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Achieving social equity

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Title:
Achieving social equity the impacts of "testing" on litigation to end housing discrimination
Creator:
Cheever, Kathryn Ann Lamb
Place of Publication:
Denver, CO
Publisher:
University of Colorado Denver
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English
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479 leaves : ; 28 cm

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Subjects / Keywords:
Discrimination in housing -- Law and legislation -- United States ( lcsh )
Equality -- United States ( lcsh )
Discrimination in housing -- Law and legislation ( fast )
Equality ( fast )
United States ( fast )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 429-479).
Thesis:
Public administration
Bibliography:
School of Public Affairs
Statement of Responsibility:
by Kathryn Ann Lamb Cheever.

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|University of Colorado Denver
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|Auraria Library
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49684256 ( OCLC )
ocm49684256
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LD1190.P86 2001d C63 ( lcc )

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Full Text
ACHIEVING SOCIAL EQUITY:
THE IMPACTS OF TESTING" ON LITIGATION TO END HOUSING
DISCRIMINATION
by
Kathryn Ann Lamb Cheever
B.S., University of Colorado at Boulder, 1968
A thesis submitted to the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Public Administration
2001


2001 by Kathryn Ann Lamb Cheever
All rights reserved


This thesis for the Doctor of Philosophy
degree by
Kathryn Ann Lamb Cheever
has been approved
by
Peter deLeon
Allan Wallis
M.Jae Moon
hX*-,--.
Cecil Glenn
Amy Jfobertson


Cheever, Kathryn Ann Lamb (Ph.D., Public Administration)
Achieving Social EquityiThe Impacts Of Testing On Litigation To End
Housing Discrimination
Thesis directed by Professor Peter deLeon
ABSTRACT
As regions across the United States struggle with growing recognition
of the economic interdependence of cities and suburbs and look for ways to
connect the disadvantaged to metropolitan resources, there is general
agreement in public administration and political science literature that lack of
social equity continues to be a problem throughout the country. Advocacy
coalitions consisting of staff of regional Fair Housing Centers of HUD, state
and local government, and private-nonprofit-groups strive to turn the tide
against the numerous incidents of discrimination and racially motivated
violence that grip our national media reporting.
This dissertation analyzes case law of discrimination cases where fair
housing groups, advocacy coalitions, and individuals have utilized testing as
evidence in the courts. Policy designs of the federal fair housing laws are
analyzed to provide the policy context in which litigation is carried out. The
interrelationships between policy design and case law are examined in their
relationship to regional advocacy coalition efforts of fair housing and minority
advocacy groups with state and federal agencies. This information is
employed to identify public policy initiatives and collaborative efforts that are
most effective in achieving remedies to discrimination that assure social
equity. Recommendations for connecting the disadvantaged (including
victims of discrimination) with metropolitan resources and promote improved
advocacy-coalition-building are provided.
Drawing from the theoretical literature of advocacy coalitions, social
construction in policy formulation, multistreams/garbage can models, and
implementation theory to compare policies, a theoretical framework is
provided to assess the characterization of litigation and components of the
related policy designs. To study regional/metropolitan advocacy coalition
IV


efforts, interview data from regional actors in Denver, San Francisco and
Chicago is utilized.
This research aims to discover creative strategies that will enhance
regional/metropolitan advocacy coalition efforts for more effective anti-
discrimination enforcement, improve the efficacy of testing programs as an
enforcement tool, and aid administrative efforts for effective fair housing
enforcement.
This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidates thesis. I
recommend its publication.
Signed.
Peter deLeon


DEDICATION
I dedicate this thesis to my husband, Richard, and my sons, Clayton and Ben,
for their continuing support throughout the research and writing of this
document.


ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
My thanks to my advisor, Peter deLeon, for his patience and sage advice
during this past year. I also wish to thank the members of my dissertation
committee: Allan Wallis, Cecil Glenn, M. Jae Moon, and Amy Robertson for
their helpful comments and guidance. Further, I wish to thank all of the
wonderful fair housing advocates who shared their experiences, time, and
wisdom with me: Mona Breed; Bill Caruso; Mary Davis; Sam DeSiato; Sherrill
Frost-Brown; Lynn Grosso; Bronwyn Heckendorf; Nancy Kenyon; Bemie
Kleina; Ann Marquart; Shawna Reeves; Wanda Remmers; Dale Rhines; Paul
Smith; Clyda Stafford; Flo Tonelli; Jill Tregor; Teresa Vaughn; Angie Watson;
George Williams; Kale Williams; Kevin Williams; Sally Yerger; and all of those
who shared generously but wished to remain anonymous. Special thanks is
owed to my son, Clayton Cheever, who generously shared his cartographic
skills to produce the maps included in Chapter. 7.
Disclaimer. The reader should know that an experienced and dedicated fair
housing enforcement practitioner has compiled these data. The author has
over fifteen years of experience in developing and implementing fair housing
programs that included testing. She also coordinated Denvers participation
in the 1990 Housing Discrimination Study and the year 2000 Housing
Discrimination study components in Denver and Pueblo (Colorado) for the
Urban Institute. A triangulation of interviews, focal demographic data, case
law, and legislative histories has been employed to mitigate against bias;
however, the data were not collected with a totally naive perspective.


CONTENTS
Figures..................................................xv
Tables..................................................xvi
Maps...................................................xvii
CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION........................................1
Statement of Problem..........................7
Thesis Overview..............................14
2. CIVIL RIGHTS ADVOCACY..............................18
The Legal History of Civil Rights Advocacy...19
Civil Rights Literature......................29
3. LITERATURE REVIEW..................................39
Theoretical Literature.......................45
The Stages Heuristic...................45
Policy Analysis by Design..............49
Multiple Streams and The
Garbage Can Model......................57
Policy Innovation......................63
viii


The Policy Paradox........................65
Social Construction, Target Populations,
and Policy Formulation....................70
Advocacy Coalitions.......................81
The Policy Formulation/lmplementation
Nexus.....................................86
Policy Implementation.....................88
Resource Dependence Theory...............101
Concluding Thoughts...........................109
4. Research Methodology................................115
Research Design...............................116
Dissertation Hypotheses.......................119
Hypothesis #1............................121
Hypothesis #2............................123
Hypothesis #3............................124
Hypothesis #4............................125
Hypothesis #5............................127
Hypothesis #6............................128
Research Methods..............................129
Reviewing Policy Histories: Linking
Ideas to Policy Designs..................131
IX


Analyzing Case Law: Common Ground,
Problem Areas, Effective Strategies......134
Case Law Implementation at the HUD
Regional/Metropolitan Area Level.........139
Validity and Reliability.......................147
Concluding Thoughts............................149
FAIR HOUSING POLICY FORMATION........................150
The Discrimination Legacy......................152
Dred Scott v. Sanford....................153
Civil Rights Law after the Civil War.....154
Civil Rights Law 1870 to 1968..........159
The 1968 Fair Housing Act and
Jones v. Mayer...........................163
The Fair Housing Amendments Act of 1988........171
Tracking the Multiple Streams............171
Social Construction and the FHAA.........175
Key Provisions and Analysis of the Fair Housing
Amendments Act of 1988.........................188
Discriminatory Housing Practices Under
Title VIII, FHAA...............................191
42 U.S.C. § Refusal to Rent or Sell a
Dwelling.................................191


Discriminatory Provision of Services;
Discriminatory Application of Privileges,
Terms and Conditions of Sale or Rental...194
Advertising..............................195
Misrepresentation........................196
Blockbusting.............................196
Failure to Make Dwelling Accessible to
Handicapped Persons and General
Protections for the Disabled.............197
Financing................................199
Brokerage Services.......................199
Coercion, Intimidation, Threats,
or Interference..........................200
Exemptions...............................200
Administrative Enforcement...............202
Administrative Enforcement The Track
Record Under the FHAA of 1988...................203
What Next?...............................211
The Road Ahead...........................214
6. Case Law Review.......................................215
A Statistical Look at the Tests.................217
Early Precedents from the Case Law..............223
xi


Current Fair Housing Litigation Issues..........231
Standing.................................231
Principal Agent Issues.................243
Adequacy of the Test Information.........248
In Summary......................................255
7. Case Studies..........................................256
National Fair Housing Advocacy Coalitions.......258
Chicago A Fair Housing Advocacy Case Study...260
San Francisco A Fair Housing Advocacy Case
Study...........................................276
Denver A Fair Housing Advocacy Case Study ....292
Fair Housing Advocacy Coalition Similarities....303
The Testing Process......................306
Other Common Ground......................312
Case Study Differences..........................315
Affordability and Availability...........316
Staff Tenure and Size....................318
Resources for Fair Housing...............321
In Summary......................................321
xii


8. Analysis..............................................322
Hypothesis #1...................................322
Hypothesis #2...................................327
Hypothesis #3...................................335
Hypothesis #4...................................345
Hypothesis #5...................................352
Hypothesis #6...................................355
Data Limitations................................358
Hypotheses Score Card".........................359
The Road Ahead..................................361
9. Research Implications and Conclusions.................363
Theoretical Research Implications...............364
Top Down and Bottom Up Implementation
Analysis.................................365
Advocacy Coalitions and Implementation....374
Social Construction and Policy Design....378
Practical Research Implications.................379
Resource Issues..........................381
Dynamic Leadership.......................385
xiii


Partnership Building...............386
Regional Variation.................390
Policy Change...........................391
Suggestions for Future Research.........392
Conclusion..............................395
APPENDIX
A. GOVERNMENT SOURCES OF FAIR HOUSING
FINANCING....................................397
B. INTERVIEW PROTOCAL...........................402
C. LEGAL GUIDE TO U.S.C. SECTIONS USED..........406
D. FHAA SECTIONS ARGUED.........................408
E. INDIVIDUALS INTERVIEWED FOR THIS RESEARCH ...426
BIBLIOGRAPHY............................................429
xiv


FIGURES
Figure
3.1 Political Power and Social Construction of Social Groups.....75
4.1 Research Design.............................................118
8.1 Research Design & Hypotheses Scorecard....................362
XV


TABLES
Table
6.1 Number of Tests Resulting in Award of Damages..................221
6.2 Size of Damage Awards..........................................222
7.1 Demographic Characteristics of the Chicago Metropolitan Area.,261
7.2 Demographic Characteristics of the San Francisco Bay Area.....280
7.3 Demographic Characteristics of the Denver, Co Metropolitan
Area...........................................................294
7.4 Fair Market Rent Rates, 2000...................................316
8.1 Characteristics of litigated Cases With CR Group Support.....329
8.2 Common Characteristics of Litigated Cases......................332
8.3 Regional Variation in Anti-Discrimination Cases................336
8.4 Additional Regional Variations.................................340
8.5 Law Section Cited..............................................346
XVI


MAPS
Maps
7.1 CHICAGO, IL METROPOLITAN AREA................260
7.2 SAN FRANCISCO BAY AREA......................277
7.3 DENVER METROPOLITAN AREA....................292
XVII


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Why of all of the multitudinous groups of people in this country
[do] you have to single out Negroes and give them this separate
treatment?
-Oral argument before the
United States Supreme Court
by Thurgood Marshall, then
Chief Counsel for the Plaintiffs
in Brown v. Board of
Education.1
The United States has a legacy of racial discrimination from its earliest
days as an English colony. John Rolfe, Secretary and Recorder of the
Virginia colony, recorded the arrival of the first African Americans to this
continent in August of 16192 with the following entry: about the last of
august, there came to Virginia a Dutchman of Warre that sold us twenty
Negers.3 While there is no clear documentation of laws enforcing
1 Friedman, L., ed. 1969. Argument The Oral Argument Before the Supreme Court in
Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 1952-55. NY: Chelsea House Publishers,
p. 239.
2 Higginbotham, A. L., Jr. 1978. In the Matter of Color, Race & The American Legal Process:
The Colonial Period. NY: Oxford University Press, p. 20.
3 Smith, J. 1910. Travels of John Smith. Ed. E. Arber and AG. Bradley. Edinburgh: Grant
Vol. 2, p. 41. In W. Jordan, White Over Black. 1968. Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, p. 3.
1


discrimination in these early times, even the first African Americans to arrive
in the U.S. were not free, nor accorded the rights of free persons.
The history of slavery has continued to manifest itself over the nations
history in policies and practices of racial discrimination. And while many early
settlers of this country came to escape repression of their religious beliefs,
there is no indication that they exercised significant tolerance for people
whose theological practices were different from their own. Roman Catholics
and Jews also were subjected to derision and isolation in those times albeit
not at the total loss of their freedom which was the condition for black men
and women.
As times changed and economic dependence on the labor of slaves
diminished, public sentiment changed. Eventually, slavery was outlawed,
although Jim Crow4 laws lingered. The public policy of separate but equal5
continued well into the twentieth century.6 As separate but equal began to
4 Jim Crow laws and the social order that they maintained called for a society based on
deliberate segregation by race. Higham, J. 1997. Civil Rights & Social Wrongs.
Black-White Relations Since World War II. University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania
State University Press.
5 Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S.537 (1896).
6 Bobo, L. D. 1997. The Color Line, the Dilemma, and the Dream." In ed. J. Higham. 1997.
Civil Rights and Social Wrongs. University Park, PA The Pennsylvania State
University Press.
2


unravel with the Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education,7 8 the
most overt manifestations of discrimination began to wane. The passage of
the Civil Rights Act of 1964s was to assure that discrimination in employment,
public accommodations, and government-financed housing would come to an
end. However, the mere passage of the Act did not eliminate the
institutionalized practice of discrimination. Discrimination remained in
employment, public places, and public housing; furthermore, private housing
transactions (i.e., rentals and purchases of homes) were not even covered by
this law.
Then, at approximately 7:17 on the evening of April 4, 1968, an
assassin mortally wounded civil rights activist Martin Luther King, Jr.9 The
nation was enraged, and riots erupted across the land. Under the prodding of
President Lyndon B. Johnson, Congress passed Title VIII of the Civil Rights
Act10 before the end of the month. Finally, even discrimination in private
7 Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 347 U.S. 483 (1954).
8 Civil Rights Act of 1964.42 U.S.C. § 2000 et seq.
9 King, C.S. 1969. My Life With Martin Luther King, Jr. NY: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, p.
317.
10 Title VIII of the Civil Rights Act of 1968. 42 U.S.C. § 3601 et seq.
3


housing transactions was officially against the law. Of course, old habits die
hard.
Even after the passage of Title VIII, discrimination in housing has been
a long-recognized problem in the United States. Among the means of
identifying the various forms of housing discrimination, testing has become a
well-established tool used to demonstrate and document-discrimination in
housing, mortgage lending, provision of homeowners insurance, and
employment. Individuals, not-for-profit civil rights advocacy groups, and
government agencies have employed it since the first days of legislation in
support of equal opportunity. For example, Anglo (white, not Hispanic)
friends of African Americans would call to see if a house or dwelling had been
sold or if, rather, the house had been removed from the market because the
potential buyers were black. Similarly, private not-for-profit fair housing
groups profile role-playing testers to see if people of color and other protected
classes are provided with the same quantity and quality of information about
apartment rentals, home purchase, home mortgages, and home owners
insurance.
The U.S. Department of Justice has utilized testing as a primary
investigative tool in its review of potentially discriminatory banking/lending,
rental, and sales practices. Similarly, equal employment opportunity
4


advocates have tested employer-hiring practices through the use of this
role-playing/observation technique. The Fair Housing Initiatives Program
(FHIP) of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD)
sponsors testing procedures through nonprofit organizations as a primary tool
in its private fair housing enforcement efforts.
Cooperative efforts of private civil rights advocacy organizations, city,
state and federal government, and other community-based organizations
(e.g., neighborhood associations, minority advocacy groups such as the
NAACP and Independent Living Centers) have long used testing as a means
to further their shared goals of social equity. They all claim that equality of
opportunity cannot be achieved when discrimination continues to limit access
to jobs, housing, schools and asset accumulation, and many use testing to
observe possible incidents of discrimination.
However, there appears to be little comprehensive research, and,
accordingly, little literature on the effects and implementation of civil rights
judicial decisions where testing reports have been entered as evidence of
discrimination. No single study exists that analyzes discrimination cases for
common characteristics in testing evidence (or any other evidence) and
related plaintiff-supportive strategies. No single study attempts to provide
overall suggestions for possible policy or enforcement improvements in this
5


field. Specific cases, such as Havens11, have been discussed at length in
literature and in practitioner conferences, and other literatures document
some of the turning points in discrimination litigation using testing evidence.
Still, no review has included a thorough, up-to-date comparison of what
works with what doesnt work in the anti-discrimination litigation strategy
arena, which includes testing.
This dissertation grounds itself in the theories of policy formulation and
policy implementation. Testing, as a key tool to implementation of fair
housing law, provides the lens for looking at where fair housing policy has
come from and where it appears to be going in the courts and on the streets.
Beginning from a foundation in the stages approach12 to public policy, this
dissertation utilizes a multiple streams framework13 coupled with Schneider
11 Havens Realty Corp- v. Coleman, 455 U.S. 363 (1982).
12 Brewer, G.D. and P. deLeon. 1983. The Foundations of Policy Analysis. Pacific Grove,
CA: Brooks/Cole Publishing Company. And deLeon, P. 1999a. The Stages
Approach to the Policy Process: What Has It Done? Where Is It Going?" In
Sabatier, P.A., ed.. Theories of the Policy Process. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
13 Kingdon, J. 1995. Agendas, Alternatives, and Public Policies, 2nd edition. New York:
Harper Collins.
6


and Ingrams 14 use of social construction to explain the policy formation
process that has given priority to testing as an enforcement tool to remedy
housing discrimination. An advocacy coalition framework15 and
implementation literature16 then provides a basis to examine the public
domain in which anti-discrimination enforcement takes place. Finally, this
dissertation addresses exemplary practices in effective enforcement, that is,
ways to enhance the efforts of civil rights advocacy coalitions, and ways that
testing can be used effectively to achieve the public policy goal of equal
opportunity for all.
Statement of Problem
The goals of testing programs in housing have been to open the doors
of the countrys previously closed communities to people of color and others
who have been denied access (e.g., people with disabilities, religious
14 Schneider, A. and H. Ingram. 1993. Social construction of target populations:
Implications for politics and policy. American Political Science Review. Vol. 87, No.
2. 334-348. Also Ingram, H. & Schneider, A. Constructing Citizenship: The Subtle
Messages of Policy Design. In Ingram, H. & S.R. Smith. 1993. Public Policy for
Democracy. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution.
15 Sabatier, P.A. and Jenkins-Smith, H.C. 1993. Policy Change and Learning, An Advocacy
Coalition Approach. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. And Sabatier, P.A. and Jenkins-
Smith, H.C. 1999. The Advocacy Coalition Framework: An Assessment In
Sabatier, P.A., ed.. Theories of the Policy Process. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
16 Eg., Pressman, J.L. & Wildavsky, A. 1984. Implementation, 3rd Edition. Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press.
7


minorities," single women, etc.), to balance the commonly segregative effects
of gentrification,17 and to assure that families with children have a full range of
housing opportunities. Testing in employment has sought to level the playing
field to assure that all people (regardless of their race, national origin,
gender, religion, or disability) have an equal opportunity to positions for which
they are qualified. Testing has been demonstrated to be an important tool in
the monitoring of various markets with the potential for documentation of
discriminatory treatment.18 It provides clear information about current market
practices, as well as discerning and illuminating differences in treatment (i.e.,
discrimination) for diverse consumers. Public accommodations testing has
sought to make public places equally available to all people, whether it is
Grand Slam breakfasts at Dennys or rental car service from Avis.
Landmark cases such as Havens v. Coleman (1982) have established
the validity of testing and the role of testers in documentation of discrimination
in housing. Testing played a key role in cases such as HOME of Richmond v.
17 Mahoney, M.R. 1995. Segregation, whiteness, and transformation." University of
Pennsylvania Law Review. Vol. 143, No. 5: 1659-1684.
18 Yinger, J. 1995. Closed Doors, Opportunities Lost The Continuing Costs of Housing
Discrimination. NY: Russell Sage Foundation.
8


Nationwide Insurance,19 where a jury awarded $100.5 million to the plaintiff
fair housing organization as a means to remedy the discriminatory
homeowners insurance practices of Nationwide Insurance Company in
Richmond, Virginia neighborhoods. However, some recent court rulings
appear to have begun to question the legitimacy of testing. The courts have
not uniformly upheld employment discrimination allegations based on testing
evidence. A 1998 Alabama jury failed to find testing evidence compelling in a
housing sales discrimination case even though numerous experts argued that
the evidence was more than adequate to prove the case.20 Issues of fraud
and entrapment have been raised once again in the challenges to testing
evidence.21 Questions of how much testing evidence is enough testing
evidence continue to be raised.22 Regional advocacy coalitions (such as
19 HOME of Richmond v. Nationwide Mutual Insurance Company. The Circuit Court for the
City of Richmond. Record Number 990733 (1998). Nationwide Mutual Insurance
Company v. Housing Opportunities Made Equal, Inc., revd. 259 Va. 8 vacated
(2000). Subsequently settled for $17 million.
20 Central Alabama Fair Housing Center, Inc. v. Lowder Realty Co, Inc. Civil Action No. 97-A-
474-N. (1998).
21 City of Chicago v. Matchmaker Real Estate Sales Center. Fair Housing/Fair Lending
Reporter (N.D. III. 1990).. 15,663; (N.D. III. 1991)..15,686, 15,721; (CA-7
1992)..15,810.
22 Yinger, 1995.
9


those formed with the Alabama Fair Housing Council in the above referenced
case) have been frustrated in their attempts to level the playing field.
To address the specific research questions -
What role does testing play in strategies that are the most effective in
efforts to combat on-going discrimination in the United States?
How widespread is the use of testing in strategies most commonly used
by nonprofit advocacy groups to eliminate discrimination? and
How can testing become a more effective tool in strategies to eliminate
discrimination in the United States?
this dissertation examines the results of the most important court cases that
address testing. To understand the public policy environment in which
nonprofit advocacy groups must conduct their work, it reviews the effects of
key national policy designs from our nations early legacy of discrimination23
through the Fair Housing Amendments Act of 1988,24 exploring how they
have enabled, but also hindered, local actors from addressing the range of
causes and consequences of unequal opportunity in housing. Each of these
legislative acts has given rise to new enforcement strategies; each
23 The Constitution of the United States. Article 1, § 2[3], establishing slaves as three-fifths of
a person.
24 42 U.S.C. §3601 etseq. (1988). Public Law 100-410.
10


represents the first emergence of a distinctive set of policy solutions. All of
these laws rely substantially on efforts of private citizens for initiation as a
significant portion of actual implementation. As Schneider and Ingram25
identify, policy tools for dependent groups (such as the protected classes26
under the fair housing laws) often require the offended clients to present
themselves to the agency to receive benefits. Therefore, this research will
identify the target populations of these national policies where nonprofit
advocacy groups for social equity have played a role and analyze
compatibility with the Schneider/lngram social construction model. To
understand the changing response to testing by the courts, one must
examine both the coalitional frameworks and the national policy designs from
which they emerged.
This thesis is set in the framework of the stages approach to policy
design. It calls on the multiple streams theory of policy formation with added
insights of social construction impacts on target populations for public policy.
Case law is then reviewed for its relationships to initial policy design and to
the role played by advocacy coalitions27 engaged in the implementation of
25 Schneider and Ingram. 1993. Social construction of target populations.
26 Race, national origin, religion, sex, disability, and familial status under Federal Law.
27 Sabatier, P.A. and Jenkins-Smith, H.C. 1993.
11


those policies.. Advocacy coalitions comprised of nonprofit advocacy groups,
state and local civil rights agencies, private attorneys, and federal agencies
(e.g., HUD) often work together in metropolitan areas (e.g., Chicago) or
regionally (e.g., Southern California) to implement civil rights law policy to
achieve shared social equity goals. Policies supply sets of ideas about
problems and how to solve them, about which citizens deserve benefits or
burdens, and about the appropriate role of government in society.28 By
distributing resources consistent with these ideals, policies privilege some
ideas and interests, while discouraging others. Once a policy is adopted,
then, it is expected to structure the political and problem-solving processes
that follow such that its programs are enacted and the desired results
obtained. An emphasis on policy formulation and implementation leads to
analysis of metropoiitan/regional advocacy coalition efforts as manifested
through case law set in the context of the legislative processes that led to
those actions.
The dissertation examines various components of national anti-
28 Schneider, A.L. and H. Ingram. 1997. Policy Design for Democracy. Lawrence, KS:
University of Kansas Press.
12


discrimination policies and regional anti-discrimination efforts, with goals of:
1. meshing of top-down and bottom up approaches to
implementation studies;
2. extension of advocacy coalition theory to address policy
implementation as well as policy formulation;
3. confirmation of the social construction model of Schneider and
Ingram;29 and
4. identifying highly effective practices and insights to potential
future, more effective action.
It utilizes three steps to these ends. First, to understand the limitations on
testing that stem from the law, policy formulation and design of civil rights law
(including the Fair Housing Act, Title VIII of the Civil Rights Act, 1988
amendments) are interrogated to identify its impacts on anti-discrimination
policy. The interrelationships between national policy formulation and case
law are examined as they relate to metropolitan/regional advocacy coalition
efforts of social equity. Second, all of the published records of anti-
discrimination litigation where testing was used as evidence are analyzed on
29 Schneider, A. and H. Ingram. 1993. Social construction of target populations:
Implications for politics and policy. American Political Science Review. Vol. 87, No.
2. pp. 334-348.
13


a regional basis (based on the twelve regions of the federal circuit courts).
This analysis reveals a history of collaborative efforts, successes, and
limitations of testing within the judicial system. Finally, the theoretical, legal,
and strategic implications of enforcement strategies that include testing
procedures are analyzed to identify public policy initiatives, enforcement
mechanisms, and collaborative efforts that may be most effective in achieving
remedies to discrimination that assure social equity. Observed limitations of
existing policies are examined to determine potential new ways of connecting
the disadvantaged (including victims of discrimination) with metropolitan
resources and to promote regional problem-solving and improved advocacy
coalition building. This attention to the regional effect of national policy is
especially important in the current era of devolution, when HUD and other
government agencies have come to rely on national-regional-local advocacy
coalitions to realize stated national policy goals.
Thesis Overview
Employing the above framework, data are drawn from published case
law, legislative texts (statutes, Congressional hearings and debates),
nonprofit organization documents and interviews with actors involved in the
policy process at the national level and in three regions: Rocky Mountain
14


(Denver), Pacific (San Francisco), and Midwest (Chicago). Applying the
theoretical literature of advocacy coalitions, social construction in policy
formulation, multistreams/garbage can models, and implementation theory to
compare policies, a theoretical framework is provided to assess the
characterization of litigation and components of the related policy designs. To
study regional/metropolitan advocacy coalition efforts, interview data from
national policy actors and regional actors in Denver, San Francisco and
Chicago are utilized.
This research aims to discover creative strategies to ultimately
enhance regional/metropolitan advocacy coalition efforts for more effective
anti-discrimination enforcement, improve the efficacy of testing programs as
an enforcement tool, and aid administrative efforts for effective fair housing
enforcement.
Chapter 2 outlines the legal history of civil rights advocacy from its
roots in the emancipation movement to the present. Relevant civil rights
literature is surveyed to provide the context for the remainder of this study.
This sets the social context for the research to follow.
Chapter 3 reviews the theoretical literature that provides the basis for
case law analysis and case study development. Implementation and social
15


construction literature are key components of this review. These themes will
be repeated throughout the ensuing chapters.
Chapter 4 provides detailed description of the methodologies used to
study the case law and to analyze interview transcripts, participant
observation notes, and documents. While most of this examination is
qualitative in nature, simple statistical analysis of the case law database is
also included.
Chapter 5 details the policy formation of fair housing law. Identification
of prominent actors and significant events is emphasized. To understand the
case law discussed in the remaining chapters, details of the coverage of the
various segments of the Fair Housing Amendments Act of 1988 are provided.
Chapter 6 discusses the top down approach to implementation of
national, state and local fair housing policy. This chapter relies extensively on
analysis of published case law where testing has been used as evidence to
support allegations of discrimination. Tables in this chapter, Chapter 8, and
Appendix D give the reader a quick overview of the case law findings.
Chapter 7 looks at implementation of national, state and local fair
housing policy from the bottom up. Three case studies of fair housing
advocacy-style coalitions in the metropolitan areas of Denver, San Francisco,
and Chicago are presented. A continuum of cooperation is outlined from
16


minimal new efforts (Denver) to formalized metro-wide coalitions with
newsletteis, officers, web site, and the like (Chicago). Maps, demographic
data, and related information provide the context for the case studies.
Chapter 8 provides analysis of the data reported in Chapters 6 and 7.
Special attention is given to the support or falsification of the hypotheses set
forth in Chapter 4. Tables summarize key points.
Chapter 9 concludes with a review of the theoretical and practical
implications of this research. Suggestions for policy adjustments to enhance
fair housing law enforcement efforts are advanced. Lastly, proposals for
future research are also provided.
17


CHAPTER 2
CIVIL RIGHTS ADVOCACY
Civil rights advocacy can trace its roots to the move to emancipate the
slaves in the early part of the nineteenth century. As industrialization spread
throughout the northern United States, the economic benefits of slavery
diminished for these newly mechanized business people. Northern
landowners turned industrial barons freed their slaves and hired poor
immigrants to work in their factories. Farming in harsh northern climates was
not particularly profitable, and the feeding and housing of slaves was costly.
Efforts such as the underground railroad sought to free black men and
women from the oppression of lifelong servitude.
The United States Civil War and Abraham Lincolns Emancipation
Proclamation (1864), that was hotly debated at the time, officially freed slaves
throughout the United States. However, the end of the Civil War hardly
marked the end of discrimination and the dawn of equal opportunity for men
and women previously held in bondage, as we shall soon see.
18


The Legal History of Civil Rights Advocacy
While civil rights advocacy can trace its history to the early work of the
abolitionists, it is grounded in the early legislation of the post-Civil War era. In
1866, Congress passed a series of laws designed to extend citizens rights to
the newly emancipated slaves. Under the Civil Rights Act of 1866,42
U.S.C.§1982:
All citizens of the United States shall have the same right, in
every State and Territory, as is enjoyed by white citizens thereof
to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold, and convey real and
personal property.
A related section of the 1866 legislation, 42 U.S.C.§1981, provided that:
All persons within the jurisdiction of the United States shall have
the same right in every State and Territory to make and enforce
contracts, to sue, be parties, give evidence, and to the full and
equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of
persons and property as is enjoyed by white citizens, and shall
be subject to like punishments, pains, penalties, taxes, licenses,
and exactions of every kind, and to no other.
These laws provided the statutory bases for property rights for people
of color that were used by individuals and civil rights advocacy groups from
that time until the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Federal Fair
Housing Act of 1968. Due to the provision for unlimited damages to be
awarded to victims who were denied rights guaranteed under the 1866
19


legislation, this remained the preferred basis for civil action against
perpetrators of discrimination throughout the 1970s and 1980s, for more than
a century, until the passage of the Fair Housing Amendments Act of 1988.
The First, Fourth, Sixth and Eight Amendments of the Bill of Rights
imposed restriction on the federal governments treatment of individuals but
did not place similar limitations on the states or their political subdivisions.
The Fourteenth Amendment sought to eliminate the state/federal distinction,
as states continued to discriminate against people based on skin color and
country of ancestry. Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment states:
All persons bom or naturalized in the United States, and subject
to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and
of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or
enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities
of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any
person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law;
nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection
of the laws.
To assure that states would abide by this new amendment, Section 5
of the Fourteenth Amendment provided that The Congress shall have power
to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article. In spite of
Section 5s mandate, states did not move rapidly to extend full rights to former
slaves. Foot dragging and state-constructed legal barriers (e.g., voter
registration tests) were commonplace, especially in the southern tier of states.
20


Using Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment, Congress went on to pass the
Civil Rights Act of 1871 as an enforcement mechanism for this Amendment.
(These laws are reviewed in greater detail and full legal context in Chapter 5.)
Even with these laws in place, social equity was far from a reality. The
protections afforded by the laws were seemingly abridged to accommodate
the interests of a segregated society. Ultimately, in Plessy v. Ferguson,30 the
U.S. Supreme Court firmly established the legal doctrine of separate but
equal. Jim Crow laws assured its execution. Thus, denial of housing
opportunities in white neighborhoods to persons of color was fixed as a
political and social norm.
The Social Darwinists of the 1920s, working at the University of
Chicago, continued this discriminatory trend, developing a list of ten
neighborhood categories ranging from most desirable to least desirable.
Neighborhoods with residents who traced their ancestry to England and
northern Europe were seen as most desirable, while neighborhoods
composed of Negroes and Mexicans were the least desirable.31 Realtors,
lenders, and appraisers largely embraced these distinctions and marketed
30 Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896).
31 Hoyt, H. 1933. One Hundred Years of Land Values in Chicago. Chicago, (L: University of
Chicago Press, p. 316.
21


(i.e., restricted) homes for sale accordingly to a complicitous public at large.32
Moreover, race-based covenants designed to exclude people of color and
people of undesirable religions (e.g., Roman Catholics and Jews) were
registered for new residential developments with the full support of the federal
government through its Home Owners Loan Corporation (HOLC) and the
Federal Housing Administration (FHA) programs for home mortgage
finance.33
In response, nonprofit advocacy groups including such venerable
groups as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
(NAACP), the Urban League, and others found little help from the courts to
stake their claim to equal opportunity in housing, public accommodation, or
employment Thus, by 1930, African Americans whose citizenship was
assured by the Fourteenth Amendment were well on their way to
experiencing a uniquely high degree of spatial isolation in American cities. In
1930, the typical black Chicago resident lived in a neighborhood that was
over two-thirds black. That the level of black racial isolation also rose in other
cities indicated the growth of more incipient ghettos. Utilizing an isolation
32 Dane, S.M. and C. Bradford. 1992. Mortgage Lending Investigation Manual. Washington,
D.C.: National Fair Housing Alliance.
33 Abrams, C. 1955. Forbidden Neighbors: A Study of Prejudice in Housing. New York:
Harper. 174-175.
22


index employed by Douglas Massey and Nancy Denton, 8% of black
Cleveland residents had lived in racially isolated neighborhoods in 1910.
This increased to 51% of the black population by 1930. New York City
experienced similar population shifts with 5% of their black population living in
spatial isolation in 1910, growing to 42% in 1930. The same trend manifested
itself in St. Louis where 13% of its black population lived in spatial isolation in
1910, but 47% of that growing black population lived in spatial isolation in
1930.34 35 Black populations were increasing in each of those cities at the same
time that housing opportunities were becoming more constricted.
The scene brightened a bit for equal housing opportunity advocates in
1948 with the U.S. Supreme Courts decision in Shelley v. Kraemer.25 Using
the Equal Protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, the nations
highest court struck down the use of racial covenants to deny people access
to the neighborhoods where they wanted to live based on their skin color,
national origin, or religion. From that point forward, where intent to
discriminate could be shown, fair housing advocates could invoke the Civil
34 Massey, D.S. and N.A. Denton. 1993. American Apartheid, Segregation and the Making of
the Underclass. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, p. 31.
35 Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1 (1948).
23


Rights Act of 1866 in the courts to pressure for opportunities for people of
color to begin to rent or purchase homes in formerly all-white neighborhoods.
Anti-discrimination activities continued into the 1950s, resulting in the
rise of the Civil Rights Movement in the South.36 Bus boycotts, lunch counter
sit-ins, freedom marches and voter registration drives were signature
activities of these newly activated civil rights advocacy groups. The televised
turning of fire hoses on small black children by Birmingham (Alabama) Police
Commissioner Eugene uBuHn Connor set the stage for the passage of the Civil
Rights Act of 1964. Employment and public accommodations could no longer
legally or politically be denied because of race, national origin, or religion.
Congress was not yet ready to open U.S. neighborhoods completely,
however. Not until the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. in 1968,
did both the House and Senate pass a Federal Fair Housing Act, a whirlwind
piece of legislation drafted and passed within one month in April 1968.37
Similar to the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Fair Housing statutes mandated
that people could no longer be denied the housing of their choice because of
their race, national origin or religion. The Housing and Community
36 Morris, A.D. 1984. The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement. New York: The Free Press.
37 Branch, T. 1988. Parting the Waters, America in the King Years 1954-1963. New York:
Simon & Schuster.
24


Development Act of 1974 added yet another legal dimension to civil rights law
by adding sex as a protected group under all existing civil rights legislation.
This put an end to the then-common practice of mortgage lenders who
routinely had ignored womens income (especially if the women were of
childbearing age) in their mortgage-lending decisions.
Following the passage of the 1968 Federal Fair Housing Act, fair
housing advocacy groups became much more actively engaged in the
practice of testing to document discrimination in housing opportunities. A
simple telephone call was often all it took to determine that the apartment or
home was available for some people, just not those people. White buyers
bought homes for their black and Latino friends. White renters rented
apartments, then sublet them to their friends of color.38
In the late 1970s and early 1980s, a nonprofit group Housing
Opportunities Made Equal (HOME) of Richmond, Virginia carried out
extensive testing to document discrimination in housing. Using complaints of
discrimination as the starting point, HOME carefully paired white and black
testers to attempt to rent apartments in complexes in white neighborhoods in
3* Helper, R. 1986. Success and Resistance Factors in the Maintenance of Racially mixed
Neighborhoods." In Goering, J.M., ed. 1986. Housing Desegregation and Federal
Policy. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, pp. 170-194.
25


Richmond. Repeatedly, leasing agents told black testers that nothing was
available and then steered these testers to apartment complexes in black
neighborhoods. Their white counterparts were offered apartments in those
same complexes where everything had just been rented when the black
tester was there an hour before. With this evidence in hand, HOME assisted
their black victims, including Mr. Coleman (one of the original complaining
parties) in filing a lawsuit against the Havens Realty Company for denial of his
rights under the Federal Fair Housing Act. The realty company, through its
property management services, was not pleased that its standard business
practices were being questioned; surely, it argued, this testing process must
be some form of unlawful entrapment. HOME had also filed for damages in
this suit, but the realty company argued that it could not understand how a
group that had intentionally sought to deceive Havens property managers
through its testing procedures could have suffered any damage that would
require remedy by the courts.
The lower courts sided with the realty company. The now-emboldened
Realty Company then filed suit against Mr. Coleman and HOME of Richmond.
Following extensive appellate action, the U.S. Supreme Court heard final
26


arguments in the case of Havens v. Coleman in 1982.39 in a unanimous
decision, the Court held that testing was an important and necessary tool to
ferret out unlawful discrimination in housing and, furthermore, fair housing
groups had legal standing to bring claims of discrimination with request for
remedy of their frustration of mission and diversion of resources. The
Court also determined that the finding of difference of treatment that favored
the control (i.e., white) tester was evidence of intent to discriminate.40 This
decision remains the standard in current day court cases.
The Federal Fair Housing Act of 1968 designated HUD as the agency
responsible for enforcement of the act. When an individual aggrieved party
filed a complaint with HUD of perceived unlawful housing discrimination, HUD
was then mandated to carry out conciliation meetings. If the conciliation
attempt failed, HUD had no further administrative remedies for the victim.
Alternatively, the complaining party could bring an action in the federal district
court but there were severe limits on damages that the courts were allowed to
award when unlawful discrimination was found. Often advocacy groups and
private civil rights attorneys filed their fair housing complaints under the 1866
39 Havens Realty Corp- v. Coleman, 455 U.S. 363 (1982).
40 Ibid.
27


Civil Rights Act, especially in cases where there was solid evidence (not
testing evidence until after Havens) that the respondent had intended to
discriminate against the charging party. As mentioned earlier, the 1866 Act
provided for unlimited claims for punitive damages, a tool advocacy groups
and attorneys saw as a means to discouraging continuing discrimination
through the pain of payment of high damage awards. (See Chapter 5 for a
more detailed discussion of these issues.)
After more than six years of House and Senate debate, hearings and
varying language of proposed bills, the U.S. Congress finally passed the
federal Fair Housing Amendments Act of 1988.41 Under this Act, HUD now
had the ability to find probable cause following investigation of a complaint of
unlawful discrimination and to take that case to an Administrative Law Judge
(ALJ) who has the authority to order payment of compensatory (i.e., actual)
damages and a civil penalty. However, the ALJ is unable to award punitive
damages. This is a significant difference for the plaintiff, as the civil penalty is
paid to the government (i.e., HUD), but punitive damages are awarded
directly to the victim. Additionally, there is no limit on the punitive damages
41 Fair Housing Amendments Act Pub. L. 100-430,102 Stat 1619 (1988).
28


that can be awarded in an action brought in federal court.42 Plaintiffs seeking
financial remediation of the discrimination they experienced generally will
receive more money through court proceedings 43 As a result of this public
policy, the victim of housing discrimination has a choice: to benefit from a low
cost administrative procedure or pursue the opportunity for unlimited punitive
damages awarded solely by the courts. But the victim does not have the
option of employing both procedures for achieving social equity.
Civil Rights Literature
A review of the civil rights literature illustrates a long history of
discrimination and neglect for what are now called protected classes under
the law. Authors as diverse as bell hooks and Taylor Branch document a
national legacy of rejection and abuse of people of color, women and their
children, while journalists like Stephen Hockenberry illuminate the barriers the
United States society has erected for people with disabilities.
The law, as it both limits and protects individual rights, stands at the
42 Reiman, J.P. 1995. Housing Discrimination Practice Manual. Deerfield, IL: Clark,
Boardman, Callaghan, p. 3-18.1.
43 Caruso, F.W. 2001. Personal interview. Chicago, IL. March 13.
29


center of much of the civil rights challenge. A. Leon Higgenbotham, Jr.s In
the Matter of Color44 articulates the early history of racism in the United
States. Slaves were defined as only three-fifths of a person under the original
Constitution; denial of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness was
commonplace for Black Americans. The African American as other was
established as the standard at the very beginnings of this country.
As bell hooks more recently observes, Whites, people of color, and
black folks are reluctant to commit themselves fully and deeply to an anti-
racist struggle that is ongoing because there is such a pervasive feeling of
hopelessness a conviction that nothing will ever change.45 While calling for
an expanding anti-racist community, hooks captures the angst of the civil
rights community in the late twentieth century as concerned people as
individuals, in nonprofit advocacy groups and government agencies attempt
to stem the on-going tide of white privileged America.46
Carl Rowan and Taylor Branch both attempt to capture the history and
44 Higginbotham, A. L., Jr. 1978. In the Matter of Color, Race & The American Legal
Process: The Colonial Period. New York: Oxford University Press.
45 hooks, b. 1995. killing rage, ending racism. New York: Henry Holt and Company, p. 271.
46 Mahoney, M.R. 1995. Segregation, whiteness, and transformation. University of
Pennsylvania Law Review. Vol. 143, No. 5. pp. 1659-1684.
30


glory of the civil rights movement in its prime in the 1950s and1960s.
Rowans Dream Makers, Dream Breakers47 chronicles the life and times of
Thurgood Marshall from childhood through his years on the bench of the U.S.
Supreme Court. Marshalls hallmark case, Brown v. Board of Education of
Topeka (1954), ended the Plessy doctrine of separate but equal. However,
Marshall recognized the continuing stigma of racism throughout his legal
career, even while he was sitting on tine U.S. Supreme Court.
Branch reports on the Martin Luther King years of the Civil Rights
Movement in the 1988 Pulitzer Prize-winning, Parting the Waters48 and his
New York Times best selling sequel, Pillar of Fire.47 49 His narration of bus
boycotts, lunch counter sit-ins and a growing coalition of black and white
activists sets the stage for enactment of civil rights legislation on the national
level. In the social construction of target populations offered by Schneider
and Ingram,50 dependent minorities were gaining power as well as positive
47 Rowan, C.T. 1993. Dream Makers, Dream Breakers, The World of Justice Thurgood
Marshall. Boston, MA: Little, Brown and Company.
4* Branch. 1988.
49 Branch, T. 1998. Pillar of Fire, America in the King Years 1963-65. New York: Simon &
Schuster.
50 Schneider, A. and H. Ingram. 1993. Social construction of target populations:
Implications for politics and policy. American Political Science Review. Vol. 87, No.
2. pp.334-348.
31


media coverage. The involvement of white America through the experience
of the murder of civil rights workers Andrew Goodman, James Chaney and
Michael Schwemer51 in 1964 near Philadelphia, Mississippi, helped to
galvanize public opinion against open, overt racism, especially as it was
manifested in southern states.
From the early civil rights movement grew what Juliet Saltman has
called A Fragile Movement, 52 the efforts across the country to create stable,
racially integrated neighborhoods. Communities from Oak Park (Illinois) to
Park Hill (Denver, Colorado), Shaker Heights (Cleveland, Ohio) to Davis
Crenshaw (Los Angeles, California) have struggled to end segregation. They
have fought the naysayers who define integration as the period of time
between the arrival of the first black resident and the departure of the last
%
white resident. With weak law for protection and strong market forces of
white privilege to the contrary,53 nonprofit advocacy groups and neighborhood
51 Advantaged white males (Goodman and Schwemer their colleague James Chaney was
African American) helping dependent African American men and women through
seemingly benign voter registration efforts, clearly threatened certain classes in
Mississippi.
52 Saltman, Juliet 1990. A Fragile Movement. New York: Greenwood Press.
53 Mahoney. 1995.
32


organizations have sought to build the anti-racist communities of which bell
hooks speaks.
Unfortunately, at least for civil rights advocates, the integrationists can
claim only small successes. As the Kemer Commission first noted in 1978
and Douglas Massey and Nancy Denton54 55 point out in their 1993 analysis,
the United States remains largely a country in black and white, separate and
not equal. In fact, in many large American cities, a state of hyper-segregation
is now being experienced by many (if not most) low-income African
Americans and Latinos.56 Where communities used to have diverse working
class populations that included Eastern Europeans, Italians, Greeks,
Mexicans and African Americans all living on the same block, U.S. urban
residents increasingly live in racially identifiable enclaves with no one of a
different race, national origin or ancestry for miles in any direction.
54 National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (Kemer Commission). 1978. Report of
the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. New York: Bantam Books.
55 Massey and Denton. 1993.
56 The term Latino" is used throughout this document as an inclusive word to describe people
who reside/resided in or whose ancestors resided in Spanish-speaking countries. It
is an attempt to avoid negative response from members of this widely diverse group
who express distaste for the term Hispanic" and its connections to Spain and
Spanish conquest
33


John Yinger, building on the findings of the Housing Discrimination
Study (HDS),57 58 documents the high social and economic costs of
discrimination for all Americans in Closed Doors, Opportunities Lost.55 Not
only did the HDS reveal a continuing pattern and practice of discrimination in
housing across the United States, subsequent testing has shown similar
practices in the mortgage lending industry, as well. Cornell West describes
the African American response to discrimination in the United States as, the
fundamental crisis in black America is two fold: too much poverty and too
little self-love.59 Audre Lorde articulates the current dilemma more harshly:
Institutionalized rejection of difference is an absolute necessity
in a profit economy which needs outsiders as surplus people.
As members of such an economy, we have all been
programmed to respond to the human differences between us
with fear and loathing and to handle that difference in one of
three ways: ignore it, and if that is not possible, copy it if we
think it is dominant, or destroy it if we think it is subordinate. But
we have no patterns for relating across our human differences
as equals. As a result, those differences have been misnamed
and misused in the service of separation and confusion.60
57 Turner, M.A., R.J. Struyk, and J. Yinger. 1991. Housing Discrimination Study, Synthesis.
Syracuse, N.Y.: The Urban Institute and Syracuse University.
58 Yinger, J. 1995. Closed Doors, Opportunities Lost: The Continuing Costs of Housing
Discrimination. NY: Russell Sage Foundation.
59 West, C. 1993. Race Matters. Boston, MA: Beacon Press, p. 93.
60 Lorde, A. 1984. Sister Outsider. Trumansburg, NY: Crossing Press. Emphasis in the
original.
34


Yinger, West, hooks, Lorde, Higgenbotham, Rowan, Saltman, Massey
and Denton, and numerous others all document a continuing pattern of
socially constructed race where people of color are designated as other, a
target population for public policy directed toward dependents who lack
political power and are incapable of changing their powerless situation or
solving their own problems.61 As dependents, people of color can be and are
routinely denied opportunities for equal opportunities in housing, employment
or even basic public accommodation. The laws and programs directed
toward dependents often do more to salve the conscience of others and to
ensure that the community is not to blame for obvious injustice and neglect
while protecting the interests of the powerful housing industry through minimal
enforcement muscle.62 The action agencies for fair housing policy e.g.,
enforcement agencies and nonprofit advocacy groups are often staffed by
people with much good will but funded at a level to pose little threat to the
powers that prevail.63
61 Ingram, H. & S. R. Smith. 1993. Public Policy for Democracy. Washington, D.C.: The
Brookings Institution, p. 78.
62 Ibid. p. 79.
63 Yinger. 1995.
35


Derrick Bell likens the struggle for social equity to the struggle of
Sisyphus.64 However, he takes solace in Albert Camus conceptualization of
the tale.
Rather than hopelessness, Camus sees incredible courage and
even liberation in this timeless story. He sees strength in
Sisyphus course, not because Sisyphus continues to push the
rock to the mountains top, but because he returns to the bottom
to retrieve it knowing he will never get it to the top. At each of
those moments when he leaves the heights and gradually sinks
toward the lairs of the gods, he is superior to his fate. He is
stronger than his rock.65
For many nonprofit advocacy groups and their clients, the struggle to enforce
civil rights laws and end racism does appear to be a Sisyphean battle. To aid
them in their rock carrying, they embrace a legal/judicial perspective of public
administration as outlined by Rosenbloom with values of constitutional
integrity, procedural due process, robust substantive rights, equal protection
and equity.66 In many cases, their problem-solving approach is adjudicatory
or adversarial. A person is viewed as an individual and/or a member of a
64 Bell's reference here is, of course, Albert Camus. 1955. The Myth of Sisyphus and other
Essays. New York: Knopf.
65 Bell, D. 1994. Confronting Authority, Reflections of an Ardent Protester. Boston, MA:
Beacon Press, p. 161.
66 Rosenbloom, D.H. with the assistance of D.D. Goldman. 1993. Public Administration,
Understanding Management, Politics and Law in the Public Sector. Third Edition.
New York: McGraw-Hill. p. 31.
36


class or that legal stalwart, the reasonable person.67 Cognitively, they
approach public problems through inductive case analysis, deductive legal
analysis, normative reasoning, and the adversary process. Their decision-
making is marked by precedential incrementalism, and their governmental
function is characterized by adjudication in the courts. The power of the law
becomes a vital tool in their rock-carrying efforts.
Not surprisingly, then, lawyers and other legal experts have played an
important role in guiding the battle for social equity. The bible for many
advocates is Bob Schwemms Housing Discrimination, Law and Litigation.68 69
An equally valued tome is John Reimans Housing Discrimination Practice
Manual.6* These legal references provide step-by-step guides for bringing
fair housing cases under current federal civil rights laws. Attorneys and
nonprofit advocates have repeatedly used both books to develop legal briefs,
structure testing, interview potential clients, draft pleadings, and develop
67 The reasonable person is a hypothetical person who exercises those qualities of
attention, knowledge, intelligence and judgment which society requires of its
members for the protection of their own interest and the interests of others."
Restatement Torts 2d, §283(b). In S.H. Gifis. 1996. Law Dictionary, Fourth Edition.
Hauppage, NY: Barron's Educational Series, Inc.
68 Schwemm, R.G. 1995. Housing Discrimination Law and Litigation. Deerfield, IL: Clark,
Boardman, Callaghan.
69 Reiman, J.P. 1995. Housing Discrimination Practice Manual. Deerfield, IL: Clark,
Boardman, Callaghan.
37


settlement agreements with the interests of the victim of housing
discrimination as the guiding principle. For added reference, James
Kushner70 and F. Willis Caruso71 furnish more resource materials for fair
housing advocates with documentation of problems and current legal guides
for practitioners in the field.
These materials provide the backbone for analysis of the law in the
context of the civil rights movement in the United States. The following
chapter reviews the theoretical literature that will aid in understanding how fair
housing policy was designed, formulated and implemented in this country.
70 Kushner, J.A. 1988. An Unfinished Agenda: The Federal Fair Housing Enforcement
Effort Yale Law & Policy Review. Vol. VI, No. 2. pp.348-360.
71 Caruso, F. W. 1995. Discovery and Sanctions in Fair Housing Cases. Chicago, IL: John
Marshall Law School Fair Housing Legal Clinic. 1995. Fair Housing and Fair
Lending Laws Overview. Chicago, IL: John Marshal Law School Fair Housing Legal
Clinic. 1995. Reasonable Modifications and Accommodations in Fair Housing
Cases. Chicago, IL: John Marshall Law School Fair Housing Legal Clinic. Cases
and Materials on Fair Housing and Fair Lending Laws, Third Edition. August 2,2000.
Chicago, IL: F. Willis Caruso.
38


CHAPTER 3
LITERATURE REVIEW
While the preceding chapter outlined the historical background for this
study in the design, formulation, and implementation of the Fair Housing Act,
the following literature review provides a theoretical grounding for the
research. To outline the policy development related to fair housing
enforcement activities, the stages heuristic of Brewer and deLeon72 is
employed. This provides an overarching framework from which to view the
evolution of the Fair Housing Act through its 1988 Amendments, as well as its
implementation by the courts and by public, for-profit, and nonprofit groups
working together. As this research attempts to follow the policy process from
formulation (initiation, estimation, and selection) through implementation (and
evaluation), the stages of the policy process give shape to the study.
As Harold Lasswell73 first presented the stages approach to examining
public policy, his view of policy analysis as a tool to improve the quality of
information offered government also informs this study of fair housing
72 Brewer, G.D. & P. deLeon. 1983. The Foundations of Policy Analysis. Monterey, CA:
Brooks/Cole.
73 Lasswell, H.D. 1971. A Pre-View of Policy Sciences. New York: American Elsevier.
39


policies. The policy sciences framework aids in the present dissertations
attempts to inform government and nonprofit practitioners on best practices
for effective fair housing enforcement. The policy sciences, as defined by
Lasswell and refined by others, are problem-oriented, multi-disciplinary, and
explicitly normative. They thus provide a helpful grounding for this study.
Next we turn to Bobrow and Dryzek74 as they furnish frames of
reference and knowledge orientations for analysis of policy design.
Methodologies as diverse as welfare economics and public choice combine
with theories of knowledge to illuminate the analytical options available to
policy analysts.
Within the stages frame, Kingdons75 multiple streams adaptation of the
Cohen/March/Olsen garbage can model furnishes a theoretical guide for
examination of policy formulation. This work provides direction for review of
the agenda setting and decision-making processes that formed the fair
housing laws and regulations.
74 Bobrow, D.B. and J.S. Dryzek. 1987. Policy Analysis by Design. Pittsburgh, PA:
University of Pittsburgh Press.
75 Kingdon, J. 1995. Agendas. Alternatives, and Public Policies, 2nd edition. New York:
Harper Collins.
40


Additional models of policy formulation are then examined. Polsbys
Political Innovation in American76 illustrates the policy innovation frame.
Stones Policy Paradox77 provides additional insights. To better understand
the role of social construction in policy formulation, the Schneider and Ingram
model of advantaged, contenders, dependents, and deviants (see Figure 3.1)
is included.78 Their work related to target populations of public policy is
particularly useful in understanding many of the frustrations that practitioners
report in their efforts to implement fair housing enforcement policy.
Additional social construction literature is included for its explanatory
value of the target populations for fair housing laws. Diverse models of the
social construction advanced by Gabard and Cooper,79 Mahoney,80
76 Polsby, N.W. 1984. Political Innovation in America, The Politics of Policy Initiation. New
Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
77 Stone, D. 1997. Policy Paradox. New York: W.W. Norton & Company.
78 Schneider, A.L. and H. Ingram. 1997. Policy Design for Democracy. Lawrence, KS:
University of Kansas Press.
79 Gabard, D.L. and T.L. Cooper. 1998. Race: construct and dilemmas." Administration &
Society. Vol. 30, No. 4: 339-357.
80 Mahoney, M.R. 1995. Segregation, whiteness, and transformation." University of
Pennsylvania Law Review. Vol. 143, No. 5. pp.1659-1684.
41


Frankenberg,81 Hunt82 and others address perspectives that influence the
formulation of civil rights legislation
Rounding out the review of policy formulation literature, the advocacy
coalition lens developed by Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith83 and utilized by
others is reviewed.
Discussion of the policy formulation policy implementation nexus
follows. How do these two stages relate to one another? What makes some
policies successful while others fail to deliver on their initial promise? Why
Policies Succeed or Fail84 provides suggestions for understanding the
distinction between policy formation and policy implementation, i.e., the
distinction between policy causes and policy effects. As the contributors to
this volume reveal, policy implementation can be dramatically effected by the
policy formulated and enacted by policy makers.
81 Frankenberg, R. 1993. White Women, Race Matters: The Social Construction of
Whiteness. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.
82 Hunt D.M. 1997. (Re)afRrming Race: Reality, Negotiation, and the Trial of the
Century.*' The Sociological Quarterly. Summer. Vol. 38, No. 3. pp. 399-423.
83 Sabatier, P.A. and H.C. Jenkins-Smith. 1993. Policy Change and Learning, An Advocacy
Coalition Approach. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
84 Ingram, H.M. and D.E. Mann, eds. 1980. Why Policies Succeed or Fail. Beverly Hills, CA:
Sage Publications.
42


A true test of policy formulation is policy implementation. This review
examines top down approaches, bottom up approaches, and multi-agency
endeavors. Works of Mazmanian and Sabatier,85 Pressman and Wildavsky,86
Nakamura and Smallwood,87 Palumbo and Calista,88 and Winter89 set the
stage. OToole and Montjoys joint research90 and OToole's individual work91
in the area of multi-agency implementation and interorganizational policy
studies provide additional insights. Matlands work on the ambiguity-conflict
85 Mazmanian, D.A. and P.A. Sabatier. 1989. Implementation and Public Policy. Lanham,
MD: University Press of America, Inc.
86 Pressman, J.L. & A Wildavsky. 1984. Implementation, 3rd Edition. Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press.
87 Nakamura, R.T. and F. Smallwood. 1980. The Politics of Policy Implementation. New
York: St Martin's Press.
88 Palumbo, D.J. and D.J. Calista. 1990. Implementation and the Policy Process, Opening
Up the Black Box. New York: Greenwood Press.
89 Winter, S. 1990. Integrating Implementation Research. In Palumbo and Calista, 1990.
90 OToole, L.J., Jr. and R.S. Montjoy. 1984. Interorganizational Policy Implementation: A
Theoretical Perspective. Public Administration Review. Vol. 44, No. 6.
November/December. pp. 491-503.
91 OToole, L.J., Jr. 1993. Interorganizational Policy Studies: Lessons Drawn From
Implementation Research." Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory.
Vol. 3, No. 2. pp. 232-251.
43


model of policy implementation92 is also explored. Hjem's93 and Lipskys94
works provides a look at the bottom-up model of implementation. OTooles
discussion of the top-down/bottom-up debate is similarly examined.95 Goggin
et a/96 strive for a third generation of implementation research.
A survey of resource dependence theory literature concludes this
review. Virtually all of the players interviewed for this study articulated
concerns about resources both financial and human. The dependence on
resources for organizational survival exercises significant influence on the
implementation strategies employed to carry out public policy. The role of
funder control is also explored.
This chapter closes with an explanation of the portion of this literature
that has been selected for further use in the data analysis that follows. The
92 Matland, R.E. 1995. Synthesizing the Implementation Literature: The Ambiguity-Conflict
Model of Policy Implementation." Journal of Public Administration Research and
Theory. Vol. 5, No. 2. pp.145-174.
93 Hjem. B. 1982. Implementation Research The Link Gone Missing." Journal of Public
Policy. Vol. 2, No. 3. pp.301-308.
94 Lipsky, M. 1971. Street-Level Bureaucracy and the Analysis of Urban Reform." Urban
Affairs Quarterly. Vol. 6. June. pp. 391-409.
95 OToole, L.J., Jr. 2000. Research on Policy Implementation: Assessment and Prospect
Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory. Vol. 10, No. 2. April, pp. 263-
288.
96 Goggin, M.L., A.OM. Bowman, J.P. Lester, and LJ. OToole, Jr. 1990. Implementation
Theory and Practice, Toward a Third Generation. Glenview, IL: Scott,
Foresman/Littie, Brown Higher Education.
44


specific policy formulation and implementation models to be tested are
outlined.
Theoretical Literature
While history and legal background are vital to analysis of the case law
on discrimination, a theoretical framework is needed to bring coherence to the
diverse elements. This section pays particular attention to the policy design,
formulation, and implementation processes that surround the Federal Fair
Housing Law.
The Stages Heuristic
Because this research attempts to follow the policy process from
formulation (initiation, estimation, and selection) through implementation (and
evaluation), the stages heuristic first presented by Harold Lasswell97 and
further refined by Garry D. Brewer and Peter deLeon98 provides an important
outline for structuring further study. As Lasswell viewed policy analysis (inter
alia) as a tool to improve the quality of information offered government, this
97 Most clearly set forth by Lasswell. 1971.
98 Brewer & deLeon. 1983.
45


research attempts to examine the fair housing policies and to inform
government and nonprofit practitioners on best practices for effective fair
housing enforcement.
The stages heuristic has been described as the most influential
framework for understanding the policy process particularly among
American scholars.99 However, in recent years, several criticisms have been
leveled against it. Most notable among these is the concern that the
essentially linear nature of the stages fails to capture the interactive character
of the policy formulation implementation process. Feedback loops are
constantly in play. Policy is rarely static, moving smoothly from agenda
setting to evaluation. New agendas arise, evaluation leads to reformulation,
and so on.100 In related fashion, the essentially legalistic, top-down focus of
the stages heuristic may be well suited to this study but can discount the
interaction of implementation with evaluation in the legislative process.101
99 Sabatier, P.A. 1999. The Need for Better Theories." In P.A. Sabatier, ed. Theories of the
Policy Process. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, p. 6.
100 Nakamura, R. 1987. The Textbook Process and Implementation Research." Policy
Studies Review. Vol. 1. pp. 142-154.
101 Hjem, B. and C. Hull. 1982. Implementation Research as Empirical Constitutionalism.
European Journal of Political Research. Vol. 10. pp. 105-115. Also, Sabatier, P.
1986. Top-Down and Bottom-Up Models of Policy Implementation: A Critical and
Suggested Synthesis." Journal of Public Policy. Vol. 6. January, pp. 21-48.
46


And, of course, the stages heuristic is just what its name implies it is a
heuristic, i.e., an aid to learning.102 It is not a causal theory with limited utility
for hypothesis testing.
Remaining mindful of its limitations, the stages heuristic still provides
some valuable guidance for review of the development of fair housing policy
in the United States. Initiation of the fair housing policy process was a slow
and diverse process, beginning shortly after the Civil War, continuing through
the establishment and work of the National Association for the Advancement
of Colored People (NAACP) and the Urban League. As we saw (Chapter
2),the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s played a significant role
in the initiation stage that ultimately resulted in enactment of civil rights
legislation including the Fair Housing Act (1968)103.
The estimation stage interacted with the initiation stage in an on-going
negotiation of the human, social, and legal costs involved in assuring fair
housing. These both influenced the selection stage as policy makers debated
the costs and observed the political and social pressures. When the murder
102 Guralnik, D.B., ed. 1984. Webster's New World Dictionary of the American Language.
New York: Warner Books.
103 42 U.S.C §3601 etseq.
47


of Martin Luther King, Jr. provided the ultimate push, the first national fair
housing law was passed.
This dissertation specifically examines the implementation stage of the
Fair Housing Act, as it is conducted by the Courts and as it is carried out by
coalitions of government officials, private fair housing and civil rights groups,
private attorneys, and the housing industry. Further refinements of the
implementation stage are reviewed shortly.
While evaluation of fair housing policy has been somewhat limited, this
study attempts to provide a component of that stage. Case law and case
studies aid in showing what has been effective and where pitfalls have been
encountered.
The termination stage of fair housing enforcement has not been
reached. Ultimately, practitioners express a hope that termination can be
achieved with the elimination of all forms of discrimination in housing and
other segments of society. However, general sentiment is that this is not
likely to occur anytime soon.104
Yet another way to structure the review of public policy is through an
examination of analytical approaches. Numerous methodologies have been
104 Williams, G. 2001. Personal interview with Court Monitor of the San Francisco Housing
Authority. Oakland, CA. February 20.
48


employed in an attempt to analyze policy, and theories of knowledge color
these analyses. Bobrow and Dryzeks overview of analytical options amply
illuminates the variations within the field.
Policy Analysis bv Design105
A series of frames of reference or methodologies for public policy
analysis are offered by Bobrow and Dryzek to provide ethical and well as
technical structure to the process. To understand each framework, key
questions are posed. What are the givens" of the framework, i.e., what are
its core assumptions? What are the contents of the framework, i.e., what are
its central theoretical themes and methodological principles? What is the
practical usefulness of the framework, that is, what is its applicability to policy
and how does it contribute to problem solving? And finally, what it the
frameworks perspective: its place in time, its intended audience, its
normative position and its means of dealing with conflicting values?
The frameworks Bobrow and Dryzek reviewed include welfare
economics, public choice, social structure, information processing and
political philosophy. Welfare economics is an outgrowth of mainstream,
105 Bobrow and Dryzek. 1987.
49


neoclassical, microeconomic theory.106 Rational, self-maximizing individuals
interested only in their own well being are the sole residents of the welfare
economists world. The state is the only benevolent actor in this scene, and
the states interest is viewed as being only concerned with the well-being of
society as a whole. Cost/benefit analysis is the analytic tool of choice.
Problems arise when welfare economics must deal with the distributional
issues common to public policy. Indeed, the welfare economist is ill-equipped
to deal with interpersonal comparisons of utility that must be made all the time
in any political process. Costs and benefits in the public policy arena cannot
always be readily expressed in monetary units and by their nature limit
comparisons to a predetermined set of policy options. Further, in the welfare
economists world view, the policy directive will automatically be followed;
however, implementation realities challenge these expectations. A welfare
economics perspective sees the policy environment as static with well-defined
roles and responsibilities for all of the policy players. Bobrow and Dryzek
conclude that, as an approach to policy analysis, welfare economics fails to fit
well with political reality or with the values embedded in the democratic
106 Ibid. p. 31.
50


order.107
A public choice frame of reference for policy analysis employs
deductive reasoning. The public choice approach is guided by individual
rational maximizing behavior to determine collective consequences under
different circumstances. The chief difference between public choice and
welfare economics frames is that public choice admits of no benevolent,
public-spirited, unitary government.108 Because unitary, purposive action is
not possible, public choice requires an all-powerful, metapolicy maker who
can change decision structures or institutions capable of incremental
transformation where the analyst can have input into their evolution.
Institutions are evaluated by individual preferences where responsiveness is
key. An enduring theme of public choice approaches to institutional design is
that small is responsive."109
Public choice suffers from many of the same problems encountered by
welfare economics. Problems of distribution are not well addressed. Public
institutions are simply instrumental means for preference aggregation.
Political leaders are viewed as self-interested maximizers where public-
107 Ibid. p. 43.
108 Ibid. p. 50.
109 Ibid. p. 54.
51


spiritedness merely gets in the way of efficient design of institutions. And
finally, public choice approaches to policy analysis have problems when
preferences are unstable contrary to the basic assumptions of this
approach, policy makers have been known to adjust their preferences to
social norms. Public choice perceives market strategies as a means to
correct for governmental failure in contrast to welfare economics that views
correction of market failure as the role of government. Imperfect markets are
preferred over imperfect governments. And in the idealized marketplace, self-
maximizing individuals are the significant players making public choice hostile
to social and political organization. Public choice may indeed contribute to a
healthy skepticism about the capabilities of government110 but it suffers from
it neglect of distribution and political process.
In contrast, the social structural approach to policy analysis is less
concerned with efficiency and more attuned to the social consequences of
distribution of resources among individuals and groups. The policy analyst
diagnoses the problem and selects and administers appropriate treatment.
In contrast to the self-maximizing individual of welfare economics and public
choice, social man has diverse motivations, preferences, and behavioral
110 Ibid. p. 61.
52


opportunities while policy makers manipulate social conditions. Regrettably,
there is a large gap between what this approach offers in principle and its
contribution in practice.111 Social structure approaches can clarify the real
consequences of public policy in terms readily understood by citizens and
experts allowing for review of interrelationships of policy outcomes, e.g., the
influence of education, employment opportunities, racial equality, and family
planning on poverty. However, the approach is less successful in providing
precise guidance to the content, duration and magnitude of appropriate
policies.
Information processing addresses how individuals and organizations
arrive at judgments, make choices, deal with information, and solve problems.
The process is the determinant of the content. The individual in an
information processing approach acts on what is already known and
remembered, not just self-maximization. Government is a collection of
numerous structures with their own agendas that may coalesce in federations
of partially conflicting interests.
Core assumptions of the information processing approach include:
1. Information is necessarily incomplete and imperfect;
Ibid. p. 72.
53


2. Information is costly; and
3. The information-processing capacity of individuals and
organizations is finite, though often capable of improvement.
However, there is extensive theoretical and methodological diversity among
policy analysts employing an information processing approach. Each suffers
from the ultimate challenge of who should decide in the policy analysis
process as most of the practitioners leave the weighting of values to some
group external to the analysis.
Concluding the frames review, political philosophy is utilized by
practitioners who generally align with utilitarian or Kantian factions.
Utilitarians focus on the consequences of actions (public policies) and on
arrangements (policy-making institutions) while Kantians center their attention
on the intrinsic moral standing of actions and arrangements. Policies steeped
in this tradition would attend to values at the system level and be sensitive to
the hazards of piecemeal intervention. However, philosophers are not good
at filling in any technical details required in a policy, and philosophical
arguments have little bearing on political reality. Political philosophy may be
most useful when used in conjunction with one of the other frames as a way
to deal with some of the normative dimensions of public policy that they fail to
address.
54


Theories of knowledge shape the frames of policy analysis. Positivism
seeks to determine causal linkages through utilization of scientific method.
Piecemeal social engineering with its roots in the work of Karl Popper does
not believe that verified scientific truth or policy based upon it is possible.
Scientific theories can only be falsified and no number of failed refutations
can ever confirm a theory.112 While positivists would fearlessly recommend
large-scale policy actions once they believe their theories have been
confirmed, piecemeal engineers would always suggest more cautious,
moderate action.
Perhaps all policy analysis must be multiparadigm. Certainly policy
design must serve as an integrative strategy for the policy field. Confronting
the messy work of conflicting, unclear values, complex problems, dispersed
control, and the element of human surprise, policy design seeks valued
outcomes through activities sensitive to the context of time and place. Policy
design clarifies values so that they can guide development and weighting of
policy alternatives. It identifies the context of the policy and its analysis, and it
reveals the predilections of the audience of analysis, i.e., those in a position
to advance or obstruct a policy or those the policy is intended to serve.
112 Ibid. p. 137.
55


Operations at the heart of policy design are much the same as those of
public policy research:
1. interpretation of the social problem (in this case, housing
discrimination);
2. specification of goals for the policy (review of policy formulation);
3. identification of the information needed for intelligent policy choice
(methodology);
4. actual gathering of that information(here, case law and case
studies);
5. development of policy alternatives; and
6. assessment and comparison of alternatives (analogous to
hypotheses testing, theoretical, and practical implications).
Policies may be designed or processed in interacting, multidirectional
stages. To explore this further, aspects of policy formulation are examined.
Multiple streams, social construction, formulation implementation links,
policy innovation, problem definition, and advocacy coalition strategies are
reviewed.
56


Multiple Streams and The Garbage Can Model
Within the basic stages framework, other theoretical models provide
additional insights and guidance for analysis of the various components of the
policy process. John Kingdons multiple streams (MS) adaptation113 of the
Cohen/March/Olsen garbage can model114 provides direction for review of
the agenda setting and decision-making processes that formed the fair
housing laws and regulations within which current enforcement efforts are
conducted.
in attempting to answer the question, How does an ideas time
come?" Kingdon provides an admittedly simplified view of the public policy
making process. In this process first the agenda is set, i.e., the set of
problems and issues receiving serious attention from government officials and
people outside of government closely associated with those officials at any
given time is established. Next, alternatives are specified from which a choice
is to be made. Third, there is an authoritative choice made from the specified
alternatives through legislative action or presidential fiat. Implementation is
the final step in the process.
113 Kingdon. 1995.
114 Cohen, M.D., J.G. March, and J.P. Olsen. 1972. A Garbage Can Model of
Organizational Choice." Administrative Science Quarterly. Vol. 17. Pp. 1-25.
57


Kingdon makes a further distinction between the governmental agenda
and the decision agenda. The governmental agenda includes the list of
subjects that are getting attention. The decision agenda is a subset of the
governmental agenda and encompasses the list of subjects up for an active
decision. And, in addition to the set of problems that are on the agenda, a set
of alternatives receiving serious consideration influence the final policy
formulation.
Kingdon begins with the garbage can where various kinds of problems
and solutions are dumped by participants in the policy formulation process.
He refines this model with the recognition of three major process streams
that operate within and influence the federal government policy making
system. The problem stream includes systematic indicators, such as studies,
program evaluations, and the like. Such reports allow decision makers to
assess the magnitude of a problem and to recognize any changes that may
be occurring in the problem field. However, the indicators may not fully
portray the nature and extent of the problem issue. Focusing events such as
a crisis or disaster can provide the push that moves the problem into the
decision agenda. However, these focusing events are seldom adequate by
themselves. Recognition of the problem must already be in the back of policy
makers minds for the event to have greatest influence.
58


Problems can also fade from the governmental agenda. This may be
the result of the belief that the problem has been solved. Alternatively, the
program formulated to solve a problem may grow to a point where it
generates negative feedback. Or, problems fade from public view because
the initial period of optimism about problem resolution has given way to a
recognition of the financial and social costs of action.
Problem definition is also a feature of the problem stream. Kingdon
makes a distinction between a condition, e.g., bad weather, and a problem,
e.g., a flooding river. Conditions become defined as problems when decision
makers (or the general public) believe that something should be done about
them. And once we believe that something should be done, the way we
categorize the problem influences the final outcome.
The policy stream is another component of Kingdons policy
formulation process. This is the arena of specialists researchers,
congressional staff members, academics, analysts, planners, and evaluators.
Within this stream we also find the policy entrepreneurs the people willing to
invest time, energy, reputation, and sometimes money to advocate for
proposals or ideas.115 These policy entrepreneurs often further their agendas
1,5 Kingdon. 1995. pp. 122-124.
59


through a process of "softening up the policy community and the public at
large. Much of the early civil rights legislation including state and local fair
housing laws served as trial balloons that softened up policy makers for the
final passage of the 1968 Fair Housing Act. These legislative models helped
produce the short list of proposals that could be put into play when the time
was right.
Kingdon's third stream is the political one where political is narrowly
defined as attention to voter reactions, maneuvering between political parties,
and gamering of interest group leaders support. Included within this stream is
the national mood, i.e., the perception that a significant number of people
across the country are thinking along identified common lines. In addition to
national mood, the political stream also encompasses organized political
forces how much support and opposition exists in response to various
legislative proposals. The third major component of the political stream
results from events within government itself, such as changes in the priorities
of incumbents or changes in personnel.
When the streams converge, a policy window opens, providing
proposal advocates the opportunity to promote their favorite solutions or
increase attention to their special problems. As the policy window opens,
60


streams are coupled and compromise is possible. As Kingdon describes this
process,
Basically, a window opens because of change in the political
stream (e.g., a change of administration, a shift in the partisan
or ideological distribution of seats in Congress, or a shift in
national mood); or it opens because a new problem captures
the attention of government officials and those close to them.116
But policy windows also close. Policy participants conclude that they
have adequately addressed the problem or they have been unable to get any
action. The pressure of a focusing event may wane in the publics attention.
Or the personnel change that opened the window may change again. When
there are no feasible policy alternatives, people learn to live with the problem.
Then the problem seems less urgent and may take on more of the
characteristics of a condition that it had seemed at its inception.
When a window opens, proposal proponents recognize their
opportunity and move quickly to take advantage of it. These policy
entrepreneurs are seeking to couple as many of the problems, policies, and
political streams as they can. An alternative floating in the policy stream can
be coupled with a problem in the problem stream and events in the political
stream to maximize the opportunity for a favorable legislative (or
116 Ibid. p. 168.
61


administrative) decision. Policy entrepreneurs bring together their own
expertise and/or authority with negotiating skill and persistence to bring about
a successful coupling of streams to pass new legislation (or facilitate a new
presidential order).
In addition to the softening process employed by policy entrepreneurs
that Kingdon describes, William Riker suggests additional strategies.117
Entrepreneurs skillful at streams coupling employ manipulation of problem
dimensions, agenda control, and/or strategic voting to further their aims.
These means could entail dimension manipulation, the strategy of upsetting
political equilibrium through introduction of new element or redefining old
aspects of a given issue. Agenda control and strategic voting are the domain
of governing political leaders. And these entrepreneurs may manipulate
ambiguity to build consensus and achieve their goals.
Critics assert that MS is ahistorical and pays insufficient attention to
the way previous solutions affect current debates and policy choice.118
Further, MS fails to enhance prediction of future policies. However, the MS
117 Riker, W. 1986. The Art of Political Manipulation. New Haven, CT: Yale University
Press.
118 Mucciaroni, G. 1992. The Garbage Can Model and the Study of Policy Making: A
Critique. Polity. Vol. 24. pp. 470-472.
62


approach strives more for understanding and explanation than prediction.119
Hence, MS may also be a heuristic rather than an empirically falsifiable guide
to policy analysis.120
Policy Innovation
Polsbys model of policy innovation through crisis121 offers an
alternative perspective for examining the policy formulation process. In it,
Polsby proposes seven dimensions of innovation (including timing,
specialization, agreement, public saliency, political conflict, research, and
staging)122 and then proceeds to test" their significance through a compilation
of test cases. He concludes that policy initiation is made possible by a
powerful underlying cluster of cultural norms and biases, which include a
widely shared belief in the ability of the world to change, a belief that causes
have effects and when changed have different effects, and a belief that
119 deLeon, P. 1998. Models of Policy Discourse: Insights versus Prediction. Policy Studies
Journal. Vol. 26, No. 1. pp. 147-161.
120 King, A. 1985. Agendas, Alternatives and Public Policies (book review). Journal of
Public Policy. Vol. 5. pp. 281-283.
121 Polsby. 1984.
122 Ibid. pp. 14-15.
63


political effort can produce outcomes that have meanings in peoples lives.123
Further, stimuli for policy innovation are commonly present in the United
States political system of government. Presidents must have programs, and
other political actors see policy as an important means for public seif-
definition and for feeding ambitions for higher office.
To this end, Polsby identifies three central activities of the
contemporary U.S. Senate:
1. the cultivation of national constituencies by political leaders;
2. the formulation of questions for debate and discussion on a
national scale, especially in opposition to the President; and
3. the incubation of new policy proposals that may at some future
time find their way into legislation.124
Successful senators who seek to enhance their political futures, develop
reputations for competence and policy specialization while developing ties to
national constituencies beyond the bounds of their home states.
Thus, policy innovation results from the underlying belief that there are
problems that can be solved coupled with a political system that provides
123 Ibid. pp. 159-160.
124 Ibid. p. 162.
64


incentives to search for innovation. Interest groups, the intellectual
convictions of experts and policymakers, and knowledge of how problems
have been previously handled elsewhere foster the search.
Crises may also stimulate policy innovation, i.e an exogenous event
demands a quick decision. With heightened awareness of a need, a policy
can be enacted, although such crises cannot make the policy actually work
afterward. However, Polsby cautions that these policy evaluations should not
be made too quickly, nor should policy entrepreneurs be treated too harshly.
Policy entrepreneurs manage the crisis of the moment, while their long-term
contribution is to increase the capacity of a complex society to adapt and
meet new needs.
The Policy Paradox
As Deborah Stone suggests, the fields of public policy and policy
analysis largely worship objectivity and determinate rules.125 Recognizing
that rules for human behavior do not work automatically, Stone offers yet
another frame for looking at the policy formulation scene. Grounding her
model in the community rather than the market, policy is produced in political
125 Stone. 1997. p. xi.
65


communities where there is room for dialogue. Market models lack a
structure for discussion of how people fight over visions of the public interest
or the nature of the community the truly significant political questions
underlying policy choices.126
Stone also rejects the model of policy making as rational problem
solving. Rational decision makers would not formulate solutions and then
look for problems, as often happens in the garbage can model. When
solutions become problems, such as some of the recent efforts at
privatization, rational problem solving merely tells us that things are working
backward or poorly.127
Viewing policy making in political communities as a struggle over
ideas, Stone seeks to illuminate the policy formulation process as one of
goals, problems and solutions: we have a goal; we have a problem, which is
a discrepancy between the goal and reality; and we seek a solution to erase
the discrepancy.128 Goals are viewed as the enduring values of community
life. These create controversy when policy alternatives are under
consideration. Abiding values of equity, efficiency, security and liberty are the
126 Ibid. p. 10.
,27 Ibid., p. 11.
128 Ibid.
66


linchpins of policy debates. Conflicting interpretation of the same abstract
goal or value challenges the policy-making process.
Problem definition may be a byproduct of symbols, i.e., stories,
synecdoche, metaphor, or ambiguity. Stories include narratives about
heroes and villains, problems and solutions, tensions and resolutions.
Synecdoche is a small part of the policy problem used to represent the whole
such as a horror story. Metaphor asserts a likeness between one kind of
policy problem and another (such as disease, war, and natural law). And
ambiguity provides for statements, events and experiences to have more than
one meaning (this allows agreement among policy makers because they can
read different meanings into the words).129
Numbers may also be employed to enhance problem definition. The
process of counting something makes people notice it more. Recording the
count stimulates reporting. Numerical reports, Stone cautions, are subject to
interpretation, even manipulation.130
Causal theories provide yet another way to frame the problem
definition debate. Political actors create causal stories to describe harms and
129 Ibid. p. 161.
130 Ibid. p. 187.
67


difficulties and assign blame. The government power can be called on to stop
the harm.131
Causes may also be complex. Institutional causes envision a social
problem as caused by a web of large, long-standing organizations with
ingrained patterns of behavior. Historical causes hold that social problems
tend to reproduce themselves. People with power and resources maintain
their levels of control while victims of the problem are left with the feeling
that the problem is unchangeable, that they could not influence change, and
basic survival is more important than challenging the status quo.132
Problems can also be posed as interests who is lined up on each
side of the debate. Decisions as problem determinants may stem from a
rational-analytic model of explicit and precise goals and objectives where all
available alternatives are reviewed with a consistent purpose in mind. Action
that will maximize total welfare, as defined by the objective, is the result.
Alternatively, a polis model of decision making states goals ambiguously and
modifies them throughout the analysis. Preferred alternatives are presented
as the only possible or feasible option while undesirable alternatives are kept
131 Ibid. p. 208.
132 Ibid. pp. 195-196.
68


off the agenda. The course of action selected as a result of this process will
hurt powerful constituents the least but allow the policy maker to appear to be
creating the maximum social good for a broad public.133
In the Policy Paradox, solutions are viewed as temporary resolutions of
conflict. Starting from the assumption that all policies involve deliberate
attempts to change peoples behavior, a range of mechanisms for inducing
that change are identified. Inducements (i.e., incentives and penalties), rules,
facts(l.e., informing and persuading), rights (and duties), and powers (i.e., the
reorganization of authority) are tools employed to effect change.134
Political concepts are indeed paradoxes. They have contradictory
meanings that through formal logic should be mutually exclusive, but by
political logic are not.135 Rationality is not a hallmark of problem definition or
policy formulation.
133 Ibid. p. 255.
134 Ibid. p. 13.
135 Ibid.
69


Social Construction. Target Populations,
and Policy Formulation
Whether employing a stages heuristic, multi-streams, policy innovation,
or policy paradox approach (or any one or combination of the frames
identified by Bobrow and Dryzek) to the policy process, each frame looks at
the way the problem is defined. As a part of the defining step, one or more
target populations are identified. Schneider and Ingram contend that the
social construction of target populations has a powerful influence on public
officials and shapes both the policy agenda and the actual design of
policy."136 They define social construction of target populations as the
cultural characterizations or popular images of the persons or groups whose
behavior and well-being are affected by public policy.137 Because policy is
purposeful and attempts to achieve goals by changing people's behavior,
targeting of the policy is essential. Social construction of groups (or
stereotypes, if you will) recognize the shared characteristics of the target
population(s) and assign valence-oriented values, symbols, and images to the
characteristics.
136 Schneider, A. and H. Ingram. 1993. Social Construction of Target Populations:
Implications for Politics and Policy. American Political Science Review. Vol. 87, No.
2. June. p. 334.
137 Ibid.
70


Schneider and Ingrams model of advantaged, contenders,
dependents, deviants provides insights into this defining and targeting
procedure. In policy formulation, targets are selected that specify who will do
what, how, and for what reason. The political power of the target group is
key, as is the social or cultural valence of the group. Whether its values are
mainstream American values and whether the members of the group are
deserving, virtuous, respectable, attractive, or even likable is also important.
Experience with policy tells people whether they are atomized individuals who
must deal directly with government and bureaucracy to press their own
claims, or whether they are participants in a cooperative process joining with
others to solve problems collectively for the common good.138 Such
experience has influenced the formation of nonprofit groups organized to
advocate for civil rights and social equity.
In policy formulation, the perceived political power and social
constructions of potential target populations has substantial influence on the
behavior of public officials. Drawing on the tendency of the American public to
believe in fairness, policy makers justify their policy positions to the voters
by articulating a vision of the public interest and then showing how a
138 Ingram, H. & S.R. Smith. 1993. Public Policy for Democracy. Washington, D.C.: The
Brookings Institution.
71


proposed policy is logically connected to these widely shared public
values.139
For elected officials, the preferred problems are those where public
interest goals can logically be served through provision of benefits to
advantaged segments of the population. The converse is also true it is not
in the politicians best interests to pursue policies that will impose significant
costs or other burdens on the advantaged groups. At the most sophisticated
levels of government policy making, these political leaders will not want to
appear to grant special privileges to the advantaged, resulting in rules that
appear to treat everyone equally. George W. Bushs tax rebate program
provides a contemporary example of such behavior.
In the U.S. democratic tradition, populations perceived as having too
much power and privilege tend to generate resentment and suspicion. These
powerful but negatively viewed contender groups present substantial risks for
policy makers. Policies that openly benefit contenders will not be well
received by the public at large; however, burdening powerful contender
groups is an equally perilous proposition. The preferred policy from the
politicians perspective is one where contender (i.e., powerful, negative)
139 Schneider & Ingram. 1997. p. 111.
72


groups appear to be burdened, but where there actually are few if any
negative effects.
In the 1997 modification of the Schneider/lngram social construction
typology, a special category of emergent contending groups" has been
added.140 This cluster of target populations gains their power through their
legal, ethical, and moral claims forequality and justice rather than their
economic status. Distinguishing themselves from other contenders and
advantaged groups, emergent contender target populations have been
traditionally discriminated against and disliked. Often their power has been
strengthened by court rulings that authenticate their legal and moral rights.
Dependent targets have less political power than advantaged groups
but are still more positively constructed than deviants.141 Their constructions
typically emphasize their neediness and helplessness, and they are viewed
as incapable of solving their own problems or changing their powerless
position. The deserving poor, children (under the age of 18), and Native
Americans on the reservation are examples of these positively constructed
but undervalued groups. Politicians want to appear to help dependent
140 Ibid. p. 119.
141 Ibid. p. 123.
73


populations but find little personal benefit in doing so. After all, children do
not vote and the poor (no matter how deserving) do not make substantial
campaign contributions, and often even fail to cast votes.
Deviant populations provide the target groups that policy makers love
to hate. Because deviants lack power they provide easy scapegoats for
societal problems. Policies that direct punishment at such groups
demonstrates that the government (and its policy makers) have control and
power. While advantaged groups have power and positive images, deviant
populations are perceived negatively and as powerless. This leads to
similarities in policy formulation opportunities except that deviant groups
receive punishment and advantaged people gamer subsidies.
Looking at Schneider and Ingrams social construction typology (see
Figure 3.1), elements of each of these categories have been found in the
overall depiction of varying facets of the civil rights movement. Minorities and
women may be emerging contenders with rights granted by the courts but a
negative construction demonstrated by the charges of reverse discrimination
and challenges to affirmative action. Children and the disabled have been
viewed as dependents deserving but politically weak. The heightened
activity of the civil rights movement in the 1950s and 1960s may have
mobilized public opinion to consider these groups as both deserving and
74


politically powerful (at least potentially politically powerful). Current media
portrayal of many people of color portrays these groups as deviants (gang
members or criminals) both politically weak and undeserving. The target
populations of the various civil rights statutes and the remedies for
discrimination included in each are the direct determinants of the guidance to
the courts, influencing what evidence will be presented and how advocacy
coalitions will structure their enforcement efforts.
Figure 3.1. Political Power and Social Construction of Social Groups
SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIONS
Deserving Undeserving
w £ I Is n_ Advantaged Contenders
POLITICAL | Weaker Dependents Deviants
Source: Schneider and Ingram (1997).
A criticism lodged against the Schneider and Ingram frame of social
construction is that it suffers from endogeneity. The explanatory variable,
75


social construction, is partly a consequence of the dependent variable, public
policy.142 Such endogeneity produces biased estimates of causal effects.143
Schneider and Ingrams response suggests that Lieberman misread their
purpose. The social construction typology is an expression of their interest in
policy design and the way public policy serves or fails to serve democracy. It
was not their intent to trace the roots of group identity or to explain policy
outcomes.144
Additional literature discussing the social construction of race, gender,
and disability can provide useful insights for the analysis of case law where
discrimination has been the issue. Testing procedures used by nonprofit
advocacy groups for enforcement purposes are designed to address
specifically the stereotypes of housing providers and how those providers
deal with their stereotypes in their housing market transactions. As Donald
Gabard and Terry Cooper point out, the concept of race, from a scientific
perspective, has such poor construct validity and reliability that there is a
142 Leiberman, R. 1995. Social Construction (continued)." American Political Science
Review. Vol. 89, No. 2. p.442.
143 King, G., R.O. Keohane, and S. Verba. 1994 Designing Social Inquiry: Scientific
Inference in Qualitative Research. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, pp.
185-196.
144 Schneider, A. and H. Ingram. 1995. Response' to Lieberman's Social Construction
(Continued)." American Political Science Review. Vol. 89. p. 444.
76


growing consensus that the term should be abandoned...race is not only a
scientific construct but also a social construct and a policy construct.145 While
there is virtually no scientific evidence for a biological distinction based on
race,146 both social constructs and policy constructs directly affect the way
people behave in Congress, in advocacy nonprofits, in government agencies,
in advocacy coalitions, in the marketplace, and in the courts.
Race is a social construction, not a natural division of humankind.
Race is a concept people act on rather than a genetic reality." A White race
and a Black race (and all other colors") are constructs made by society rather
than by identifiable gene patterns.147 Laws are written and enforced by
people. People have created the social constructions within which they live.
Nonprofit advocacy organizations and the advocacy coalitions with which they
work frame their enforcement actions within the context of those social
constructions, and the courts render opinions within those same contexts.
145 Gabard and Cooper. 1998.
146 Ibid. p. 340.
147 Mahoney. 1995. Also Niemann, Y.F., A.J. Romero, J. Arredondo, and V. Rodriguez.
1999. What Does It Mean to Be Mexican"? Social Construction of an Ethnic
Identity. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. Vol. 2, i, No. 1. pp. 47-58.
77


The Fair Housing Act was designed to break down the barriers of the
ghetto and produce an integrated society. However, segregation persists as
a painful by-product of the social construction of the Acts target
populations.148 As Martha Mahoney notes,
Segregation is the product of notions of black inferiority and
white superiority, manifested geographically through the
exclusion of blacks from more privileged white neighborhoods
and the concentration of blacks in subordinated neighborhoods
stigmatized by both race and poverty.149
Legal decisions in fair housing cases are challenged by a white societal trend
to favor colorblind solutions. Because the meaning of race" is other,
inferior, and stigmatized, whites find that noticing race is not nice. However,
this colorblind approach simply continues to perpetuate the dominant white
power structure including racism.150
Drawing on socially constructed stereotypes, testers have sought to
identify practices of steering, a real estate sales procedure that directs white
families to white neighborhoods and black families to mixed or black
neighborhoods. Realtors act on the belief that people want to live with people
148 The 1968 Fair Housing Act targeted race/color, national origin, and religion as the
distinguishing characteristics of this policy's target populations who were to receive
its protections/benefits.
149 Mahoney. 1995. p. 1659.
150 Frankenberg. 1993.
78


like themselves, an action confirmed by research where whites expressed
preferences to live in neighborhoods shared with very low percentages of
blacks.151 (In contrast, blacks commonly express preferences for living in
neighborhoods that are more evenly racially mixed.152) Because blacks have
been socially constructed as inferior and not as intelligent as whites, race
exerts its force as a powerful representation that justifies continuing inequality
in society including segregated residential patterns.153 The result, in real
estate, is a tendency toward racial tipping that occurs when some
recognizable minority group in a neighborhood reaches a size that spurs the
other residents to leave. Thus, the neighborhood is opened to increased
minority group entry, thereby changing the composition of the community.154
151 Sander, R.H. 1988. Comment Individual Rights and Demographic Realities: The
Problem of Fair Housing. 82 Northwestern University Law Review 874, 896.
152 Massey, D.S. and Denton, N.A. 1993. American Apartheid, Segregation and the Making
of the Underclass. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, pp. 95-96.
153 Hunt 1997. pp.405-406..
154 Schelling, T. 1972. A Process of Residential Segregation: Neighborhood Tipping." In
A.H. Pascal, ed. 1972. Racial Discrimination in Economic Life. Lexington, MA:
Lexington Books, pp. 157-184.
79


It is generally believed that the tipping point is between 10% and 20%
minority population, but this may range firom1% to 60%.155
However, race or color is not the only socially constructed condition
affecting public policy, especially fair housing policy. The entire United States
has been constructed as a predominantly northern and western European
nation, immigrants who do not quickly adopt American ways and values are
thought by some to be suspicious.156 Indeed, some recent Mexican
immigrants report internalization of this construction, which has led to the
expectation that discrimination is an inherent part of their identities and lives
as Mexicans and Mexican Americans. The resulting lack of power plays a
critical role of peoples understanding of their places in the world.157 A
political constructionist perspective posits that state policies that distinguish
among people by ethnic or racial category will encourage mobilization and
identification along those ethnic lines upon which people perceive fewer costs
155 United States v. Starrett City Associates, 840 F. 2d 1096,1099 (2d Cir.), cert, denied, 488
U.S. 946 (1988).
156 Nagel, J. 1986. the Political Construction of ethnicity. In S. Olzak & J. Nagel, eds.
Competitive Ethnic Relations. Orlando, FL: Academic Press, pp. 93-112.
157 Niemann, Romero, Arredondo, & Rodriguez. 1999.
80


and/or greater rewards.158 When socially constructed ethnic groups have
internalized an acceptance of discrimination as a component of their identify
in the United States, the resulting mobilization (or lack thereof) will have
significant implications for the implementation of fair housing laws.
Advocacy Coalitions
Within these social constructions, people coalesce to solve perceived
problems, searching for those points of unity and transformative potential.
Groups may chose adversarial processes and legal solutions (as has been
the case with civil rights litigation in the United States for more than half a
century) or seek broader solutions and more diverse coalition members. To
understand how public policy impacts litigation, the work of these groups is
central. Paul Sabatier and Hank Jenkins-Smiths work on advocacy
coalitions159 provides a framework for the analysis of these interactions. As a
causal model of the policy process, the purpose of the advocacy coalition
framework (ACF) is to overcome the limitations of the stages heuristic through
158 Berbrier, M. 1998. Half the Battle: Cultural Resonance, Framing Process, and Ethnic
Affectations in Contemporary White Separatist Rhetoric." Social Problems. Vol. 45,
No. 4. pp. 431-451.
159 Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith. 1993.

81


focus on policy change and the role of policy oriented learning within
subsystems.
The ACF rests on a least four basic premises:
1. A time perspective of a decade or more is necessary to understand
the process of policy change and the role of policy-oriented
learning it encompasses;
2. This longitudinal view of policy change is best grasped through a
focus on policy subsystems, i.e., the interaction of actors from
different institutions who follow and seek to influence governmental
decisions in a policy area;
3. These policy subsystems need to involve all levels of government;
and
4. Public policies and programs can be understood in the same
fashion as belief systems with sets of value priorities and causal
assumptions about howto achieve them.160
Within this essentially iterative process advocates come together around
shared core beliefs that are resistant to change. Operating just outside the
coalitions are a category of actors know as policy brokers whose primary
160 Ibid. p. 16.
82


concerns are with keeping the level of political conflict within acceptable limits
and reaching some reasonable" solution to the problem.161
Policy-oriented learning within a coalition commonly starts with
individual learning, meets with group resistance, and finally is diffused
throughout the membership. The result is alteration of thought, i.e., a
modification of the core values. Time and resources devoted to a particular
policy question enhance its analytic tractability facilitating this learning. This
leads Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith to the conclusion that
Advocacy coalitions particularly if they are not dominant -
have substantial incentives to engage in policy-oriented learning
in order to (1) document performance gaps in existing
governmental programs and (2) improve their understanding of
the causal reasons for such gaps. The dominant coalition has
incentives to provide evidence that no such gaps exist.162
An analytic debate results where each side seeks to persuade the others, as
well as potential policy brokers and other neutral parties, of the validity of their
claims. Policy-oriented learning then best occurs under conditions of
moderate levels of conflict, an analytically tractable issue (that is, an issue
with widely aqcepted theories and quantitative indicators), and the presence
of a professionalized forum where experts from competing coalitions must
161 Ibid. p. 27.
162 Ibid. p. 55.
83


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B> BA/#B$)/#/ .#$3 5"?A/B3"' '%"/(A#3$/# &FB #B$/#$/B ("# .#B$/# B$)/#/ .#$3 /#B$33 /L#$ 3/#" ?3$33B" 3 /#B$33 / B)/B/#% BA 3"A A >#A C)FA "@#A 'A "C"A &A %)A FA .A G#A #FA !)B$/#$ ( !)B$/#$ !)B$.S$. /#.#$.S$. !)B$/##$ $'(" (B$/B /# !)B$#3#$ /#B$3//#$/"% 9=D

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?#FA#B$/B /#L"$ -# /#" %%/B%" 9=:

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''5?./@ $3 ;2<< !"# %@(A/ #$ ;22< P3"3#$1 B$/# &")# =D F#$ B 3 A B/#B) #$ ;22< P?##)N:79+, /#$H/B$ B$$)#$ ?3 F#$B 3 A B/# B) $ 3 C" ;22; $%&'(() %@(AF%3"$ $G $ ;22< #*+)*),( *-.*&*( "*"("(& "*#$/0$& '$A/# #"B"5%3 '"?) =77; '1 !"2333. .*.*""*4352323 AII%%% 4 I)I4I))%IIB=777I) G";: )$C ;220 *(*#" B)$3A(" 5$3#5%$)"B) '$ =77; .)% 3#$5 ;9 '($? ;226 P)#'(BJ.)'$H '6+ ;2 ;: '$B ;2D2 6*78(7)*"*(9" %@(A''( 9=2

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'$B ;2:7 4*46, 3#$A/) )". '$B ;22= :+*)4 %@(A''( '$B ;229 (*4 '$A'. '$ ;22: P/'HA3$#.$ 3"F H > 9<$ 9 96;-9<; '$. ;2D: "-H > =0$ =+#,$ ;
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'$ ;22< P3"J#F)"#$H ) ;D -;7 '"$C 5 $C 3$3 B ;2:2 P?#. ###'$;2:=-;2:D ",-4,*:4+.+ I '$3 $F .$4 ;22; ((* .( 3#$5A3# /# '$3 ;22: P3) H/B#3 F.'$5 ) 3$ F =777 ( :;:66,* 3#$5A F3 #= '$ ;2:: *9>/01A%/0BC %@(AR '$ ;22: :*9>/0BC%B1 % @(AR '$ =77; ".(/3" '$ =77; .)% ($3 "=7 '%$? B R. 5 ;2:6 ): "$3A'(I3 '$G ;227 P#*"A5 % H F > 6<$ 6 <67-<6: '$3 ;220 P '()##5$H ) ;0 3-;7 '$3 ;220 P('('$."/# $H ) ;0 '-7= $

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3$ ;2<< )%@(A C 3%$B ;22< P))%5#5# H ) 6,4, > =:$ = 666-69; 3$ F =77; .)% 3#$;6 3$ F =777 3 :;:6 6,* 3#$5A F3 #= 3$ F ;22< :;( 3#$5AG5%/#5#3 3$ F ;22< :;:66, &, 3#$5AG5%/#5#3 3$ F ;22< 4: ;( 3#$5AG5%/# 5#3 3$ ;226 P.-##3" B$H )3= )= 3$3 =777 ):; /# $;=3 F#$B 3 G=< 3)$C ;229 3:;(*( 6., B)A/# 3)$C ;22< 3:;(*( B) /# 3)$C ;220 :;/0DD 3)$C 5 5 =77; P/#)"?A 5## 1 "? F > 67$ =G =2:-6=7 96=

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3#/# =77; BAII%%% II! = 3)#;:00$2$;:00$ 6;$N;$;9 =D 3)#;209$9= 3 N=777 & 3$ 3 ;22< P33#H )6,4, > =:$ = 60<-6D7 3($3 ;22< P/#B$ "O$H (F4 > <$ : =9 ;D;-;:6 3($C =77; .)% 3#$5 ;0 3$3 ;22: ##5## B)$3 ) ;6 3$ B $G ? $G ;2D=P?#3 #*3 H F > ;D ;-=< 3$ ;22< P"?J3).# ##5#" 1 ) 6,4, > =:$ = 6:6-62: 33)#3+;229, /.#3 B) #D-2 3/#%3 =777 >$3 =-< 3$ ;220 P.! #-B5% H '(66,4, > 96 =;;6-=;9; 3$B ;22D P#).A .%"3&/) #* 1 )F > 6:$ = #$ 696-6<= 966

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3$ ;229 P.!#.$3# ):7J"')3$H ) ) "=; ; B$ ;227 '3$/# %3)# /# B3B $F"B)$' 3") /3 3 :2-=<= G"=7 B$ ;226 P#5"A." ##5#B5% H 6,4 > =0$ 6 <=D-<02 B$ ;22< P)##3B/# H )6,4, > =:$ = 6D;6:= B$ 3 ;22= 63 F#$B 3 A/# B#$ ;22: PA."(-.#* H ;4 > <;$ ;= ;9DD;926 B)$ =77; .)% 3#$5 ;6 B"$B $+;2::, P"($/# %"@$3$H >6,54, > >$ = 66=-66: 5$5 ;22< P.""."-(#A)% OH F > ;2$ ;+#, ;79-;=< $

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5$. ;222 P#.".AF/ BOF?#OH$. $ $ ) '$3AF)%. 5$. ;222 P#5()A3" H 4, > ;0$ 6I9 6;;-66: 5$. ;22: P."BA#). H > =0$ ; ;9D-;0; 5$. ;22D #5()A3" 1. F#$B3A# 5$. ;2:D P.".. HB .$ $ )')"/$3A #. B*$ C @ 5$ ;22: (3 F ($3A#. B$ ;22: P##$PF)$H ) H 5 > 67$ 6+G",$ =;;-=9D B"*($G B # ;226 PB"."A .# H > =0 ;=D-;6D "$3 $G ;220 "+.7 ? %@(A/F# $' ;22: P#))"3 %(AB)F. H > =:$ 9 6<-<< $' ;22: )"3%( #A3"FF H >=0$ ;#$ ;;-67 $+

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$G ;22: .)% B)$3 G;0 $ ;2D2-;2:7 P'(%#A ."B H F > 29 07;-0;0 #$ ;229 P.T:'5.#$H+$?#, ";7 #$ ;226 P##5$1 "4, B =D /#;2:D ;2:D /# 3)3#3 G"$/)$/3#$ / ;;<:$/#;2:D 2 F#$B 3 ?).# /#;2:D ;2:D /# 33G"$ $/3#$ <<:$' >3"33)# ;20:$)./#$ G-;77-;= /# ;77-<;2 F#$B 3 A ?).# /# 5 ;77-967$;7= ;0;2+;2::, /#3?F# ;227 4 4;.7G* /00K F#$B 3 A/#3?F# /#3B =777 T /BK*KKK*KKK (*;6, F#$B 3 A/# /#3B ;222 T //1*KKK*KKK (*;6, F#$B 3 A/# $#

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/#3B ;22< T 2K*KKK*KKK (*;6, F#$B 3 A/# /#3B ;22: P01*KKK*KKK (*;6,( ":; B$A/3 B /#5#3 =77; ,---M?!-N =: /# =77; $3A /# $ ;229 P3?5#'$H 4 +4 ";: $ G ;22< P5#3A/##B H )6,4, > =:$ = 6966<7 $ G ;22< ;226"'3 '(#$/#$ =9 34 4 > <$ : =9 ;:< $ G $ ;226 )) B$ 3 AB()". *#$ ;229 PF%$ G $'#3$ '#.$1 3= ;6 ; #$ ;2:: PC"A./# H >6,54, > >$ = 6:<-62= "$B ;226 P))%#* H + > 6;$ ; =;-06 96D

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(#$ ;226 *47)( $A)" #$ =777 /#B"# .$3 ";0 #$ =777 )46)( F#$B 3 A #$ ;222 /.I/.3 .$ # 6; $5$ ;202 7)&+ (+,+-).*/012%11 @A3/. $G ;222 P(# H" #)% > =9$ = $ ;2;-=;7 -'%$ =77; .)% F($5 ;< ?(%*$G F ;2:2 P.F #*A H F >69$ 6 9<9`D7 ?$G ;226 P.."F(.) H 3 > ;0$ : ;=9D-;=06 ?$/ 5 $G R3 F ;220 ):4 %@(A C ?$B 5 5 3 ;22: PA H 5 > 67$ 9 662-6
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?#$G +, ;2:0 ;: 3/$3A)"3. ?##$ 5 J'%$G 5$5 G J$G ;227 3)7),)G ?%$5A$I5'% ?$B ;229 3"". /#B."$=D '$ A B/#B) ?$5 ;2:2 )(4 $F A )"F.$ 079 ?$8 ? ;22< P)%#5)B H )6,4, > =:$ = 6<;-609 ?S#$C ;227 P.)"#*') 1 ))% G;227 > 09$ = =7:$=;; ?$5 =777 .)% B)$3 67 ?($B $ ;2:9 <", 6 %@(AF'( ?$ $ ;22: : .$GA. )". ?$ $ ;229 .$GA.)" /#$ $G ?(%*LF '$G ;220 ?A#*J%B H + > 62$ : #$ 2D<-22< /"$5 ;22< P H/. -#3 )$F# "=0 $

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/"$C ;22< P'#5$H ) =0 3-76 /#$ ;229 P?%$B$1 ",>.", ";= 06 /#$ ;226 :44 63-4M 6,3( '$ "? /$G G ;226 P/#$!"8#$ A#>% #$H ",>.'6,4, > 0: ::-;69 /$G C # ;226 P$.)"$5# 1 ( 4, $ 6<6-60= /($' =77; .)% B)$3 =< /*$ F 3 /* ;22= P#S)$ S)$)A#3"B# /#S$H )6,4, > =0$ ; 6-=: /$ ;202 454O-+. $A)". /$ B ;229 )%+;. "6 AG"-' /*#$ R ;222 P.-'B"A /%'#OH.$A .3 /##$ 5 $G ;2D: 3(*45) 67)( %@(A!)" 997

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/#$G $ ;22D (4 )".($.A ."))". /S ;2:= P-5(?# H > =$ 6 67;-67: /S$' $C /$B ;2D: P5%(% #?"% H 3M.6(( ( 5A# 676-699 /S$' 3 / ;2:=P 3 H -4 > ;7 ;7<-;;< /S$' B ;2:; PA% )" H &M > = =;;-==D /("$G ;22< ? %@(A/" ($ ;22< .* %@(A/"/ 3" / ;2:: P/#;2::$ #%B#>%$H '( ;6:20 ;77-D;; F#$B 3 A ?).# /#B" =77; F#$B 3 A /#B" ;2:2 F#$B 3 A /#&3 ;226 4 ;*-3;(*; ((%;(*&**/00K /00C 3$/A/#& 3

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/%$ ;229 P.#/'3$H )( -= G=< '7; /"$/ ;2D7+;266, &;>6?( @A / 007 ;22< P/#.;22<$H ;79 3#$; G"9 / 007 ;22< P/#.;22<$1' ;79 3#$; G"=9 / ;;<: ;2:: (4 =6A<70= / ;;<: ;2:: (4 =:A<6<: / ;;<: ;2:: (4 ;=A06:6 / ;;<: ;2:: (4 ;9A0:== / ;;<: ;2:: (4 ;:AD72: / ;;<: ;2:: (4 =7A:72; / ;;<: ;2:: (4 ";7A;7602 / ;;<: ;2:: (4 G=7A;<=:6 / ;;<: ;2:: (4 G=;A;<902 / ;;<: ;2:: (4 G=;A;<9D; / ;;<: ;2:: (4 G==A;
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/ ;;<: ;2:: (4 G"0A;0D9= / ;;<: ;2:: (4 #;A;2D;;-;2DD2 / ;;<: ;2:: (4 #=A;2:D;-;227D / ;;<: ;2:: (4 #:A=72;;-=72=; / ;;<: ;2:: (4 DA==D9D / ;;<: ;2:: (4 :A==:0: / ;;<: ;2:: (4 ;6A=60D9 /B/.# %%% #) /B#3 ;22: );7-;9 F.'$5 /$B ;22D P+,#AP"$1#$P 3" HH )F > 6:$ 6 622-9=6 /"$C > B # ;220 P5#BA "$)$3") H )G,6, > :<$ = =6D-=29 #$/ ;2DD P."#'##A3 ?-H > =<$ 9+,$ 922<=0 #$/ RB $ ;2:7 : ')"/$3A#. #$/ R ;226 F#$ B 3 A'(# G($. ;2:D 447-G 5$CAR% $

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" G$ G ;229 P"*B) H +, 47)6 5#$ 3A)"3$3.$ 2<-;=; G5% ;22= :;6, 3#$5A G5%/#5#3 %53 3 G$ C ;22< .( /#D 3 #$> G=: G$ C ;22< )?333(3.*3*( ;. +:7=9 7;, F#$B 3 A B/# B) G$ C ;220 .($&% IB.3 B) G";; C$ ;22< %'(A'5 5# 1 ;3(6, 4, > ;2 ;62-;:; C#$ ;22; P/#."A"3$H #3$=7$;22; F#$ B 3 A B/#B) C#$5 =777 P)#./# 1G .# > 00$ 9 $ 6:9-97= C$C ;226 P..")A PB!H(O (4, $ 60<-602 C$ ;2:9 P#) .A3#"#" H > 9$ ; D<-2;

PAGE 462

C"$ =77; .)% $3 "=6 C#$ ;2:< P#$)..H+()%, > < =:;-=:6 C#$3 ;202 669* @A/$ F C#$B C 3) ;22< P)/# H .""# B) ;0 C#$? C$ > ;229 3=* 3F4 .$GA. )". C#$G ;22< *** = @A/3 C$/ / 5 ;22; 44* #%3$GA ./ C$' =77; .)% F$5 ;< C$? =777 P/#'5% H 3 G";:$ ; C$B ;226 PB)?A'('$H ( +$, "=0 C$G ;2:: P#A/# H >6,54, > >$ = 69:-607 5$? ;22< P3!$'#5 3$H ) B;: -7; 5%$/ B ;2D; %?, %@(A ) +

PAGE 463

5*$5 ;220 P/# H )6,4, > ;= 66;662 533 ;222 P !#3"J% H53% 3#$5 # AII%%% #I%I#22I% ";= 5$/ G ;229 P/#?%5#/ '$H ) ";= 2 5$ ;22< P+, AH 4, > :2$ = 96D-99D 5$ ;22< P)###'$?Z 35#4"$H ) "; -; 5("$ ;2:7 6+ %@(A# 5("$ ;2D; P5)'"" H 'F > 0 62;-972 5$ ;2:9 & #$@A3#. 5# ;220 PJ)/#'$G B.%$3)F# B$1 )* $ G67 =9 5$ =77; P5)/# H 3 ";:$ ; "$ ;22< P##$%$ H '6,4, > ;96$ < ;0<2;0:9 990

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S$? F)(" ;2D: P) H /%$ 4,%/08D ')" /$3A# $ B G F ;220 P3A ?)B.3 3 1 3> =6$ ;7;; -) =9D-=07 &$ =77; .)% .$3 "=6 $3 ? ;22< F4* ($3A#. $ F ;220 ) '$'#A >'. "$B B$ ;226 .' 3#$A/))" $ ;22< P"*#5A #"-3." H 4) > <$ = ;9<-;D9 *$B ;2:2 3 5$BA)".$ $C G B ;220 P"3." A3".# H > ;<$ 6 =:;-=2: /5%.S ;22; :; ,# F#$B 3 A/# $ ;229 P/#'T;$H ( #=D 6 99D

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3*/# =77; .$ 3A3/ $3"$5R5% ;229 :;* G(,4-6, *( F#$ B 3 A/#3?F#$ $' $ ;229 5;&).:* 4(;' F#$B 3 A B/# B) $G ;226 P "??33 5#.$1 +!, ", B "$ G =777 PA?#*# /# H;=3 /# F#$B 3 AG=D $ B ;2:9 )&(4 @A $G $ ;229 (3F4 ($3A#. $? ;22= P?#3"." (#A3& H > =9 9D7-9D= $? ;227 ):-*/0A1%/0D2 .#$.A)".#. $ $5 '%$G "$? $P## 5#'A#/BB$HF(#. 2=-D )'('A$=

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"$3 ;222 /0004*(6,<( (4'6,*3 3#$5A3#5%"J 3 ($ ;2:D P!(. H 4, > ; ;9=-;<9 ($ % ;2:7 ) 3 %@(A J. )"33)B+C3, ;2D: 4"(( % @(A''( $ 5 =77; .)% "=; $3 $@ $ G $G $> #* ;222 PF B'P!HO3 H ;+ > =;$ ; 9D-<: %? ;22: P.--)3#$>" #*$3)" H + > 9=$ ; $L;7:-;=9 J3$ ;229 P"/#-3F-"$H () "=< 0 "/#&" ;229 P/#.-B## I-.$1.$ .#$WB( -29-;D70A-6<7=-.-7;X A=<=2-00 F#$B 3 A B/# B) /#&" ;22< :; G F#$B 3 A B/# B) 992

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/#&" ;22< P.". .G+"#+, ."S,$H$=D$;22<$! =0$;220 F#$B 3 A B/# B) /#&" ;22< P.3 $1$=D$;22<$!=0$;220 F#$B 3 A B/# B) .3 ;229 4,;, 3',G')E $QA .3 *($ G # ;2:0 (-4 $5A $ ;22D 74( F#$B 3 A'(# ("$? ;2D; ;7).G* = @A/ ( ==-=6 J$5 G $G =777 P."A H. 4) > ;7$ =+,$ =06-=:: J$5 G $G ;22< P3."A #*%(# H 4, > =<$ ;+,$ 96- 6$ = =6=-=<; J$5 G $G ;2:0 P."A 1 > 0$ = ;:;-=;7 9<7

PAGE 468

J$5 G $G S" ;2:9 P#*." A.) H. )% > 99$ 0+)IB,$ 92;-<76 .#$C ;222 P'#3 H ) =069 .$ / $ ;2D= 4-6 5!#$ A5!#'( .$B G B G 3 ;227 3 *&'+.+E %@(A?%. .$ =77; ) $3 ;= ."$G ;2:: P>5A/# /#OH >6,54, > >$ = 60;-6D9 .$' ;226 P/##/#5%A### .%B5)3"3 H (4,* ;9<:-;90: .*($G =77; .)% 3#$;0 .$B $ $5 ? ;22< ;.6 &4%; ::;6,) ,*( '$A/# #"B"5%3 ."$ F ;2:9 3* 3 %/)$3A@)". .%$F F $ ;2:D )"*4;. % /)$3A@)". +

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.%$B G ;229 P3##3# /%$H"./#$ == A B/# B) .$ ;229 P./#3 H /#03 F#$B 3 ): .$ ;22< P5#$."$5#) H/.-# 3 )$F# "=9 ./ ;22= P@3)#3T=9<$777$1 : ;Q:6 'DAG"; .$G 5 R F)(" ;2:9 3* 6 '("$ 3A)"3. $G ;22< ; B$5A 3($'$3# $G ;229 P5@5A5##/#B 3 H3#5#3+G"=:, B)$3A /#5 $F =77; .)% '("$3 "=7 $B =777 .)% B)$3 =< ($F ;2:0 ) %/)$3A@ )". $B F 3$ ;229 ) 5%$CA)" .C $C ;229 P5.-B" 3$1 %)* ?"$ 9 0 +

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$B / %B B ? ;226 *'*6, %@(A?%-/$ %$3 ;226 .*+.* FG # '$A5$'%3" ($B ;229 P(#A# $H "=2 $. $ ;222 ) '$3A F)%. $. ;2:0 P-B%'A3"## H >50 ; =;-9: $. G(-$/ 3 ;226 (6* ( '$3AF)%. 5 ;222 J"** %@(A3 $G ;227 :*)" M @A?%. $3 $ ;220 )( **4*(M% @(A J.$ $ / ;2:: P3$)#B# A./# := ",' 6,4, :D9 $/ ;222 P)"3%(.". "A3(#3G 1 > =D$ ; #$ =:-9: +$

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$ 5 / # ;22D 5%$CA)"C. $ 5 / # ;22< P5JP 3+3, 1 4, > :2 999 $ 5 / # ;226 P3# .A.." H 4, > :D$ = 669-69: %$ ? ;2:: P.)/# H >6,54, > >$ = 6D<-6:9 %$ ? ;226 P/#5# H ) 6,4, > =0 D9<-DD6 %$ ? ;22< ;6,6 B$ 5A3($'$3# %$ ? ;22< P##5#B 5% 1 )6, )% > =:$ = 6;D-66; $G $G ;22= P#B"/#.A B#B")" /#5#$H ",E6,4, > == == <9;-<00 9<9

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$ ;2:: )+&***) @A.#'( )$B ;226 3F 5A# $5 ;2:: P%%/#."$H >6, 4, > >$= =<2-=:0 #$G ;22< );.*( 3:;3) 4,* *Q;3?Q3 '$A /##" $3 ;227-2; P33#:;= /# 1 9.6, > D2 <:<-0;< $ ;2:6 P/#."&"$1 (7):;F#$B 3 A 33)#$ ;66-69 $G ;2;7 ) % ? '" #A? > = $ ;222 /# H/# ;;3 F#$B 3 G=D $ 5 ;22= P5(#/"/#3$.;$H ++.( $ 5 ;226 P5(#/"/#3$.$ )##5#B$H ++.( # $ ;2D6 P."A"." ." 1 > 9 =2D-67D 9<<

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%$ ;2:9 (4744# %@(A4F % &$? B F >* ;2:D P# $H 'F* > =6$ ; 06-0: &$? B $F >*$C ;22; P#$ #"5$.B)$H F* > =0$ 9 <0D-<:: &$? B +, ;22= :447( 4' .$.A )". &$? B ;226 P#A$$H" /33 F#$B 3 A"=9$;226 $3" =777 .)% B)$3 =9 ;2:2 663; 64+." (R/0D8%/0DD 5)$C@AC("3 /# $B ;22D E*). % @(AF F R3" $ G 3 ;227 +F4*G ))= %".($3A# )$ ;229 P'B$H ,* 3#$5 #=0 6 ($5 G 3(( ;2:D +.3*( 4 %@(A''( +#

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$ / ;220 PBA"3 H 6, 4, > :7 :D<-277 %$. ;22< P&"") 3% H '6,4, > ;96 ;<66-;<<2 "$C =77; .)% 3#$5 ;9 "$C ;229 /# F#$B 3 G" =D $C ;2:: P3"3!/#B 1 >6,54, > >$ = 662-69D $F $ 5 $3 3 ;229 PB /%"$H" '(#$/#3 ";; F#$ B 3 A/# F ;229 P?/%B$H () ";= 6 $ $ G "($G @# ;22; ; "$ @ A" )" %$ ;::9 );.: @A/R 3' =777 B.-;.?B# 3A=777 BA3=777";+;, ;77-.B ?#AB)"$3 /AII #)j;07777:=7777 G=: 3' =777 G(7 2KKK 3=777";+;,;77-.B 3#"$ 9
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3' =777 4*;672KKK 3( 3"$ AII #) 3' ;222 3;222-3"3 /AII%%% )I3I%%%III;222II= G";D 3 9= ;2:: 3)#;20:+;2::,9-;;-0:$. 5 27-=:9$"5 ;2::$. 5 ;77-967$ 6-;=-:2 NN607;60;2N606; / A :;Q:6 ;G66<7-66D;33)# ;2D2 )::; -F#$B 3 A 33) # 33)# ;229 ):; /0DD7)-4 F#$B 3 A 33)# B/#B) =777 '-4"&:* ": F#$B3A/B B/#B) ;22< : 47/1)",;'; F#$B 3 A B/# B) B/#B) ;22< )",;' F#$B 3 A B/# B) B/#B)$BG$ B"$)"$B 3$/#'$ 3$3 ;229 P." B5#L$H :4* > <2$ D6 ;:=00-;:=D9 B/#B)$"$ "/#& 9<:

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" ;2:2 P/# ;2::L$H :4* > <9$ ;6A6=6=66;D =93.;9 B/#B)$"$ "/#& ;22; P/#"?$B# ?IB%#$H :4* > <0 99 2922-2<;< B/#B)$ "/#&" ;229 PB."/#L ).(#! .3B$H :4* > <2$ ;2:A <=;79-<=;7< =933;WB( 2-29-;D96L-6D<<-76X$ B/#B)$ "/#&" ;22< P/# .LB##)L. $H :4* > 07$ 92A;6:97-;6:9: =93. ;77WB( -2<-;D70L-6<7=-.-70X >#$ =777 .)% B)$3 =0 F$ =77; .)% /"%$3 "== F$' ;22: P?JA # H > ;D$ = ;0<-;D9 F$ ;229 6:*) F3, %@(A. F$3 ;226 4 '$A'. F$' ;229 P9FT26<$777'5%$H () #=0 9<2

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F$B ;229 P.!-#/# '$H )EGM ";0 F ;29: ( %@(AF" F$? =77; .)% $3 "=7 F$C =77; .)% 3#$5 ;9 F$C =777 .)% B)$3 =D F($' 5 ;2:0 P.")##A3 3 H.")% > 0$ ;+#,$ 99-07 F$3 $G ;226 .G*(,3 3#$A. @$ C ;229 (4* ($3A#. @#$G ;22< (*&67)(( ; @A# @$ ;20D P" #*) H 4, > 6= :2;-276 8$ ;222 P#"$ H. $ .". '$3AF)% .$ D6-26 8$/ ;2:7 <;' @A/. 8$+;226, P$'('.$H + +, G B6 907

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33A ) //3 $9=0 ;;9;+ B @ ;2DD, !) #$ 2:-6<2DR2:-60==$= 5Q99<+63 = 3J$3 ) B$662 6:=$629$62:$ 295 2=<+;2<7, ) 3")$<;: F =69+ ;2D<, (3/#) ?"B)$5 3 ;0 6 966+:3 ;22:, (3/#) ?"5 3 L22= ;09 + B ( ;22:, (3/#) %#/$ $ 2:Q==+:3 ;22:, ") '#L:00 =;=D0+;3 ;2:2, "?) BL9;: 6;0+ ;22<, ") /B$ 6;22
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'#) $20 =$276 679+ B @$;22<, 3) $:;9 =02+ B @ ;226, 3) G()*$=6 66D=+=3 ;229, 3) G(LDD2 26D+ B ;22;, h 90=

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3/#3$ ) 5%"3$ 3) 2D--9D9+;22:, 3/#3) 5%"3L;9 5%F 3=D9+;;3 =777, 3) '%$D< =D9+F B ;22, 3#') 3"3#$==9 =D26+ ;20D, 3"3#/#) &-B/$ $ DD366
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3"3#) .$;;D 69<<+;;; 3 ;2:6, 3") !/$ <;9 D=<+;22<, 3") !/$ $ 29-=6 + 3 $";<$ ;22<+$#3") F#'#3 3$;: 6:7=+23 ;229, 3")) 'RF$ $ :23;2:$;22 B5Q ;<9D+ B ;2:2, 3")) 'RF$ $ :23;2:$;227 B5Q ;<9D+ B ;227, 3")) 3"$ :23 :6==$;227 B5Q90 + B ;227, 3"5#) 5"$90; 2<$D<5 =0D<$;76 3 ;007 +;2:6, 3"%@() ;77;3 $=9D @ =<=+ @ ;209, 3"%@() $5 $00< ;D:+ B @ ;2:D, 3) $ $3) :9Q<=;$;2:D B 5Q2=;=+ B ;2:D, 3) /)$066 =6:9+93 ;2:7, 3-B3) 3$6:. =69+3 ;20=, 3) G$3> :9-0;+GB,$;2:: B 5Q;999; + B @ ;2::, B%) B"$3) 2D-6211$;22D B 5Q;=;2+ B 5 ;22D, 909

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B") /#$:=D ;=20+ B ;226, B) (L :=3)0
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/#3) "$:<< 6;<+3 B 3 ;229, /#3?F#$ ) C"#3 $ 3) BC32D-=7=$ B 3 $ B B $ ;22: /#) 3$ 32DQ=9DGG$= B 5Q9D6D + B 3 =, ) /"$;;6 3 <<0+;22=, )) 4#3 $D<6 29;$29:+ B ? ;227, ") $;=0 B 9;2+B B 3 ;2::, ) )$3 2<369D=$;22D B 5Q;0<+ B ;22D, ) G$00 @ =D:0+ @ ;22D, ) FL3) /-D9Q:2$;2D< B 5Q;66D:+B 3 ;2D<, ) "$DD2 0;9+B ;22;, ) $D2< =D:=+5 3 ;22D, *) #$=D 6:=:+=3 ;229, ?#) G3B)3 $;: 6=90+23 ;22D, ?!) 3#/#" =0< 27D+ B ;20D, N=; ;$;0 ?!) 3#/#" =20 27D+ B ;202, N=: 6$DDLN=2 =$D 900

PAGE 484

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

PAGE 485

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

PAGE 486

G() $D:D =<2+03 ;2:0, G() FL 2=-3>-D9D=<-BL;226 B 5Q;:D00 + B ;226, G() /B$99 6<<6+D3 ;22<, G) .$ 2<309=9$;220 B 5Q;926;+ B ;;; ;220, G) / "3 $62= 972+;20:, C") $6 62<;+03 ;226, C") $0D: =0<:+03 ;2:=, C#) "/#3LD23 9;+3 3 =, C*") /B$<6 6:=;+D3 ;22<, C) ) 3$660 DD$265 <;6+;292, C") G C ?")$ $ 2D3:6;;$;22: B 5!;99=:+ B ;22:, 5) 5$029 =<6+ B ;2::, 533) 3# %/"$ :93D<09$;2:0 B 5Q=<:D2 + B ;2:0, 533) 33"$ $ :63:=<$;2:9 B 5Q=6D60 + B ;2:9, 533) 8$ 2=3 =<2D$;22< B 5Q;60=9+ B ;22<, 902

PAGE 487

5) '#%L22; F =;9<+ ;$;22:$, 5) 3$=9 =;<=+ B 3 ;22:, 53/#) 5$ 2:-6<:: 1C16$;222 B 5Q;=:0+ B 5 ;222, .$5 $) F$09. =;;<+3 ;2:=, ) $<6 =D6<+03 ;2D9, "3/) ($6=2 =:+ ;2D9, 3") /$<09 F =926+ 3 ;22D, C".(/$ ) 33)#$;=2 ==6< +3 3 ;2<0, /#)) %?$
PAGE 488

)(") "3?F#$0:6 = ;9=+B 3 ;220, #"3") 3 $6:0 =699+ ;2D:, #) /B$;226 5Q=<7:$2:< =;9<; ) /B$;22< 5Q;6796$6-+;73 -26-D00+G'F,$;226 B 5Q;<2=D+ B @ ;226, 9D;

PAGE 489

/#3) #3 $2;3) <;;;+3/,$ ;22= B 5Q;
PAGE 490

#) /"(%3 $0 6:2:+=3 ;226, #) CRC"$5 $D23) 9:9+F33,$;2D2 B 5Q;<90+ B @ ;2D2, #) %@(3 $2=6 =22<+=3 ;22;, )) 3#3% $3) A 20-=92<2$;22D B5Q=;D0=+B B 3 ;22D, ) /%$D;= =6;2+D3 ;2:6, ) 002 =0:2++5 3 ;220, ) F$9;7 ;;6+;2D6, ) C$ :=-6D02$;2:9 5Q;9<<0+03 ;2:9, ") 3"$;=9 6;7#$22: D:9+ B ;22:, ) 3'3"$D9=. ==2+3 ;2:D, ) .$<02. =;676+;2DD, ) (""3"$6D= ;6==+ B $;2D=, ) C$ 20-9D0$;220 B 5Q;:
PAGE 491

") C 669 ;+;29:, .(3"$) F%"$9:0 :6: + B F ;2:7, ) '%$3) 2;-==:$11;22= B 5! 2;6=+ B 5 $G:$;22=, ) '%$3) 2;-==211$;22= B 5Q ;;==+ B 5 G"=$;22=, () G$06. =9<0F 3 ;2:;, ) "/#3$2;6. =22+3 ;220, ) /B$20D =:;D+=3 ;22=, /#3) ?' $D;6 ;0:+ B ;2::, /#3) 5F"'$ 230DD$;22 B 5Q;<=0+ B ;227, /#3) $0<: ;9< + B ;2:D, ) 3>#$ $:22 ==9+B 3 3 ;227, ) F(#L;== B <9;+ B F ;2::, ) ')".#$0D9 ;6;6+ B ;2:D, ) ($<22 6;9+ B ;2:9, /$ ) 3")$6
PAGE 492

) )#'($0<6 ;667$;66D + B ;2:D, ) $: =;60+D3 ;2:0, ) FG B)$ $3) 2;-7::=+B 3 ;22=,$.-/A /#I5# /6 ;+ ;$;22=, /#3) %3 $D9 = 00D+3 3.;22D, )) $: =;92+D3 ;2:0, .3) 3"3 6DD ;;;+3 B 3 ;2D9, ) 5 3 $972 =7<+;2D=, %) C"$0<0 99=+3 B ;2:D, %) C"$ ::-=2<:$;22; 5Q=:D66+D3 ;22;, ) 3$ $:< B 60+ B > ;2:7, ") #$;= 6=<0+D3 ;220, '3 > / 3$=9 6;77:+D3 ;229, ) '$2:; =2;0+D3 ;22=,$$$<;7 :;= +;226, ) 3/.(#3 $=2 6;9;6+23 ;229, ) 3)"3)#'($.-/A/#I5# /;2 6:<+B 3 ;229, ) 3"/"%$3$60 6:6=+23 ;229, 9D<

PAGE 493

) B)#R5J$.-/A/#I 5# ;;;2$6DD+ B ? ;22=, ) B$ :93:06=$;2:D B 5Q29;0+ B $ 2$;2:D, ) BL:D2 =;9::+D3 ;2:2, ) $;:6 B ;9:+B G ;22:, ) '(>(#$.-/A/#I5# /;2$6:9+ B ;229, ) ?$69; :2;+ B @ ;2D=, ) /#"$;D2 B 02+B 3 ;22D, ) 5"33$222 ;6D+ B ;22:, ) +,L9D9 =;;09+<3 ;2D6, ) $<;: =::9+<3 ;2D<, ) .*"3 $9:9 =96:$99;-9=+<3 ;2D6,$ *A `0 260+;2D9, ) $ $966 ;;9+ B ;2DD, ) $D69 9D9+ B ;227, ) "#3 $2 6=0+D3 ;220, ) %##3 $.-/A/#I5# /;2$6:6 +B 3 ;226, ) L 2<-<002D$;22D 5Q<;0;+23 ;22D, ) $2;9 6==+ B ;22<, #

PAGE 494

) 3"$:97 =;720$;722+=3 ,$ ** 9:: 290+;2::, ) %/ $2<-3>-<66+/,$;22D B 5Q 6;;2+F B @ ;22D, ) %3$5$ 263;:<$;22D B 5Q:D;9+ B ;22D, ) $ $::D ;69D+B /% ;22<, ) >#.$6D 6;=67+D3 ;229, ) F$:9D :;2+B ) ;229, ) F-'%3 $ :-6;9$;2:; 5Q;92::+03 ;2:;, ) F$62< D6=+F B F ;2D<, ) @33"$6D7 096$090+ B 3 ;2D6, )* <72 =0=6+23 ;2D<, >B'() 3/#L BD0;D<+ $G" =<$=$ >) (&"3$<;D F = 60:+ ;229, >#'%) B%""$9:= ;6=;+ B ;2D2, >#'%) B%)$:2< =;<=;+D3 ;227, >#'%) ?$<02 =;;6+D3 ;2D:, >#'%) ?"R $009 6=+ B ;2:D,

PAGE 495

>#%) ($3 :<--9$;2:DB 5Q;0<+B 3 ;2:0, >3") '$5 $D0 =;=0+ =, >) F#/3?F$D9. =06=+F 3 ;2:<, F) 3 $D< =;+B B 3 ;222, F>#Z3 ) @#$2<0. =;=:<+/% 3 ;22:, F3() "/#3$:;9. =D9+3 ;22;, F3() "/#3L==:3 66=D+3 3 ;227, F) $9== 927+;2D<, F#) %$ $029=;:;+D3 ;2:=, F() 3L3>::-=6<=+B,$;22 B 5Q=26:+ B @ ;227, F) '"$D<: =;9:=+;;3 ;2:< F"/##3) G3 $99D :6:+ B @ ;2D:, F) 'RF.L3) G-:D-=2DL;2:: B 5Q <0=6+B "=6$;2::, F) L90 D0;+ B ;2D:, F) .("#$ $2<< 92+B ;220, 9D:

PAGE 496

F> /#3"L662 ;;90+ B $ ;2D=, F) ?%.$:D0 ;=6;+B ;22<, F) 3$;:2 B 6D; + B ;222, F*"3 )$D=; =<:2+ 3 ;222, F) ')$ 2-666:$;22; 5Q;:+03 ;22;, @) ."#$ L:9< 0=<+ B ;;; ;229, 8) /"$600 <<6+ B ;2D6, 8) /"$629 ;=:+ B ;2D<, 9D2