. Palmer, Edward. "Black Police in America. 11 Journal of Black Studies and Research 5 (October 1973):19-27. Park, Robert E. "Human Migration and the Marginal Man." American Journal of Sociology 33 (1928):881-893. Peterson, Paul E. "Organizational Imperatives and Ideological Change: The Case of Black Power." Urban Affairs Quarterly 14 (June 1979):465-84. Poland, James M. "Police Selection Methods and the Prediction of Police Perfo.nnance.n Journal of Police Science and Administration 6 (December 1978):374-393. Proscope, John L. "The New Political Power Among Blacks." Journal of the Institute of Socio-economic Studies 1 (Spring 1978):19-31. Ray, Marshall. "The Economics of Racial Discrimination: A Survey. 11 Journal of Economic Literature 12 (September 1974) :849-71. Regoli, Robert M., and Jerome, David E. "Recruitment and Promotion of a Minority Into an Established Institution--The Police. Journal of Police Science and Administration 4 (December 1975):410-16. Renick, James C. "The Impact of Municipal Affinnative Action Programs on Black Representation in Government Employ ment: Reality or Rhetoric?" Southern Review of Public Administration 5 (Summer 1981):129-146. Rotter, Julian B. "Generalized Expectations for Internal Versus EXternal Control Reinforcement." Psychology Monograph 80 (1 Whole No. 609)1966:1-28. Salas, Luis P., and Lewis, Ralph G. "The Iaw Enforcement Assistance Administration and Minority Corrmuni ties. Journal of Police Science and Administration 7 (April 1979): 379-399. Scaglion, Richard, and Gordon, Richard G. "Detenninants of Attitudes Toward City Police. Criminology 17 (February 1980):485-494. Sewall, William H., and Orenstein, Alan M. "Corrmunity of Residence and Occupational Choice. American Journal of Sociology 70 (March 1975):551-63.

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273 Seehan, Robert. "lest We Forget." Police 4 (September-October): 1-21. Shennan, lawrence W. "law Enforcement Workshop--Minority Quotas for Police Promotion. Criminal law Bulletin 15 (January-February 1979):79-84. Siedman, Eileen. "Why Not Qualitative Analysis?" Public Admin istration Review 37 (July-August 1977):415-417. Slovak, Jeffrey S. "Work Satisfaction and Municipal Police Officers. Journal of Police Science and Administration 6 (December 1978):462-470. Smith, Robert c. "Black Power and the Transformation from Protest to Politics... Political Science Quarterly 94 (Fall 1981):411-443. Spilerrnan, Seymour, and Habit, Jack. "Developnent Towns in Israel: The Role of Carmunity in Creating Ethnic Disparities in Iabor ;Force Characteristics." American Journal of. Sociology 8.1 (April 1976) :781-812. Spitzer, Steven. "Conflict and Consensus in the law Enforcement Process: Urban Minorities and the Police. Criminology 4 (August 1976): 189,....211. Stewart, James B. "Contemporary Patternsof Black-White Political Economic Inequality in the United States and South Africa." Review of Black Political Econonly. 9 (Summer 1979) : 362-391. Teahan, James E. "Longitudinal Study of Attitude Shifts Among Black and White Police Officers.... Journal of Police Science and Administration 2 (Winter 1975) : 4 7-56. Thompson, F. J. and Brown, B. "Ccmnitrnent to the Disadvantaged Among Urban Administrators." Urban Affairs Quarterly 13 (March 1978) :355-378. ward, Richard H. "The Police Role: A case of Diversity. II Journal of Criminal raw, Criminology and Police Science 61 (Decem ber 1980):39-47. Wax, Rosalie H. "Twelve Years later: An Analysis of Field Exper ience." American Journal of Sociology 63 (Jrme 1957): 133-142 Williams, Allen J. Jr. "Interviewer Respondent Interaction:. A Study of Bias in the Information Interview. Socometry 27 (November 1964):252-83.

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274 Williams, larry. "Affirmative What?" Western City 54 (March 1978):16-20. Zelditch, Morris, Jr. "Some Methodological Problems of Field Studies." American Journal of Sociology 67 (April 1962) : 544-576. MAGAZINES Atkins, Warren, and Ingram, Robert. "Police Stress in Black and White." Police Chief, March 1983, pp. 112-115. Bunch, Ralpp J. "Negro Political Iaboratories." Opportunity, December 1928, pp. 370-73. Cory, Bruce. "Minority Police: Tramping Through a Racial Mine field." Police Magazine, February 1978, pp. 4-10. Debro, Julius. "Minority Stress: A Case of' Dual Identity in Iaw Enforcement." Police Chief, March 1983, pp. 106-115. Eichel, Henry. "What Happens When Blacks Gain Strength." Focus, September 1975, p. 3. Joint Center for Political Studies. "Potential Influence in Congressional Districts. 1973, pp. 1-7. Black Voter Focus, March "Black Elected Officials List Grows-But Enough?" Focus, February 1978, p. 3. Morton, Carol. "Black Cops: Black and Blue Ain't White." Ramparts, May 1972, pp. 18-25. Poinsett, Alex. "Black Takeover of u.s. Cities?" Ebony, November 1970, pp. 77-80. "The Dilemna of Black Policemen... Ebony; May 1971, pp. 122-133. Progrebin, Mark. 11Service and raw Enforcement. II Police Chief, November 1980, pp. 48-69. Rafsky, David M. 11Racial Discrimination in Urban Police Departments... Crime and Delinquency, July 1975, pp. 233-238. Ways, Max. "Equality: A Steep and Endless Stair." Fortune, December 1972, pp. 46-52.

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275 NEWSPAPERS "Black Cops Rally to Tannian!" Michigan Chronical, 17 July 1974. Broderick, Cris. 11City I.Dcked in Racial Enclaves. II Denver Rocky MOuntain News, 18 December 1983. Delaney, Paul. 11Recruiting Negro Police is a Failure in r.Dst Cities ... New York Times, 25 January 1971. "Denver Crime Rate Ranked Fourth." Denver Post, 15 January 1983. Harris, IDuis. "The Harris Survey. Chicago Tribune, .. 16 September 1977. Krilger, Dave. 11Minori ties IDw on City Supervisory ladder. Denver Rocky r.Duntain News, 14 December 1981 Mitchell, William J. "Shake-up Sets Stage for Young to Act." Detroit Free Press, 4 March 1974. Ouderlugs, Richard W. "How CitizenS Rate Police Departments on -Racial -Fairness." Detroit News, 3 February 1965. Quillian,. Frank U. "Cincinnati's Colored. Citizens." Cincinnati Independent, 24 February 191 0. Rapsberry, William. "Prorrotion in Police Departments-Is There Discrimination?" Washington Post, 10 October 1966. Tyson, Remer. "New Coalition Could Give Young Daley Style Clout." Detroit Free Press, 2 January 197 4. "Under a Dark Cloud: Detroit Police to be Illustrated in Black and White." Detroit .Tribune, 31 January 1886. THESES <:Mens; Cecil O'Brien,. Sr. "The Socio-Historical Impact of Discrimination Practices on Recruiting Blacks as Police Officers." Ph.D. diss., University of Colorado, 1981. Rider, Eugene F. "The Denver Police Department: An Administrative, Organizational, and Operational History, 18581905." Ph.D. _diss., University of Denver, 1971. Van Maanen, John. "Pledging the Police: A Study of Selected Aspects of Recruit Socialization in a Iarge Urban Police

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276 Deparbnent." Ph.D. diss., University of california, 1962. Wright, Richard C. "Urban Political Geography: A Black Perspective of Political Behavior in the 1961, 1965, 1969 Mayoral Elections of Detroit Michigan." Ph.D. diss., Clark University, 1972. ENCYCIDPEDIA AND ATlAS ARTICLES Facts on File: World Atlas. New York: Hammond. Incorporated, 1981. International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1968 ed. S. v. "Field Theory," by Morton Deutsch. "Field Work," by Hortense Powderrnaker. "Interviewing," by J .R. Witten "Social Observation and Social case Studies," by Howard Becker. PUBLIC IXCUMENTS Denver Colorado Police Department, Annual Report 1980. ___,......___ __ Annual Report 1981 Annual Report 1982 Detroit, Michigan Police Deparbnent, Annual Report 1980. ____ Annual Report 1981 Annual Report 1982. U.S. Department of Ccmnerce, Bureau of the Census. vol. 1 pts. 7 and 24. "General Population Characteristics, April 1982. U.s. Deparbnent of Justice. Uniform Crime Reports, 1981 U.S. Department of Labor. Employment Reports, April 1982. UNPUBLISHED REPORTS ... Danielson, Willian F. "Employment of Minority Group Persons in the Berkeley Fire Department and the Berkeley Police

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277 Department." Report to the California Assembly, 1 Novenlber 1967 (Mimeographed.) Gallup, George H. "The Gallup Opinion Index Report, Number 150." Princeton, N.J.: American Institute of Public Opinion, 1978 (Mimeographed. ) Gray, Kenneth E. "A Report on Politics in Denver, Colorado. cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harvard University, 1959. (Mimeographed.) Greenstone, David. "A Report on the of Detroit." cam bridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harvard Oniversity, 1961. (Mimeographed.) Gruber, Judith. "Political Strength and Policy Responsiveness: The Results of.Electing. Blacks toCity Councils." Berkeley: University of california Institute of Governmental Studies, 1980. (Mimeographed.) National Opinion Center. "A National Sample Survey Approach to the Study of Crime and Attitudes Toward Law Enforcement and Justice." (Chicago, 1966. (Mimeographed.) Washington, D.C. United States House of Representatives. Document no. 122. Gen. George Stoneman to u.s. Grant, "Riot at Memphis, 12 May 1866.

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APPENDICES

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Percentage 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 APPENDIX A FIGURE 1 PERCENTAGE OF DEI'ROIT AND DENVER OFFICERS DESCRIBING PRESENT POLICE EMPIDYMENT AS A CAREER r--.-279 Detroit Officers Denver Officers

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FIGURE 2 PERCENTAGE OF DETROIT AND DENVER OFFICERS WHO HAVE TAKEN THE POLICE SERGEANT EXAMINATION AT LEAST ONCE Percentage 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 Detroit Officers Denver Officers 280

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FIGURE 3 PERCENTAGE: OF DErROIT AND DENVER OFFICERS WHO WOULD ENCOURAGE A SON TO ENTER POLICE WORK Percentage 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 Detroit Officers Denver Officers 281

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FIGURE 4 PERCENTAGE OF DEI'ROIT AND DENVER OFFICERS WHO WOULD ENCOURAGE A DAUGHTER TO ENTER POLICE WJRK Percentage 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 Detroit Officers Denver Officers 282

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FIGURE 5 PERCENTAGE -OF DErr'ROIT AND DENVER OFFICERS WHO WJULD ENCOURAGE A YOUNG BLACK PERSON Ol'HER. THAN A SON OR A DAt.JGHTE:R TO ENTER POLICE WJRK Percentage 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 Detroit Officers Denver Officers 283

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FIGURE 6 PERCENTAGE OF DEI'ROIT AND DENVER OFFICERS :wHO WOULD CONSIDER EMPlOYMENT IN ANOl'HER POLICE DEPARTMENT Percentage 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 Detroit Denver 284

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FIGURE 7 PERCENTAGE OF DErROIT AND DENVER OFFICERS WHO CONSIDER EMPLOYMENT IN A FEDERAL LAW ENFORCEMENT AGENCY Percentage 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 r-20 ..----10 Detroit Denver 285

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FIGURE 8 PERCENTAGE OF DEI'ROIT AND DENVER OFFICERS WHO WOULD CONSIDER EMPWYMENT IN A STATE IAW ENFORCEMENT AGENCY Percentage 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 Detroit Denver 286

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FIGURE 9 PERCENTAGE OF DEI'ROIT AND DENVER OFFICERS WHO PLAN TO LEAVE THE OCCUPATION BEFORE REI'IREMENT ELIGIBILITY Percentage 100 90 80 70 60 so 40 30 20 10 Detroit Denver 287

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Detroit Denver City Detroit Denver APPENDIX B TABLE 1 RESPONDENT PREFERENCE FOR OCCUPATION Ol'HER THAN POLICING [Percentage and m.nnber] 288 Question: "At the time you came on the job was there % 65 55 some other type of work preferred?" Yes n % 26 35 11 45 TABLE 2 ERA Is RESPONDENTS BEx:;AN POLICE DEPARTMENT EMPIDYMENT [Percentage and number] Era I Era II (1951-1965) (1966-1975) % n % .. n 20 8 70 28 10 2 60 12 you would have No n 14 9 Era III (1976-1980) % n 10 4 30 6

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IS ;uwc:sw City Detroit Denver City Detroit Denver TABLE 3 THE AMOUNT OF TIME SATISFACTION IS FELT FOR THE JOB? Question: 11Which of the following statements best describes How muchof the time.you feel satiafied with your job?_" __ [Percentage and number 1 Respanses All of the time MJst of the time A good deal of About half of the the time time (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) ----55 22 40 16 5 2 ---10 2 35 7 25 5 -----------------Occasionally Seldom Never Per cent total (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) :: -: I_= -: 100 100 "' co \.0

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City Detroit Denver City Detroit Denver TABLE 4 ATTITUDE .'IO'JARD LIKING FOR THE JOB Question: 11Which of the. following statements best describes how 'well' you like your job?11 [Percentage and number] Responses I hate it I dislike it I don't like it (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) ------------------------I like it I am enthusiastic I love it about it (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 32.5 13 60 24 7.5 3 65 13 30 6 --I am indifferent to it (%) (n) ----5 1 -Per cent total 100 100 1\.) 1..0 0

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city Detroit Denver TABLE 5 ATTITUDES 'lU'JARD CHOICE OF JOBS Question: 11If you could have your choice of all the jobs in the world, which would you choose?11 [Percentage and mnnber] Responses Your present job Another job in the A job in another same occupation occupation (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 92.5 37 5 2 2.5 1 80 16 5 1 15 3 Percentage total (%) (n) 100 100 1\..) \.0

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or::. lJ1 1.0 ..... Ul w or::. 0 00 Z6Z 0 0 0"1 0 I\.) or::. ..... 0 or::. w 0 I\.) (J.O ::l o \ O ::l (J.O ::s o.o ::s o \ O ::s o\O ::s I like my job better than most people like theirs No one likes his job better than I like mine I like my job about as well as most people like theirs I dislike my job more than most people dislike theirs I dislike my job more than most people dislike theirs No one dislikes his job more than I dislike mine Per cent total '2 CD [() rt 1-" g .. a = g: h. 1-" ::r tl1 Ul ,......., art c ffi !i ti @ ffil H [() CD 1-" a [() CD g:m 0"1 [() 6r CD m ti ti ::s "0@' ..... [() CD ..., rt =o. CD [() () ti 1-" @' [()

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TABLE 7 ATTITUDES 'IOVARD CHA!\X;ING JOB Question: "Which of the following best describes how you feel about changing your job?" [Percentage and number]

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Responses I would quit this I would take almost job at once if I any other job in could get anything which I could earn else as much City (%) (n) (%) (n) Detroit --------Denver 5 1 15 3 -I am not eager to I cannot think of change my job, but jobs for which I I would if I could get a better job would exchange mine City (%) (n) (%) (n) Detroit 30 12 35 14 Denver 25 5 20 4 -----------I would like to change both my job and my occupation (%) (n) 2.5 1 15 3 I would not exchange my job for any other (%) (n) 27.5 11 15 3 I would like to change my present job for another job in the same occupation (%) (n) 5 2 5 1 Per cent total 100 N \0

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Question: Your job City (%) (n) Detroit ----Denver ----TABLE 8 COMPARISON OF OFFICER SATISFACTION WHEN ON AND OFF THE JOB AND A'ITITUDES 'IaWID OPPORTUNITY TO CHANGE PRESENT JOB [Per cent and numbers] Which gives you more Question: Have you ever thought about satisfaction? changing your present job? Repponses Things you Per cent Yes No Per cent do in your total total spare time (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 100 40 100 17.5 7 82.5 33 100 100 20 100 30 6 70 14 100 1\.) \.0 U1

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City Detroit Denver City Detroit Denver I TABLE 9 ATI'ITUDES 'IavARD BEST ASPEX:TS OF JOB Question: "What do you think is the best thing about your job?" [Percentage and number] Responses Salary Job Security Retirement plan and Prestige and respect benefits one gets from job (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 2.5 1 ----------------------5 1 -Feeling that comes Chances to make Variety in the work Per cent total from helping people decisions on my own (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 72.5 29 22.5 9 2.5 1 100 80 16 I 10 2 I 5 1 I 100 N \.0 0"1

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City Detroit Denver ---City Detroit Denver TABLE 10 ATI'ITUDES 'Ia'JARD WORST. 1\SPEX:TS OF JOB Question: "What do you think is the worst thing about your job?" [Percentage and number] Responses .Hours or work Danger of job Salary and benefits Opportunities for schedule promotion (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) 2.5 1 7.5 3 ------------45 Discipline Departmental Leadership and Perfornance Per cent total System policies supervision Evaluation practices (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 90 36 -----------100 20 4 ----35 7 --100 (n) --9 N 1..0 -..J

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Question: Yes City (%) (n) Detroit 27.5 11 Denver 35 7 TABLE 11 COMPARISON OF DECLINE OF OPPORTUNITY TO CHANGE JOBS AND CONSISTENCY OF FEELING 'I'CMARD THE JOB [Percentage and number] Have you ever declined an Question: Are your feelings today a true opportunity to charige your sample of the way you usually present job? feel about your job? Responses No Per cent Yes No Per cent total total (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) {n) 72.5 29 100 100 40 ---100 65 13 100 100 20 ---100 1\.) 1..0 00

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City Detroit Denver ----TABLE 12 A'ITITUDES '.I'CMARD DEPARTMENTAL DISCIPLINARY PRACTICES Question: "How would you describe disciplinary practices in your department for black police officers?" [Percentage and number 1 The same Different than for Depends on the white officer situation (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 12.5 5 60 24 27.5, 11 10 2 75 15 15 3 ----Per cent total 100 100 N 1.0 1.0

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Very fair City {%) Detroit --Denver --TABLE 13 A'ITITUDES TOWARD PERFORMANCE EVALUATION PRAcriCES QUestion: "How would you describe perfonnance evaluation practices for plack officers?" [Percentage and number] Responses Somewhat Fair Unfair Very unfair fair {n) (%) (n) {%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) --12.5 5 30 12 52.5 21 5 2 --5 1 20 4 70 14 5 1 --------Per cent total 100 100 w 0 0

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City r.etroit I:enver TABLE 14 ASSESSMENT OF SUPERVISOR LEADERSHIP EFFEX:TIVENESS [Percentage and number] Question: "How would you describe the leadership effectiveness of your immediate supervisor?" Responses Excellent Good Poor (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 17.5 7 27.5 11 55 22 .15 3 25 5 60 12 ---Per cent total 100 100 w 0

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City Detroit Denver --TABLE 15 ASSESSMENT OF ADMINISTRATIVE LEADERSHIP EF'F'fl:TIVENESS Question: "How would you describe the administrative leadership effectiveness of the Police Chief?" [Percentage and number] Responses EXcellent Good Poor (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 40 16 60 24 -------10 2 90 18 ------Per cent total 100 100 w 0 1.\J

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City Detroit Denver TABLE 16 RESPONDENT'S POLICE DEPARTMENT ASSIGNMENTS AT TIME OF STUDY [Percentage and number 1 Responses Precinct/District Investigations Special Task Units--Patrol other than investigations (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 65 26 7.5 3 27.5 11 70 14 15 3 15 3 Per cent total 100 100 w 0 w

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City Detroit Denver Excellent (%) (n) 41 7 ----TABLE 17 ASSESSMENT OF CHANCE OF ATTAINING 11BEST ASSIGNMENT11 IF OI'HER THAN PRESENT ASSIGNMENT (N. 17 Detroit officers; 11 Denver officers) [Percentage and number]* Responses Good Fair I;>oor (%) (n) (%) (n) (%1 47 8 12 2 --18 2 18 2 64 *Percentages--have been rounded. (n) --7 Per cent total 100 100 ---w 0

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. By request City (%) (n) Detroit 12.5 5 Denver 10 2 ----TABLE 18 ASSESSMENT OF HOW BEST ASSIGNMENTS ARE ATTAINED [Percentage and number] Responses 11Know Sanebody11 other (%) (n) (%) 22.5 9 65 90 18 --(n) 26 -Per cent total 100 100 w 0 U1

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City Detroit Denver City Detroit Denver TABLE 19 IDENTIFICATION OF BEST POSITION IN THE POLICE DEPAR'IMENT Question: 11What do you think is the best pOsition an officer can have in this department? 11 [Percentage and number]* Responses Chief of Police Division Chief Precinct/District Lieutenant/Inspector CclrriPander in Special Unit (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 34 14 7.5 3 25 10 15 6 I ; ----5 1 5 1 10 2 Sergeant Detective Patrol Officer Per cent total (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) ----5 2 12.5 5 100 5 1 20 4 55 11 100 --------*Percentage has been rounded w 0

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City Detroit Denver -----TABLE 20 ASSESSMENT OF CHANCE OF ATTAINING BEST POSITION Question: (If other than present position) "How do you rate your chance of attaining that position?"** [Percentage and number] Responses Excellent Good Poor (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 12 4 73 24 15 5 --43 3 57 4 -----*Percentage has been rounded **Number: 33 Detroit Officers; seven Denver Officers Per cent total* 100 100 w 0 -...)

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City Detroit Denver -----TABLE 21 PARTICIPANTS IN SERGEANTS' EXAMINATION AND NUMBER OF TIMFS THE EXAMINATION HAS BEEN TAKEN [Percentage and number] Question: "Have you ever taken the Question: sergeant's examination?" Responses Yes No Per cent '!Wo times total (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 60 24 40 16 100 45 18 25 5 75 15 100 15 3 --------*This question applied to twenty-four Detroit Respondents and five Denver Respondents. (If Yes) Three times (%) (n) ----5 1 "How many times have you taken the sergeants' examination?"* M:>re than Per cent three total times (%) (n) ----45 ---20 w 0 (X)

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City Detroit Denver TABLE 22 ASSESSMENT OF PROMOTION OPPORTUNITIES FOR BLACK POLICE OFFICERS Question: "How would you describe opportunities for promotion of black police officers in your department?" [Percentage and number] Responses Excellent Good Poor ) (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 47.5 19 52.5 21 -------20 4 80 16 Per cent total 100 100 w 0 \0

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City Detroit Denver ---TABLE 23 ASSESSMENT OF CHANGES IN BlACK POLICE OFFICERs PRCMJI'ION OPPORTUNITIES Question: "Do you think that prorootiori opportunities for black officers are likely to change within the next five years?" [Percentage and number 1 Responses Yes No Uncertain Per cent total (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 20 8 42.5 17 37.5 15 100 20 4 75 15 5 1 -100 ------w _. 0

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City Detroit Denver Very TABLE 24 A'ITITUDES TrnARD DEX;REE OF SUPPORTIVENESS ROCEIVED FRCi CQ-WJRKERS Question: "Overall, how would you describe the degree of support you receive fran co-workers?" [Percentage and number] Responses Somewhat Supportive Un.supportive Very supportive supportive unsuppbrtive (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 15 6 25 10 45 18 12.5 5 2.5 1 15 3 15 3 30 6 35 7 5 1 N = 60 Per cent total 100 100 -------w

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City Detroit Denver City Detroit Denver City Detroit Denver TABLE 25 ASSESSMENT OF RELATIONSHIP WITH CLIENTELE OF THE POLICE DEPARTMENT [ Percenta9e and number] Question: "How do you get along with the public?" Responses 312 Usually very Usually not Not well at Per cent total well very well all (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 100 40 ------100 100 20 ------100 Question: "Is there any one group nore difficult than others to get along with?" Yes No Per cent total (%) (n) (%) (n) --100 40 100 ---100 20 100 Question: "Would you sa that the public generally understands the problems faced by the black Police Officer?" Yes, usually Sometimes, No, not Per cent total depends on all the situation (%) (n} (%) (n) (%} (n) 22.5 9 47.5 19 30 12 100 ---35 7 65 13 100

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City (%) Detroit --Denver 15 TABlE 26 ASSESSMENT OF EF'F'ECI'IVENESS OF POLICE UNIONS Question: 11How do you feel about the Police Unions rn your department; have they been effective in improving the working conditions for black Police Officers?11 [Percentage and number) Responses Yes No Uncertain (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) -100 40 ----3 75 15 10 2 Per cent total 100 100 w ..... w

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City Detroit Denver TABLE 27 ASSESSMENT OF EFFECI'IVENESS OF BlACK POLICE OFFICER ASSOCIATIONS Question: "How do you feel about the Guardians; has this Association been effective in improving the work conditions of black Police Officers?" [Percentage and number] Responses Yes No Uncertain (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 55 22 20 8 25 10 35 7 45 9 20 4 N. = 60 Per cent total 100 100 w _.

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City Detroit Denver -----TABLE 28 ATTITUDES TOWARD ROLE OF DEI'ROIT BOARD OF POLICE Ca.1MISSIONERS/DENVER MANAGER OF PUBLIC SAFETY Question: "Do you think the Board of Police Camnissioners/ Manager of Public Safety understands the problems of the black Police Officer?" [Percentage and number] Responses Yes No Uncertain (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 95 38 5 2 --20 4 80 16 ---Per cent total 100 100 w _. lJ1

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City (%) Detroit 100 Denver --TABLE 29 ATI'ITUDES 'lDWARD ROLE OF DEI'ROIT CQMlvK)N COUNCIL AND DENVER CITY COUNCIL Question: .. In your opinion does having black Corlirion Council/ City Council members help the position of the black Police Officer?11 [Percentage and number] Responses Yes No Uncertain (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 40 --------100 20 -------Per cent total 100 100 w ...... 0\

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City Detroit Denver City Detroit Denver I (% > 100 --TABLE 30 ATI'ITUDES '!a'WID ROLE OF THE MAYOR Question: "Do you think the Mayor understands the problems of the black Police Officer?" [Percentage and number] Responses Yes No Uncertain (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 40 ---------95 19 5 1 -Per cent total 100 100 Question: "Do you think the Mayor understands the problems of any Police. Officers?" Responses Yes No Uncertain Per cerit total (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 100 40 -------100 80 16 15 3 5 1 100 w _.. -...J

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City Detroit Denver City Detroit Denver -----TABLE 31 ADVOCACY SYSTEMS FOR RESOLuriON OF JOB RELATED PROBLEMS Question: "If you, as a black Police Officer had a job related problem that you could not handle without help, to whom would you go to get help?"-[Percentage and number) Responses InmediC;lte Chief of Police Corrmunity Member of Common Supervisor Organization Council/City Council (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 2.5 1 22.5 9 27.5 11 5 5 .5 1 --------10 2 ----Private Attorney other Don't know (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) .. . 5 5 15 6 2.5 1 %100 n. = 40 15 3 15 3 45 9 %100 n. = 20 -w _. 00

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City Detroit Denver City Detroit Denver TABLE 32 ATTITUDES TOWARD POLICE EMPLOYMENT AS A JOB AND AS A CAREER AT TIME OF OCCUPATION ENTRY Question: "When you joined the Police Department, did you think of yourself as taking on a job or as entering a career?" [Percentage and number] Job career (%} (n} (%} 52.5 21 47.5 35 7 65 TABLE 33 ATTITUDES TOWARD POLICE EMPLOYMENT AS A JOB AND AS A CAREER AT TIME OF INTERVIEW Question: "Would you now describe your employment as a job or as a career?" [Percentage and number] Job Career (%} (n} (%} 25 10 75 60 12 40 319 (n} 19 13 (n} 30 8

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City Detroit Denver City Detroit Denver TABLE 34 CONSIDERATIONS TO LEAVE POLICE WORK Question: "Have you within the last two years considered leaving police work another line of work?" [Percentage and number] Yes (%) (n) (%) 7.5 3 92.5 10 2 90 TABLE 35 INI'ENTION TO REMAIN IN POLICE WORK UNTIL REI'IREMENT No Question: "Do you Plan to Remain in Police Work until Retirement?" [Percentage and number] Yes No (%) (n) (%) 82.5 33 17.5 85 17 15 320 (n) 37 18 (n) 7 3

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City Detroit Denver TABLE 36 CONSIDERATIONS TO JOIN ANOTHER POLICE DEPARTMENT Question: "Would you consider joining another Police Department if you could enter at a higher salary?" [Percentage and number] Yes No (%) (n) (%) 27.5 11 72.5 15 3 85 321 (n) 29 17

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City Detroit Denver TABLE 37 CONSIDERATION TO TRANSFER EMPIDYMENT TO A STATE LAW El\!FORCEMENT AGENCY AND CONSIDERATION TO TRANSFER EMPIDYMENT TO A FEDRAL LAW ENFORCEMENT AGENCY Question: 11Wbuld you consider transferring to a State Law Enforcement agency if the salary was better than your present salary?/Would you consider transferring to a Federal Law Enforcement agency it the salary was better than your present salary? 11 [Percentage and number] Transfer Employment to State Agency Transfer Employment to Federal Agency Yes No Yes No (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 2.5 1 97.5 39 32.5 13 67.5 27 5 1 95 19 15 3 '85 17 -----------w I\.) I\.)

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City Detroit Denver TABLE 38 ATTITUDES TCMARD ENCOURAGEMENT OF SON, DAWITER AND ANOI'HER YOUNG BlACK PERSON 'IO ENTER THE POLICE OCCUPATION [Percentage and number] "Would you encourage a son "Would you encourage a "Would you enGQurage a young to enter police work? daughter to enter police black person other than a son \IK>rk?" or a daughter to enter police \IK>rk?" Yes No Yes No Yes No (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) (%) (n) 40 16 60 24 52.5 21 47.5 fg .97.5 39 2.5 1 15 3 85 17 35 7 65 13 85 17 15 3 w N w

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324 APPENDIX C SPEX:IAL TERMS Algiers Motel: A Detroit motel in which a confrontation between Blacks and the Police occurred in Spring 1967, precipitating 5 days of civil disorders in July 1967. Forty-three persons were killed in the riots, 7,200 arrested, and 683 structures were destroyed by fire. Black Bottom: Formally, a black ghetto area in the eastern part of Detroit. The area has been rerroved through urban renewal projects. Belle Isle: .. A Detroit municipal recreation park; _the scene of confrontations between black and white citizens on June 20, 1943, precipitating black and white rioting June 20-23, 1943. Thirty-four persons were killed--25 black and 9 whites. Seventeen of the Blacks killed were killed by the police. For a description of this riot, and police behavior, see Thurgood Marshall, "The Gestapo in Detroit, Crisis, August 1943, p. 232-33. Black Cars: Detroit Police Department segregated scout cars in the 1950s that have become a symbolic expression of the extensive race segregation in the Detroit Police Department until 1959 when integration of black and white units and precincts was instituted. This change in policy precipitated a three-day work slow-down by Detroit white officers, in March 1959.

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325 Blind Pig: An illegal bar, tavern or "after hours" club. B ouregies; A denigrating term used by Blacks to describe the affected behavior and "bourgeois" attitudes of middleclass Blacks. Burglary Scandal: A large scale scandal involving the arrest of several Denver Police officers in 1961 for crimes of burglary, break-ins, safecracking, and receipt and sale of stolen property. For a discussion of the scandal see, Mort Stern, "What Makes A Policeman Go Wrong?" Denver Post, October 8, 1961. Rabbi: In p::>lice occupational lexicon, a mentor, or protector, one who acts as an advocate for a p::>lice officer; usually a high ranking p::>lice official or local p::>litician. White Nigger: A black person who has assimilated white cultural values, expressions, or attitudes to the exclusion of black cultural nuances and attitudes.

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APPENDIX D Denver Police Department Organization Chart I I Patrol Criminal Division Investigation Division 1,394 Sworn Personnel 302 Civilian Personnel Source: Denver Police Depcirtment Annual Re.[X?rt 1980 J Manager of Safety I Chief of Police I I I Traffic Juvenile Division Division I Technical Division I Adminis-trative Division -----w N "'

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Source: Source: Detroit DETROIT POLICE DEPARTMENT ORGANIZATION CHART (RBV. 9-80) Detroit Police Department Annual Report 1980 328

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APPENDIX. E oenver Police Department Ranks and Salary, 1981 Chief of Police Division Chief captain Lieutenant Supt. Radio Engineer Sergeant Radio Engineer Detective Dispatcher Technician Patrol Officer $47,736.00 $36,576.00 $30,864.00 $27,096.00 $27,096.00 $27,096.00 $23,80S.OO $23,808.00 $22,440.00 $21,744.00 $21,744.00 $15,288.00--19,944.00 Source: Denver Police Department Annual Report 1981 Detroit Police Department Ranks and Salary, 1981 Chief of Police Executive Deputy Chief neputy Chief Cornnander Inspector Lieutenant Sergeant Police Officer $56,900.00 $50,300.00 $45,700.00 $43,000.00 $39,200.00 $36,026.00 $32,082.00 $21,184.00--26,296.00 Source: Detroit Police Department Annual Report 1981 w N 1.0

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APPENDIX F Respondent Social Background Characteristics [By Group Averages] Characteristic Average years of age at time of appointment to the [)epartment Average years of age at time of interviews Average years of [)eparbnent Tenure Average years of Educational Attainment Per Cent Having Prior Military Service Per Cent Having Prior Law Enforcement/Criminal Justice Occupational Experience Per Cent Married Per Cent Having Children Per Cent Having Part-time Employment Per Cent Enrolled in College Programs at time of the study

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APPENDIX G THE STATES WITH THE IDST BLACK ELECl'ED OFFICIAlS States Officials 1. Mississippi 433 2 Louisiana 408 3. Illinois 363 4. Alabama 309 5. Arkansas 297 6. Michigan 293 7. North carolina 291 8. Georgia 284 9. South carolina 252 10. New York 236 Source: Joint Center for Political Studies, July 1983; Census Bureau Tbtal Population Black Population 2,520,638 887,206 4,203,972 1 ,237,263 11,418,461 1,675,229 3,890,061 995,623 2,285,513 373,1982 9,258,344 1,198,710 5,874,429 1,465,457 5,464,265 1,465,457 3,119,208 948,146 17,557,288 2,401,842 Ratio 35% 29% 15% 26% 16% 13% 22% 27% 30% 14% ' w w __.

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APPENDIX H Interviewees' Occupation Immediately Prior to Entering the Detroit and Denver Police Departments [By Occupational category, Number and Percentage] Occupational category Detroit Number Percentage law Enforcement/Criminal Justice I 4 10 Public Service other than law I 7 17.5 Enforcement/Criminal Justice Private Sector--Service 4 10 Private Sector--Industry 5 12.5 Military Service 15 37.5 Student 4 10 (Unemployed) 1 2.5 Totals 40 100 Denver Number Percentage 5 25 3 15 5 25 3 15 3 15 3 15 20 100 w w N

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Year 1960 1970 1980 Year 1960 1970 1980 333 APPENDIX I Population of Denver, Colorado, and Percentage of Blacks in the Population, 1960-1980 Total Population* 494,000 515,000 492,000 Per Cent of Tbtal Population Black 6. 1 9. 1 12.0 Population of Detroit Michigan, and Percentage of Blacks in the Population, 1960-1980 Tbtal Population* 1,670,000 1,511,000 1,203,000 Per Cent of Tbtal Population Black 28.9 43.7 63.0 *Totals of Population have been rounded. Source: U.S. Department of Cormnerce, Bureau of the Census. General Population Characteristics: 1970, vol. 1 parts A and B; 1980, vol. 1, Chapter B, parts 7 and 24.

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APPENDIX J QUESTIONNAIRE Black Police Officers career Commitment Attitudes: 1982 Departfitent: Interviewee Random Number: Date of Interview: Place of Interview: Length of Interview: ---------------------Time of Interview: 334 Thank you for participating in this research. As you know, I am trying to discover how black :police officers feel about careers in law enforcement. Your identity will be kept strictly confidential; no identifying information will be used for example--your present assignment/special unit will not be used in the research re:port. Before we begin, I would like to ask you how you see the difference between a career, a job, an occupation, and work?

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335 "Life-'World" and Perceptions of Work I d like t0 begin the interview by talking with you about what it's like to be a black police officer in 1982. 1 Would you tell me what it s like to be a black policerran in Denver/Detroit today? 2. What is the most important thing to you about your work as a black pollee officer? a. (Probe--Why is that?) 3. What kinds of things make you feel especially good about your work?

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336 a. (Probe) Can you give me an example? 4. What kind of things especial! y bother you about your work? a. (Probe) can you give me an example? 5. Has being a police officer affected your attitudes toward life? 6. Have you ever seriously regretted becoming a police officer?

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337 a. (Probe) Why is that? 7. Have you ever thought seriously of quitting police work? a. (Probe) Why is that? 8. Are you married? Yes (Go to 9) No 9. (If yes to #8. ) What does your wife think of your being a police officer?

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338 10. Do you have children? Yes (Go to 11 ) No (Go to 15) 11 How old are your children? 12. How do your children feel about you being a police officer? 13. What would you like to see them do with their lives in terms of an occupation? 14. Is there one occupation more than others that you would like for them to go into?

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339 PART II Recruitment and Socialization to Occupation Now 1 I would like to talk with you about why 1 and how you became a police officer. 15. Why did you decide to became a police officer? 16. Did any particular person encourage you to join the police force? I Yes Who was that -------------------------------No -----------------------------------17. What line of work were you in just before you joined the .Force? 18. What year did you come on the Job?

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340 19. How did you learn about police job openings in this department? a. From a member of the police department, not a relative b. A Civil Service announcement Where ------------------c. Media announcement: Radio TV d. A friend I Occupation e. A relative I I Occupation Relationship f. Police recrui trnent program What Kind? Where? g. Other Specify ------------20. Had you ever applied to another police department for employment? Yes Specify type and location, date ___ No I 20A. When did you first apply to the police department?

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341 21. How long did it take from the time you first applied to this department until you were hired? 21A. Did you encounter any problems in attaining the job? Yes What were they -----------------------No Why was that ------------22. At the time that you carne on the job was there some other kind of work you would have preferred? a. No Why was that ------------b. Yes What was that job ---------If 22b. go to 23. 23. What was the main reason that you wanted that line of work? 24. As a black man, what appealed to you rrost about becoming a police officer?

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342 25. As a black man, was there anything that bothered you about becoming a police officer? 26. How did you feel about the police as an organization before you joined the force? 27. Since becoming a police officer, have you changed your ideas about the police as an organization in any way? Yes How is that ------------------------No How is that ------------------------(Probe) Can you give me an example? 28. How long were you in the Academy? a. 6-8 weeks b. 9-16 weeks c. more than 16 weeks

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343 29. How would you describe your academy experiences? a. very satisfactory b. satisfactory c. unsatisfactory d. very unsatisfactory 29b. Why is that? 30. Where was your first assignment after leaving the recruit training academy? 30b. How did you get along with co-workers on your first assignment? a. very well b. well enough c. not well at all. Why was that? 31 was there anyone, more so than others, that hepled you learn the job? a. No. Why was that? b. Yes. Who was that?

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344 32. How did your family feel about you joining the police force? a. I very proud b. I disappointed c. I didn't care one way or other d. I don't know (Probe) Why was that? 33. Did you lose any friends when you first became a police officer? a. No. Why was that? b. Yes. Why was that? 34. Do you work at a part-time job? a. Yes. How rrany hours per week? b. No. 35. Are you going to school at the present time? a. No. b. Yes. (If b.,) What is your rrajor?

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345 How many courses do you usually take each semester? When do you expect to graduate? 36. What is your precinct assignment? a. Patrol (District/Precinct) ------b. Detective (Unit) c. Special Detail (Specify) 37. How long have you been in this assignment? a. less than 6 rronths b. 6 rronths--a year c. 1--2 years d. rrore than 2 years 38. What do you think the best assignment an officer below the rank of Sergeant can have? (Probe) Why is that

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346 39. How would you rate your chance of getting that assignment? Would you say that your chance is: a. excellent b . good c. fair d. poor e. uncertain 40. How does an officer in this de:partment usually get an assignment that he wants? a. b. c. request it and wait until there's an opening know somebody other (Specify) 41. What would you say is the best :pOsition in the department? 41 a. Why is that? 42. (If other than present :position) How would you rate your chance of attaining that :position? Would you say that your chance is: a. excellent b. good c. fair

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347 d. poor e . .__I __ __. uncertain 43. OVerall, how would you describe the support you receive from co-workers? Would you say that they are: a. very supportive b. generally supportive c. generally unsupporti ve d. totally unsupportive (Probe) Can you gl.ve me an example? 44. How would you describe your immediate supervisor's effective ness? Would you describe it as: a. I excellent b. I good c. I poor (Probe) Why is that?

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348 45. How do you rate the opportunities for promotion of black officers in this department? Would you describe them as: a. excellent b. good c. poor (Probe) Why is that? 46. Do you think that the promotion opportunities for black are likely to change? a. Yes b. No.-. c. uncertain Why is that? 4 7. Have you taken the Sergeants examination? a. b. c. No. Why is that? Yes. Why is that? How rreny times have you taken the examination?

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349 48. How would you describe disciplinary practices in the Department for black police officers? Would you describe them as: a. The same as for everyone else. b. Different than for white officers c. Depends on the situation d. Other (Specify) (Probe) Why is that? 49. How would you describe the performance evaluation practices in the Department for black police officers? Would you describe them as: a. very fair b. fair c. unfair d. very unfair e. other (Specify) (Probe) Why is that?

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350 (Give cards to Interviewee) Now I would like to ask you a few questions about how you feel about your job as a .POlice officer. Using the cards that corres,[)Ond to each of the questions, please tell me which answer best describes how you feel about your job. 50. Which answer best describes how well you like your job? a. I hate it b. I dislike it c. I don't like it d. I am indifferent to it e. I like it f. I am enthusiastic about it g. I love it 51 Which answer on card 51 best describes how much of the time you feel satisfied about your job? a. all of the time b. most of the time c. a good deal of the time d. about half of the time e. occasionally f. seldom g. never

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351 52. Which answer on card 52 best describes how you feel about changing your job: a. I would quit this job at once if I could get anything else. b. I would take almost any other job in which I could earn as much. c. I would like to change both my job and my occupation. d. I would like to exchange my present job for another job in the same line of work. e. I am not eager to change my job, but I would do so if I could get a better job. f. I cannot think of any jobs for which I would exchange mine. g. I would not exchange my job for any other. 53. If you had your choice of all the jobs in the world which would you choose? Find the answer on card 53 which best describes how you feel: a. your present job b. another job in the same occupation c. .___ ___.I a job in another occupation 54. Which answer on card 54 best describes how you think you compare with other people when it comes to your job: a. b. c. d. I like my job much better than most people like theirs. No one likes his job better th:m I like mine. I like my job about as well as most people like theirs. I dislike my job more than most people dislike theirs.

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e. f. ""-'--' ______. 352 I dislike my job much more than most people dislike theirs. No one dislikes his job more than I dislike theirs. 55. Which answer on Card 55 best describes what you think is the best thing about your job? a. b. c. e. f. g. salary job security retirement plan and benefits prestige and respect one gets from job feeling that comes from helping people chance to make decisions on your own variety in the work 56. Which gives you more satisfaction? a. b. your job the things you do in your spare time 57. Have you ever thought seriously about changing your present job? a. Yes b. No (Probe) Why is that?

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353 58. Have you ever declined an opportUnity to change your present job? a. Yes (Specify type of Job) ___ b. No 59. Which answer on Card 59 best describes what you think is the worst aspect of your job? a. hours or work schedule b. danger of job c. salary and benefits d. opportunities for promotion e. discipline system f. I departmental politics g. I leadership and supervision h. I evaluation practices i. .I other (Specify)

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354 60. Are your feelings today a true sample of the way you usually feel about your job? a. Yes b No Now I would like to ask you about how you feel about the public and the police unions. 61. How do you get along with the public that you deal with? WoUld you say: a. usually very well b. usually not very well c. not well at all (Probe) Why is that? 62-. Is there any one public group .that is more difficult than others to get along with? a. Yes b. ---' No (Probe) Why is that? 63. Would you say that the public generally understands the problems faced by black police officers? a. Yes, usually b. Sometimes, depends on the situation c. No, not at all (Probe) Why is that?

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355 64. How do you feel about the ,POlice unions in your Department in improving the working conditions for black officers? Would you say that they have been: a. !.__ __ ,.......... very effective b. usually effective c. ineffective d. very ineffective (Probe) Why is that? 65. How do you feel about the black police officers' association in improving the working conditions for black police officers? Would you say that it has been: a. very effective b. usually effective c. ineffective d. very ineffective (Probe) Why is that? Now, I would -like to ask you about your opinion about polit-ical and administrative figures. 66. In your _opinion, does having black city council members help the black police officer? a. yes b. no c. uncertain (Probe) can you give me an example?

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356 67. Do you think the mayor .understands the problems of black police officers? a. yes b. no c. uncertain (Probe) Why is that? 68. Do you think that the mayor understands the problems of any group of police officers? a. yes b. no c. uncertain (Probe) Why is that? 69. Do you think the Police Commissioners/Manager of Public Safety understands the problems of black police officers? a. .I,__ __ ___. b. .__I __ __. c. (Probe) (Why is that? yes no uncertain

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357 70. How would you describe the administrative effectiveness of the Police Chief? Wbuld you describe it as: a .__I __ _. b. .__I __ __. c. d. (Probe) Why is that? excellent good :poor uncertain Career Conmitrnent Now, I woUld like to ask you about how you feel about a law enforcement career. 71 When you joined the police department, did you think of yourself as taking on a job, or as entering a career? a. job b. career (Probe) Why was that? 72. you now describe your employment as a police officer as a job or as a career? a. job b. career (Probe) Why is that?

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358 73. Have you within the last 2 years considered leaving police work for another kind of work? a. yes b no (Probe) Why is that? 7 4. If the present economic situation were better, would you leave police work? a. yes b. .__I __ __. no (Probe) Why is that? 75. Are you willing to join another police department if you could enter at a higher salary? a. .__I __ __. yes b. I._ __. n:o (Probe) Why is that? 76. Would you consider transferring to a state law enforcement agency if you could do so at a higher salary? a. yes b. no (Probe) Why is that?

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359 77. Would you consider transferring to a federal law enforcement agency if you could do so at a higher salary? a. yes b. no (Probe) Why is that? 78. Do you plan to remain in police work until retirement? a. yes b. no (Probe) Why is that? 79. (If answer to #78 is "NO") What line of work do you plan to go into? (Probe) Why is that? 80. Would you encourage a son to enter police work? a. yes b. no (Probe) Why is that?

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360 81 'Would you encourage a daughter to enter police work? a. yes b. no (Probe) Why is that? 82. How al::)out a young person other than a son or a daughter? Wbuld you encourage him/her to enter police work: a. yes b. no (Probe) Why is that? (Closure) Social Data We are almost finished. I would like to get some background infonnation. 83. Have you always lived in Detroit/Denver? a. yes b. no (If No) When did you first move to Detroit/Denver? Year --------------Where did you live before?

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361 84. Are you an armed forces veteran? a. yes b. no (If YFS) When were you discharged? ---------' ____ Year How long after discharge did you join the police department? 85. What is the highest number of years you were in school? 86. What in your opinion is the best way for a police department to recruit black police officers? 87. If you had the opportUnity what kinds of change would you wake in the police department?

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362 88. Is there anything else I should add about how you feel about your job and about a career in police work? Thank you very much for participating in my research. If there are any i terns I need to clarify, may I call you? Telephone # Best Time: ----------------------------

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tm tt of Pvl ice :t, 1 ichi(Jan 48226 L. Wilson, Chairperson of Criminal Justice 1d I riminology li tan State College ; E eventh Street rer Colorado 8020. 4 P ofessor Wilson: APPENDIX K March 31, 1982 363 Coleman A. Young, Mayor City of Delrm:t I would he delighted to talkto you when you visit this summer. tss red that whatever assistance I can render will be yours. P ease find enclosed the most recent annual report available. A to methodology, I believe the random selection best. :he my inclination is to believe that "Alex's.. snowball sample ;o 'nherently biased as to be useless. Unless one is measuring !mi dedness of close associates. T e number of black officers and their diverse ranks in the Police Department virtually assures a significantly large lle. P ease feel free to call me if you need further information. Sincerely, Executive Deputy C ief .os re

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' oETRO/r DEPARTMENT To: Subject: ...... ---. -D.P.D. 31 C of D-30-ME (Rev. 1272) INTER-OFFICE MEMORANDUM I Date J Public Infonnation Unit -October 19, 1982 Officers Volunteering for Survey BLACK POLICE OFFICERS' ATTITUDES TOHARD POLICE PROFESSION The Detroit Police Department has consented to allow Ms. Jackie Wilson to conduct a of black male police officers to ascertain their perception of law enforcement as a profession. You are encouraged to cooperate but it is purely voluntary. Direct all inquiries to me at 795 or 224-1200/ / / /?7 c::r: Lieutenant Fred L. Williams Commanding Officer Public Infonnation Umt w 0"1 of:>

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Crry AND COUNTY. OF 365 DEPARTMENT OF SAFETY October 22, 1982 DENVER POLICE DEPARTMENT POLICE ADMINISTRATION BLDG. 1331 CHEROKEE STREET DENVER. COLORAPQ PHONE (30Bl Jackie L. Wilson 255 Holly Street Denver, Colorado 80220 Dear Ms. Wilson: I have not been able to contact you by phone regarding your letter of October 4, 1982. A notice has been placed in the Denver Police Bulletin notifying officers that you have been approved by Chief Dill to interview officers on your research project. The selected officers were requested to cooperate and also notified that you vlill attempt to set all interviews between November 1st and December 15, 1982 by contact at their office or district station. If I can be of any further assistance on this project please contact me. Sincerely, ARTHUR G. DILL CHIEF OF POLICE nyU--v""u,;;-;t> J R. M. Phennenstiel, Lieutenant Research and Development Bureau RMP:fig