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Informal and formal supportive networks for battered women and their effectiveness

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Title:
Informal and formal supportive networks for battered women and their effectiveness a comparison between the United States and Taiwan
Creator:
Wu, Shwu-Fen
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Denver, CO
Publisher:
University of Colorado Denver
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English
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x, 96 leaves : ; 29 cm

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Subjects / Keywords:
Abused women -- Services for -- United States ( lcsh )
Abused women -- Services for -- Taiwan ( lcsh )
Abused women -- Services for ( fast )
Taiwan ( fast )
United States ( fast )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 83-96).
Thesis:
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree, Master of Arts, Sociology
General Note:
Department of Sociology
Statement of Responsibility:
by Shwu-Fen Wu.

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|Auraria Library
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All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
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ocm37774891
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LD1190.L66 1996m .W8 ( lcc )

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Full Text
INFORMAL AND FORMAL SUPPORTIVE NETWORKS FOR BATTERED WOMEN
AND THEIR EFFECTIVENESS: A COMPARISON BETWEEN THE UNITED
STATES AND TAIWAN
by
Shwu-Fen Wu
B.A., National Chung-Hshin University, 1991
A thesis submitted to the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
Sociology
1996


1996 by Shwu-Fen Wu
All rights reserved.


This thesis for the Master of Arts
degree by
Shwu-Fen Wu
has been approved
by
Date


I
Wu, Shwu-Fen (M.A., Sociology)
Informal and Formal Supportive Networks for Battered Women and Their
Effectiveness: A Comparison between the United States and Taiwan
Thesis Directed by Assistant Professor Candan Duran-Aydintug
ABSTRACT
Previous studies indicate that between one-fifth and one-third of all women
will be physically assaulted by a partner or ex-partner during their lifetime and
around four million women are severely abused by male partners each year in the
United States. The problem of women battering still remains in the private sphere
in Taiwan. In accordance with the old Chinese beliefs that a wife should obey to
her husband during the marriage, this social problem has been severely ignored in
Taiwan for centuries.
This comparative study investigates the formal and informal support
networks available to American and Taiwanese women when they are subjected to
physical abuse by their spouses. Additionally, it also focuses on the frequency
with which these sources are used, which sources women perceive as being more
effective, and the differences and similarities in both cultures. The US sample
comes from the 1985 National Family Survey, a representative probability sample
of 6,002 individuals. The Taiwanese sample, on the other hand, is a small (N=55)
and purposive sample. According to results, women in both cultures turned more
to their own family members than any other informal source, however, they rated
the support from their friends as the most effective type in this category. Also in
IV


both cultures, the police were found as the least effective source among the formal
sources. In the U.S. sample more educated and older women sought help from
formal sources. When frequency and severity of abuse increased, women were
more likely to ask help from formal (legal) sources. For these women, even though
years of being married, number of children, current status of pregnancy did not
make much difference in help-seeking behavior, effectiveness of the source was
found as being the most explanatory variable. In the Taiwanese sample, social
workers in private agencies were evaluated as the most effective type of formal
source. These women also reported their expectations and needs. Policy issues
are discussed taking the womens experiences in both cultures into account.
This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidates thesis. I
recommend its publication.
Signed]
Candan Duran-Aydintug


DEDICATION
This research is dedicated
to the memory of my grandmother Wu-Mei.
Her endless love has given me confidence to do what I want to do.
To my dearest parents Shen-Hwa and Gan-Hua
for their teaching me that men can love women
without violence. And to all the battered women and their
families in the U.S. and in Taiwan...


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank to all the good friends in Taiwan who have given me
endless support and encouragement for over the years. My thanks to MJ Lane
and to all the people in the Department of Sociology for helping me very much. A
special appreciation goes to Dr. Duran-Aydintug for her valuable guidance, lasting
patience, and thoughtful care.


CONTENTS
Tables.......................................................x
CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION.............................................1
2. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE.................................5
Previous Studies: U.S.............................5
Previous Studies: Taiwan........................15
Theoretical Approach............................19
Purpose of the Study............................29
3. METHODS.................................................31
The U.S. Study..................................31
Sample.....................................31
Sample Characteristics.....................32
Procedures.................................33
Measurement................................34
The Taiwanese Study..............................35
Sample.....................................35
viii


Sample Characteristics.....................36
Procedures.................................37
Measurement................................38
4. RESULTS..................................................39
The U.S. Study....................................39
The Taiwanese Study...............................50
5. DISCUSSION...............................................60
The U.S. Study................................... 60
The Taiwanese Study...............................63
Intervention Programs.............................68
Case: U.S..................................68
Case: Taiwan...............................79
Limitations and Suggestions.......................80
REFERENCES..............................................83
ix


TABLES
Table
4.1. Help Seeking Frequencies of U.S. Women......................40
4.2. Effectiveness Ratings of the Support Sources by U.S. Women..41
4.3. Logistic Regression Parameters for Help-Seeking Behavior
of U.S. Women..............................................43
4.4 Reasons Women Gave for Being Abused...........................51
4.5. Sources From Which Women Sought Help/Support
(first time abuse).........................................52
4.6. Perceived Effectiveness of the Help/Support
Sources....................................................53
4.7. Reasons Given by Women for Having Sought Help From
Formal Sources.............................................55
4.8. How Did Abused Women Know About Formal Support
Sources................................................... 56
9. Kinds of Help Women Listed as Most Effective,
57


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
With the emergence of the women's movement (Martin, 1976; Pizzey,
1974; Wang, 1995), and more and more domestic abuse cases are being recently
publicized (Wang, 1995), the issue of women battering has come from "behind
closed doors" (Straus, Gelles, & Steinmetz, 1980) to be recognized as a
widespread problem. A number of studies indicate that between one-fifth and one-
third of all women will be physically assaulted by a partner or ex-partner during
their lifetime (Frieze & Browne, 1989). Additionally, it has been estimated that
between two million (Straus et al., 1980; Straus & Gelles, 1990) and four million
women (Browne, 1992) are severely assaulted by their male partners each year in
the United States. Abuse by a partner has been found to be the leading cause of
injuries to women in the 25-34 age range and the second leading cause of injuries
to females of all ages. Moreover, wife abuse has been targeted as a major health
problem by the Surgeon General of the United States (Novello, 1992).
Even though there are increased public awareness and accompanying
social and legal responses in the United States, the problem of women battering
1


still remains in the private sphere in Taiwan. As many Chinese agree that
"domestic scandals should not be publicized, when a wife is beaten, the wife and
husband do pretend as if nothing had happened, in order to keep harmony in the
family after an abuse incident (Chen, 1994; Chou, 1994). Chinese strongly believe
that wives are expected to obey their husbands. In ancient China a woman had to
obey her father before marriage, obey her husband during her married life, and her
sons in the widowhood; the understanding was that when the wives do something
wrong, their husbands had the right to "punish" them (Wang, 1995). Although
most Chinese families continue to guide their lives with these traditional norms,
since the 1980's some news about battered woman have started to appear in the
newspapers. Therefore, the government's and the people's attention are
somewhat drawn to this issue lately and old understandings are being publicly
questioned.
Both in the U.S. and Taiwan, among all forms of family violence, wife abuse
ranks second, following child abuse, in terms of the attention it now receives in
public, professional, and scientific communities. Even though this issue has been
raised for several years, many battered women still stay in abusive relationships.
Several reasons have been suggested in the literature as to why they stay in these
relationships. In addition to many other explanations, according to some studies,
battered women choose to stay in the abusive relationships partly because they do
not have effective social support networks (Martin, 1976; Walker, 1979; Dobash &
2


Dobash, 1979; Dibble & Straus, 1980; Coley & Beckett, 1988; Dutton, 1988; Chou,
1994).
The focus of this research will be to examine the help-seeking behavior and
its determinants among battered women. Based on their help-seeking
experiences, one can find out that what kind of support they need the most, the
factors that affect whether they seek informal or formal support, and what kind of
help they think is more useful and effective for them. Through studying the
informal and formal support networks available to these women, the policy issues
regarding women abuse will be focused on and evaluated.
This study will offer a comparison between two different cultures. The
comparative approach, implicit in most cross-cultural studies of family violence and
explicit in only a few, contributes to our understanding of family violence in a
number of ways. First of all, cross-cultural studies expand our knowledge of the
range of human actions that constitute family violence and factors relating to this
violence, including types of families, types of family dynamics, and methods of
interpersonal conflict resolution. Second, cross-cultural studies enable us to
analyze family violence in its cultural context, and thus to come to grips with what
family violence means to the participants and to the cultural group as a whole
(Korbin, 1977, 1981). Third, comparative studies, based on large samples of either
nations or small-scale societies, are a powerful means of testing theories of family
violence operationalized at the societal level (Lee, 1984; Straus, 1985). Theories
3


amenable to testing in this way include those that tie wife abuse to sexual
inequality, and various forms of family violence to various forms of social
organization. Fourth, cross-cultural studies, especially in developing regions of the
world, enable us to study the effects of social change on family relationships,
including violent ones. And, fifth, cross-cultural studies make it possible for us to
compare low-violence to high-violence cultures in order to identify factors or
processes that may help to control or to prevent family violence. Finally, and most
importantly for this study, as the cultural components in Taiwan vastly differ from
the ones of the United States, and the history of studying family violence is very
short in Taiwan, doing this comparative study will shed some light regarding the
extent of the problem in Taiwan and may suggest new ways in dealing with
abusive relationships.
In this research, the American data are obtained from a national sample,
however, the Taiwanese data are obtained from a small, purposive sample. Even
so, the Taiwanese sample is still very valuable, because this sample is the first one
that provides us with data regarding the help-seeking behaviors of battered
women. Using this small sample, one can still gain insight into the needs of the
battered women, the perceived effectiveness of formal and informal resources, and
be able to suggest policy.
4


CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Previous Studies: U.S.
When mentioning wife abuse, physical abuse is often emphasized. Not
only is it more prevalent than any other type of abuse (e.g., emotional abuse), but it
is easy to define clearly as well. Thus, woman battering is the focus of this
research, leaving out the mental and emotional abuse. A variety of elements
comprise the most common definitions of a "battered woman. In this research, a
working definition is used which sociologists, social service providers, medical
practitioners, public policy analysts, and researchers adopted: "The infliction of
physical pain or injury with the intent to cause harm which may include slaps,
punches, biting, and hair pulling, but in frequency or occurrence generally involves
more serious assaults including choking, kicking, breaking bones, stabbing, or
shooting; or forcible restraint which may include locking them in homes or in
closets, being tied or handcuffed; committed by an adult against an adult woman
with whom she has or previously had an established relationship, which generally
5


includes physical intimates, whether or not legally married (Hutchings, 1988: 67-
68)."
In sociological research, there are three levels of analysis to explain women
battering: Intrapersonal level, interpersonal level, and sociocultural level.
In viewing the literature on women battering from an intrapersonal level of
analysis, it is assumed that one or both spouses possess certain characteristics
that make them prone to engage in abusive interactions. In the earlier literature,
when investigators felt that they were dealing with an infrequent phenomenon,
there was a tendency to look for pathological conditions either in the assaulter, or
in the victim, or in both. These studies were also very much biased, because of
the selective samples they used, such as psychiatric case studies (Symonds,
1978), or prison populations (Faulk, 1974; Scott, 1974). These studies described
the assaulters as being sadistic, passive-aggressive, addiction prone,
pathologically jealous, pathologically passive, and dependent (Snell, Rosenwald, &
Robey, 1964; Faulk, 1974; Shainess, 1977), or reported that they were suffering
from neurological or biochemical disorders (Elliot, 1977; Schauss, 1982). Similarly,
negative personality characteristics were assigned to battered women (e.g.,
masochistic, aggressive, immature) (Snell etal., 1964; Scott, 1974; Shainess,
1977). The conclusions drawn about pathological conditions in males tended to
relieve them of responsibility for their actions whereas the conclusions drawn about
females indicated that they were to blame for their own plight.
6


Recent studies have been more sensitive to issues of responsibility,
particularly with respect to women. These studies indicate women who have been
battered tend to suffer from depression, anxiety, alcohol abuse, and have elevated
MMPI profiles (Hughes & Rau, 1984; Rosewater, 1984; Telch & Lindquist, 1984;
Walker, 1984). There also has been a shift regarding men's responsibility for
battering. It is pointed out that many batterers are violent only toward their wives
and only in the privacy of their own homes. Such findings undermine hypotheses
regarding poor impulse control (e.g., Schechter, 1982). Although there is
considerable evidence that batterers are prone to substance abuse (Gayford,
1975; Rounsaville, 1978; Fitch & Papantonio, 1983; Peltoniemi, 1984), that has
also been brought into question as an explanation for the violence. There is little
evidence that pharmacological properties of alcohol or drugs play a direct role in
specific abuse instances (Berk et al., 1983; Taylor & Leonard, 1983).
Additionally, several scholars have examined attitudinal factors. First, with
respect to sex role attitudes, males have been described as conservative, rigid, as
well as holding traditional and sex-stereotyped values (Davidson, 1978; Walker,
1979; Rosenbaum & O'Leary, 1981; Telch & Lindquist, 1984). It has been
suggested that pairing traditional husbands with nontraditional wives might lead to
a particularly violence-prone combination (Whitehurst, 1974; Walker, 1984).
Second, with respect to role identity, batterers who are compared to nonbatterers,
appear to have lower scores in masculinity scales (LaViolette, Barnett, & Miller,
7


1984; Rosenbaum, 1985). Third, attitudes regarding the acceptability of violence
in intimate relationships also have proven to be quite enlightening. Straus (1980c)
reported that violent wives, as well as violent husbands, express more approval of
violence than do nonviolent husbands and wives. Fourth, self-esteem has been
implicated as being low for batterers (Gayford, 1975; Walker, 1979; Neidig,
Friedman, & Collins, 1984; Goldstein & Rosenbaum, 1985) and, also for battered
women to some extent (Carlson, 1977; Star, Clark, Goetz, & O'Malia, 1979;
Walker, 1979). It should be noted, however, that there are also a number of
findings, showing batterers and their victims to be no different from anyone else
(see Feldman, 1983; Neidig et al., 1984) in terms of these measures.
On the behavioral level, research data portray the abusive husbands to be
less assertive with their wives than the nonabusive husbands (Rosenbaum &
O'Leary, 1981). However, it is unclear whether this differentiates violent partners
from maritally discordant but nonviolent partners (O'Leary & Curley, 1986).
Although not demonstrated empirically, it also has been suggested that these
spouses have not learned how to acknowledge and express their feelings other
than anger (Ferraro, 1984; LaViolette et al., 1984).
The interpersonal level for explaining women battering focus on interactions
of persons involved with each other, as well as with other persons with whom they
have contact. There are three main perspectives that provide explanation at this
category: social learning, systems, and cycle of violence.
8


According to social learning theory, one of the most consistent findings
regarding etiological characteristics of women battering is the intergenerational
transmission of violence if he or she had been exposed to violence as a child,
either as a witness to interparental violence or as victim of parental abuse. A
number of studies have shown a high frequency of violence in the families of origin
of the batterers (Gayford, 1975; Roy, 1977; Straus etal., 1980; Rosenbaum &
O'Leary, 1981). The most parsimonious explanation of the intergenerational
transmission of violence, although not the only explanation, is modeling. Indeed, a
large body of research has documented the role of modeling in the acquisition of
aggressive behavior (Bandura, 1977; Parke & Slaby, 1983). According to this
theory, witnessing aggressive models provides opportunities for acquiring and
reproducing similar behaviors and, in some cases, producing nonimitative
spontaneous forms of aggression. As suggested by Rosenberg (1984), the
responses by battered women also may be a function of modeling, with women
who choose to be avoidant, passive, and express nonhelp-seeking responses
having observed such responses in their families of origin.
In contrast to the modeling explanation, which revolves around interaction
with one's family of origin, other social learning theory explanations involve
interactions with the partner. Reinforcement describes the process whereby
certain behaviors occur at a subsequently higher rate as a result of their producing
a desired effect. According to Pagelow (1981), there are usually no (or insufficient)
9


punishments received and there may be (and from the evidence gathered usually
are) reinforcements involved. For example, some men may experience feelings of
increased control and power, and the women may try harder to placate them or to
remove all sources of irritation and stress, such as keeping the house cleaner,
keeping the children quieter in their presence, and so on anything the men
claimed that led to the beating in the first place.
Coercion refers to the overall process whereby intimates learn to control
each other's behavior through the use of aversive or painful stimuli (Patterson &
Reid, 1970). With the aggressor positively reinforced and the victim negatively
reinforced, the overall interaction tends to intensify over time. In some couples'
relationships in which bi-directional violence exists, the victimized person learns
that coercion is effective in eliciting change and begins to engage in aggressive
behaviors in return. Existent data are based on the general category of distressed,
as opposed to abusive couples. These data do not directly test the coercive
process but do demonstrate how aversive actions by one partner can alter the
probability of the other person's behavior (Gottman, 1979; Revenstorf, Vogel,
Wegener, Hahlweg, & Schindler, 1980; Margolin & Wampold, 1981).
Some cognitive features of the coercive process are elaborated upon when
describing women battering. Focusing on the abuser, Deschner (1984) described
the "last straw decision" in which the abuser makes a decision that the situation is
so intolerable that violence is warranted. Focusing on the victim Walker (1984)
10


pointed out that few of the battered women she interviewed were not sure whether
to classify themselves as battered. Despite strong probing techniques, these
women were also reluctant to classify such violent episodes as battering behavior.
Walker also said that clarifying the kind of coercive techniques used in battering
relationships should help clear up some of this confusion and make self-
identification easier for battered women. Some researchers claim that when
battering is in its acute condition, aversive events occur so rapidly that control skills
usually available to these women no longer are or that the women can not use
them successfully any longer.
According to the systems perspective, violence is a systematic product of
an interaction rather than a result of individual pathology (Straus, 1973). According
to Giles-Sims's explanation "conceptualizing the abusive relationship as a system
means that we can look at the process of actions and reactions as a continuous
causal chain, each reaction becoming in turn a precipitant (1983, p:74)." The
results of her research showed that there are certain characteristics of families
(e.g., the amount of time the family members spend together, the intensity of their
involvement, the fact that they have impinging activities and needs, the right to
influence inherent in families) that make them ripe for violence. In addition, Giles-
Sims (1983) reported that because a majority of women are willing to forgive the
first incident of violence, a positive feedback loop is set into motion, making it likely
that the violence will reoccur. She further suggested that then a runaway process
11


takes hold, in which each act of violence is a cause for further revenge leading to
further violence to the point where corrective action is of no avail.
Other authors describe specific characteristics found in women battering
systems. Not surprisingly, it has been suggested that most abusive relationships
are characterized by poor communication, in which distortion and misinterpretation
prevail (Walker, 1979) and in which feelings are expressed indirectly. According to
Traicoff (1982), violent couples (a) exist in closed systems, with tight boundaries
between themselves and the outside world, (b) have inflexible family rules, (c)
maintain a rule of secrecy, particularly with respect to the abuse, and (d) have
difficulty in setting and maintaining limits.
Walker's (1979, 1984) cycle theory of violence states that there are three
distinct phases associated with women battering. During the tension building
phase, when there is a gradual escalation of tension through discrete action (e.g.,
name-calling, other intentionally hurtful actions, and/or physical abuse), the woman
may maintain an unrealistic belief that she can control the man. During the acute
battering incident, the batterer typically unleashes a barrage of verbal and physical
aggression. Stage 3 seems to vary depending on whether the violence is new or
well-established. In new relationships, the batterer may apologize, and show
kindness. Later in the relationship, stage 3 may simply be characterized by the
absence of tension or violence, which in itself may be reinforcing for the woman.
Other interpersonal theories have examined threats to self with respect to loyalty
12


and control (Ferraro, 1984), loyalty to one's family of origin (Cohen, 1984), and
traumatic bonding, whereby abused women form strong emotional attachments
under conditions of intermittent abuse (Dutton & Painter, 1981).
The last level for explaining women battering is at the sociocultural level.
Sociocultural explanations examine cultural, historical, legal, and political factors
that contribute to women battering. All of these perspectives attempt to explain the
legitimization of intrafamilial violence and the victimization of women (Straus &
Hotaling, 1980).
Literature on the family generally emphasizes the extent of violence in the
culture at large (e.g., governmental violence and media violence), but points to the
family as the training ground for violence. Specifically, it is suggested that the
family is the setting in which most people first experience physical violence. As
Straus (1977) pointed out, there are two lessons that are learned as a function of
physical punishment. The first one is the association of love with violence when
the child learns that those who love him or her the most are also those who hit and
have the right to hit him or her. The second one is that when something is really
important, it justifies the use of physical force. Straus proposes that these lessons
are generalized from the parent-child relationship to the marital relationship.
Data suggest that these lessons are learned by the abusive family
members quite well. According to Stark and McEvoy (1970), approximately one
quarter of respondents interviewed said they would approve of a husband or a wife
13


hitting each other under certain specific circumstances. Churchill and Straus (cited
in Straus, 1980a) described an assault in which the female victim was knocked
unconscious. Subjects reading the description were to indicate whether the
severity of punishment was warranted. Those who believed that the assailant was
"the husband" meted out less severe punishments than subjects who believed that
the assailant was a known male companion. In addition, Barling and Rosenbaum
(1986) also reported that the occurrence of stressful work events and their
negative impact were associated significantly with women battering. Straus
(1980b) suggested that stress does not directly cause violence; instead, this
relationship between stress and violence is mediated by factors such as
subscribing to male dominance norms and to the legitimacy of violence between
intimates.
When talking about the problem of violence against women many authors
(e.g., Dobash & Dobash, 1979) emphasize that patriarchal societies foster laws
and practices that implicitly and explicitly approve of violence against women.
Patriarchal societies teach men to dominate women; violence becomes one such a
way to maintain that dominance. According to Dobash and Dobash (1979), men
who assault their wives are actually living up to cultural prescriptions that are
cherished in these societies aggressiveness, male dominance, subordination of
women and they are using physical force as a means to enforce that dominance.
14


In patriarchal societies, even though some of them may have the promoted
economic and legal conditions, domestic violence, especially in the form of wife
battering is quite prevalent. Women are kept economically dependent through an
unequal division of labor and through lower earnings. Thus, they have difficulty in
gathering the financial resources to leave their abusive husbands or, if they could
leave, often they are driven back as a result of their economic vulnerability.
Furthermore, with women being designated primary responsibility for childbearing
and household responsibilities, they are kept relatively isolated from the society.
Previous Studies: Taiwan
As mentioned above the literature about physical wife abuse is sparse in
Taiwan. Before summarizing some of the available studies, it is appropriate to
briefly discuss the Chinese family and marriage. The "economic family", is the
basic socioeconomic unit in China. This family is used to take one of three forms:
conjugal, stem, or joint. The conjugal family consists of a husband, a wife, and
their unmarried children; the joint family adds two or more married sons and their
wives and children to this core group. The stem family a form that lies
somewhere between the conjugal and joint family types includes parents, their
unmarried offspring, and one married son with his wife and children (Tsai, 1987;
Gallin, 1992). In addition to these structures, it could be said that most families in
15


Taiwan have adopted the nuclear family form since the 1960s. However, the
normative guidelines surrounding the family roles have not changed much.
When a Chinese woman is married, she leaves her parent's home to live as
a new family member in her husband's family. Chinese parents treat daughters as
a liability as household members who drain family resources when they are young
and who withdraw their assets of domestic labor and earning power when they
marry out. Sons, in contrast, are perceived as steady contributors to the family's
economic security during its growth and expansion and as providers of support to
the elderly. Parents therefore strongly prefer male children (Tsai, 1987; Gallin,
1992).
For Chinese wives, producing children (especially male children), taking
care of family members (especially parents-in-law), and doing housekeeping
constitute their main obligations (Tsai, 1987; Chen, 1994). The word "husband" in
Chinese literally means "supporter," and "wife" means "subordinate". "Marriage"
refers to a woman, who is seen as an "outsider", who lives with her husband's
family and is expected to serve him and his family (Chen, 1971).
Under many rigid gender norms and values, exploitation of women has
been a serious problem in the Chinese society for many centuries (Bloodworth,
1967; Chao, 1973; Wolf, 1985; Honig and Hershatter, 1988; Gilmartin, 1990).
Traditionally, husbands were considered as "heaven" and wives as "earth". As a
result, it was taken for granted that "even if the husband is abusive, the wife was
16


not supposed to leave the husband, because the earth could never discard the
heaven (Chao, 1973, p: 61-2)." Even today many Chinese men treat women as
their property, they have the right to beat their wives, because it means that they
"educate" their wives (Chen, 1994). Besides, many battered women keep quiet
when they are beaten, because they tend to blame themselves (Chen, 1994).
Not only is there very little research about women battering in Taiwan, all of
these studies used purposive samples as well (Chou, 1994; Wang, 1995).
Moreover, there are no official detailed statistics about women battering available
from the government or from any other source. Therefore, available knowledge is
limited and based on few reports. The results of "survey of women's satisfaction
with their lives" conducted by the social department of Taiwan in 1994 indicate that
17.8% of married women have been abused by their husbands (the sample
consists of 2,000 women who live in Taiwan). Another statistical report, from the
hotline which is established by a social agency in Taipei, states that there were
2,742 battered women who sought help in 1991; 3,697 battered women sought
help in 1992; and 3,049 battered women sought help in 1993. The very first study
investigating domestic abuse was conducted by Liu in 1987. She analyzed the
news on women battering which appeared in the three main newspapers in Taipei
from 1984 to 1985. According to her findings, there were 134 news articles about
women battering during those two years, and this study drew people's attention to
this social problem considerably. As a matter of fact, more and more professors
17


and graduate students at universities began to engage in applied research
concerning this issue. Based on these scattered studies, people learned that, just
like it is the case in the
U. S., not air the families in which violence occurs are from the low socioeconomic
status in Taiwan. However, compared with the non-batterers, the batterers still
have higher rates of unemployment, unstable and not long-lasting jobs, and low
incomes. Hot temperament, jealousy of husbands, failure of wives to bear male
offsprings, punishment of wives for improper conduct, family finances, discipline of
children, extra-marital affairs, gambling, and alcoholism are often cited as the main
reasons of conflict between couples causing abuse toward women (Liu, 1987;
Chen, 1992; Liu, Sun, and Yeh, 1993; Tang, 1993).
Most families, in which violence occurs, appear to show violent behaviors
within the one year of marriage (Chen 1992; Tang, 1993); and reportedly there are
some women who have almost faced death because of their injuries as a result of
violence (Liu, 1987; Chen, 1992; Tang, 1993). According to Chen (1992), who
examined the pattern of violence, most of the time violence begins with a simple
problem between the couple (e.g., the financial problem or the spouse comes
home too late). The couple begins to argue, the husband feels that his wife is
challenging his power and authority in the family. If the husband can not tolerate
this, then he starts being abusive. It is very common to use one's hand as a
weapon of violence, but according to some researches, a lot of husbands also use
18


weapons, such as hammers, iron chains, belts, sticks, kitchen knives or scissors, to
hurt their wives (Liu, 1987; Tang, 1993). Besides, if other family members
especially the children and the elderly want to stop the husband, most of the time
they also get abused themselves by him (Liu, 1987).
Even though more and more social agencies offer services for battered
women, many Chinese battered women do not know where to go and how to seek
help (Feng, 1990). In Taiwan, there are no established service networks for
battered women. Existing social agencies are extremely passive to offer services
for battered women, because they do not have enough money and social workers
to provide these women with intervention and prevention programs (Wang, 1995).
Theoretical Approach
One of the central concepts in sociological theory about wife abuse has
traditionally been power. The best known discussion of power in family relations
has been presented by Blood and Wolfe (1960). They report a close relationship
between power and resources in a family. Power is viewed by them as the
potential ability of one member to influence and/or change the behavior of another,
and a resource refers to anything that one member makes available to help others
in order to satisfy their needs or goals. Blood and Wolfe indicate that the balance
of power in a family will favor the spouse who contributes the greater resources.
19


The spouse with the greater number of resources tends to have more power over
his or her partner.
Whenever husbands exercise excessive power in American society, Blood
and Wolfe believe, it is not because their wives subscribe to patriarchal belief
systems, but because husbands can contribute more resources to the marriage.
Husbands win power by virtue of their own skills and accomplishments in
comparison to their wives. This argument has been labeled "resource theory"
(e.g., Allen & Straus, 1977). The same name has been subsequently used for
Goode's (1971) efforts to apply the concept of power in explaining family violence.
According to Goode (1971), the family, like all other social systems, is a
power system. Within a family, Goode argues, force is supported by external
social structures. Family patterns are expressed in laws, such as parental rights
and obligations, laws of custody, and property rights, and are backed up by the
police and the courts. Force functions as a deterrent to perform the undesired
acts and as an inducement to perform the desired ones. That is, someone who
has more resources usually can deploy more force than others with fewer
resources, especially if the resources are the desired and scarce ones.
Goode (1971) observed that all of the following resources affect a family
member's power: success, prestige, and position outside the family, age, gifts, job
and services; political authority, intelligence and relevant knowledge; friendship,
love, attraction, and so on. Because different social classes and ethnic groups
20


have different levels of access to alternative resources that would help them to
redress their balance of exchange with family members, and also different
alternative resources of pleasure and contentment, different levels of family
violence may happen.
Goode (1971) mentioned that normative structure may influence the degree
that a spouse uses violence as an ultimate resource to induce the other spouse to
perform some behavior when the other spouse lacks certain resources, such as
money or prestige. Rodman (1972) provided some evidence that the use of
violence as an ultimate resource in a family is, in fact, contingent on the cultural
context. He demonstrated that this pattern of violence appears only in a society
that is weak or ambiguous in legitimizing the exercise of power.
Allen and Straus (1977) expanded Goode's opinions and developed what
they call the "ultimate resource" theory of violence. They stated that this theory
suggests that violence will be invoked by an individual who lacks other resources to
serve as a basis for power. This implies that there will be a correlation between
power and violence only under certain circumstances, since power can be
maintained by the use of other resources than violence. In short, the relationship
between power and marital violence is contingent upon what resources other than
violence are available (1977).
When traditional normative expectations undergo rapid changes, as they
are now, members of the family may use violence to maintain superiority over other
21


family members who have traditionally inferior roles. Specifically, the changing
expectations of women and their demands of equality may actually increase
violence against them. This suggests that status inconsistency theory is another
way to conceptualize the relationship between power and violence (e.g., Lenski,
1954; Kelly & Chambliss, 1966). Status inconsistency applies to a person who has
high rank in one status hierarchy (i.e., education) and low rank in another (i.e.,
income). The theory argues that status inconsistency creates a dilemma when
such a person interacts with others. The individual tends to evaluate
himself/herself according to the higher status hierarchy, whereas the others tend to
evaluate the person in terms of the lower.
In family situations, males may be traditionally regarded as having a higher
ascribed status, such as being a husband, but their achieved status in areas such
as education and income, or occupation, may fail to measure up with the prestige
of the ascribed status. O'Brien (1971) suggested that this inconsistency may result
in wife abuse when the husband feels threatened in his traditional status by a more
educated or skillful wife and resorts to physical violence to maintain dominance.
Resource theory can broaden our understanding of help-seeking behavior
of battered women. Battered women are often characterized as helpless and
powerless to leave their abusive partners (Frieze, 1987). Findings indicate women
fail to leave their abusive partners because they have no money and they do not
know where to go (Gelles, 1976; Stube and Barbour, 1983).
22


The acquisition of resources, including economic independence through a
job, is a crucial need for these women in their attempt to extricate themselves from
the relationship. Gelles (1976) states: "The fewer resources a wife has in a
marriage, the fewer alternatives she has to her marriage (p:663)." In his study of
comparing battered women who sought help with those who did not, he discovered
that "the variable which best distinguishes wives who obtain assistance from those
who remain with their husband is holding a job (p:644)." Not only does a job give a
woman the financial independence, but it also broadens her entire outlook,
providing, for example, a more realistic perspective with regard to how
relationships between men and women can be loving and without violence. Thus, if
the women have more income or higher educational level, it does mean they have
more resources. Therefore, they will have more information and will be active in
seeking help when they are abused, as well as they will be more likely to leave the
abusive relationships easily and quickly.
According to several studies, many battered women still stay in their
abusive relationships, because they do not have effective social supportive
networks, formal or informal (Martin, 1976; Dobash & Dobash, 1979; Walker, 1979;
Dibble & Straus, 1980; Coley & Beckett, 1988; Dutton, 1988). According to Walker
et al. (1977), the supportive informal and formal networks include the services of
family members, relatives, friends, neighbors (informal help sources), and some
professionals, like police, physicians and nurses, the clergy, lawyers, attorneys,
23


social workers, and so on (formal help sources) (Walker et al., 1977). Many of
these abused women never consult the helping professionals, nor do they call the
police or take refuge in shelters, or file for divorce. They are afraid to seek help,
and yet their husbands continue to beat them. These women are in need of
finding some other way of inhibiting their husbands' physical aggression toward
them, perhaps with the help of their neighbors, family members, or other contacts
in informal helping networks (Bowker, 1984). According to Pagelow (1981),
millions of women, whose stories are untold, stay in their abusive relationships,
largely because they received negative institutional responses when they tried to
get external help and lacked necessary sources for leaving and being on their own.
Most of the support studies are usually associated with stress. In these
studies social support is defined in terms of sources that meet needs and social
relationships through which an individual's needs are met. In this line of research,
rather than dealing with social support in general, a typology is used which
differentiates emotional, cognitive, and materials support. According to this
typology, emotional support refers to behavior that fosters feelings of comfort and
leads an individual to believe that he or she is liked, respected, and loved, and that
others are available to provide care and security. Cognitive support refers to
information, knowledge, and/or advice that helps the individual to understand his or
her world and to adjust to changes within it, and materials support refers to goods
and services that help to solve practical problems (Jacobsen, 1986). Other
24


classifications of social support (such as affective support and instrumental
support) appear to be derivatives of this typology (Cobb, 1976; Caplan, 1979;
Dimatto & Hays, 1981; House, 1981; Gottlieb, 1981; Thoitis, 1982; Leavy, 1983;
Cohen & Wills, 1985; House, Kahn, Mcleod, & Williams, 1985; Thoitis, 1985;
Morgan, Schuster, & Butler, 1991).
Empirical research on focusing on social support (Caplan, 1974; Cassel,
1974; Lin, Ensel, Simeone, & Kuo, 1979; LaRocco, House, & French, 1980) and
coping (Pearlin, & Schooler, 1978; Pearlin, Lieberman, Menaghan, & Mullan, 1981)
suggest that access to potentially supportive others and a sense of competence
and control can help people deal effectively with stressful life conditions. Some
investigators claim that both received social support and successful coping work
indirectly as buffers by protecting the individual from experiencing the negative
effects of stressful conditions (Dean & Lin, 1977; Wilcox, 1981), though others
have not been able to demonstrate these buffering effects (Pinnau, 1976; LaRocco
& Jones, 1978).
To understand help-seeking behavior it is essential to know the
characteristics and problems of those who seek various types of assistance.
Epidemiological studies have established that the majority of people who report
experiencing troublesome life events do seek help for their problems (Gurin,
Veroff, & Feld, 1960; Lowenthal, Thurnher, & Chiriboga, 1975). The key factors
that differentiate those who do and do not seek help are age and race. Seeking
25


help has been shown to decline consistently with age (Gurin, Veroff, & Feld, 1960)
and to be more prevalent among whites than blacks (Gurin, Veroff, & Feld, 1960;
Rosenblatt & Mayer, 1972; Baker, 1977). Investigators of discretionary medical
and dental care, mental health, social service and legal facilities, and self-help
groups have found repeatedly that users tend to be young, white, educated,
middle-class, and female (Hollingshead & Redlich, 1958; Beck, 1961; Srole,
Langner, Michael, Opler, & Rennie, 1962; Kammeyer& Bolton, 1968; Kadushin,
1969; Kravits, 1972; McMichael & Hetzel, 1974; Sue, McKinney, Allen, & Hall,
1974; Katz & Bender, 1976).
People who solicit help are usually looking for comfort, reassurance, and
advice (Gurin, Veroff, & Feld, 1960; Zimbardo & Formica, 1963; Weiss, 1973). In
Carlson's research (1977), the battered women relied primarily on informal
networks to obtain sympathy or assistance except for their use of the police. Flynn
(1977) reported that two-thirds of the women relied on their families and friends for
emotional support and sometimes on shelters after experiencing physical abuse.
Scott (1974) pointed out that the absence of the informal sources provided by the
extended family members deprives a wife and her children of their natural allies in
a marital conflict, leaving them vulnerable to their husbands.
Goode (1971) in his theoretical article on force and violence in family units,
says that friends, neighbors, and family members traditionally intervene in family
disputes to keep the peace, using threats and even force if necessary. Among the
26


informal sources, women's own family members are the first ones to be sought out
for help (Frieze, Knoble, Washburn, & Zomnir, 1980), and when abused women
seek mainly support from them, their friends are the ones who closely follow these
women's own relatives (Bowker, 1984, 1988). Besides, the support and advice
offered by friends and family members to the battered women may influence them
to utilize social services in the community or to take certain actions themselves to
control and solve the problem.
Among formal help sources, Pagelow (1981a, 1981b) pointed out that
battered women used the police more than they used lawyers and other formal
help sources. However, when used, lawyers and marriage counselors were found
to be more helpful than any other formal help sources, such as the police.
According to Bowker (1988), women's group, shelters, lawyers, and social
service/counseling agencies were also found to be somewhat helpful for the
battered women. The needs of women who require the services of shelters may
differ somewhat from those of other battered women because of their financial
status (Harris & Dewdney, 1994). The surveys undertaken by Statistics Canada
(1990) reveal that "women from lower income families are more likely than those
from upper income families to use the services of the police in the event of wife
battering. The greater sources available to upper income women may enable them
to pursue avenues of support outside the criminal justice system and to escape or
terminate the abuse without police assistance, whereas calling the police may be
27


one of the few options open to women from less affluent (p:6). The services of
lawyers and professionals in private practice are very expensive and therefore
beyond the means of many women. As a result, some battered women may turn
to the police for legal information and other forms of help because they cannot
afford to purchase this type of assistance elsewhere. Unfortunately, this strategy is
often unsuccessful; police officers are seldom either willing or sufficiently prepared
to deal effectively with women who make such requests (Harris & Dewdney, 1994).
Not only do the sources change as battered women expand their attempts
to obtain help and information in coping with their partners' violence, but the nature
of the help they are looking for shifts as the women undergo more and more abuse
(Harris & Dewdney, 1994). According to Dobash and Dobash (1982), as the
violence persists in an abusive relationship, not only do battered women tend to
shift away from their initial contacts with friends and relatives their informal
supportive network to contacts with formal supportive sources, but they also
begin to focus their efforts more on controlling the man's violence and less on their
own emotional needs. After the first battering, women tend to seek sympathy and
emotional support for themselves, whereas following later, more severe, battering
they are likely to request direct intervention and specific means of escape.
28


Purpose of the Study
As mentioned above, social supportive networks are very important,
especially when people face crises. In this research, social supportive networks for
battered women include formal and informal systems. For the U.S. sample, the
formal supportive networks include: human services: psychologist/psychiatrist,
marriage/family counselor, alcohol/drug abuse treatment centers, women's support
group/hot lines, battered women's shelters, community mental health centers, other
social/counseling agencies, doctors/nurses; legal services: police, lawyer/legal
aids, and district attorneys; the informal supportive networks include: relatives from
the women's own side, spouses' relatives, friends/neighbors, and clergy. For the
Taiwanese sample, the formal supportive networks include: doctors and nurses,
medical social workers, police, judges, lawyers, social workers or counselors in the
public social agencies, and social workers or counselors in the private social
agencies; the informal supportive networks include : family members on own side,
in-laws, other relatives, and friends/colleagues.
Based on the existing literature summarized before, the following
hypotheses will be tested using the data collected in the U. S.. On the other hand,
a descriptive analysis of the Taiwanese data will be presented.
1. The younger and the more educated the women are, the more likely they will
seek help from formal sources.
29


2. Non-white women (racial/ethnic group) will be more likely to seek help from
informal sources.
3. The more severe and the more frequent of the abuse (or perceived abuse,
perceived abuse refers to threats) is, the more likely will women seek help from
formal sources.
4. The longer the couples are married, the more likely will the women seek help
from informal sources.
5. If the women are currently pregnant, they will likely seek help from informal
sources.
6. The more children the women have, the more likely they will seek help from
informal sources.
7. The more effective (perceived effectiveness) the women find the assistance
from informal sources, the less likely they will seek help from formal sources.
30


CHAPTER 3
METHODS
The U.S. Study
Sample
This sample comes from the "1985 National Family Violence Survey", a
nationally representative sample of 6,002 individuals. The sample is comprised of
three parts. First, 4,032 households were selected in proportion to the distribution
of households in the fifty states. Then 958 households were oversampled in
twenty-five states. This was done to ensure that there would be thirty-six states
with at least one hundred completed interviews per state. Finally, two additional
oversamples were drawn 508 black and 516 Hispanic households.
Eligibility for inclusion in the study required that a household include adults,
nineteen years of age or older, who were:
1. Presently married, or
2. presently living as a male female couple, or
3. Divorced or separated with a child under eighteen years of age at home.
31


When more than one eligible adult was in the household, a random procedure was
used to select the gender and marital status of the respondent..The focus of this
research is to study the availability and efficiency of the informal and formal
sources for the married women, therefore, from this large sample only the 3,005
married women are used in this study.
In this sample, there are two sections focusing on the help-seeking
behaviors of battered women: 1) the frequencies of these behaviors; including
seeking help from informal and formal supportive sources; and 2) how these
women rated the effectiveness of the assistance from informal and formal
supportive sources. Other variables to be analyzed are: age of respondent;
educational level of the battered women and their husbands; present employment
status of the battered women and their husbands; racial/ethnic group of the
battered women; whether the battered women are currently pregnant or not;
number of years they are married to the present spouse; number of children living
in household; family structure; and family income.
Sample characteristics
For the battered women in this study the mean age was 41.73 years old
and the modal age was 35 years old (120 women). Only 110 women were
pregnant at the time of the study, and the mean number children living in
household was 1.04. The majority of the women (1259) and of the abusive
husbands (1101 men) were at least high school graduates. The majority of the
32


battered women and their husbands had full-time jobs (1184 women and 2258
men), but were there also many battered women who were homemakers (890
women). Among these women 2085 of them were White, 8 of them Pacific
Islander, 85 of them Native American, 32 of them Asian-American, 379 of them
Hispanic, 362 of them Black, and 12 of them Black-Hispanics and they were
married to/lived with present spouses on an average of 18.13 years. However, 713
women reported that they had been married for 5 years or less. In this study, there
were 1308 intact families and the majority of all the families had an income
between $25,000-$30,000/yr.; there were 357 families with an annual income of
over $50,000 as well.
Procedures
This study was done using telephone interviews. Telephone numbers were
selected using a procedure called Random Digit Dialing. Within each region and
place a primary sampling unit is selected in proportion to the size of the population
in the stratum. In the next stage a telephone number was selected for each
primary sampling unit. A working number from a library of telephone directories
was chosen, and the last two digits of the number were randomly replaced. Thus,
the procedure resulted in a random sampling of all the possible telephone numbers
in the United States.
Sample selection and interviews were carried out by the staff of Louis
Harris and Associates, the national opinion research company. Violence was
33


measured by the Conflict Tactics Scales. Data about the respondent's and
spouse's educational and occupational history/status, the children in the
household, and the demographic information such as ethnicity, religion, income,
and family structure were also gathered.
In the interviews, there was a section asking questions about conflict
between the respondent and his/her partner. First there were a series of questions
asking about behaviors which occurred as a result of conflict within the past year.
If physical violence had occurred, there were then questions asking specifics about
the violence, e.g., had anyone been drinking, was violence severe enough to go
for medical treatment. Women were asked if they had been forced to have sex by
their partners. Respondents were then asked about things they had done to stop
their partners from hurting or threatening them. They were also asked from whom
they had sought help for personal problems. Questions regarding the respondents'
and the spouses' mental and physical health and substance abuse ended this
section.
Measurement
The National Family Violence Survey has questions which allowed us to
determine the how many women fit the "battered" definition, and the frequency and
severity of abuse. Age of the respondent is measured by years, education byyears
of completed education, and income in dollars. Number of minor children living in
the household, whether or not the women were currently pregnant, race of the
34


battered women, years being married to the present spouse, family income,
frequency and severity of abuse, and effectiveness rating of the informal and
formal sources were used as independent variables. Effectiveness was measured
on a 5-point Likert scale: 1-2 = made worse-not effective; 2.1-3 = not effective-
slightly effective; 3.1-4 = slightly effective-somewhat effective; as well as 4.1-5 =
somewhat effective-very effective. The dependent variables were whether or not
respondent sought help from a particular source (such as own relative or
doctors/nurses) and 3 index variables created by the survey researchers. These
variables were combined in informal sources, human services, and legal services
and using these variables frequency of help seeking behavior from these sources
were measured continuously.
The Taiwanese Study
Sample
This research is the first, and the only one to explore the help-seeking
behaviors of the battered women in Taiwan. In this 1994 sample, these women
were volunteers to attend this research, so the sample is very small. Although it is
a purposive sample, results still provide valuable information about such women.
Fifty-five battered women who sought help from social agencies in 18 counties
participated voluntarily in this research.
35


Sample characteristics
More than half of the battered women (36 women) were between 30 and 39
years old; the youngest woman being 19 years old, and the oldest being 50. For
the batterers, 42 men were between 30 and 44 years old; the youngest man was
19 years old, and the oldest one was over 50 years old. The majority of the
battered women (29 women) graduated from high school/junior college; only 2
battered women graduated from a four-year college and one woman has a MA.
For the batterers, also the majority graduated from high school/junior college (24
men); only 5 batterers graduated from a four-year college and one man had a
Ph.D. degree. Twenty-five of the battered women were housewives; 6 battered
women were blue-collar workers and 5 administrative assistants; there were very
few battered women in other occupations: such as teachers, technicians, and
service staff. For the batterers, the majority were blue-collar workers (15 men); 9
batterers were machinists; 7 batterers were in sales; there were very few of them in
other occupations (professional technicians, managers, government employees,
teachers, farmers, service staff and soldiers, etc.). Many of the battered women
were married and they lived with their abusive husbands (36 women); 9 battered
women were married at the time of the study but were separated from the
batterers; remainder battered women were divorced and/or cohabited with the
batterers. The majority of the battered women (34 women) lived in nuclear
36


families; 15 women lived in extended families (with parents-in-law and/or sisters-
and brothers-in-law)
In this sample, only one woman had no child; the majority of the women (24
women) had 2 children; the mean age of the children was 10.5 years old; with the
youngest child being under one year old, and the oldest one being 27 years old.
For twenty-one families, the household income was between $746.27-1492.54/per
month; the income of 14 families was under $746.27/per month; the income of 10
families was between $1492.54-2238.80/per month; only 4 families had income
over $37313.32/per month (all the income figures are adjusted to U.S. dollar).
Procedures
This study was done using face-to-face interviews. These battered women
were interviewed in the social agencies in 18 counties by the social workers. They
were asked 8 questions, 7 of which were close-ended and the 8th was open-
ended. The questions were about 1) the reasons for these women having been
abused, 2) from whom did they seek help when they were abused for the first time.
In this question, the informal social supportive sources included:
friends/colleagues, their own family members, in-laws, and other relatives; the
formal social supportive sources included social workers/counselors in the public
social agencies, social workers/counselors in the private social agencies, police,
judges, lawyers, and doctors/nurses. 3) Did they find these sources helpful when
they sought help for the first time from them? In this question, a four-point scale
37


was used to measure the effectiveness of these help sources. 4) From what
sources for the battered women have sought help and what they experienced from
these sources after their first abuse. 5) The reasons these women list for having
sought help from formal support networks. 6) How did they know about these
formal supportive sources. 7) What kind of help do the formal and informal
supportive networks offer to the battered women that they found most effective. 8)
The suggestions women have to formal supportive sources, to other women and
their needs (it is an open-ended question).
Measurement
For this sample, age was measured by the range of years, education was
measured by years of education completed, and income in Taiwanese dollars (all
the income figures are adjusted to U.S. dollar). In addition, occupation, marital
status, number of children, and family structure were asked for demographic
information. The help seeking behaviors were measured by the number of women
who sought help from both informal and formal supportive sources, as well as how
effective they perceived these sources to be. The effectiveness was measured by
a 4-point scale: 0-1 = least helpful-less helpful; 1.1-2 = less helpful-no comment;
2.1-3 = no comment-helpful; and 3.1-4 = helpful-very helpful.
38


CHAPTER 4
RESULTS
The U.S. Study
Tables 4.1 and 4.2 depict the frequencies of the help-seeking behaviors of
the battered women as well as the effectiveness of these supportive sources rated
by these women (see Tables 4.1 and 4.2).
39


Table 4.1 Help Seeking Frequencies of U.S. Women
Freq. Percent # of Cases(missing)
Informal Sources
Relative on own side 379 12.6 2992(13)
Spouses relatives 181 6.0 3000(5)
Friends/Neighbors 309 10.3 3002(3)
Formal Sources
Clergy 178 5.9 3001(4)
Psychologist/Psychiatrist 146 4.9 3002(3)
Marriage/Fam. counselor 81 2.7 2998(7)
Alcohol/Drug treat, center 44 1.5 3003(2)
Support group/Hot line 27 0.9 3002(3)
Shelter 5 0.2 3003(2)
Com. Mental health center 21 0.7 3002(3)
Other Social/Couns. agency 49 1.6 3004(1)
Police 47 1.6 3003(2)
Doctors/Nurses 121 4.0 3003(2)
Lawyer/Legal aid 74 2.5 3004(1)
District attorney 8 0.3 3004(1)
40


Table 4.2 Effectiveness Ratings of the Support Sources by the U.S. Women
1 2 3 4 5 Mean
Informal Sources
Own relatives 10 30 77 143 114 3.86
Spouses relatives 5 22 34 63 53 3.77
Friends/Neighbors 0 24 65 120 98 3.95
Formal Sources
Clergy 0 13 17 54 92 4.28
Psycholog/Psychi. 4 9 14 46 69 4.18
Mar./Fam. couns. 0 8 8 27 38 4.17
Alco. drug treat. 1 5 9 4 23 4.02
Sup.Gr./Hot Line 0 1 3 8 15 4.37
Shelter 0 1 0 1 3 4.20
Com. mental cen. 0 1 3 12 5 4.00
Other social agencies 2 6 3 12 26 4.10
Police 3 10 7 7 17 3.57
Doctors/Nurses 4 2 11 37 64 4.31
Lawyer/Legal aid 1 6 6 22 35 4.20
District attorney 1 0 1 2 4 4.00
1 = made worse, 2 = not effective, 3 = effective, 5 = very effective slightly effective, 4 = somewhat
41


From Table 4.1 one can see that even though a majority of the women
sought help and support from the relatives on their own side (379), only 181 of the
battered women turned to their spouses' relatives. Among the formal sources, 178
women sought assistance from the clergy, 146 from the
psychologists/psychiatrists, and 121 from doctors/nurses. There were very few
women (8) who asked for help from district attorneys and the battered women's
shelters (5).
Table 4.2 shows that although the majority of the battered women asked for
assistance from the relatives on their own side, they rated the support which they
received from their friends/neighbors as being more effective compared to the
support they received from the relatives on their own side. Among the formal
supportive sources, they rated the support from doctors/nurses as being more
effective than the support received from the other sources. Following clergy, the
next effective supportive source was lawyers/legal aid. The support from the police
was rated as being the least effective in this group.
Binary logit models were fitted for the categorical dependent variables of
help-seeking from each source (yes-no) and for the independent variables, age
and education of the battered women (Table 4.3).
42


Table 4.3 Logistic Regression Parameters For Help-Seeking behavior of U.S.
Women
Independent Variables Dependent Variables
(Help yes-no) Age Education
Relative own side -,054(.005)*** .119(.040)***
Spouses relatives -076(.008)*** .024(.057)
Friends/Neighbors -,049(.006)*** ,302(.042)
Clergy -.013(.005)* ,172(.053)**
Psychologist/Psychiat. -017(.007)* .218(.058)**
Marriage/Fam. couns. -,029(.009)** ,169(.078)*
Alcohol/Drug treat, cen. ,011(.010) .041 (.103)
Support group/Hot line -027(.016) .257(.129)*
Shelter -,089(.053) ,089(.073)
Other social/couns. -.001 (.010) ,212(.095)*
Doctors/Nurses .003(.006) .077(1.46)
Lawyer/Legal aid -,013(.008) .126(.084)
District attorney -,046(.003) ,436(.229)
Standard errors are shown in parantheses. *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001
43


When it comes to different types of formal support, age and education had
no significant effect in getting help from district attorneys, from alcohol and drug
abuse treatment centers, from doctors and nurses, from lawyers and legal aid
sources, from community mental health centers, from battered women's shelters.
However, more education made it more likely for these women to obtain
help from marriage and family counselors, psychologists and psychiatrists,
women's support groups and hotlines, the clergy, and other social and counseling
agencies. In the case of police, the lower the womens education level was the
more likely they were to ask help from this source. On the other hand, according to
the results, the younger women were more likely to seek help from marriage and
family counselors, psychologists and psychiatrists, and clergy only. In cases of
informal support, the younger the women and the more educated they were the
more likely they became to ask for help from their own relatives. Even though
education had no significant effect, younger women were more likely to turn to their
spouses relatives and to their friends and neighbors. Taken together, these
results indicate that the first hypothesis is only supported partially. Except in the
case of police, education had the expected effect in seeking help from some of the
types of formal sources. Also, in three types of formal support the effects of age
were in the expected direction, however, for all 3 types of informal support sources
age had an unexpected effect.
44


To test the second hypothesis an ANOVA test was conducted. Based on
the results, there were no significant differences between help-seeking behavior
(from informal sources, from human services, from legal services, and from the
combination of these sources) between White women and women of other
race/ethnic groups, such as Pacific Islander, Native Americans, Asians, Hispanics,
and Blacks (F=1.074, df=5/2942, p>.05; F=.33, df=5/2942, p>.05; F=.241,
df=5/2954, p>.05; and F=.497, df=5/2929, p>.05). Therefore, this hypothesis is not
supported.
To test the severity part of the third hypothesis, a hierarchical Ordinary
Least Square Model was applied. Fifteen independent variables measuring
severity were entered into the equation in blocks of 5 variables at a time. In the
final equation all of the independent variables were regressed on the dependent
variables being informal sources, human services, and legal services, respectively.
In the steps of the analyses, R-squares increased progressively, especially for
human and legal services. In the first model, when only husband insulted/swore at
wife, husband sulked/refused to talk, husband stomped out of the room, husband
cried/said something to spite wife, and husband threatened to hit or throw things at
the wife variables were used, only the p coefficient for husband threatened to hit or
throw objects at wife was significant at the a=0.01 for all three equations and the
R-squares were 0.04, 0.043, and 0.024, respectively. In the second model, when
the variables husband threw/smashed an object, husband threw something at wife,
45


husband grabbed/showed wife, husband slapped wife, and husband kicked/bit/hit
wife with fist were added to the equations, the p coefficients for husband insulted
wife, threatened to hit or throw things at wife, husband threw an object at wife, and
husband kicked/bit/hit wife were significant at a=0.05 level for the equation for
informal sources. However, all p coefficients but husband sulked/refused to talk to
wife, husband stomped out of the room, and husband did/said something to spite
wife were significant for human services and legal services and when formal and
informal support services were combined as total. The R-squares for these models
were 0.06 0.071, and 0.041, respectively. The last block of variables added to the
equation were husband hit/tried to hit wife with object, husband beat up wife,
husband choked wife, husband threatened wife with knife or gun, and husband
used a knife or gun on wife. Again, except for the three coefficients mentioned
before, ail of the p coefficients were significant at a=0.05 or 0.01 level when the
dependent variables were human services and legal services. Significant p
coefficients for informal support equation were husband used a knife or gun on
wife, husband threw something at wife, husband threatened to hit/throw at wife,
and husband beat the wife. These coefficients were all significant at a=0.05 level.
The R-squares for these equations were 0.08, 0.17, and 0.15, respectively. From
these results one can see that increased severity in abuse made women more
likely to seek help from human and legal services as set forth by the hypothesis.
46


The same 15 independent variables were regressed again to the 3
dependent variables, help from human services, help from legal services, and help
from informal services to test the frequency part of the same hypothesis.
According to results, increased frequency has a limited effect in help seeking
behavior from informal sources. The more the husband threatened the wife, the
more the husband insulted the wife, the more times the husband used a knife or a
gun on the wife, the more times the husband beat the wife, the more likely was the
wife to seek assistance from informal sources. However, for human services, in
addition of the factors mentioned for the help-seeking from informal sources, the
more the husband insulted the wife, the many times the husband threw things at
the wife, the more the frequency of husbands hitting, choking, and kicking the
wife, the more likely she was to ask for support from these sources. When it
comes to effects of increased frequency on help-seeking from legal services then
husbands threats had no effect. In this model, compared to human services,
increased frequency of husbands pushing/grabbing the wife, threatening the wife
with knife, and slapping wife also made the women to be more likely to turn to legal
services (for all of the models the p coefficients were significant at a=0.01 level).
These results show that the increased frequency of abusive behaviors made
women to seek help more and more from formal sources (human and legal
services).
47


Hypotheses 4, 5, and 6 were tested using the same multiple regression
model on the 3 dependent variables, help from informal sources, from human
services, and from legal services. The independent variables were years being
married to the spouse, number of children from this marriage, and current
pregnancy status. For informal sources model, only years being married had a
significant effect. That is, the longer the couple was married, the more likely were
the women to seek help from informal sources (p=0.238, p < 0.001). Consistently,
when the dependent variable were human and legal services, the shorter the
couples were married the more likely were the women to turn to these sources (p=-
0.17, p < 05; p=-0.063, p < 0.01). Current pregnancy had no significant effect in
any of these models. Number of children, on the other hand, only mattered for
seeking help from human services. As the number of children from the marriage
increased so did the womens likelihood to seek help from human services (p=0.06,
p < 0.01). These results support the hypothesis stating that the longer the couples
are married the more likely will the women seek help from informal sources. As
current status of pregnancy did not have a significant effect on any of the
dependent variables, 5th hypothesis was not supported. Results not only did not
support the 6th hypothesis, which stated that the increase in the number of
children would lead the women to ask assistance from informal sources, it also
showed that the opposite was the case in seeking help from human services.
48


Effectiveness ratings for each source, informal, human services, legal
services, and total sources were significantly correlated with help-seeking behavior
from the corresponding sources. Lastly, a predictive model was tested using
multiple regression technique in which age of the woman, education of the woman,
current status of pregnancy, number of children, and number of years married were
used as independent variables. The dependent variables were help from informal
sources, help from human services, help from legal services, and help from total
services. Each model also had the effectiveness rating variable of the
corresponding depending variable as the 6th independent variable included. In the
informal model none of the variables but the effectiveness of the informal source
was statistically significant. The more effective the women rated the informal
sources the more likely they turned to these sources for support (p= 0.004, p <
0.001). The R-square for this model was 0.77. For human services and legal
services the variables with statistically significant coefficients were age and
effectiveness rating of this particular source. The younger women were likely to
ask help from human and legal services. When ratings of effectiveness for these
services increased then women more likely sought them out (age for human
services p=-0.07, p < 0.05; effectiveness for human services p=0.91, p < 0.001; p=
-0.29, p < 0.05; effectiveness for legal services p=0.70, p < 0.001). Additionally,
for human services, the shorter the couples were married the more likely were the
women to ask help from these sources (p= -0.017,
49


p < 0.05). This variable had the same direction for legal services but was
significant only at a= 0.06 level. R-squares for these model were 0.83 and 0.53,
respectively. When the dependent variable was total services, according to the
results, older women were more likely to seek help from the total sources. Also
increased ratings of effectiveness of these sources made women more likely to
seek help from total sources (age for total sources p=0.12,
p < 0.001; effectiveness for total sources p=0.83, p < 0.001). The R-square for this
model was 0.69.
The Taiwanese Study
Tables 4 to 6 summarize the information gathered from the first three
questions (Table 4.4, Table 4.5, and Table 4.6).
50


Table 4.4 Reasons Women Gave for Being Abused
Husbands behavior that led to conflict/abuse # of Women
Being in a bad mood 10
Alcoholism 7
Being jealous and suspicious 7
Problems at work 5
Extra-marital affair 4
Gambling 4
Coming home very late 3
Drug addiction 1
Other reasons
Regular argument between the couple 6
Mother-in-law/daughter-in-law problems 2
Wife neglects husband because of her work 1
Wife neglects husband because of homemaking 1
N = 51
51


Table 4.5 Sources From Which Women Sought Help/Support
(First Time Abuse)
Sources N Cum.Perct
Informal Support
Friends/colleagues 12 37.6
Own family members 6 56.5
Other relatives 6 75.4
Formal Support
Social workers (public agency) 4 88.2
Social workers (private agencies) 3 97.3
Doctors/Nurses 1 Total = 32 100.0
52


Table 4.6 Perceived Effectiveness of the Help/Support Sources (First Time
Abuse)
0 1 2 3 4 N Mean
least helpful very helpful
Informal Support
Own family mem. 2 3 7 1 13 2.5
In-laws 5 1 1 7 1.4
Other relatives 1 1 1 3 3.0
Friends 4 3 7 2.5
Formal Support
Doctors/nurses 1 2 3 1.7
Medical social work. 2 2 2.0
Police 3 3 1.0
Judges 1 1 1.0
Lawyers 2 2 1.0
Public Soc.work. 1 1 2 2 6 2.7
Private Soc.work. 1 3 2 6 3.2
Total = 53
53


In these tables the reasons women listed for being abused, number of
women who sought help from different informal and formal supportive sources
when they were abused for the first time, and how effective they rated these
sources of help after the first abuse incident are presented. One can see that the
reason most women gave for being abused was husband's being in a bad mood
(10 women), very few women got abused because of husband's drug addiction (1
woman) and their neglect of husbands (2 women).
Additionally, table 5 shows that most women (24 women) sought help from
informal sources when they were abused for the first time, especially went to their
friends/colleagues (12 women). In contrast, only 8 women sought assistance from
formal sources when they got abused for the first time. According to Table 6, the
help from other relatives was rated more effective than any other informal sources,
and among the formal sources, the assistance from social workers in the private
social agencies was rated as being the most effective type.
Based on their answers to question #4, the majority of these women have
sought help from their own family members (31 women) after their first abuse
incident, but gain a majority of the women perceived that the support they received
from friends/colleagues were more effective and helpful than received support from
any other informal sources. Twenty-four women reported that they asked
assistance from social workers in the public social agencies, and 16 women sought
help from the police, only very few women turned to doctors/nurses and attorneys.
54


These battered women thought that the most helpful formal source was the social
workers in the private social agencies, and the least helpful source was the police.
Tables 4.7 to 4.9 show the results obtained from the answers to the next
three questions (Tables 4.7, 4.8, and 4.9).
Table 4.7 Reasons Given by Women for Having Sought Support from Formal
Sources
Reasons Cum.Perct. N Perct.
Wanted to try 26 28.3 28.3
No help from friends/neighbors 10 10.9 39.2
No help from other relatives 10 10.9 50.1
Families live far away 9 9.8 59.9
Families dont care 7 7.6 67.5
No help from own family members 74.0 6 6.5
Other reasons 24 26.0 100.0
Total = 92 100.0
N=number of times a particular reason listed; each woman could give multiple reasons


Table 4.8 How Did Abused Women Know About Formal Support Sources
Responses Frea. (Perct.)
They found out themselves 18(24.0)
Informal Sources Introduced by own family members Introduced by other relatives Introduced by friends/colleagues Introduced by neighbors 2 (2.7) 7 (9.3) 16(21.3) 2 (2.7)
Total for informal 27 (36.0)
Formal Sources Referred by police Referred by medical centers Referred by social service agencies 0 (0.0) 2 (2.7) 18(24.0)
Total for formal 20 (26.7)
Other 10(13.3)
Freq.=number of times a particular source is mentioned; each woman could give multiple responses
56


Table 4.9 Kinds of Help Women Listed as Most Effective
Sources Freq.
Informal
Emotional support 14
Offer places to live 10
Offer information for future help 8
Financial assistance 6
Help to couple with the relationship 6
Formal
Emotional support 9
Consultation with legal issues 8
Counseling 7
Offer information about other institutions 6
Consultation through the phone 5
Total Freq.=number of times a particular kind of help is listed; each women could list more than one kind = 79
In these tables the reasons given by these women as to why they sought
support from formal sources, how they find out about these formal sources, and
the different kinds of help these women found as most effective from both informal
and formal sources presented. One can find that most women (26 women) turned
to formal sources because they wanted to try to get the best help, and the majority
of these women (18 women) found out these formal sources by themselves.
According to Table 9, most women ranked "emotional support" received both from
57


informal (14 women) and formal (9 women) sources as the most effective type of
support.
The coding of the answers given to the question #8 yielded in the following
categories:
Needs of the abused women: a) They need to be and feel safe, b) they need
economic support, c) they need emotional support, d) they need to learn how to
protect themselves, e) they need support from religious authorities, f) they need
medical care and attention, g) they need protection from judicial system, including
sole custody rights of their children when they want to get divorced, and h) they
need the protection and intervention from police.
Besides, these battered women had some suggestions to the medical
system, police, and social service agencies:
I. For the medical system: a) Medical care should be free or affordable, b) they
should be able to go to both, private and public, health care institutions to get help,
c) these institutions should offer a safe transportation system for them, and d)
doctors and nurses should give them emotional support in addition to the medical
care they need.
II. For the police: a) Punish the batterers, b) do not perceive wife abuse as a
private matter, c) protect the battered women, d) provide safety for the abused
women, e) go to court with the battered women, and f) accept the battered women,
do not make them feel isolated or ashamed.
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III. For the social agencies: a) Offer shelters to the battered women, b) offer child-
care centers to them, c) help the women with the education of their children, d)
offer financial support to the battered women, e) help them to find jobs, f) offer
counseling and psychological support to the battered women, g) offer hotlines, h)
go to the court with these women and help them to try to get the custody of their
children when they get divorced, i) teach them the law and the skills for how to
protect themselves, j) establish support groups, and k) have workshops for couples
to show them how to respect each other, especially educate men to respect
women.
59


CHAPTER 5
DISCUSSION
The U.S. Study
Results of this research indicate that even though the majority of the
battered wives sought help from their own relatives, they rated the support they
received from their friends/neighbors more effective than what they received from
their own relatives. This could be explained for the cases where the womens own
relatives are living far away from them and therefore, when they can not give these
women the needed assistance and support immediately. Their friends/neighbors
might be in contact with them more often and therefore, provide them with the
assistance that the women need more effectively.
Among the formal supportive sources, many women sought help from
clergy and psychologist/psychiatrist, very few sought help from district attorney and
battered women's shelters. Most women rated the help from doctors/nurses and
clergy more effective than other sources, and they rated the help from the police as
being the least effective kind. It is likely that these women perceive the emotional
help from clergy and psychologists/psychiatrists quite useful in dealing with their
60


feelings. The police, as the previous studies tell us, are not helpful to the battered
women. Interestingly, women rated, in general, support received from formal
sources as being more than effective than support received from informal sources.
Even though informal support sources may provide emotional support, they may
fall short when it comes to effectively helping women in their situations and/or to
get out of their situations. Formal support sources provide, in most cases,
educated staff, know-how, and a problem solving approach.
According to the results, the younger the women were, the more likely they
were to seek help from informal sources. It could be the case that these young
women were abused for the first time, the abuse was not severe, or they did not
know any formal sources and therefore, they asked for help from their informal
sources. Younger women were also more likely to ask for support from clergy,
from psychologists, and from marriage and family counselors. Except for asking
help from their own relatives, the more educated women were more likely to seek
help from formal sources, especially human services. More educated women do
have more access to these services they also may know more about these
services. In the case of police, the lower the womens education level was the
more likely they were to ask for help from this source. This might be because
these women with low education do not know where to go and how to get help
from formal sources, especially the professionals.
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When it comes to hypotheses 2 and 5, there is no significant difference of
the help-seeking behaviors between racial/ethnic group, and whether women were
currently pregnant or not. These results can be explained with the fact that there
were very few non-white or pregnant females. The longer the couples were
married, the more likely were the women to seek help from informal sources. One
explanation is that if these women have been abused for a long time, they might
be afraid to ask for assistance from formal sources, as based on their experience,
formal intervention could make things worse, and as a result they could be abused
more severely than before. On the other hand, as the number of children from the
marriage increased, women turned more and more to human services. It is
possible that these women were trying to protect their children and themselves and
with many children definitely were in need of such help, additionally, the assistance
from human services could help them to reunite their families.
Based on these results, as the women got abused more severely and
frequently, the more likely were they to seek help from human and legal services.
Increased severity and frequency of abuse most likely leads to a decrease in
tolerance in these women and make them reach a point where emotional support
or support at the level of advice is not sufficient anymore. They probably find
themselves in a situation where they know that they have to seriously protect
themselves and their children, take care of their physical and mental health, and/or
file for divorce to end the abusive relationship.
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Effectiveness ratings for each source, informal, human services, legal
services, and total were significantly correlated with help-seeking behavior from the
corresponding sources. This is why hypothesis 7 is supported. Additionally,
according to the predictive regression models, one can see that adding
effectiveness to the models yielded in such high R-squares which indicated that in
these models, in general, approximately more than 65% of the variance were
explained. The findings clearly indicate that how effective the kind of assistance
for both formal and informal sources is has the strongest influence on the help-
seeking behaviors of the battered women.
The Taiwanese Study:
Results of this research show that even though the majority of the battered
women have sought help from their own family members after their first being
abused, they rated the support they have received from their friends/colleagues
more effective than what they have received from their family members. In
contrast, most battered women sought help from their friends/colleagues when
they were abused for the first time, only 6 women sought assistance from their own
family members. This could be because for Chinese people, when women get
married, the belief is that they are like water to be spilled. That is, after the
marriage takes place they are expected to continue close relationships with their
own family members but to share their fate with their husbands only. Thus, when
63


the battered women were abused for the first time, they went to their
friends/colleagues first instead of turning to their own family members.
However, if they got abused again and again, then they would be more
likely to seek support from their own family members. It is likely for their own family
members to urge them to tolerate the abusive husbands and try to keep harmony
for the sake of family unity. As to their family members-in-law, when wife abuse
happens, they are likely to think that it is all the daughter-in-law's fault in the first
place. This explains why only a few women (7 women) were willing to seek
support from their in-laws, and 5 of these 7 women rated the support from in-laws
as the least effective. On the other hand, when they seek any kind of support from
their friends/colleagues, their friends/colleagues are likely to offer them places
where they can live, financial support to live on, or provide them with information as
to how to get help they seriously need.
Only 8 women sought assistance from formal sources when they were
abused for the first time. It does mean two things: first, these women were
reluctant to classify such violent episodes as battering behavior; second, they
wanted to try informal sources first. There were 23 women who have sought help
from formal networks as opposed to 30 women from informal ones after their first
being abused. As the majority of the women in this sample were housewives, it is
possible for them not to know about existing formal sources. When they turned to
the formal networks, both for they were abused for the first time and after their first
64


abusive incident, the support they obtained from private social agencies was rated
as being the most effective. In Taiwan, every county has a public social agency,
but they do have not enough money and social workers to deal with the many
cases of wife abuse (Wang, 1995). Thus, more and more private social agencies
assume the responsibility to do the protection and intervention in domestic abuse
cases. Many of the private social agencies are supported by the religious groups,
so they can give the battered women assistance which the public social agencies
cannot give, for example, emotional support, offer places where they can live, take
care of their children, help them to find jobs etc..
According to the results, why the battered women sought support from the
formal institutions, only when they did not have or did not receive support from the
informal networks. Many battered women came to the formal institutions by
themselves (18 women), some women were introduced by their friends/colleagues
(16 women), but very few women were introduced by their own family members (2
women). This also explains why many battered women found the support from
friends/colleagues more effective than from their own family members as their
friends/colleagues are the only ones to assist them in finding information and
assistance so that they can deal with their problems effectively. On the other
hand, how did these women know the formal institutions which they seek effective
help, many battered women were referred by other social service agencies (18
65


women), very few women were referred by medical centers (2 women), and no
woman was referred by the police.
The battered women ranked "emotional support" received both from
informal and formal sources as the most effective type of support. This does mean
that there is not a significant difference between the functions which the formal and
informal supportive networks can offer for the battered women. Before anything
else, apparently these women need their emotions be taken care of. In the last
open-ended question, one can see that what the battered women said that they
needed not only emotional support but also instrumental support, for example, to
have some financial support, to be offered they can live, to receive help them to
find jobs, take care of their children, etc.. They perceived this kind of
material/instrumental support as very useful after they emotionally feel comfortable
and ready to face their issues.
With the combined results from the two samples, one can find that most
battered women sought help from informal sources, especially their own family
members and friends. It is possible that they can approach these informal
supportive sources quickly and easily, or they do not know how to get help from
formal supportive networks. Therefore, if the battered women seek assistance
from their own family members, friends, or other informal sources, these women
should get any kind of support, it will make them feel safe. Additionally, if the
informal sources think that the battered women can get more effective help from
66


formal supportive networks, they should give these women appropriate advice, so
the women can know where they can get help that they need most.
Among formal supportive sources, the police were the least effective source
rated by the battered women in the two samples. Based on some experiences of
the battered women, it is possible for the police to give effective intervention and
protection to these women, especially to the lower-income women, because they
do not have enough money to ask for help from some professionals, like
psychologist or marriage counselor. Both in the U.S. and Taiwan, it is very
important for the police to give the battered women more effective assistance, not
to treat wife abuse as private matter, protect the battered women and their children
when wife abuse happens, refer these women to other formal sources when they
need other kinds of help, etc..
Currently the battered women in the U.S. and Taiwan need to receive about
the wealth of personal strategies informal help sources, and formal sources that
they can use in ending their victimization. Information should be provided through
all possible avenues, including the media, social service agencies, battered
women's organizations, and lawyers' offices. In addition, this information should be
made available in places such as supermarkets, welfare offices, and shopping
centers so that women who may not yet have become battered wives or for whom
the battering may just be beginning can prepare to defend themselves and to keep
the pattern of abuse from becoming established in their families.
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Intervention Programs
A variety of intervention programs have been developed to deal with wife
abuse. The earliest wife abuse programs were developed to provide services to
the women who are its direct victims. Subsequent programs targeted their efforts
more broadly, such as toward prevention and early detection of abuse in the
community at large and/or to ameliorating the effects of wife abuse on the children
in these families. The most recently developed services deal with the actual
source of the problem and work to stop the violent behavior of men who batter. In
this section, I will focus on the programs for battered women, including hotlines,
crisis intervention programs, shelters, counseling services, and support groups
available to them as well as the police interventions in the U.S. Following this, the
Community Intervention Project (CIP) will be briefly introduced, which consists of
the cooperation of the police, the judicial system, and the social services. After
this, intervention programs for battered women in Taiwan will also be presented
briefly.
Case: U.S.
Crisis intervention programs are designed to provide services and
protection during or immediately after a violent event, although persons also make
68


use of them when they feel threatened in order to prevent abuse. Crisis
intervention programs have three major components: twenty-four-hour crisis hotline
services, walk-in crisis centers, and emergency housing or shelter facilities (Utech,
1994).
Crisis hotline (telephone) services can provide crisis counseling, information
on service alternatives, and referrals to community organizations for service. The
following indicate the typical goals of a hotline program:
1. Hotline practices: A. Provide 24-hour staffed telephone service. B.
Provide immediate peer and option counseling. C. Provide crisis intervention
including: (1) Contact on a feeling rather than factual level; (2) immediate
exploration of the problem; (3) mutual agreement on the definition of the problem;
(4) focus on the most pressing part of the problem and select an immediate action
which is likely to succeed; (5) explore possible community sources; and (6) support
a plan of action. D. Place follow-up calls to reassure client and to assess success
of the plan of action.
2. Organization policies: A. Incorporate as a nonprofit organization in the
state. B. Provide staff training in knowledge about domestic violence and
counseling. C. Make sure services should be free and confidential. D. Maintain
files of information, regarding services and agencies available in the service area.
E. Publicize the agency and its services on a regular basis (Gentzler, 1977:30-31).
69


Generally, shelters are grassroots efforts, beginning at the community level
with little money and little government assistance. Shelters reflect the character of
the groups that administer them, and these can be divided into three categories on
this basis: feminist groups, traditional social service providers, and Al-Anon and
religious organizations (Ferraro, 1981). The latter two categories of groups often
adopt a family-dynamic orientation to the problem of spouse abuse (Peltoniemi,
1981).
Most shelters are filled on a virtually constant basis, many reporting that
they must often turn women away. Their primary goal is to secure the woman's
safety and provide an environment in which she can make practical plans for a
safe future. Shelters usually have established criteria for accepting women into
residency and they typically provide only short-term residence, between 4 and 6
weeks. Most shelters in the U.S. follow what Ferraro (1981) has termed the self-
sufficiency ethos, in which their superordinate goal is to "empower" the women
clients. Their services usually focus on establishing alternative living arrangements
to the abusive relationship and on connecting the women with social services in the
community that will allow them to live independently of their batterers. Some
shelters include family-oriented programs and/or programs for the batterer as well
(Lynch & Norris, 1977-78; Walker, 1978d; Colorado Association for Aid to Battered
Women, 1979; Vaughan, 1979; Gentry & Eaddy, 1980; Miller, 1980; Ferraro,
1981). According to Morgan (1982), the more specific goals of a shelter program
70


may be: (1) To establish a telephone hotline; (2) to provide physical shelter; (3) to
provide psychological counseling and peer support systems; (4) to assist the
children with living and school needs; (5) to provide follow-up services; (6) to
document the incidence of wife abuse; and (7) to provide community education
about wife abuse.
Whereas shelters are oriented to the abused woman who wishes to leave
the relationship (at least temporarily), many abused women who seek social
services intervention do so while remaining with their abusers (Carlson, 1977;
Dobash & Dobash, 1979; Loseke & Berk, 1981, 1982). Service providers typically
report that the majority of abused women who come for counseling want to remain
in their marriages, but without the violence (e.g., Geller & Walsh, 1977-78).
Whether counseling is provided within a shelter or some other service
context, typical goals in counseling a battered woman include decreasing her
psychological dependence on the abuser, helping her to realize that she is not a
helpless victim but does have power over her own life, reestablishing her self-
esteem, combatting traditional sex-role concepts and any concomitant tendency to
blame herself or to rationalize her abuse, dissuading her of beliefs that she can not
control the abuse, and decreasing her acceptance or tolerance of the use of
physical force in interpersonal disputes (Gregory, 1976; Carlson, 1977; Pagelow,
1978; Ridington, 1977-78; Walker, 1978a, 1978c, 1978d, 1984; Colorado
Association for Aid to Battered Women, 1979; Vaughan, 1979; Straus et al., 1980).
71


Directors at one large New York agency (Geller & Walsh, 1977-78) classify their
battered women clients into three categories: (1) those who want to separate from
or divorce their husband to whom they offer individual counseling and referral
assistance, (2) those who want to end the violence in their current relationship for
whom attempts are made to involve the abusive partner in couple therapy; and (3)
those whose perceive their options as restricted to remaining in the relationship
under the current circumstances for whom the preferred approach is group
therapy with other women in similar situations. Thus, counselors or therapists
variously use crisis intervention, individual psychotherapy, or group therapy with
battered women.
Support groups often provide an unique network of women who have
experienced abuse. These groups ease the feelings of isolation and shame many
women experience as a consequence of their abuse. They also act to raise
women's consciousness of battering as a widespread, societal problem rather than
a feature of their own troubled marriage (Steinman, 1991).
Battered women and their advocates have often criticized the lack of
protection afforded by the criminal justice system (Gordon, 1988). Although
statutes prohibited wife beating have existed in the United States since 1641, their
enforcement was almost nonexistent (Pleck, 1987). When the battered women's
movement of the 1970s began, the criminal justice system became one focus of
activism. Since that time, considerable change has occurred in laws, policies, and
72


training regarding intervention in battering (Ferraro, 1989a, 1989b; Dobash &
Dobash, 1991).
The traditional response of the police to battering was to tell women,
"there's nothing we can do; this is a civil matter," or to make one party leave the
home (Martin, 1976, pp:2-3). After 1980, three factors coalesced to pressure
police departments to treat "domestic violence" as a crime. These were: (a) federal
pressure via the U S. Attorney General's Office and the National Institute of Justice
(NIJ), (b) social science research, and (c) a major civil liability suit.
The U.S. Attorney General's Task Force on Family Violence published its
report (Hart et al., 1984) recommending that "Family violence should be recognized
and responded to as a criminal activity (p.10)." Second, Lawrence Sherman and
Richard Berk (1984) published the findings of their study of the Minneapolis police
in the American Sociological Review, they presented their research as an
experiment and their findings as scientific evidence that arrest was significantly
more effective in deterring future violence in battering situations than either
separation or mediation. Third, in 1985, Tracy Thurman won a settlement of $1.9
million from the City of Torrington, Connecticut, police department for its
negligence in failing to provide protection to her. The large settlement caused
insurance companies to request police department to revamp their arrest policies
for domestic violence. The political, academic, and financial pressures to alter
police practices led to changes in training, policies, and legislation throughout the
73


country. By the end of 1985, 47 cities with populations over 100,000 had police
policies of mendatory or presumptive arrests for "family fights", and 6 states had
laws that required arrest under certain circumstances (Crime Control Institute,
1986).
Although there is a shift from the definition of battering as a "domestic
problem" to a criminal activity, the police have typically preferred the simple
approach of separating the parties, or (since the influential demonstration project
by Bard, 1970) attempting to mediate the dispute, and has used arrest only as a
last resort. Most importantly, police does not generally share a gendered analysis
of battering, therefore, women may not get the best possible protection from the
police. Police officers are generally unsympathetic toward women who express
ambivalence about their relationships and pressing criminal charges. The police
also holds stereotypes of battered women that work against an arrest policy. The
most common stereotype of battered women is that they will not follow through with
prosecution. This makes the police unwilling to help battered women, and arrest
the batterers.
The police are the first line of response to battering. Progress gas occurred
regarding the official policies of policing and the view of battering as a legitimate
arena for police intervention. But the problems outlined above continue to limit the
effectiveness of the police as a resource for battered women. It is hoped that the
police can cooperate with the judicial systems to protect the battered women
74


without letting the problems outlined above continue to limit the effectiveness of
the police as an important help source for battered women. According to
Gamache, Edelson, and Schock (1984), a complete intervention project for
battered women must include the coordination of police, the judiciary, and the
social services. Explicit in the design of the intervention projects to be described
are several beliefs or values about the causes of woman battering and what types
of intervention goals should be pursued in response to such events.
One core value or belief is that neither men nor women
have a right to use violence except in self-defense against a physical assault. The
second one is that "domestic" violence is rooted in a societal norm that males, as
class, have the right to resort to violence in order to maintain their power and
control in the family. This then leads to a third belief: If woman battering is rooted
in societal norms, then social systems must bear the responsibility for confronting
men who batter and maximizing the protection of victims. To address the issue of
woman battering effectively, efforts must include interventions aimed at changing
the responses of our social systems.
As stated above, community intervention projects (CIPs) are designed to
coordinate community responses to domestic violence that are immediate,
consistent, and effective in preventing continued woman battering. Each project,
therefore, focuses upon changes in and coordination between three separate
systems in each targeted community: (1) law enforcement, (2) criminal justice and
75


(3) social service systems. The following subsections describe the various
component interventions that are the subjects of coordination.
Police Intervention. In each community, the police administration has
adopted departmental policies requiring that officers make, whenever possible, a
"probable cause" arrest in domestic assault situations. Until 1983, June, an officer
was permitted to arrest without a warrant even if he/she did not witness the
battering. All that was required was probable cause that the person to be arrested
had in the past four hours assaulted "his spouse or other person with whom he
resides" and that the officer observed "recent physical injury to or impairment of
condition of the alleged victim" (Minnesota Statute 629.341). This statute was
amended so that observation of injury or impairment is no longer required. At
present, an officer may arrest without a warrant if he or she has probable cause to
believe that "the person within the preceding four hours has assaulted, threatened
with a dangerous weapon, or placed in fear of immediate bodily harm his spouse,
former spouse, or other person with whom he resides or has formerly resided
(Minnesota Statute 629.341)."
As part of a CIP, the police department immediately notifies the local
battered women's shelter that an arrest has been made. The assailant is moved
from home to the police station for booking and may be held until arraignment the
next morning. Copies of arrest reports as well as reports on nonarrest domestic
cases are supplied to the CIP.
76


Advocate Intervention. Upon notification of an arrest by the police
department the local shelter immediately dispatches volunteer advocates through
the use of an electronic beeper system. Trained volunteer advocates are "on call"
for visits to both the victim and the assailant. A male advocate, some being former
batterers, visits the assailant in jail, provides support and encouragement to face
his violent behavior problem directly and discusses the range of treatment options
available to men. Women's advocates are simultaneously visiting the victim in her
home to provide support, information about subsequent court proceedings, and
other available remedies. If requested, the women's advocates also transport the
woman and her children to the local shelter. Both men's and women's advocates
submit a written report to CIP staff describing their meetings with the victim and
assailant.
Advocates not only work with cases when arrests take place. They also
attempt intervention when arrests are not made. Advocates and CIP staff
telephone or write to the battered woman to provide information about local shelter
and counseling resources.
Criminal Justice Intervention. The city attorneys in each community
aggressively pursue the prosecution of these cases in court. CIP staff assist by
maintaining contact with the victim to encourage her to cooperate in the
prosecution and by providing support and advocacy for her throughout the
prosecution process. As a result of such victim assistance, CIP staff are involved
77


in contacting witnesses, gathering other evidence, and attempting to obtain
disposition and sentencing outcomes that provide the opportunity for long-term
resolution of the individual situation. In many cases the long-term resolution of the
situation depends on the male assailant being mandated to complete a batterer's
counseling program as part of his sentence.
Upon entry of a guilty plea or finding, the judge or referee orders a
presentence investigation by a probation officer. Probation officers cooperate by
including CIP staff and information regarding the battered woman's wishes in
developing their recommendation to the court.
In CIP cases, the judges or referees are asked to pronounce a sentence
that includes imprisonment (in Minnesota the maximum for a misdemeanor is 90
days) and then to stay part or all of the sentence pending successful completion of
a batterers' counseling program as a condition of probation. CIP staff link
assailants with such counseling programs, monitor each man's compliance with
probation conditions, and regularly report on progress. If another assault occurs or
the probation agreement is violated, the CIP staff notifies the probation officer.
The case is then returned to court for revocation and the judge is requested to
impose the prison sentence.
Social Service Intervention. The Domestic Abuse Project and three other
participating batterer's treatment programs give first priority to serving men referred
by CIPs. The man's treatment counselors report to CIP staff regarding compliance
78


with the conditions of probation set by the court. Groups for battered women are
also available through both the therapy and support programs at D.A.P., the local
shelters and cooperating social services.
Shelter or CIP advocates also assist women who wish to secure orders for
protection, a temporary restraining order that can exclude the abuser from the
couple's residence, for periods of up to a year. In crisis situations, the cooperating
shelters also provide emergency housing to the woman and her children.
Case: Taiwan
In Taiwan, not every social agency in every county has a complete service
network for battered women. Especially some rural counties even do not have any
social worker who is responsible for dealing with the cases about women battering.
They also do not have the budget to offer any service for these battered women.
Only the Taipei Social Bureau has a more complete service network for the
battered women. Below are the services for battered women which offered by
Taipei Social Bureau:
(1) Hotline: This hotline was originally for women who need marriage
counseling, but when Taipei Social Bureau began to offer services for battered
women, 80% of the phone calls which this hotline deals with became wife abuse
cases. If the battered women call for help at night, social workers will tell them to
call the Woman Police Team in Taipei, so that they can stay in the police station if
the situation poses emergency.
79


(2) Shelters: Taipei Social Bureau offers five shelters for the battered
women and their children, it provides them with financial support as well.
(3) Medical care: The battered women can get free medical care and
examination of their injuries by competent authorities of law in public hospitals or
two private hospitals: Ma-Chieh and Chang-Keng.
(4) Counseling: When the battered women seek assistance from the Taipei
Social Bureau, the social workers will evaluate the cases very quickly, and decide
what kind of counseling they need most.
(5) Other services: The battered women can consult about information of
the law, and if they are abused severely, they can get financial support for fees
entialed in a lawsuit; as well as the social workers can make arrangements for the
education for the children of the battered women, and, if needeed, have the police
protect these women. According to Chou (1995), in order to protect battered
women effectively, both formal and informal supportive networks must be
integrated to give these battered women support.
Limitations and Suggestions
The first limitation is that the Taiwanese sample is a small, purposive
sample, therefore statistical tests for hypothesis testing could not be performed. It
80


is hoped that the government in Taiwan will conduct a national survey about family
violence in the near future, so that detailed information can be obtained by
researchers.
As mentioned above, the Taiwanese sample is the first one that provides us
with data regarding the help-seeking behaviors of battered women, even though
the research design was not solid. For example, the reliability and validity of the
questionnaire were not tested in advance, the formal supportive network did not
contain certain professionals such as psychologists, and clergy. Moreover, these
women who sought help from social agencies participated voluntarily in this
research. As these women were younger, more educated, and from middle-class
the sample lacked representativeness. The information from the battered women
of other social classes could not be obtained in this research.
Research in Taiwan are advised to conduct national surveys to understand
the extend of the wife abuse and to be able to suggest policy to build a complete
supportive network for them.
For the battered women, it is important that not only they can get effective
help from formal and informal supportive networks, but that these supportive
sources are adequate, accessible, and appropriate for them. Thus, further
researches are asked to find out under what conditions the battered women
perceive that some formal sources are effective for them and some are not. If
81


these conditions can be revealed, the adequacy, accessibility, and appropriateness
of the formal supportive networks can be evaluated and improved upon.
It is important to note that we should not focus on why many battered
women are not willing to leave their abusive partners. Given the situation, the most
important focus is whether there is a complete and effective supportive network for
them. If researchers investigate the possible ways of how to integrate the informal
and formal sources, they can improve our understanding and awareness of this
phenomena and also produce knowledge to give the battered women the most
useful assistance.
82


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Initial Calls for Help, Victimology, 7:35-48.
Lowenthal, M. F., Thurnher, M., & Chiriboga, D. (1975). Four Stages of Life.
SanFrancisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers.
Lynch, C. G., & Norris, T. L. (1977-78). Services for Battered Women: Looking for
a Perspective, Victimology. 2:553-562.
Margolin, G., & Wampold, B. E. (1981). A Sequential Analysis of Conflict and
Accord in Distressed and Nondistressed Martial Partners, Journal of Consulting
and Clinical Psychology. 49:554-567.
Martin, D. (1976). Battered Wives. New York: Pocket Books.
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INFORMAL AND FORMAL SUPPORTIVE NETWORKS FOR BA TIERED WOMEN AND THEIR EFFECTIVENESS: A COMPARISON BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND TAIWAN by Shwu-Fen Wu B.A., National Chung-Hshin University, 1991 A thesis submitted to the University of Colorado at Denver in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Sociology 1996

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1996 by Shwu-Fen Wu All rights reserved.

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This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Shwu-Fen Wu has been approved by I Date

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Wu, Shwu-Fen (M.A Sociology) Informal and Formal Supportive Networks for Battered Women and Their Effectiveness: A Comparison between the United States and Taiwan Thesis Directed by Assistant Professor Candan Duran-Aydintug ABSTRACT Previous studies indicate that between one-fifth and one-third of all women will be physically assaulted by a partner or ex-partner during their lifetime and around four million women are severely abused by male partners each year in the United States. The problem of women battering still remains in the private sphere in Taiwan. In accordance with the old Chinese beliefs that a wife should obey to her husband during the marriage, this social problem has been severely ignored in Taiwan for centuries. This comparative study investigates the formal and informal support networks available to American and Taiwanese women when they are subjected to physical abuse by their spouses. Additionally, it also focuses on the frequency with which these sources are used, which sources women perceive as being more effective, and the differences and similarities in both cultures. The US sample comes from the 1985 National Family Survey, a representative probability sample of 6,002 individuals The Taiwanese sample, on the other hand, is a small (N=55) and purposive sample. According to results, women in both cultures turned more to their own family members than any other informal source, however, they rated the support from their friends as the most effective type in this category. Also in iv

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both cultures, the police were found as the least effective source among the formal sources. In the U.S. sample more educated and older women sought help from formal sources. When frequency and severity of abuse increased, women were more likely to ask help from formal (legal) sources. For these women, even though years of being married, number of children, current status of pregnancy did not make much difference in help-seeking behavior, effectiveness of the source was found as being the most explanatory variable. In the Taiwanese sample, social workers in private agencies were evaluated as the most effective type of formal source. These women also reported their expectations and needs. Policy issues are discussed taking the women's experiences in both cultures into account. This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidate's thesis. recommend its publication. Sig v

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DEDICATION This research is dedicated to the memory of my grandmother Wu-Mei. Her endless love has given me confidence to do what I want to do. To my dearest parents Shen-Hwa and Gan-Hua for their teaching me that men can love women without violence. And to all the battered women and their familiesin the U.S. and in Taiwan ...

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank to all the good friends in Taiwan who have given me endless support and encouragement for over the years. My thanks to MJ Lane and to all the people in the Department of Sociology for helping me very much. A special appreciation goes to Dr. Duran-Aydintug for her valuable guidance, lasting patience, and thoughtful care.

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CONTENTS Tables ........................................................................................................ x CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................. 1 2. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE. .................................................... S Previous Studies: U.S .......................................................... S Previous Studies: Taiwan ................................................... 15 Theoretical Approach ......................................................... 19 Purpose of the Study .......................................................... 29 3. METHODS ...................................................................................... 31 The U.S. Study .................................................................... 31 Sample ..................................................................... 31 Sample Characteristics ............................................. 32 Procedures ............................................................... 33 Measurement. ........................................................... 34 The Taiwanese Study ........................................................... 35 Sample ...................................................................... 35 viii

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Sample Characteristics .......................................... 36 Procedures ................. .......................................... 37 Measurement. ...... .... . ......... ..... ...... . .... ....... .... ... 38 4. RESUL TS .......................................... ........................................... 39 The U.S. Study ............................................................... ... 39 The Taiwanese Study ........... . ............................. ....... .... 50 5. DISCUSSION ...................................... ... .................................. .... 60 The U.S. Study ............................................ ...................... 60 The Taiwanese Study ................................................ ....... 63 Intervention Programs . .......... ....................... ...... .... ......... 68 Case: U.S ............ ...... . .......... ............................... 68 Case: Taiwan ............. ...................................... . ... 79 Limitations and Suggestions ... . ............................... ......... 80 REFERENCES . .... ........ ......... .............. . .... .......................... .... . 83 ix

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TABLES Table 4.1. Help Seeking Frequencies of U.S. Women ....................................... .40 4.2. Effectiveness Ratings of the Support Sources by U.S. Women ......... 41 4.3. Logistic Regression Parameters for Help-Seeking Behavior of U.S. Women .............................................................................. 43 4.4 Reasons Women Gave for Being Abused ........................................... 51 4.5. Sources From Which Women Sought Help/Support (first time abuse) ............................................................................ 52 4.6. Perceived Effectiveness of the Help/Support Sources .......................................................................................... 53 4.7. Reasons Given by Women for Having Sought Help From Formal Sources .............................................................................. 55 4.8. How Did Abused Women Know About Formal Support Sources ............... : .......................................................................... 56 9. Kinds of Help Women Listed as Most Effective ..................................... 57 X

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION With the emergence of the women's movement (Martin, 1976; Pizzey, 197 4; Wang, 1995), and more and more domestic abuse cases are being recently publicized (Wang, 1995), the issue of women battering has come from "behind closed doors" (Straus, Gelles, & Steinmetz, 1980) to be recognized as a widespread problem. A number of studies indicate that between one-fifth and one third of all women will be physically assaulted by a partner or ex-partner during their lifetime (Frieze & Browne 1989). Additionally, it has been estimated that between two million (Straus et al., 1980; Straus & Gelles, 1990) and four million women (Browne, 1992) are severely assaulted by their male partners each year in the United States. Abuse by a partner has been found to be the leading cause of injuries to women in the 25-34 age range and the second leading cause of injuries to females of all ages. Moreover, wife abuse has been targeted as a major health problem by the Surgeon General of the United States (Novello, 1992) Even though there are increased public awareness and accompanying social and legal responses in the United States, the problem of women battering 1

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still remains in the private sphere in Taiwan. As many Chinese agree that "domestic scandals should not be publicized," when a wife is beaten, the wife and husband do pretend as if nothing had happened, in order to keep harmony in the family after an abuse incident (Chen, 1994; Chou, 1994). Chinese strongly believe that wives are expected to obey their husbands. In ancient China a woman had to obey her father before marriage, obey her husband during her married life, and her sons in the widowhood; the understanding was that when the wives do something wrong, their husbands had the right to "punish" them (Wang, 1995). Although most Chinese families continue to guide their lives with these traditional norms, since the 1980's some news about battered woman have started to appear in the newspapers. Therefore, the government's and the people's attention are somewhat drawn to this issue lately and old understandings are being publicly questioned. Both in the U.S. and Taiwan, among all forms of family violence, wife abuse ranks second, following child abuse, in terms of the attention it now receives in public, professional, and scientific communities. Even though this issue has been raised for several years, many battered women still stay in abusive relationships. Several reasons have been suggested in the literature as to why they stay in these relationships. In addition to many other explanations, according to some studies, battered women choose to stay in the abusive relationships partly because they do not have effective social support networks (Martin, 1976; Walker, 1979; Dobash & 2

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Dobash, 1979; Dibble & Straus, 1980; Coley & Beckett, 1988; Dutton, 1988; Chou, 1994). The focus of this research will be to examine the help-seeking behavior and its determinants among battered women. Based on their help-seeking experiences, one can find out that what kind of support they need the most, the factors that affect whether they seek informal or formal support, and what kind of help they think is more useful and effective for them. Through studying the informal and formal support networks available to these women, the policy issues regarding women abuse will be focused on and evaluated. This study will offer a comparison between two different cultures. The comparative approach, implicit in most cross-cultural studies of family violence and explicit in only a few, contributes to our understanding of family violence in a number of ways. First of all, cross-cultural studies expand our knowledge of the range of human actions that constitute family violence and factors relating to this violence, including types of families, types of family dynamics, and methods of interpersonal conflict resolution. Second, cross-cultural studies enable us to analyze family violence in its cultural context, and thus to come to grips with what family violence means to the participants and to the cultural group as a whole (Korbin, 1977, 1981). Third, comparative studies, based on large samples of either nations or small-scale societies, are a powerful means of testing theories of family violence operationalized at the societal level (Lee, 1984; Straus, 1985). Theories 3

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amenable to testing in this way include those that tie wife abuse to sexual inequality, and various forms of family violence to various forms of social organization. Fourth, cross-cultural studies, especially in developing regions of the world, enable us to study the effects of social change on family relationships, including violent ones. And, fifth, cross-cultural studies make it possible for us to compare low-violence to high-violence cultures in order to identify factors or processes that may help to control or to prevent family violence. Finally, and most importantly for this study, as the cultural components in Taiwan vastly differ from the ones of the United States, and the history of studying family violence is very short in Taiwan, doing this comparative study will shed some light regarding the extent of the problem in Taiwan and may suggest new ways in dealing with abusive relationships. In this research, the American data are obtained from a national sample, however, the Taiwanese data are obtained from a small, purposive sample. Even so, the Taiwanese sample is still very valuable, because this sample is the first one that provides us with data regarding the help-seeking behaviors of battered women. Using this small sample, one can still gain insight into the needs of the battered women, the perceived effectiveness of formal and informal resources, and be able to suggest policy. 4

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CHAPTER2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Previous Studies: U.S. When mentioning wife abuse, physical abuse is often emphasized. Not only is it more prevalent than any other type of abuse (e.g., emotional abuse), but it is easy to define ch3arly as well. Thus, woman battering is the focus of this research, leaving out the mental and emotional abuse. A variety of elements comprise the most common definitions of a "battered woman." In this research, a working definition is used which sociologists, social service providers, medical practitioners, public policy analysts, and researchers adopted: "The infliction of physical pain or injury with the intent to cause harm which may include slaps, punches, biting, and hair pulling, but in frequency or occurrence generally involves more serious assaults including choking, kicking, breaking bones, stabbing, or shooting ; or forcible restraint which may include locking them in homes or in closets, being tied or handcuffed; committed by an adult against an adult woman with whom she has or previously had an established relationship, which generally 5

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includes physical intimates, whether or not legally married (Hutchings, 1988: 6768)." In sociological research, there are three levels of analysis to explain women battering: lntrapersonallevel, interpersonal level, and sociocultural level. In viewing the literature on women battering from an intrapersonallevel of analysis, it is assumed that one or both spouses possess certain characteristics that make them prone to engage in abusive interactions. In the earlier literature, when investigators felt that they were dealing with an infrequent phenomenon, there was a tendency to look for pathological conditions either in the assaulter, or in the victim, or in both. These studies were also very much biased, because of the selective samples they used, such as psychiatric case studies (Symonds, 1978), or prison populations (Faulk, 1974; Scott, 1974). These studies described the assaulters as being sadistic, passive-aggressive, addiction prone, pathologically jealous, pathologically passive, and dependent (Snell, Rosenwald, & Robey, 1964; Faulk, 1974; Shainess, 1977), or reported that they were suffering from neurological or biochemical disorders (Elliot, 1977; Schauss, 1982). Similarly, negative personality characteristics were assigned to battered women (e.g., masochistic, aggressive, immature) (Snell et al., 1964; Scott, 1974; Shainess, 1977). The conclusions drawn about pathological conditions in males tended to relieve them of responsibility for their actions whereas the conclusions drawn about females indicated that they were to blame for their own plight. 6

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Recent studies have been more sensitive to issues of responsibility, particularly with respect to women. These studies indicate women who have been battered tend to suffer from depression, anxiety, alcohol abuse, and have elevated MMPI profiles (Hughes & Rau, 1984; Rosewater, 1984; Teich & Lindquist, 1984; Walker, 1984). There also has been a shift regarding men's responsibility for battering. It is pointed out that many batterers are violent only toward their wives and only in the privacy of their own homes. Such findings undermine hypotheses regarding poor impulse control (e.g., Schechter, 1982). Although there is considerable evidence that batterers are prone to substance abuse (Gayford, 1975; Rounsaville, 1978; Fitch & Papantonio, 1983; Peltoniemi, 1984), that has also been brought into question as an explanation for the violence. There is little evidence that pharmacological properties of alcohol or drugs play a direct role in specific abuse instances (Berk et al., 1983; Taylor & Leonard, 1983). Additionally, several scholars have examined attitudinal factors First, with respect to sex role attitudes, males have been described as conservative, rigid, as well as holding traditional and sex-stereotyped values (Davidson, 1978; Walker, 1979; Rosenbaum & O'Leary, 1981; Teich & Lindquist, 1984 ). It has been suggested that pairing traditional husbands with nontraditional wives might lead to a particularly violence-prone combination (Whitehurst, 1974; Walker, 1984). Second, with respect to role identity, batterers who are compared to nonbatterers, appear to have lower scores in masculinity scales (LaViolette, Barnett, & Miller, 7

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1984; Rosenbaum, 1985). Third, attitudes regarding the acceptability of violence in intimate relationships also have proven to be quite enlightening. Straus (1980c) reported that violent wives, as well as violent husbands, express more approval of violence than do nonviolent husbands and wives. Fourth, self-esteem has been implicated as being low for batterers (Gayford, 1975; Walker, 1979; Neidig, Friedman, & Collins, 1984; Goldstein & Rosenbaum, 1985) and, also for battered women to some extent (Carlson, 1977; Star, Clark, Goetz, & O'Malia, 1979; Walker, 1979). It should be noted, however, that there are also a number of findings, showing batterers and their victims to be no different from anyone else (see Feldman, 1983; Neidig et al., 1984) in terms of these measures. On the behavioral level, research data portray the abusive husbands to be less assertive with their wives than the nonabusive husbands (Rosenbaum & O'Leary, 1981 ) However, it is unclear whether this differentiates violent partners from maritally discordant but nonviolent partners (O'Leary & Curley, 1986). Although not demonstrated empirically, it also has been suggested that these spouses have not learned how to acknowledge and express their feelings other than anger (Ferraro, 1984; LaViolette et al., 1984). The interpersonal level for explaining women battering focus on interactions of persons involved with each other, as well as with other persons with whom they have contact. There are three main perspectives that provide explanation at this category: social learning, systems, and cycle of violence. 8

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According to social learning theory, one of the most consistent findings regarding etiological characteristics of women battering is the intergenerational transmission of violence if he or she had been exposed to violence as a child, either as a witness to interparental violence or as victim of parental abuse. A number of studies have shown a high frequency of violence in the families of origin of the batterers (Gayford, 1975; Roy, 1977; Straus et al., 1980; Rosenbaum & O'Leary, 1981). The most parsimonious explanation of the intergenerational transmission of violence, although not the only explanation, is modeling. Indeed, a large body of research has documented the role of modeling in the acquisition of aggressive behavior (Bandura, 1977; Parke & Slaby, 1983). According to this theory, witnessing aggressive models provides opportunities for acquiring and reproducing similar behaviors and, in some cases, producing nonimitative spontaneous forms of aggression. As suggested by Rosenberg (1984), the responses by battered women also may be a function of modeling, with women who choose to be avoidant, passive, and express nonhelp-seeking responses having observed such responses in their families of origin. In contrast to the modeling explanation, which revolves around interaction with one's family of origin, other social learning theory explanations involve interactions with the partner. Reinforcement describes the process whereby certain behaviors occur at a subsequently higher rate as a result of their producing a desired effect. According to Pagelow (1981), there are usually no (or insufficient) 9

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punishments received and there may be (and from the evidence gathered usually are) reinforcements involved For example, some men may experience feelings of increased control and power, and the women may try harder to placate them or to remove all sources of irritation and stress, such as keeping the house cleaner, keeping the children quieter in their presence, and so on anything the men claimed that led to the beating in the first place. Coercion refers to the overall process whereby intimates learn to control each other's behavior through the use of aversive or painful stimuli (Patterson & Reid, 1970). With the aggressor positively reinforced and the victim negatively reinforced, the overall interaction tends to intensify over time. In some couples' relationships in which bi-directional violence exists, the victimized person learns that coercion is effective in eliciting change and begins to engage in aggressive behaviors in return. Existent data are based on the general category of distressed, as opposed to abusive couples. These data do not directly test the coercive process but do demonstrate how aversive actions by one partner can alter the probability of the other person's behavior (Gottman, 1979; Revenstorf, Vogel, Wegener, Hahlweg, & Schindler, 1980; Margolin & Wampold, 1981). Some cognitive features of the coercive process are elaborated upon when describing women battering. Focusing on the abuser, Deschner (1984) described the "last straw decision" in which the abuser makes a decision that the situation is so intolerable that violence is warranted. Focusing on the victim Walker (1984) 10

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pointed out that few of the battered women she interviewed were not sure whether to classify themselves as battered. Despite strong probing techniques, these women were also reluctant to classify such violent episodes as battering behavior. Walker also said that clarifying the kind of coercive techniques used in battering relationships should help clear up some of this confusion and make self identification easier for battered women. Some researchers claim that when battering is in its acute condition, aversive events occur so rapidly that control skills usually available to these women no longer are or that the women can not use them successfully any longer. According to the systems perspective, violence is a systematic product of an interaction rather than a result of individual pathology (Straus, 1973). According to Giles-Sims's explanation "conceptualizing the abusive relationship as a system means that we can look at the process of actions and reactions as a continuous causal chain, each reaction becoming in turn a precipitant (1983, p:74)." The results of her research showed that there are certain characteristics of families (e.g., the amount of time the family members spend together, the intensity of their involvement, the fact that they have impinging activities and needs, the right to influence inherent in families) that make them ripe for violence. In addition, Giles Sims (1983) reported that because a majority of women are willing to forgive the first incident of violence, a positive feedback loop is set into motion, making it likely that the violence will reoccur. She further suggested that then a runaway process 11

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takes hold, in which each act of violence is a cause for further revenge leading to further violence to the point where corrective action is of no avail. Other authors describe specific characteristics found in women battering systems. Not surprisingly, it has been suggested that most abusive relationships are characterized by poor communication, in which distortion and misinterpretation prevail (Walker, 1979) and in which feelings are expressed indirectly. According to Traicoff (1982), violent couples (a) exist in closed systems, with tight boundaries between themselves and the outside world, (b) have inflexible family rules, (c) maintain a rule of secrecy, particularly with respect to the abuse, and (d) have difficulty in setting and maintaining limits. Walker's (1979, 1984) cycle theory of violence states that there are three distinct phases associated with women battering. During the tension building phase, when there is a gradual escalation of tension through discrete action (e.g., name-calling, other intentionally hurtful actions, and/or physical abuse), the woman may maintain an unrealistic belief that she can control the man. During the acute battering incident, the batterer typically unleashes a barrage of verbal and physical aggression. Stage 3 seems to vary depending on whether the violence is new or well-established In new relationships, the batterer may apologize, and show kindness Later in the relationship, stage 3 may simply be characterized by the absence of tension or violence, which in itself may be reinforcing for the woman. Other interpersonal theories have examined threats to self with respect to loyalty 12

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and control (Ferraro, 1984), loyalty to one's family of origin (Cohen, 1984), and traumatic bonding, whereby abused women form strong emotional attachments under conditions of intermittent abuse (Dutton & Painter, 1981). The last level for explaining women battering is at the sociocultural level. Sociocultural explanations examine cultural, historical, legal, and political factors that contribute to women battering. All of these perspectives attempt to explain the legitimization of intrafamilial violence and the victimization of women (Straus & Hotaling, 1980). Literature on the family generally emphasizes the extent of violence in the culture at large (e.g., governmental violence and media violence), but points to the family as the training ground for violence. Specifically, it is suggested that the family is the setting in which most people first experience physical violence. As Straus (1977) pointed out, there are two lessons that are learned as a function of physical punishment. The first one is the association of love with violence when the child learns that those who love him or her the most are also those who hit and have the right to hit him or her. The second one is that when something is really important, it justifies the use of physical force. Straus proposes that these lessons are generalized from the parent-child relationship to the marital relationship. Data suggest that these lessons are learned by the abusive family members quite well. According to Stark and McEvoy (1970), approximately one quarter of respondents interviewed said they would approve of a husband or a wife 13

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hitting each other under certain specific circumstances. Churchill and Straus (cited in Straus, 1980a) described an assault in which the female victim was knocked unconscious. Subjects reading the description were to indicate whether the severity of punishment was warranted. Those who believed that the assailant was "the husband" meted out less severe punishments than subjects who believed that the assailant was a known male companion. In addition, Barling and Rosenbaum ( 1986) also reported that the occurrence of stressful work events and their negative impact were associated significantly with women battering. Straus (1980b) suggested that stress does not directly cause violence; instead, this relationship between stress and violence is mediated by factors such as subscribing to male dominance norms and to the legitimacy of violence between intimates. When talking about the problem of violence against women many authors (e.g Dobash & Dobash, 1979) emphasize that patriarchal societies foster laws and practices that implicitly and explicitly approve of violence against women Patriarchal societies teach men to dominate women; violence becomes one such a way to maintain that dominance. According to Dobash and Dobash (1979), men who assault their wives are actually living up to cultural prescriptions that are cherished in these societies aggressiveness, male dominance, subordination of women and they are using physical force as a means to enforce that dominance. 14

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In patriarchal societies, even though some of them may have the promoted economic and legal conditions, domestic violence, especially in the form of wife battering is quite prevalent. Women are kept economically dependent through an unequal division of labor and through lower earnings. Thus, they have difficulty in gathering the financial resources to leave their abusive husbands or, if they could leave, often they are driven back as a result of their economic vulnerability. Furthermore, with women being designated primary responsibility for childbearing and household responsibilities, they are kept relatively isolated from the society. Previous Studies: Taiwan As mentioned above the literature about physical wife abuse is sparse in Taiwan. Before summarizing some of the available studies, it is appropriate to briefly discuss the Chinese family and marriage. The "economic family", is the basic socioeconomic unit in China. This family is used to take one of three forms: conjugal, stem, or joint. The conjugal family consists of a husband, a wife, and their unmarried children; the joint family adds two or more married sons and their wives and children to this core group. The stem family -a form that lies somewhere between the conjugal and joint family types includes parents, their unmarried offspring, and one married son with his wife and children (Tsai, 1987; Gallin, 1992). In addition to these structures, it could be said that most families in 15

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Taiwan have adopted the nuclear family form since the 1960s. However, the normative guidelines surrounding the family roles have not changed much. When a Chinese woman is married, she leaves her parent's home to live as a new family member in her husband's family. Chinese parents treat daughters as a liability as household members who drain family resources when they are young and who withdraw their assets of domestic labor and earning power when they marry out. Sons, in contrast, are perceived as steady contributors to the family's economic security during its growth and expansion and as providers of support to the elderly. Parents therefore strongly prefer male children (Tsai 1987; Gallin, 1992). For Chinese wives, producing children (especially male children), taking care of family members (especially parents-in-law), and doing housekeeping constitute their main obligations (Tsai, 1987; Chen, 1994). The word "husband" in Chinese literally means "supporter," and "wife" means "subordinate". "Marriage" refers to a woman, who is seen as an "outsider'', who lives with her husband's family and is expected to serve him and his family (Chen, 1971). Under many rigid gender norms and values, exploitation of women has been a serious problem in the Chinese society for many centuries (Bloodworth, 1967; Chao, 1973; Wolf, 1985; Honig and Hershatter, 1988; Gilmartin, 1990). Traditionally, husbands were considered as "heaven" and wives as "earth". As a result, it was taken for granted that "even if the husband is abusive, the wife was 16

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not supposed to leave the husband, because the earth could never discard the heaven (Chao, 1973, p: 61-2) Even today many Chinese men treat women as their property, they have the right to beat their wives, because it means that they "educate" their wives (Chen, 1994). Besides, many battered women keep quiet when they are beaten, because they tend to blame themselves (Chen, 1994). Not only is there very little research about women battering in Taiwan, all of these studies used purposive samples as well (Chou, 1994; Wang, 1995). Moreover, there are no official detailed statistics about women battering available from the government or from any other source. Therefore, available knowledge is limited and based on few reports. The results of "survey of women's satisfaction with their lives" conducted by the social department of Taiwan in 1994 indicate that 17.8% of married women have been abused by their husbands (the sample consists of 2,000 women who live in Taiwan). Another statistical report, from the hotline which is established by a social agency in Taipei, states that there were 2,742 battered women who sought help in 1991; 3,697 battered women sought help in 1992; and 3,049 battered women sought help in 1993. The very first study investigating domestic abuse was conducted by Liu in 1987. She analyzed the news on women battering which appeared in the three main newspapers in Taipei from 1984 to 1985. According to her findings, there were 134 news articles about women battering during those two years, and this study drew people's attention to this social problem considerably. As a matter of fact, more and more professors 17

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and graduate students at universities began to engage in applied research concerning this issue. Based on these scattered studies, people learned that, just like it is the case in the U.S., not all the families in which violence occurs are from the low socioeconomic status in Taiwan. However, compared with the non-batterers, the batterers still have higher rates of unemployment, unstable and not long-lasting jobs, and low incomes. Hot temperament, jealousy of husbands, failure of wives to bear male offsprings, punishment of wives for improper conduct, family finances, discipline of children, extra-marital affairs, gambling, and alcoholism are often cited as the main reasons of conflict between couples causing abuse toward women (Liu, 1987; Chen, 1992; Liu, Sun, and Yeh, 1993; Tang, 1993). Most families, in which violence occurs, appear to show violent behaviors within the one year of marriage (Chen 1992; Tang, 1993); and reportedly there are some women who have almost faced death because of their injuries as a result of violence (Liu, 1987; Chen, 1992; Tang, 1993). According to Chen (1992), who examined the pattern of violence, most of the time violence begins with a simple problem between the couple (e.g., the financial problem or the spouse comes home too late). The couple begins to argue, the husband feels that his wife is challenging his power and authority in the family. If the husband can not tolerate this, then he starts being abusive. It is very common to use one's hand as a weapon of violence, but according to some researches, a lot of husbands also use 18

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weapons, such as hammers, iron chains, belts, sticks, kitchen knives or scissors, to hurt their wives (Liu, 1987; Tang, 1993). Besides, if other family members especially the children and the elderly want to stop the husband, most of the time they also get abused themselves by him (Liu, 1987). Even though more and more social agencies offer services for battered women, many Chinese battered women do not know where to go and how to seek help (Feng, 1990). In Taiwan, there are no established service networks for battered women. Existing social agencies are extremely passive to offer services for battered women, because they do not have enough money and social workers to provide these women with intervention and prevention programs (Wang, 1995). Theoretical Approach One of the central concepts in sociological theory about wife abuse has traditionally been power. The best known discussion of power in family relations has been presented by Blood and Wolfe (1960). They report a close relationship between power and resources in a family Power is viewed by them as the potential ability of one member to influence and/or change the behavior of another, and a resource refers to anything that one member makes available to help others in order to satisfy their needs or goals. Blood and Wolfe indicate that the balance of power in a family will favor the spouse who contributes the greater resources. 19

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The spouse with the greater number of resources tends to have more power over his or her partner Whenever husbands exercise excessive power in American society, Blood and Wolfe believe, it is not because their wives subscribe to patriarchal belief systems, but because husbands can contribute more resources to the marriage. Husbands win power by virtue of their own skills and accomplishments in comparison to their wives. This argument has been labeled "resource theory" (e.g., Allen & Straus, 1977). The same name has been subsequently used for Goode's (1971) efforts to apply the concept of power in explaining family violence. According to Goode (1971), the family, like all other social systems, is a power system. Within a family, Goode argues, force is supported by external social structures. Family patterns are expressed in laws, such as parental rights and obligations, laws of custody, and property rights, and are backed up by the police and the courts. Force functions as a deterrent to perform the undesired acts and as an inducement to perform the desired ones. That is, someone who has more resources usually can deploy more force than others with fewer resources especially if the resources are the desired and scarce ones. Goode (1971) observed that all of the following resources affect a family member's power: success, prestige, and position outside the family, age, gifts, job and services; political authority, intelligence and relevant knowledge; friendship, love, attraction, and so on. Because different social classes and ethnic groups 20

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have different levels of access to alternative resources that would help them to redress their balance of exchange with family members, and also different alternative resources of pleasure and contentment, different levels of family violence may happen Goode (1971) mentioned that normative structure may influence the degree that a spouse uses violence as an ultimate resource to induce the other spouse to perform some behavior when the other spouse lacks certain resources, such as money or prestige Rodman (1972) provided some evidence that the use of violence as an ultimate resource in a family is, in fact, contingent on the cultural context. He demonstrated that this pattern of violence appears only in a society that is weak or ambiguous in legitimizing the exercise of power. Allen and Straus (1977) expanded Goode's opinions and developed what they call the "ultimate resource" theory of violence They stated that this theory suggests that violence will be invoked by an individual who lacks other resources to serve as a basis for power. This implies that there will be a correlation between power and violence only under certain circumstances, since power can be maintained by the use of other resources than violence. In short, the relationship between power and marital violence is contingent upon what resources other than violence are available (1977). When traditional normative expectations undergo rapid changes, as they are now, members of the family may use violence to maintain superiority over other 21

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family members who have traditionally inferior roles. Specifically, the changing expectations of women and their demands of equality may actually increase violence against them. This suggests that status inconsistency theory is another way to conceptualize the relationship between power and violence (e.g., Lenski, 1954; Kelly & Chambliss, 1966). Status inconsistency applies to a person who has high rank in one status hierarchy (i.e., education) and low rank in another (i.e., income). The theory argues that status inconsistency creates a dilemma when such a person interacts with others. The individual tends to evaluate himself/herself according to the higher status hierarchy, whereas the others tend to evaluate the person in terms of the lower. In family situations, males may be traditionally regarded as having a higher ascribed status, such as being a husband, but their achieved status in areas such as education and income, or occupation, may fail to measure up with the prestige of the ascribed status. O'Brien (1971) suggested that this inconsistency may result in wife abuse when the husband feels threatened in his traditional status by a more educated or skillful wife and resorts to physical violence to maintain dominance. Resource theory can broaden our understanding of help-seeking behavior of battered women Battered women are often characterized as helpless and powerless to leave their abusive partners (Frieze, 1987). Findings indicate women fail to leave their abusive partners because they have no money and they do not know where to go (Gelles, 1976; Stu be and Barbour, 1983). 22

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The acquisition of resources, including economic independence through a job, is a crucial need for these women in their attempt to extricate themselves from the relationship. Gelles (1976) states: "The fewer resources a wife has in a marriage, the fewer alternatives she has to her marriage (p:663)." In his study of comparing battered women who sought help with those who did not, he discovered that "the variable which best distinguishes wives who obtain assistance from those who remain with their husband is holding a job (p:644)." Not only does a job give a woman the financial independence, but it also broadens her entire outlook, providing, for example, a more realistic perspective with regard to how relationships between men and women can be loving and without violence. Thus, if the women have more income or higher educational level, it does mean they have more resources. Therefore, they will have more information and will be active in seeking help when they are abused as well as they will be more likely to leave the abusive relationships easily and quickly. According to several studies, many battered women still stay in their abusive relationships, because they do not have effective social supportive networks, formal or informal (Martin, 1976; Dobash & Dobash, 1979; Walker, 1979; Dibble & Straus, 1980; Coley & Beckett, 1988; Dutton, 1988). According to Walker et al. (1977 ), the supportive informal and formal networks include the services of family members, relatives, friends, neighbors (informal help sources), and some professionals, like police, physicians and nurses, the clergy, lawyers, attorneys, 23

PAGE 34

social workers, and so on (formal help sources) (Walker et al., 1977). Many of these abused women never consult the helping professionals, nor do they call the police or take refuge in shelters, or file for divorce. They are afraid to seek help, and yet their husbands continue to beat them. These women are in need of finding some other way of inhibiting their husbands' physical aggression toward them, perhaps with the help of their neighbors, family members, or other contacts in informal helping networks (Bowker, 1984). According to Pagelow (1981), millions of women, whose stories are untold, stay in their abusive relationships, largely because they received negative institutional responses when they tried to get external help and lacked necessary sources for leaving and being on their own Most of the support studies are usually associated with stress. In these studies social support is defined in terms of sources that meet needs and social relationships through which an individual's needs are met. In this line of research, rather than dealing with social support in general, a typology is used which differentiates emotional, cognitive, and materials support. According to this typology, emotional support refers to behavior that fosters feelings of comfort and leads an individual to believe that he or she is liked, respected, and loved, and that others are available to provide care and security. Cognitive support refers to information, knowledge, and/or advice that helps the individual to understand his or her world and to adjust to changes within it, and materials support refers to goods and services that help to solve practical problems (Jacobsen, 1986). Other 24

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classifications of social support (such as affective support and instrumental support) appear to be derivatives of this typology (Cobb, 1976; Caplan, 1979; Dimatto & Hays, 1981; House, 1981; Gottlieb, 1981; Thoitis, 1982; Leavy, 1983; Cohen & Wills, 1985; House, Kahn, Mcleod, & Williams, 1985; Thoitis, 1985; Morgan, Schuster, & Butler, 1991). Empirical research on focusing on social support (Caplan, 1974; Cassel, 1974; Lin, Ensel, Simeone, & Kuo, 1979; LaRocco, House, & French, 1980) and coping (Pearlin, & Schooler, 1978; Pearlin, Lieberman, Menaghan, & Mullan, 1981) suggest that access to potentially supportive others and a sense of competence and control can help people deal effectively with stressful life conditions. Some investigators claim that both received social support and successful coping work indirectly as buffers by protecting the individual from experiencing the negative effects of stressful conditions (Dean & Lin, 1977; Wilcox, 1981), though others have not been able to demonstrate these buffering effects (Pinnau, 1976; LaRocco & Jones, 1978) To understand help-seeking behavior it is essential to know the characteristics and problems of those who seek various types of assistance. Epidemiological studies .have established that the majority of people who report experiencing troublesome life events do seek help for their problems (Gurin, Veroff, & Feld, 1960; Lowenthal, Thurnher, & Chiriboga, 1975). The key factors that differentiate those who do and do not seek help are age and race. Seeking 25

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help has been shown to decline consistently with age (Gurin, Veroff, & Feld, 1960) and to be more prevalent among whites than blacks (Gurin, Veroff, & Feld, 1960; Rosenblatt & Mayer, 1972; Baker, 1977). Investigators of discretionary medical and dental care, mental health, social service and legal facilities, and self-help groups have found repeatedly that users tend to be young, white, educated, middle-class, and female (Hollingshead & Redlich, 1958; Beck, 1961; Srole, Langner, Michael, Opler, & Rennie, 1962; Kammeyer & Bolton, 1968; Kadushin, 1969; Kravits, 1972; McMichael & Hetzel, 1974; Sue, McKinney, Allen, & Hall, 197 4; Katz & Bender, 1976) People who solicit help are usually looking for comfort, reassurance, and advice (Gurin, Veroff, & Feld, 1960; Zimbardo & Formica, 1963; Weiss, 1973). In Carlson's research (1977), the battered women relied primarily on informal networks to obtain sympathy or assistance except for their use of the police. Flynn (1977) reported that two-thirds of the women relied on their families and friends for emotional support and sometimes on shelters after experiencing physical abuse. Scott (1974) pointed out that the absence of the informal sources provided by the extended family members deprives a wife and her children of their natural allies in a marital conflict, leaving them vulnerable to their husbands. Goode (1971) in his theoretical article on force and violence in family units, says that friends, neighbors, and family members traditionally intervene in family disputes to keep the peace, using threats and even force if necessary. Among the 26

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informal sources, women's own family members are the first ones to be sought out for help (Frieze, Knoble, Washburn, & Zomnir, 1980), and when abused women seek mainly support from them, their friends are the ones who closely follow these women's own relatives (Bowker, 1984, 1988). Besides, the support and advice offered by friends and family members to the battered women may influence them to utilize social services in the community or to take certain actions themselves to control and solve the problem. Among formal help sources, Pagelow (1981a, 1981b) pointed out that battered women used the police more than they used lawyers and other formal help sources. However, when used, lawyers and marriage counselors were found to be more helpful than any other formal help sources, such as the police. According to Bowker (1988}, women's group, shelters, lawyers, and social service/counseling agencies were also found to be somewhat helpful for the battered women. The needs of women who require the services of shelters may differ somewhat from those of other battered women because of their financial status (Harris & Dewdney 1994). The surveys undertaken by Statistics Canada (1990) reveal that "women from lower income families are more likely than those from upper income families to use the services of the police in the event of wife battering. The greater sources available to upper income women may enable them to pursue avenues of support outside the criminal justice system and to escape or terminate the abuse without police assistance, whereas calling the police may be 27

PAGE 38

one of the few options open to women from less affluent (p:6)." The services of lawyers and professionals in private practice are very expensive and therefore beyond the means of many women. As a result, some battered women may turn to the police for legal information and other forms of help because they cannot afford to purchase this type of assistance elsewhere. Unfortunately, this strategy is often unsuccessful; police officers are seldom either willing or sufficiently prepared to deal effectively with women who make such requests (Harris & Dewdney, 1994). Not only do the sources change as battered women expand their attempts to obtain help and information in coping with their partners' violence, but the nature of the help they are looking for shifts as the women undergo more and more abuse (Harris & Dewdney, 1994). According to Dobash and Dobash (1982}, as the violence persists in an abusive relationship, not only do battered women tend to shift away from their initial contacts with friends and relatives their informal supportive network to contacts with formal supportive sources, but they also begin to focus their efforts more on controlling the man's violence and less on their own emotional needs. After the first battering, women tend to seek sympathy and emotional support for themselves, whereas following later, more severe battering they are likely to request direct intervention and specific means of escape. 28

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Purpose of the Study As mentioned above, social supportive networks are very important, especially when people face crises. In this research, social supportive networks for battered women include formal and informal systems. For the U.S. sample, the formal supportive networks include: human services: psychologist/psychiatrist, marriage/family counselor, alcohol/drug abuse treatment centers, women's support group/hot lines, battered women's shelters, community mental health centers, other social/counseling agencies, doctors/nurses; legal services: police, lawyer/legal aids, and district attorneys; the informal supportive networks include: relatives from the women's own side, spouses' relatives, friends/neighbors, and clergy. For the Taiwanese sample, the formal supportive networks include: doctors and nurses, medical social workers, police, judges, lawyers, social workers or counselors in the public social agencies, and social workers or counselors in the private social agencies; the informal supportive networks include : family members on own side, in-laws, other relatives, and friends/colleagues. Based on the existing literature summarized before, the following hypotheses will be tested using the data collected in the U.S .. On the other hand, a descriptive analysis of the Taiwanese data will be presented. 1. The younger and the more educated the women are, the more likely they will seek help from formal sources. 29

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2. Non-white women (racial/ethnic group) will be more likely to seek help from informal sources. 3. The more severe and the more frequent of the abuse (or perceived abuse, perceived abuse refers to threats) is, the more likely will women seek help from formal sources. 4. The longer the couples are married, the more likely will the women seek help from informal sources. 5. If the women are currently pregnant, they will likely seek help from informal sources. 6. The more children the women have, the more likely they will seek help from informal sources. 7. The more effective (perceived effectiveness) the women find the assistance from informal sources, the less likely they will seek help from formal sources. 30

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Sample CHAPTER 3 METHODS The U.S. Study This sample comes from the "1985 NatiQnal Family Violence Survey", a nationally representative sample of 6,002 individuals. The sample is comprised of three parts. First, 4,032 households were selected in proportion to the distribution of households in the fifty states. Then 958 households were oversampled in twenty-five states. This was done to ensure that there would be thirty-six states with at least one hundred completed interviews per state. Finally, two additional oversamples were drawn508 black and 516 Hispanic households. Eligibility for inclusion in the study required that a household include adults, nineteen years of age or older, who were: 1. Presently married, or 2. presently living as a male female couple, or 3. Divorced or separated with a child under eighteen years of age at home. 31

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When more than one eligible adult was in the household, a random procedure was used to select the gender and marital status of the respondent.. The focus of this research is to study the availability and efficiency of the informal and formal sources for the married women, therefore, from this large sample only the 3,005 married women are used in this study. In this sample, there are two sections focusing on the help-seeking behaviors of battered women: 1) the frequencies of these behaviors; including seeking help from informal and formal supportive sources; and 2) how these women rated the effectiveness of the assistance from informal and formal supportive sources. Other variables to be analyzed are: age of respondent; educational level of the battered women and their husbands; present employment status of the battered women and their husbands; racial/ethnic group of the battered women; whether the battered women are currently pregnant or not; number of years they are married to the present spouse; number of children living in household; family structure; and family income. Sample characteristics For the battered women in this study the mean age was 41.73 years old and the modal age was 35 years old (120 women). Only 110 women were pregnant at the time of the study, and the mean number children living in household was 1.04. The majority of the women (1259) and of the abusive husbands (11 01 men) were at least high school graduates. The majority of the 32

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battered women and their husbands had full-time jobs (1184 women and 2258 men), but were there also many battered women who were homemakers (890 women). Among these women 2085 of them were White, 8 of them Pacific Islander, 85 of them Native American, 32 of them Asian-American, 379 of them Hispanic, 362 of them Black, and 12 of them BlackHispanics and they were married to/lived with present spouses on an average of 18.13 years. However, 713 women reported that they had been married for 5 years or less. In this study, there were 1308 intact families and the majority of all the families had an income between $25,000-$30,000/yr.; there were 357 families with an annual income of over $50,000 as well. Procedures This study was done using telephone interviews. Telephone numbers were selected using a procedure called Random Digit Dialing. Within each region and place a primary sampling unit is selected in proportion to the size of the population in the stratum. In the next stage a telephone number was selected for each primary sampling unit. A working number from a library of telephone directories was chosen, and the last two digits of the number were randomly replaced. Thus, the procedure resulted in a random sampling of all the possible telephone numbers in the United States. Sample selection and interviews were carried out by the staff of Louis Harris and Associates the national opinion company. Violence was 33

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measured by the Conflict Tactics Scales. Data about the respondent's and spouse's educational and occupational history/status, the children in the household, and the demographic information such as ethnicity, religion, income, and family structure were also gathered. In the interviews, there was a section asking questions about conflict between the respondent and his/her partner First there were a series of questions asking about behaviors which occurred as a result of conflict within the past year. If physical violence had occurred, there were then questions asking specifics about the violence, e.g., had anyone been drinking, was violence severe enough to go for medical treatment. Women were asked if they had been forced to have sex by their partners. Respondents were then asked about things they had done to stop their partners from hurting or threatening them. They were also asked from whom they had sought help for personal problems Questions regarding the respondents' and the spouses' mental and physical health and substance abuse ended this section. Measurement The National Family Violence Survey has questions which allowed us to determine the how many women fit the "battered" definition, and the frequency and severity of abuse. Age of the respondent is measured by years, education byyears of completed education, and income in dollars. Number of minor children living in the household, whether or not the women were currently pregnant, race of the 34

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battered women, years being married to the present spouse, family income, frequency and severity of abuse, and effectiveness rating of the informal and formal sources were used as independent variables. Effectiveness was measured on a 5-point Likert scale: 1-2 =made worse-not effective; 2.1-3 =not effective slightly effective; 3.1-4 =slightly effective-somewhat effective; as well as 4.1-5 = somewhat effective-very effective. The dependent variables were whether or not respondent sought help from a particular source (such as own relative or doctors/nurses) and 3 index variables created by the survey researchers. These variables were combined in informal sources, human services, and legal services and using these variables frequency of help seeking behavior from these sources were measured continuously. The Taiwanese Study Sample This research is the first, and the only one to explore the help-seeking behaviors of the battered women in Taiwan. In this 1994 sample, these women were volunteers to attend this research, so the sample is very small. Although it is a purposive sample, results still provide valuable information about such women. Fifty-five battered women who sought help from social agencies in 18 counties participated voluntarily in this research. 35

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Sample characteristics More than half of the battered women (36 women) were between 30 and 39 years old; the youngest woman being 19 years old, and the oldest being 50. For the batterers, 42 men were between 30 and 44 years old; the youngest man was 19 years old, and the oldest one was over 50 years old. The majority of the battered women (29 women) graduated from high school/junior college; only 2 battered women graduated from a four-year college and one woman has a MA. For the batterers, also the majority graduated from high school/junior college (24 men); only 5 batterers graduated from a four-year college and one man had a Ph.D. degree. Twenty-five of the battered women were housewives; 6 battered women were blue-collar workers and 5 administrative assistants; there were very few battered women in other occupations: such as teachers, technicians, and service staff. For the batterers, the majority were blue-collar workers (15 men); 9 batterers were machinists; 7 batterers were in sales; there were very few of them in other occupations (professional technicians, managers, government employees, teachers, farmers, service staff and soldiers, etc.). Many of the battered women were married and they lived with their abusive husbands (36 women); 9 battered women were married at the time of the study but were separated from the batterers; remainder battered women were divorced and/or cohabited with the batterers. The majority of the battered women (34 women) lived in nuclear 36

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families; 15 women lived in extended families (with parents-in-law and/or sisters and brothers-in-law) In this sample, only one woman had no child; the majority of the women (24 women) had 2 children; the mean age of the children was 10.5 years old; with the youngest child being under one year old, and the oldest one being 27 years old. For twenty-one families, the household income was between $746.27-1492.54/per month; the income of 14 families was under $746.27/per month; the income of 10 families was between $1492.54-2238.80/per month; only 4 families had income over $37313.32/per month (all the income figures are adjusted to U.S. dollar). Procedures This study was done using face-to-face interviews. These battered women were interviewed in the social agencies in 18 counties by the social workers. They were asked 8 questions, 7 of which were close-ended and the 8th was open ended. The questions were about 1) the reasons for these women having been abused, 2) from whom did they seek help when they were abused for the first time. In this question, the informal social supportive sources included: friends/colleagues, their own family members, in-laws, and other relatives; the formal social supportive sources included social workers/counselors in the public social agencies, social workers/counselors in the private social agencies, police, judges, lawyers, and doctors/nurses. 3) Did they find these sources helpful when they sought help for the first time from them? In this question, a four-point scale 37

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was used to measure the effectiveness of these help sources. 4) From what sources for the battered women have sought help and what they experienced from these sources after their first abuse. 5) The reasons these women list for having sought help from formal support networks. 6) How did they know about these formal supportive sources. 7) What kind of help do the formal and informal supportive networks offer to the battered women that they found most effective. 8) The suggestions women have to formal supportive sources, to other women and. their needs (it is an open-ended question). Measurement For this sample, age was measured by the range of years, education was measured by years of education completed, and income in Taiwanese dollars (all the income figures are adjusted to U.S. dollar). In addition, occupation, marital status, number of children, and family structure were asked for demographic information. The help seeking behaviors were measured by the number of women who sought help from both informal and formal supportive sources, as well as how effective they perceived these sources to be. The effectiveness was measured by a 4-point scale: 0-1 = least helpful-less helpful; 1.1-2 = less helpful-no comment; 2.1-3 =no comment-helpful; and 3.1-4 =helpful-very helpful. 38

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CHAPTER4 RESULTS The U.S. Study Tables 4.1 and 4.2 depict the frequencies of the help-seeking behaviors of the battered women as well as the effectiveness of these supportive sources rated by these women (see Tables 4.1 and 4.2). 39

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Table 4.1 Help Seeking Frequencies of U.S. Women Freq. Percent # of Cases( missing) Informal Sources Relative on own side 379 12.6 2992(13) Spouse's relatives 181 6.0 3000(5) Friends/Neighbors 309 10 3 3002(3) Formal Sources Clergy 178 5.9 3001(4) Psychologist/Psychiatrist 146 4.9 3002(3) Marriage/Fam. counselor 81 2.7 2998(7) Alcohol/Drug treat. center 44 1.5 3003(2) Support group/Hot line 27 0.9 3002(3) Shelter 5 0.2 3003(2) Com. Mental health center 21 0.7 3002(3) Other Sociai/Couns. agency 49 1.6 3004(1) Police 47 1.6 3003(2) Doctors/Nurses 121 4.0 3003(2) Lawyer/Legal aid 74 2.5 3004(1) District attorney 8 0.3 3004(1) 40

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Table 4.2 Effectiveness Ratings of the Support Sources by the U.S. Women Informal Sources Own relatives Spouse's relatives Friends/Neighbors Formal Sources Clergy Psycholog/Psychi. Mar./Fam. couns. Alec. drug treat. Sup.Gr./Hot Line Shelter Com. mental cen. Other social agencies Police Doctors/Nurses Lawyer/Legal aid District attorney 1 2 3 10 30 77 5 22 34 0 24 65 0 13 17 4 9 14 0 8 8 1 5 9 0 1 3 0 1 0 0 1 3 2 6 3 3 10 7 4 2 11 1 6 6 1 0 1 4 5 Mean 143 114 3.86 63 53 3.77 120 98 3.95 54 92 4.28 46 69 4.18 27 38 4.17 4 23 4.02 8 15 4.37 1 3 4.20 12 5 4.00 12 26 4.10 7 17 3.57 37 64 4.31 22 35 4.20 2 4 4.00 1 = made worse, 2 = not effective, 3 = slightly effective, 4 = somewhat effective, 5 = very effective 41

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From Table 4.1 one can see that even though a majority of the women sought help and support from the relatives on their own side (379), only 181 of the battered women turned to their spouses' relatives. Among the formal sources, 178 women sought assistance from the clergy, 146 from the psychologists/psychiatrists, and 121 from doctors/nurses. There were very few women (8) who asked for help from district attorneys and the battered women's shelters (5). Table 4.2 shows that although the majority of the battered women asked for assistance from the relatives on their own side, they rated the support which they received from their friends/neighbors as being more effective compared to the support they received from the relatives on their own side. Among the formal supportive sources, they rated the support from doctors/nurses as being more effective than the support received from the other sources. Following clergy, the next effective supportive source was lawyers/legal aid. The support from the police was rated as being the least effective in this group Binary log it models were fitted for the categorical dependent variables of help-seeking from each source (yes-no) and for the independent variables age and education of the battered women (Table 4.3). 42

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Table 4.3 Logistic Regression Parameters For Help-Seeking behavior of U.S. Women Independent Variables Dependent Variables (Help yes-no) Relative own side Spouses relatives Friends/Neighbors Clergy PsychologisUPsychiat. Marriage/Fam. couns. Alcohol/Drug treat. cen. Support group/Hot line Shelter Other sociallcouns. Doctors/Nurses Lawyer/Legal aid District attorney Age -.054(.005)*** 076(.008)*** -.049(.006)*** -.013(.005)* -.017(.007)* -.029(.009)-.011 (.010) 027(.016) -.089(.053) -.001(.010) .003( 006) -.013(.008) -.046(.003) Standard errors are shown in parantheses. *p < .05, -p < .01, ***p < .001 43 Education .119(.040)*** .024(.057) .302(.042) .172(.053).218(.058) 169(.078)* .041 (.1 03) .257( 129)* .089( 073) .212(.095)* .077(1.46) .126(.084) .436(.229)

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When it comes to different types of formal support, age and education had no significant effect in getting help from district attorneys, from alcohol and drug abuse treatment centers, from doctors and nurses, from lawyers and legal aid sources, from community mental health centers, from battered women's shelters. However, more education made it more likely for these women to obtain help from marriage and family counselors, psychologists and psychiatrists, women's support groups and hotlines, the clergy, and other social and counseling agencies. In 'the case of police, the lower the women's education level was the more likely they were to ask help from this source. On the other hand, according to the results, the younger women were more likely to seek help from marriage and family counselors, psychologists and psychiatrists, and clergy only. In cases of informal support, the younger the women and the more educated they were the more likely they became to ask for help from their own relatives. Even though education had no significant effect, younger women were more likely to tum to their spouses' relatives and to their friends and neighbors. Taken together, these results indicate that the first hypothesis is only supported partially. Except in the case of police, education had the expected effect in seeking help from some of the types of formal sources. Also, in three types of formal support the effects of age were in the expected direction, however, for all 3 types of informal support sources age had an unexpected effect. 44

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To test the second hypothesis an ANOVA test was conducted. Based on the results, there were no significant differences between help-seeking behavior (from informal sources, from human services, from legal services, and from the combination of these sources) between White women and women of other race/ethnic groups, such as Pacific Islander, Native Americans, Asians, Hispanics, and Blacks (F=1.074, df=5/2942, p>.05; F=.33, df=5/2942, p>.05; F=.241, df=5/2954, p>.05; and F=.497, df=5/2929, p>.05). Therefore, this hypothesis is not supported. To test the severity part of the third hypothesis, a hierarchical Ordinary Least Square Model was applied. Fifteen independent variables measuring severity were entered into the equation in blocks of 5 variables at a time. In the final equation all of the independent variables were regressed on the dependent variables being informal sources, human services, and legal services, respectively. In the steps of the analyses, R-squares increased progressively, especially for human and legal services. In the first model, when only husband insulted/swore at wife, husband sulked/refused to talk, husband stomped out of the room, husband cried/said something to spite wife, and husband threatened to hit or throw things at the wife variables were used, only the p coefficient for husband threatened to hit or throw objects at wife was significant at the a.=0.01 for all three equations and the R-squares were 0.04, 0.043, and 0.024, respectively. In the second model, when the variables husband threw/smashed an object, husband threw something at wife, 45

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husband grabbed/showed wife, husband slapped wife, and husband kicked/bit/hit wife with fist were added to the equations, the p coefficients for husband insulted wife, threatened to hit or throw things at wife, husband threw an object at wife, and husband kicked/bit/hit wife were significant at a.=0.051evel for the equation for informal sources. However, all p coefficients but husband sulked/refused to talk to wife, husband stomped out of the room, and husband did/said something to spite wife were significant for human services and legal services and when formal and informal support services were combined as total. The R-squares for these models were 0.06 0.071, and 0.041, The last block of variables added to the equation were husband hit/tried to hit wife with object, husband beat up wife, husband choked wife, husband threatened wife with knife or gun, and husband used a knife or gun on wife. Again, except for the three coefficients mentioned before, all of the p coefficients were significant at a.=0.05 or 0.01 level when the dependent variables were human services and legal services. Significant p coefficients for informal support equation were husband used a knife or gun on wife, husband threw something at wife, husband threatened to hit/throw at wife, and husband beat the wife. These coefficients were all significant at a.=0.05 level. The R-squares for these equations were 0 08, 0.17, and 0.15, respectively. From these results one can see that increased severity in abuse made women more likely to seek help from human and legal services as set forth by the hypothesis. 46

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The same 15 independent variables were regressed again to the 3 dependent variables, help from human services, help from legal services, and help from informal services to test the frequency part of the same hypothesis. According to results, increased frequency has a limited effect in help seeking behavior from informal sources. The more the husband threatened the wife, the more the husband insulted the wife, the more times the husband used a knife or a gun on the wife, the more times the husband beat the wife, the more likely was the wife to seek assistance from informal sources. However, for human services, in addition of the factors mentioned for the help-seeking from informal sources, the more the husband insulted the wife, the many times the husband threw things at the wife, the more the frequency of husband's hitting, choking, and kicking the wife, the more likely she was to ask for support from these sources. When it comes to effects of increased frequency on help-seeking from legal services then husband's threats had no effect. In this model, compared to human services, increased frequency of husband's pushing/grabbing the wife, threatening the wife with knife, and slapping wife also made the women to be more likely to tum to legal services (for all of the models the p coefficients were significant at a.=0.01 level). These results show that the increased frequency of abusive behaviors made women to seek help more and more from formal sources (human and legal services). 47

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Hypotheses 4, 5, and 6 were tested using the same multiple regression model on the 3 dependent variables, help from informal sources, from human services, and from legal services. The independent variables were years being married to the spouse, number of children from this marriage, and current pregnancy status. For informal sources model, only years being married had a significant effect. That is, the longer the couple was married, the more likely were the women to seek help from informal sources (J3=0.238, p < 0.001) Consistently, when the dependent variable were human and legal services, the shorter the couples were married the more likely were the women to turn to these sources (J3=-0.17, p < 05; J3=-0.063, p < 0.01). Current pregnancy had no significant effect in any of these models. Number of children, on the other hand, only mattered for seeking help from human services. As the number of children from the marriage increased so did the women's likelihood to seek help from human services (p=0.06, p < 0.01). These results support the hypothesis stating that the longer the couples are married the more likely will the women seek help from informal sources. As current status of pregnancy did not have a significant effect on any of the dependent variables, 5th hypothesis was not supported. Results not only did not support the 6th hypothesis, which stated that the increase in the number of children would lead the women to ask assistance from informal sources, it also showed that the opposite was the case in seeking help from human services. 48

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Effectiveness ratings for each source, informal, human services, legal services, and total sources were significantly correlated with help-seeking behavior from the corresponding sources. Lastly, a predictive model was tested using multiple regression technique in which age of the woman, education of the woman, current status of pregnancy, number of children, and number of years married were used as independent variables. The dependent variables were help from informal sources, help from human services, help from legal services, and help from total services Each model also had the effectiveness rating variable of the corresponding depending variable as the 6th independent variable included. In the informal model none of the variables but the effectiveness of the informal source was statistically significant. The more effective the women rated the informal sources the more likely they turned to these sources for support (J3= 0.004, p < 0.001). The R-square for this model was 0.77. For human services and legal services the variables with statistically significant coefficients were age and effectiveness rating of this particular source. The younger women were likely to ask help from human and legal services. When ratings of effectiveness for these services increased then women more likely sought them out (age for human services p=-0.07, p < 0.05; effectiveness for human services J3=0.91, p < 0.001; J3= -0.29, p < 0.05; effectiveness for legal services J3=0.70, p < 0.001). Additionally, for human services, the shorter the couples were married the more likely were the women to ask help from these sources (J3= -0.017, 49

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p < 0.05). This variable had the same direction for legal services but was significant only at a.= 0.06 level. R-squares for these model were 0.83 and 0.53, respectively. When the dependent variable was total services, according to the results, older women were more likely to seek help from the total sources. Also increased ratings of effectiveness of these sources made women more likely to seek help from total sources (age for total sources J3=0.12, p < 0.001; effectiveness for total sources J3=0.83, p < 0.001). The R-square for this model was 0.69. The Taiwanese Study Tables 4 to 6 summarize the information gathered from the first three questions (Table 4.4, Table 4.5, and Table 4.6). 50

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Table 4.4 Reasons Women Gave for Being Abused Husband's behavior that led to conflict/abuse # of Women Being in a bad mood 10 Alcoholism 7 Being jealous and suspicious 7 Problems at work 5 Extra-marital affair 4 Gambling 4 Coming home very late 3 Drug addiction 1 Other reasons Regular argument between the couple Mother-in-law/daughter-in-law problems Wife neglects husband because of her work Wife neglects husband because of homemaking 51 6 2 1 1 N =51

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Table 4.5 Sources From Which Women Sought Help/Support (First Time Abuse) Sources N Cum.Perct Informal Support Friends/colleagues 12 37.6 Own family members 6 56.5 Other relatives 6 75.4 Formal Support Social workers (public agency) 4 88.2 Social workers (private agencies) 3 97.3 Doctors/Nurses 1 100.0 Total= 32 52

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Table 4.6 Perceived Effectiveness of the Help/Support Sources (First Time Abuse) 0 1 2 3 4 N Mean least helpful very helpful Informal Support Own family mem 2 3 7 1 13 2 5 In-laws 5 1 1 7 1.4 Other relatives 1 1 1 3 3 0 Friends 4 3 7 2 5 Formal Support Doctors/nurses 1 2 3 1 7 Medical social work. 2 2 2.0 Police 3 3 1.0 Judges 1 1 1 0 Lawyers 2 2 1.0 Public Soc work 1 1 2 2 6 2 7 Private Soc work 1 3 2 6 3.2 Total= 53 53

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In these tables the reasons women listed for being abused, number of women who sought help from different informal and formal supportive sources when they were abused for the first time, and how effective they rated these sources of help after the first abuse incident are presented. One can see that the reason most women gave for being abused was husband's being in a bad mood (1 0 women), very few women got abused because of husband's drug addiction (1 woman) and their neglect of husbands (2 women). Additionally, table 5 shows that most women (24 women) sought help from informal sources when they were abused for the first time, especially went to their friends/colleagues (12 women). In contrast, only 8 women sought assistance from formal sources when they got abused for the first time. According to Table 6, the help from other relatives was rated more effective than any other informal sources, and among the formal sources, the assistance from social workers in the private social agencies was rated as being the most effective type. Based on their answers to question #4, the majority of these women have sought help from their own family members (31 women) after their first abuse incident, but gain a majority of the women perceived that the support they received from friends/colleagues were more effective and helpful than received support from any other informal sources. Twenty-four women reported that they asked assistance from social workers in the public social agencies, and 16 women sought help from the police, only very few women turned to doctors/nurses and attorneys. 54

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These battered women thought that the most helpful formal source was the social workers in the private social agencies, and the least helpful source was the police. Tables 4.7 to 4.9 show the results obtained from the answers to the next three questions (Tables 4.7, 4.8, and 4.9). Table 4. 7 Reasons Given by Women for Having Sought Support from Formal Sources Reasons N Perct. Cum.Perct. Wanted to try 26 28.3 28.3 No help from friends/neighbors 10 10.9 39.2 No help from other relatives 10 10.9 50.1 Families live far away 9 9.8 59.9 Families don't care 7 7.6 67.5 No help from own family members 6 6 5 74.0 Other reasons 24 26.0 100.0 Total = 92 100.0 N=number of times a particular reason listed; each woman could give multiple reasons 55

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Table 4.8 How Did Abused Women Know About Formal Support Sources Responses They found out themselves Informal Sources Introduced by own family members Introduced by other relatives Introduced by friends/colleagues Introduced by neighbors Total for informal Formal Sources Referred by police Referred by medical centers Referred by social service agencies Total for formal Other Freg. (Perct.) 18 (24.0) 2 (2.7) 7 (9.3) 16 (21.3) 2 (2.7) 27 (36.0) 0 (0.0) 2 (2.7) 18 (24.0) 20 (26.7) 10 (13.3) Freq.=number of times a particular source is mentioned; each woman could give multiple responses 56

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Table 4.9 Kinds of Help Women Listed as Most Effective Sources Freq. Informal Emotional support 14 Offer places to live 1 0 Offer information for future help 8 Financial assistance 6 Help to couple with the relationship 6 Formal Emotional support 9 Consultation with legal issues 8 Counseling 7 Offer information about other institutions 6 Consultation through the phone 5 Freq.=number of times a particular kind of help is listed; each women could list more than one kind Total= 79 In these tables the reasons given by these women as to why they sought support from formal sources, how they find out about these formal sources, and the different kinds of help these women found as most effective from both informal and formal sources presented. One can find that most women (26 women) turned to formal sources because they wanted to try to get the best help, and the majority of these women (18 women) found out these formal sources by themselves. According to Table 9, most women ranked "emotional support" received both from 57

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informal (14 women) and formal (9 women) sources as the most effective type of support The coding of the answers given to the question #8 yielded in the following categories: Needs of the abused women: a) They need to be and feel safe, b) they need economic support, c) they need emotional support, d) they need to learn how to protect themselves, e) they need support from religious authorities, f) they need medical care and attention, g) they need protection from judicial system, including sole custody rights of their children when they want to get divorced, and h) they need the protection and intervention from police. Besides, these battered women had some suggestions to the medical system police, and social service agencies : I. For the medical system : a) Medical care should be free or affordable b) they should be able to go to both, private and public, health care institutions to get help, c) these institutions should offer a safe transportation system for them, and d) doctors and nurses should give them emotional support in addition to the medical care they need. II. For the police: a) Punish the batterers, b) do not perceive wife abuse as a private matter c) protect the battered women, d) provide safety for the abused women, e) go to court with the battered women, and f) accept the battered women do not make them feel isolated or ashamed 58

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Ill. For the social agencies: a) Offer shelters to the battered women, b) offer child care centers to them, c) help the women with the education of their children, d) offer financial support to the battered women, e) help them to find jobs, f) offer counseling and psychological support to the battered women, g) offer hotlines, h) go to the court with these women and help them to try to get the custody of their children when they get divorced, i) teach them the law and the skills for how to protect themselves, j) establish support groups, and k) have workshops for couples to show them how to respect each other, especially educate men to respect women. 59

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CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION The U.S Study Results of this research indicate that even though the majority of the battered wives sought help from their own relatives, they rated the support they received from their friends/neighbors more effective than what they received from their own relatives. This could be explained for the cases where the women's own relatives are living far away from them and therefore, when they can not give these women the needed assistance and support immediately Their friends/neighbors might be in contact with them more often and therefore, provide them with the assistance that the women need more effectively. Among the formal supportive sources, many women sought help from clergy and psychologist/psychiatrist, very few sought help from district attorney and battered women's shelters. Most women rated the help from doctors/nurses and clergy more effective than other sources, and they rated the help from the police as being the least effective kind. It is likely that these women perceive the emotional help from clergy and psychologists/psychiatrists quite useful in dealing with their 60

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feelings. The police, as the previous studies tell us, are not helpful to the battered women. Interestingly, women rated, in general, support received from formal sources as being more than effective than support received from informal sources. Even though informal support sources may provide emotional support, they may fall short when it comes to effectively helping women in their situations and/or to get out of their situations. Formal support sources provide, in most cases, educated staff, know-how, and a problem solving approach. According to the results, the younger the women were, the more likely they were to seek help from informal sources. It could be the case that these young women were abused for the first time, the abuse was not severe, or they did not know any formal sources and therefore, they asked for help from their informal sources. Younger women were also more likely to ask for support from clergy, from psychologists, and from marriage and family counselors. Except for asking help from their own relatives, the more educated women were more likely to seek help from formal sources, especially human services. More educated women do have more access to these services they also may know more about these services. In the case of police, the lower the women's education level was the more likely they were to ask for help from this source. This might be because these women with low education do not know where to go and how to get help from formal sources, especially the professionals. 61

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When it comes to hypotheses 2 and 5, there is no significant difference of the help-seeking behaviors between racial/ethnic group, and whether women were currently pregnant or not. These results can be explained with the fact that there were very few non-white or pregnant females. The longer the couples were married, the more likely were the women to seek help from informal sources One explanation is that if these women have been abused for a long time, they might be afraid to ask for assistance from formal sources, as based on their experience, formal intervention could make things worse, and as a result they could be abused more severely than before. On the other hand, as the number of children from the marriage increased, women turned more and more to human services. It is possible that these women were trying to protect their children and themselves and with many children definitely were in need of such help, additionally, the assistance from human services could help them to reunite their families Based on these results, as the women got abused more severely and frequently, the more likely were they to seek help from human and legal services. Increased severity and frequency of abuse most likely leads to a decrease in tolerance in these women and make them reach a point where emotional support or support at the level of advice is not sufficient anymore. They probably find themselves in a situation where they know that they have to seriously protect themselves and their children, take care of their physical and mental health, and/or fife for divorce to end the abusive relationship. 62

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Effectiveness ratings for each source, informal, human services, legal services, and total were significantly correlated with help-seeking behavior from the corresponding sources. This is why hypothesis 7 is supported. Additionally, according to the predictive regression models, one can see that adding effectiveness to the models yielded in such high R-squares which indicated that in these models, in general, approximately more than 65% of the variance were explained. The findings clearly indicate that how effective the kind of assistance for both formal and informal sources is has the strongest influence on the help seeking behaviors of the battered women The Taiwanese Study: Results of this research show that even though the majority of the battered women have sought help from their own family members after their first being abused, they rated the support they have received from their friends/colleagues more effective than what they have received from their family members. In contrast, most battered women sought help from their friends/colleagues when they were abused for the first time, only 6 women sought assistance from their own family members. This could be because for Chinese people, when women get married, the belief is that they are like "water to be spilled." That is, after the marriage takes place they are expected to continue close relationships with their own family members but to share their fate with their husbands only Thus, when 63

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the battered women were abused for the first time, they went to their friends/colleagues first instead of turning to their own family members. However, if they got abused again and again, then they would be more likely to seek support from their own family members. It is likely for their own family members to urge them to tolerate the abusive husbands and try to keep harmony for the sake of family unity. As to their family members-in-law, when wife abuse happens, they are likely to think that it is all the daughter-in-law's fault in the first place. This explains why only a few women (7 women) were willing to seek support from their in-laws, and 5 of these 7 women rated the support from in-laws as the least effective. On the other hand, when they seek any kind of support from their friends/colleagues, their friends/colleagues are likely to offer them places where they can live, financial support to live on, or provide them with information as to how to get help they seriously need. Only 8 women sought assistance from formal sources when they were abused for the first time. It does mean two things: first, these women were reluctant to classify such violent episodes as battering behavior; second, they wanted to try informal sources first. There were 23 women who have sought help from formal networks as opposed to 30 women from informal ones after their first being abused. As the majority of the women in this sample were housewives, it is possible for them not to know about existing formal sources. When they turned to the formal networks, both for they were abused for the first time and after their first 64

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abusive incident, the support they obtained from private social agencies was rated as being the most effective. In Taiwan, every county has a public social agency, but they do have not enough money and social workers to deal with the many cases of wife abuse (Wang, 1995). Thus, more and more private social agencies assume the responsibility to do the protection and intervention in domestic abuse cases. Many of the private social agencies are supported by the religious groups, so they can give the battered women assistance which the public social agencies cannot give, for example, emotional support, offer places where they can live, take care of their children, help them to find jobs etc .. According to the results, why the battered women sought support from the formal institutions, only when they did not have or did not receive support from the informal networks. Many battered women came to the formal institutions by themselves (18 women}, some women were introduced by their friends/colleagues (16 women}, but very few women were introduced by their own family members (2 women). This also explains why many battered women found the support from friends/colleagues more effective than from their own family members as their friends/colleagues are the only ones to assist them in finding information and assistance so that they can deal with their problems effectively. On the other hand, how did these women know the formal institutions which they seek effective help, many battered women were referred by other social service agencies (18 65

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women), very few women were referred by medical centers (2 women), and no woman was referred by the police. The battered women ranked "emotional support" received both from informal and formal sources as the most effective type of support. This does mean that there is not a significant difference between the functions which the formal and informal supportive networks can offer for the battered women. Before anything else, apparently these women need their emotions be taken care of. In the last open-ended question, one can see that what the battered women said that they needed not only emotional support but also instrumental support, for example, to have some financial support, to be offered they can live, to receive help them to find jobs, take care of their children, etc.. They perceived this kind of material/instrumental support as very useful after they emotionally feel comfortable and ready to face their issues. With the combined results from the two samples, one can find that most battered women sought help from informal sources, especially their own family members and friends. It is possible that they can approach these informal supportive sources quickly and easily, or they do not know how to get help from formal supportive networks. Therefore, if the battered women seek assistance from their own family members, friends, or other informal sources, these women should get any kind of support, it will make them feel safe. Additionally, if the informal sources think that the battered women can get more effective help from 66

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formal supportive networks, they should give these women appropriate advice, so the women can know where they can get help that they need most. Among formal supportive sources, the police were the least effective source rated by the battered women in the two samples. Based on some experiences of the battered women, it is possible for the police to give effective intervention and protection to these women, especially to the lower-income women, because they do not have enough money to ask for help from some professionals, like psychologist or marriage counselor. Both in the U.S. and Taiwan, it is very important for the police to give the battered women more effective assistance, not to treat wife abuse as private matter, protect the battered women and their children when wife abuse happens, refer these women to other formal sources when they need other kinds of help, etc .. Currently the battered women in the U.S. and Taiwan need to receive about the wealth of personal strategies informal help sources, and formal sources that they can use in ending their victimization. Information should be provided through all possible avenues, including the media, social service agencies, battered women's organizations, and lawyers' offices. In addition, this information should be made available in places such as supermarkets, welfare offices, and shopping centers so that women who may not yet have become battered wives or for whom the battering may just be beginning can prepare to defend themselves and to keep the pattern of abuse from becoming established in their families. 67

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Intervention Programs A variety of intervention programs have been developed to deal with wife abuse. The earliest wife abuse programs were developed to provide services to the women who are its direct victims. Subsequent programs targeted their efforts more broadly, such as toward prevention and early detection of abuse in the community at large and/or to ameliorating the effects of wife abuse on the children in these families. The most recently developed services deal with the actual source of the problem and work to stop the violent behavior of men who batter. In this section, I will focus on the programs for battered women, including hotlines, crisis intervention programs, shelters, counseling services, and support groups available to them as well as the police interventions in the U.S. Following this, the Community Intervention Project (CIP) will be briefly introduced, which consists of the cooperation of the police, the judicial system, and the social services. After this, intervention programs for battered women in Taiwan will also be presented briefly. Case: U.S. Crisis intervention programs are designed to provide services and protection during or immediately after a violent event, although persons also make 68

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use of them when they feel threatened in order to prevent abuse. Crisis intervention programs have three major components: twenty-four-hour crisis hotline services, walk-in crisis centers, and emergency housing or shelter facilities (Utech, 1994). Crisis hotline (telephone) services can provide crisis counseling, information on service alternatives, and referrals to community organizations for service. The following indicate the typical goals of a hotline program: 1. Hotline practices: A. Provide 24-hour staffed telephone service. B. Provide immediate peer and option counseling. C. Provide crisis intervention including: (1) Contact on a feeling rather than factual level; (2) immediate exploration of the problem; (3) mutual agreement on the definition of the problem; (4) focus on the most pressing part of the problem and select an immediate action which is likely to succeed; (5) explore possible community sources; and (6) support a plan of action. D. Place follow-up calls to reassure client and to assess success of the plan of action. 2. Organization policies: A. Incorporate as a nonprofit organization in the state. B. Provide staff training in knowledge about domestic violence and counseling. C. Make sure services should be free and confidential. D. Maintain files of information, regarding services and agencies available in the service area. E. Publicize the agency and its services on a regular basis (Gentzler, 1977:30-31). 69

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Generally, shelters are grassroots efforts, beginning at the community level with little money and little government assistance Shelters reflect the character of the groups that administer them, and these can be divided into three categories on this basis: feminist groups, traditional social service providers, and AI-Anon and religious organizations (Ferraro, 1981). The latter two categories of groups often adopt a family-dynamic orientation to the problem of spouse abuse (Peltoniemi, 1981) Most shelters are filled on a virtually constant basis, many reporting that they must often turn women away. Their primary goal is to secure the woman's safety and provide an environment in which she can make practical plans for a safe future. Shelters usually have established criteria for accepting women into residency and they typically provide only short-term residence between 4 and 6 weeks. Most shelters in the U.S. follow what Ferraro (1981) has termed the self sufficiency ethos, in which their superordinate goal is to "empower'' the women clients. Their services usually focus on establishing alternative living arrangements to the abusive relationship and on connecting the women with social services in the community that will allow them to live independently of their barterers. Some shelters include family-oriented programs and/or programs for the barterer as well (Lynch & Norris, 1977-78 ; Walker, 1978d; Colorado Association for Aid to Battered Women, 1979; Vaughan, 1979; Gentry & Eaddy, 1980; Miller, 1980; Ferraro, 1981). According to Morgan (1982) the more specific goals of a shelter program 70

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may be: (1) To establish a telephone hotline; (2) to provide physical shelter; (3) to provide psychological counseling and peer support systems; (4) to assist the children with living and school needs; (5) to provide follow-up services; (6) to document the incidence of wife abuse; and (7) to provide community education about wife abuse. Whereas shelters are oriented to the abused woman who wishes to leave the relationship (at least temporarily), many abused women who seek social services intervention do so while remaining with their abusers (Carlson, 1977; Dobash & Dobash, 1979; Loseke & Berk, 1981, 1982). Service providers typically report that the majority of abused women who come for counseling want to remain in their marriages, but without the violence (e.g., Geller & Walsh, 1977-78). Whether counseling is provided within a shelter or some other service context, typical goals in counseling a battered woman include decreasing her psychological dependence on the abuser, helping her to realize that she is not a helpless victim but does have power over her own life, reestablishing her self esteem, combatting traditional sex-role concepts and any concomitant tendency to blame herself or to rationalize her abuse, dissuading her of beliefs that she can not control the abuse, and decreasing her acceptance or tolerance of the use of physical force in interpersonal disputes (Gregory, 1976; Carlson, 1977; Pagelow, 1978; Ridington, 1977-78; Walker, 1978a, 1978c, 1978d, 1984; Colorado Association for Aid to Battered Women, 1979; Vaughan, 1979; Straus et al., 1980). 71

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Directors at one large New York agency (Geller & Walsh, 1977-78) classify their battered women clients into three categories: (1) those who want to separate from or divorce their husband to whom they offer individual counseling and referral assistance, (2) those who want to end the violence in their current relationship for whom attempts are made to involve the abusive partner in couple therapy; and (3) those whose perceive their options as restricted to remaining in the relationship under the current circumstances for whom the preferred approach is group therapy with other women in similar situations. Thus, counselors or therapists variously use crisis intervention, individual psychotherapy, or group therapy with battered women. Support groups often provide an unique network of women who have experienced abuse. These groups ease the feelings of isolation and shame many women experience as a consequence of their abuse. They also act to raise women's consciousness of battering as a widespread, societal problem rather than a feature of their own troubled marriage (Steinman, 1991 ). Battered women and their advocates have often criticized the lack of protection afforded by the criminal justice system (Gordon, 1988). Although statutes prohibited wife beating have existed in the United States since 1641, their enforcement was almost nonexistent {Pieck, 1987). When the battered women's movement of the 1970s began, the criminal justice system became one focus of activism. Since that time, considerable change has occurred in laws, policies, and 72

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training regarding intervention in battering (Ferraro, 1989a, 1989b; Dobash & Dobash, 1991). The traditional response of the police to battering was to tell women, "there's nothing we can do; this is a civil matter," or to make one party leave the home (Martin, 1976, pp:2-3). After 1980, three factors coalesced to pressure police departments to treat "domestic violence" as a crime. These were: (a) federal pressure via the U.S. Attorney General's Office and the National Institute of Justice (NIJ), (b) social science research, and (c) a major civil liability suit. The U.S. Attorney General's Task Force on Family Violence published its report (Hart et al., 1984) recommending that "Family violence should be recognized and responded to as a criminal activity (p.1 0)." Second, Lawrence Sherman and Richard Berk (1984) published the findings of their study of the Minneapolis police in the American Sociological Review, they presented their research as an experiment and their findings as scientific evidence that arrest was significantly more effective in qeterring future violence in battering situations than either separation or mediation. Third, in 1985, Tracy Thurman won a settlement of $1.9 million from the City of Torrington, Connecticut, police department for its negligence in failing to provide protection to her. The large settlement caused insurance companies to request police department to revamp their arrest policies for domestic violence. The political, academic, and financial pressures to alter police practices led to changes in training, policies, and legislation throughout the 73

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country. By the end of 1985, 47 cities with populations over 100,000 had police policies of mandatory or presumptive arrests for "family fights", and 6 states had laws that required arrest under certain circumstances (Crime Control Institute, 1986). Although there is a shift from the definition of battering as a "domestic problem" to a criminal activity, the police have typically preferred the simple approach of separating the parties, or (since the influential demonstration project by Bard, 1970) attempting to mediate the dispute, and has used arrest only as a last resort. Most importantly, police does not generally share a gendered analysis of battering, therefore, women may not get the best possible protection from the police. Police officers are generally unsympathetic toward women who express ambivalence about their relationships and pressing criminal charges. The police also holds stereotypes of battered women that work against an arrest policy. The most common stereotype of battered women is that they will not follow through with prosecution. This makes the police unwilling to help battered women, and arrest the batterers. The police are the first line of response to battering. Progress gas occurred regarding the official policies of policing and the view of battering as a legitimate arena for police intervention. But the problems outlined above continue to limit the effectiveness of the police as a resource for battered women. It is hoped that the police can cooperate with the judicial systems to protect the battered women 74

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without letting the problems outlined above continue to limit the effectiveness of the police as an important help source for battered women According to Gamache, Edelson, and Schock (1984), a complete intervention project for battered women must include the coordination of police, the judiciary, and the social services. Explicit in the design of the intervention projects to be described are several beliefs or values about the causes of woman battering and what types of intervention goals should be pursued in response to such events. One core value or belief is that neither men nor women have a right to use violence except in self-defense against a physical assault. The second one is that "domestic" violence is rooted in a societal norm that males, as class, have the right to resort to violence in order to maintain their power and control in the family. This then leads to a third belief: If woman battering is rooted in societal norms, then social systems must bear the responsibility for confronting men who batter and maximizing the protection of victims. To address the issue of woman battering effectively, efforts must include interventions aimed at changing the responses of our social systems. As stated above, community intervention projects (CIPs) are designed to coordinate community responses to domestic violence that are immediate, consistent, and effective in preventing continued woman battering Each project, therefore, focuses upon changes in and coordination between three separate systems in each targeted community: (1) law enforcement, (2) criminal justice and 75

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(3) social service systems. The following subsections describe the various component interventions that are the subjects of coordination. Police Intervention. In each community, the police administration has adopted departmental policies requiring that officers make, whenever possible, a "probable cause" arrest in domestic assault situations. Unti11983, June, an officer was permitted to arrest without a warrant even if he/she did not witness the battering. All that was required was probable cause that the person to be arrested had in the past four hours assaulted "his spouse or other person with whom he resides" and that the officer observed "recent physical injury to or impairment of condition of the alleged victim" (Minnesota Statute 629.341 ). This statute was amended so that observation of injury or impairment is no longer required. At present, an officer may arrest without a warrant if he or she has probable cause to believe that "the person within the preceding four hours has assaulted, threatened with a dangerous weapon, or placed in fear of immediate bodily harm his spouse, former spouse, or other person with whom he resides or has formerly resided (Minnesota Statute 629.341)." As part of a CIP, the police department immediately notifies the local battered women's shelter that an arrest has been made. The assailant is moved from home to the police station for booking and may be held until arraignment the next morning. Copies of arrest reports as well as reports on nonarrest domestic cases are supplied to the CIP. 76

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Advocate Intervention. Upon notification of an arrest by the police department the local shelter immediately dispatches volunteer advocates through the use of an electronic beeper system. Trained volunteer advocates are "on call" for visits to both the victim and the assailant. A male advocate, some being former batterers, visits the assailant in jail, provides support and encouragement to face his violent behavior problem directly and discusses the range of treatment options available to men Women's advocates are simultaneously visiting the victim in her home to provide support, information about subsequent court proceedings, and other available remedies. If requested, the women's advocates also transport the woman and her children to the local shelter Both men's and women's advocates submit a written report to CIP staff describing their meetings with the victim and assailant. Advocates not only work with cases when arrests take place. They also attempt intervention when arrests are not made. Advocates and CIP staff telephone or write to the battered woman to provide information about local shelter and counseling resources. Criminal Justice Intervention. The city attorneys in each community aggressively pursue the prosecution of these cases in court. CIP staff assist by maintaining contact with the victim to encourage her to cooperate in the prosecution and by providing support and advocacy for her throughout the prosecution process. As a result of such victim assistance, CIP staff are involved 77

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in contacting witnesses, gathering other evidence, and attempting to obtain disposition and sentencing outcomes that provide the opportunity for long-term resolution of the individual situation. In many cases the long-term resolution of the situation depends on the male assailant being mandated to complete a batterer's counseling program as part of his sentence. Upon entry of a guilty plea or finding, the judge or referee orders a presentence investigation by a probation officer. Probation officers cooperate by including CIP staff and information regarding the battered woman's wishes in developing their recommendation to the court. In CIP cases, the judges or referees are asked to pronounce a sentence that includes imprisonment (in Minnesota the maximum for a misdemeanor is 90 days) and then to stay part or all of the sentence pending successful completion of a batterers' counseling program as a condition of probation. CIP staff link assailants with such counseling programs, monitor each man's compliance with probation conditions, and regularly report on progress. If another assault occurs or the probation agreement is violated, the CIP staff notifies the probation officer. The case is then returned to court for revocation and the judge is requested to impose the prison sentence. Social Service Intervention. The Domestic Abuse Project and three other participating batterer's treatment programs give first priority to serving men referred by CIPs. The man's treatment counselors report to CIP staff regarding compliance 78

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with the conditions of probation set by the court. Groups for battered women are also available through both the therapy and support programs at D.A.P., the local shelters and cooperating social services. Shelter or CIP advocates also assist women who wish to secure orders for protection, a temporary restraining order that can exclude the abuser from the couple's residence for periods of up to a year. In crisis situations, the cooperating shelters also provide emergency housing to the woman and her children. Case : Taiwan In Taiwan, not every social agency in every county has a complete service network for battered women. Especially some rural counties even do not have any social worker who is responsible for dealing with the cases about women battering. They also do not have the budget to offer any service for these battered women. Only the Taipei Social Bureau has a more complete service network for the battered women Below are the services for battered women which offered by Taipei Social Bureau: (1) Hotline: This hotline was originally for women who need marriage counseling but when Taipei Social Bureau began to offer services for battered women, 80% of the phone calls which this hotline deals with became wife abuse cases. If the battered women call for help at night, social workers will tell them to call the Woman Police Team in Taipei, so that they can stay in the police station if the situation poses emergency. 79

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(2) Shelters: Taipei Social Bureau offers five shelters for the battered women and their children, it provides them with financial support as well. (3) Medical care: The battered women can get free medical care and examination of their injuries by competent authorities of law in public hospitals or two private hospitals: Ma-Chieh and Chang-Keng. (4) Counseling: When the battered women seek assistance from the Taipei Social Bureau, the social workers will evaluate the cases very quickly, and decide what kind of counseling they need most. (5) Other services: The battered women can consult about information of the law, and if they are abused severely, they can get financial support for fees entialed in a lawsuit; as well as the social workers can make arrangements for the education for the children of the battered women, and, if needeed, have the police protect these women. According to Chou (1995), in order to protect battered women effectively, both formal and informal supportive networks must be integrated to give these battered women support. Limitations and Suggestions The first limitation is that the Taiwanese sample is a small, purposive sample, therefore statistical tests for hypothesis testing could not be performed. It 80

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is hoped that the government in Taiwan will conduct a national survey about family violence in the near future, so that detailed information can be obtained by researchers. As mentioned above, the Taiwanese sample is the first one that provides us with data regarding the help-seeking behaviors of battered women, even though the research design was not solid. For example, the reliability and validity of the questionnaire were not tested in advance, the formal supportive network did not contain certain professionals such as psychologists, and clergy. Moreover, these women who sought help from social agencies participated voluntarily in this research. As these women were younger, more educated and from middle-class the sample lacked representativeness. The information from the battered women of other social classes could not be obtained in this research. Research in Taiwan are advised to conduct national surveys to understand the extend of the wife abuse and to be able to suggest policy to build a complete supportive network for them. For the battered women, it is important that not only they can get effective help from formal and informal supportive networks, but that these supportive sources are adequate, accessible, and appropriate for them Thus, further researches are asked to find out under what conditions the battered women perceive that some formal sources are effective for them and some are not. If 81

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these conditions can be revealed, the adequacy, accessibility, and appropriateness of the formal supportive networks can be evaluated and improved upon. It is important to note that we should not focus on why many battered women are not willing to leave their abusive partners. Given the situation, the most important focus is whether there is a complete and effective supportive network for them. If researchers investigate the possible ways of how to integrate the informal and formal sources, they can improve our understanding and awareness of this phenomena and also produce knowledge to give the battered women the most useful assistance. 82

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