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Out of respect for language rights

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Title:
Out of respect for language rights a critical examination of official English
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Critical examination of official English
Creator:
Crull, Andra
Place of Publication:
Denver, CO
Publisher:
University of Colorado Denver
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Language:
English
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ix, 135 leaves : illustrations ; 29 cm

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Subjects / Keywords:
English-only movement ( lcsh )
Language policy ( lcsh )
English-only movement ( fast )
Language policy ( fast )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 130-135).
Thesis:
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree, Master of Arts, Political Science
General Note:
Department of Political Science
Statement of Responsibility:
by Andra Crull.

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|University of Colorado Denver
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|Auraria Library
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All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
614586835 ( OCLC )
ocn614586835
Classification:
P119.32.U6 C7 1997a ( lcc )

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OUT OF RESPECT FOR LANGUAGE RIGHTS:
A CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF OFFICIAL ENGLISH
by
Andra Crull
B.A., University of Iowa, 1992
M.A., University of Iowa, 1994
A thesis submitted to the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
Political Science
1997


1997 by Andra Crull
All rights reserved.


This thesis for the Master of Arts
degree by
Andra Crull
has been approved
by
Glenn T. Morris

C
ucy C. Ware
jU /ffl
U bate


Crull, Andra (M.A., Political Science)
Out of Respect for Language Rights: A Critical Examination of Official English
Thesis directed by Associate Professor Glenn T. Mom's
ABSTRACT
The immediate research problem for those working in the emerging field of the
politics of language is to uncover relationships between language and power. This thesis
attempts to add to this endeavor. First, using the vastly differing approaches to language
embraced by both the U.S. Official English Movement and the international community as
a point of reference, various theoretical concepts such as linguicism, monolingual naivety,
interactional reciprocity, human rights, and the symbolic impact of legal norms are
discussed with the intent of revealing structures which create and perpetuate discrimination
based on language. Such a discussion also establishes the framework for an empirical
study of Americans' support of language rights and the identification of indicators of this
support Second, data collected through a small availability sample suggest that support
for official English is the strongest indicator of support of language rights. Other significant
indicators include conservative/liberal ideology, gender, and income. Because of the
ungeneralizability of the sample, however, these results will need to be retested.
Suggestions for future research, including revised and new measures, are also made.
Finally, taking into consideration the strength of support for official English in determining
an individuals level of support for language rights, suggestions are put forth for using court
challenges, legislative challenges, and symbolic challenges to instigate change.
This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidates thesis. I recommend its
publication.
Glenn T. Mom's


DEDICATION
To Dr. Sue R. Crull
Thank you for sharing your survey research and data analysis know-how. Without your help this
thesis would not have been possible. Thanks, too, for being my mom.


ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I would like to thank the political science faculty and staff for all of their encouragement and
support over the last two years. I put forth my accomplishments while in the program, including
this thesis, as proof of what can be achieved when a department gives its graduate students free
reign to pursue the research that interests them. I would also like to extend a personal thank-you
to each of my committee members: To Glenn Mom's, for always treating me as a colleague from
whom he could learn and not just another student to whom he could teach; to Mike Cummings for
helping me to grow as a colleague through assisting him in analyzing data that he had collected
and through our discussions regarding my own data results; and especially to Lucy Ware, first and
foremost for being my colleague, my mentor and my friend, but also for the baton. I promise to
hold it tight and run far.


CONTENTS
CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION..................................................1
Statement of the Problem and Purpose...................6
2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE..........................................8
Linguicism.............................................9
Monolingualism Ideology........................10
Monolingual Naivety............................11
Interactional Reciprocity......................12
Language Rights.......................................13
Language and the State.........................25
Language Rights Are Human Rights...............28
Linguicism and Its Agents: The Role of Law............40
Literature Summary....................................42
Conceptual Model...............................43
Hypotheses.....................................43
3. PROCEDURES...................................................45
Data Collection.......................................45
Method.........................................45
Sampling Procedure.............................45
Measurement of Variables..............................46
Dependent Variable.............................46
VII


Independent Variable..............................47
Intervening Variables.............................47
Exogenous Variables...............................48
Analysis..................................................49
Deletion of Cases.........................................50
4. FINDINGS/DISCUSSION..............................................51
Bivariate Analysis........................................51
Multivariate Analysis.....................................56
Summary/Conclusion........................................61
Future Research...........................................63
Quality of Foreign Language Experience............63
Interaction Affects Among Foreign Language
Experiences.......................................64
Authoritarian/Closed-Mindedness Measures..........64
Measures of Attitudes Towards Language............66
Deepen Exploration of Support for Official English..66
Triangulating Research Approaches.................67
5. IMPLICATIONS FOR CHANGE..........................................69
Court Challenges..........................................70
Using International Law in Domestic Courts........70
The Fourteenth Amendment..........................79
Legislative Challenges....................................84
Cultural Rights Amendment.........................85
English-Plus Legislation..........................86
Symbolic Challenges.......................................87
viii


APPENDIX
A. FEDERAL OFFICIAL ENGLISH LEGISLATION..............90
B. UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF LINGUISTIC RIGHTS........95
C. QUESTIONNAIRE ITEMS..............................111
D. FREQUENCY DISTRIBUTIONS..........................115
E. FREQUENCY DISTRIBUTION AND RELIABILITY ANALYSIS
FOR LANGUAGE RIGHTS SCALE........................125
F. ZERO ORDER CORRELATION MATRIX....................127
G. FEDERAL ENGLISH-PLUS RESOLUTION..................128
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
130


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Why should the Palatine Boors be suffered to swarm into
our Settlements, and by herding together, establish their
Language and Manners to the Exclusion of ours? Why
should Pennsylvania, founded by the English, become a
Colony of Aliens, who will shortly be so numerous as to
Germanize us instead of our Anglifying them, and will
never adopt our Language or Customs any more than they
will acquire our Complexion.
Benjamin Franklin
Since its founding, successive generations of Americans have worried that the next
wave of immigrants to land on its shores would be the one to refuse to dissolve into the
great American melting pot. It is especially feared that immigrants who come from a
dissimilar cultural tradition and/or speak a language other than English will insist on
retaining their distinct characteristics, will insist on being the tomatoes in an American
tossed salad.1 At times, when enough Americans feel that a certain immigrant group (or
groups) is not assimilating fast enough, the heat under the melting pot increases. When
the targeted group is distinguishable on the basis of language, immigrants belonging to
that group usually find their language rights under attack. In the 1920s, it was the
Germans who found the use of their language in education restricted.1 2 Today, it is
1 Romero, Tomas, "We'll prosper through salad-bowl assimilation, not blenderizing,"
The Denver Post, November 1, 1995, sec. B. ("Who says assimilation has to occur via a
blender-like, complete loss of individualism? I prefer the salad bowl approach.")
2 See Meyer v. Nebraska 1923. This case raised a constitutional challenge to a 1919
statute which prohibited teaching any subject in any language other than English or the
teaching of foreign languages prior to the ninth grade. The statute was viewed by the
Court to be the product of anti-German reaction to World War I and ruled unconstitutional.
1


Hispanics3 who find their language under attack through restrictive official-English laws.
As of May 1995, twenty-three states have passed official-English legislation.4 A
federal bill that would make English the official language of the United States government
was passed by the House in the 104th Congress, but was stalled in a Senate committee.
The same bill has been reintroduced in both houses in the 105th Congress. A copy of this
bill can be found in Appendix A. During the 1996 presidential campaign, Republican
candidate Bob Dole pledged to make English the official language of the United States
because "[w]ith all the divisive forces tearing at our country, we need the glue of language
to help hold us together. If we want to ensure that all our children have the same
opportunities in life, alternative language education should stop and English should be
acknowledged once and for all as the official language of the United States.''5
Similarly, Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich has continually warned that allowing
bilingualism to continue unchecked in the United States will lead straight to the
balkanization of the United States and Quebec-style separatist movements.6 The Clinton
administration, however, denounced official-English legislation as "objectionable and
3 While official-English laws do not specifically (or exclusively) target the Spanish
language, "Hispanics are the chief targets of the English-only movement' (Califa 1989,
294). Hispanics, however, are not the only group under direct attack. Asian-Americans
have also been the recipients of English-only hostility (Ibid). In feet, all members of the
323 different language groups in the United States (1990 census cited in U.S. English
Facts and Issues Packet, on file with author) are potential targets of English-only laws.
4 Alabama, Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii, Illinois,
Indiana, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, North
Carolina, North Dakota, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Virginia, and Wyoming
(U.S. English Facts and Issues Packet, on file with author).
5 Broder, David S., "English is U.S. 'glue' Dole says," The Denver Post, September 5,
1995.
6 Shogren, Elizabeth, "Quebec votes 'non': Gingrich sees lesson for U.S.,'' The Denver
Post, October 31, 1995.
2


unnecessary," and representative Kika de la Garza (D-TX) rejected such legislation as
mean-spirited," stating that "[ijts camouflage....Were going to rebuild a Berlin Wall around
America its not going to be bricks and mortar, its going to be something called English
only.1,7 Meanwhile, in Texas, a judge ordered a mother to stop speaking Spanish to her
child at home, warning her that it was child abuse and threatening to rescind her custody
rights if she continued.7 8 A case was also brought before a Sacramento court by Latino
passengers on a Greyhound bus who were threatened with being kicked off the bus if they
did not observe the bus driver's demands to stop speaking Spanish."9 Finally, during the
1997 term, the Supreme Court dismissed as moot a case challenging the constitutionality
of Arizonas restrictive official-English legislation (Arizonans for Official English v. Arizona
1997). The Court has yet to offer a ruling regarding any of the official-English statutes
passed by the States.
In direct contrast to the language debate in the United States, at the international
level researchers and activists are working to develop linguistic human rights norms. The
need for an international declaration of linguistic rights was first formally recognized at the
12th Seminar of the International Association for the Development of Intercultural
Communication held at Recife, Brazil in October of 1987. The Declaration of Recife,
7 Camia, Catalina, "House passes controversial English bill, Dallas Morning News,
August 2, 1996.
8 Seebach, Linda, 2 languages are better than one?, The Denver Post, September
14, 1995.
9 Statement of Edward M. Chen, ACLU Staff Council, on Civil Liberties Implications of
Official English Legislation before United States House of Representatives Committee on
Economic and Educational Opportunities Subcommittee on Early Childhood, Youth and
Families, November 1, 1995.
3


adopted at the Seminar, ends as follows:
Hence, conscious of the need to provide explicit legal guarantees for linguistic
rights to individuals and groups by the appropriate bodies of the member states of
the United Nations, [the Seminar] recommends that steps be taken by the United
Nations to adopt and implement a universal declaration of linguistic rights which
would require a reformulation of national, regional, and international language
policies, (cited in Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson (1995, 98), emphasis original)
The following preliminary declaration of linguistic rights was also adopted at the Seminar
1. Every social group has the right to positively identify with one or more
languages and to have such identification accepted and respected by
others.
2. Every child has the right to learn the language(s) of his/her group fully.
3. Every person has the right to use the language(s) of his/her group in any
official situation.
4. Every person has the right to learn fully at least one of the official
languages in the country where s/he is resident, according to her/his own
choice, (cited in Ibid, 98-99)
The most comprehensive draft declaration to result from this call for a universal
declaration on linguistic rights has been produced by CIEMEN (Centre Intemacional
Escarre per les Minories Etniques i les Nacions). A complete copy of this declaration can
be found in Appendix B. This document has two important central features. First, it
identifies language communities as both historic-territorial language communities and as
groups settled in other territories such as immigrants, refugees, deported persons, and
members of diaspora. This recognition is important because, as stated in Article 5 of the
document itself,
[t]his Declaration is based on the principle that the rights of all language
communities are equal and independent of their legal status as official, regional or
minority languages. Terms such as regional or minority languages are not used in
this Declaration because, though in certain cases the recognition of regional or
minority languages can facilitate the exercise of certain rights, these and other
modifiers are frequently used to restrict the rights of language communities.
The second important feature of this document is the recognition that language
4


rights are composed of both individual and collective rights. The outline of these rights is
found in Article 3.
Article 3
(1) This Declaration considers the following to be inalienable personal rights
which may be exercised in any situation:
the right to be recognized as a member of a language community;
the right to the use of ones own language in both private and in public;
the right to the use of ones own name;
the right to interrelate and associate with other members of one's language
community of origin;
the right to maintain and develop one's own culture;
and all the other rights related to language which are recognized in the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 16 December 1966
and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of
the same date.
(2) This Declaration considers that the collective rights of language groups,
may include the following, in addition to the rights attributed to the
members of language groups in the foregoing paragraph, and in
accordance with the conditions laid down in article 2.2:
the right for their own language and culture to be taught;
the right of access to cultural services;
the right to an equitable presence of their language and culture in the
communications media;
the right to receive attention in their own language from government bodies
and in socioeconomic relations.
(3) The aforementioned rights of persons and language groups must in no way
hinder the interrelation of such persons or groups with the host language
community or their integration into that community. Nor must they restrict
the rights of the host community or its members to the full public use of the
communitys own language throughout its territorial space.
This last article (3.3), also highlights the right to learn fully the preferred language of the
state. This right recognizes that language policies can be used to exclude as well as to
assimilate speakers belonging to a non-majority language community.
Both the official-English movement and the developing international legal norms
regarding language rights demonstrate that language is much more than what we speak
5


and write. It is also a tool that can be used to shape social reality. The juxtaposition
between the above approaches to language raises certain questions with regard to official-
language laws, discrimination, and language rights and provides fertile ground for
researching relationships between language and power.
Statement of the Problem and Purpose
The immediate research problem for those working in the emerging field of the
politics of language is to uncover relationships between language and power. That is to
bring language out of the tacit realm of knowledge and into the explicit realm of power
relations. This thesis attempts to add to this endeavor.
This thesis takes a critical social science approach to the problem.10 The general
goal of critical social science is "to smash myths and empower people to change society
radically" (Neuman 1994, 75). Critical social scientists see the world as "conflict filled and
governed by hidden underlying structures" (Ibid). As such, critical social science theory, in
the form of critique, seeks to "reveal true conditions and help people see the way to a
better world" (Ibid). Finally, in addition to being scientific and critical, this research
approach also aims to be practical by providing people with the tools needed to instigate
change (Ibid).
The organization of this thesis is reflective of the approach chosen. Chapter Two
seeks to reveal structures underlying relationships between power and language that lead
to discrimination and seeks to provide a way of challenging such structures. Such a
discussion also establishes the framework for an empirical study of Americans support of
language rights and the identification of indicators of this support Chapter Three presents
10 For an in-depth discussion of this approach see Fay 1987.
6


the procedures used in conducting the empirical study, while Chapter Four presents a
discussion of the studys findings and provides suggestions for future research in this area.
Finally, Chapter Five discusses the studys implications and endeavors to provide the
necessary tools for change.
7


CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
In order to bring language out of the realm of tacit knowledge and into the realm of
power relations, it must first be realized that human beings do not just speak and write.
Rather, "[w]e also have opinions about what speech and writing are, their values, how they
are relevant to society, and how societies characterize themselves according to the kind of
communicative interactions they engage in" (Mignolo 1989, 72-73). These opinions about
language are what Schiffman (1996, 5) has come to define as linguistic culture,
or the set of behaviors, assumptions, cultural forms, prejudices, folk belief systems,
attitudes, stereotypes, ways of thinking about language, and religio-historical
circumstances associated with a particular language. That is the beliefs (one
might even use the term myths) that a speech community has about language (and
this includes literacy) in general and its language in particular (from which it usually
derives its attitudes towards other languages) are part of the social conditions that
affect the maintenance and transmission of its language.
Thus, linguistic culture is much more than simply attitudes and beliefs about
language. It can create myths that hide power and objective conditions. As Mignolo
(1992, 341) observes, "[hjuman beings have turned speech into an instrument of human
semiotic interactions including the organization and transmission of knowledge and
education, the organization of society, the expression of agreements and disagreements,
the control of people and the exercise of social power." As language is demythized, then,
we come to see that "different languages have different political rights, not by virtue of any
inherent linguistic characteristics, but dependent on the power relationships between the
speakers of those languages" (Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson 1989, 3).
8


Linauicism
Once we have placed language within an analytical framework of power relations,
we can place the discourse of power inequality based on language within other discourses
based on the unequal division of power, such as racism and sexism. Skutnabb-Kangas
and Phillipson (1989, 5) have termed this linguistic inequality "linguicism," defining it as
"ideologies and structures which are used to legitimate, effectuate and reproduce an
unequal division of power and resources (both material and non-material) between groups
which are defined on the basis of language."
According to Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson (1995, 104), when biological racism
became "untenable," new forms of legitimating unequal divisions of power and resources
were devised. No longer are certain "races" seen to be more fit to rule than others, but
rather it is "certain ethnic groups, cultures and languages which are claimed to be fitter to
rule, expand and be emulated by others (Ibid). This "new darwinism argues that the
"languages which are to survive and expand will do so because they are more adapted to
modem technological life, to market economies and democratic forms of government, more
developed or useful, or have more potential than others" (Ibid). These myths, however,
conceal an unequal division of resources between languages. All languages "are logical,
cognitively complex, and capable of expressing any thoughts, provided enough resources
are devoted to cultivation" (Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson 1989, 3). If power
relationships between speakers were to be equalized, "all languages could have the same
rights, the same possibility of being accepted and respected, of being learned fully, and
used in all situations by their speakers" (Ibid).
Linguicism, then, is not just ideological but also structural, and its causes "have to
be analyzed from both structural and ideological angles, covering the struggle for structural
9


power and material resources, and the legitimation, effectuation, and reproduction of the
resulting unequal division of power and resources between groups, based on language"
(Skutnabb-Kangas 1996, 86). Similarly, the agents of linguicism can be structural (the
state, an institution, laws and regulations, budgets) as well as ideological (norms and
values ascribed to different languages) (Ibid).
Monolinqualism Ideology
Linguicism is based in the pervasive ideology of linguistic
homogeneity/monolingualism, which elevates monolingualism as the norm despite the feet
that multilingualism is the normal state of affairs (Skutnabb-Kangas and Phiilipson 1989,
55). As Skutnabb-Kangas and Phiilipson (Ibid) observe,
[gjranted the number of languages in the world, most countries and people should
of course be closer to the multilingualism end of the continuum in their attitudes,
and in feet most countries might be placed there. But there are some very
powerful exceptions, namely most European countries and Europeanised countries.
In these it seems that the extreme monolingualism ideology is very strong, as it is
in most former imperial European countries which are the sources of the
languages of the former colonizers.
The important question to ask at this point is how this monolingualism ideology
developed if monolingualism itself is so rare. According to de Varennes (1996, 20), this
ideology is intimately connected to the development of the modem, centralized nation-
state. The French Revolution, and its political and legal aim of 6galit6 advanced a
definition of equality based on sameness; now "an individual could only become truly equal
if he or she were no different from the ideal chosen by the state" (Ibid).1 And since "the
French state was ferociously secular, religious differences were of no consequence and 1
1 I would also like to acknowledge Dr. Lucy Ware's initial discussion about equality as
sameness and its general impact on my development of this argument
10


could be ignored, but the French government had to function using a particular language
which came to represent la nation fragaise" (Ibid). Language was thus transformed into a
symbol of the will to create a new and unified political community (Ibid), and
monolingualism into a model for successful nation-state building.
This monolingual model was not applied as a political principle," however, until the
signing of the Versailles treaty at the end of World War I (Guy 1989, 46). The
transformation of the monolingual model of nation-state building into monolingualism
ideology started a process, the outcome of which has been that "in the course of the past
century a few cases of linguistically imperialist peoples, who had established relatively
monolingual but powerful states, have been promulgated as the model for the world" (Ibid).
According to Fishman (1985, 445), today this monolingualism ideology is perpetuated by
the myths that "monolingualism = universalism," "monolingualism = freedom," and
"monolingualism = rationalism." The ensuing negative attitudes that these myths continue
to generate towards multilingualism merely reflect "monolingual economic, political, cultural
and ideological investments or establishments and...the self-serving world views that they
have fostered" (Ibid). As a result, monolingualism ideology continues to support and
perpetuate linguicism.
Monolingual Naivety
Monolingualism ideology is able to perpetuate linguicism within a society through
the monolingual naivety of dominant-language speakers. According to Skutnabb-Kangas
and Phillipson (1989, 47-48),
[m]onolingual naivety (or monolingual stupidity), which is a hallmark of many
dominant Western groups, may prevent an awareness of language in general and
of the importance of the mother tongues in particular. Many Western linguicists
may never have experienced interactional reciprocity. Not experiencing situations
11


with equal relations between languages, and always being linguistically
unthreatened may dull sensitivity to language issues. Being linguistically blinkered
may contribute to permanent conservatism. It may prevent one from seeing the
relativity of ones own vision, or from knowing that one has a vision in the first
place, especially when one profits from linguicism economically and politically.
Thus, it can be said that the underlying monolingualism ideology allows dominant
language speakers the luxury of a non-reflective assumption of language privilege. In
other words, because monolingualism ideology supports the hegemonic position of
dominant-language speakers as being a natural state of affairs, language remains within
the tacit realm of knowledge for these speakers because they do not face situations of
inequality based on language that would force language issues into the realm of power
relations. The end result is that those who speak the dominant language usually do not
question "their right to identify positively with their mother tongue, to learn it fully or to use
it in official situations....For majority [speakers] these rights are so self-evident that they
may never think of them as human rights...[because their] mother tongues are promoted,
overtly and covertly" (Ibid, 44). This non-reflective assumption of language privilege, or
monolingual naivety, is in turn expressed outwardly in the form of linguicism.
Interactional Reciprocity
For Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson (Ibid, 47), the key to overcoming monolingual
naivety is interactional reciprocity, or the experience of equal relations between languages.
They suggest, however, that it will take a revitalization movement on the part of minority
language speakers, accompanied by demands for language rights, to force interactional
reciprocity on majority language speakers and to make majority speakers see the rights
that they already enjoy (Ibid).
12


Fishman (1994) also stresses actively fostering interactional reciprocity among the
majority rather than relying solely on minority challenges to the dominant hierarchy.
Placed within the framework of language planning,2 Fishman (Ibid, 97-98) argues that
[Ijanguage planning must also more frequently and more obviously aim at changing
the majority and its establishment, rather than only at changing the
minorities/subjugatees and their ethnolinguistic patterns. The majorities must be
weaned away from the ingrained patterns of (a) ignorance vis-a-vis the minority
languages in their midst, (b) stigmatization of these minority languages and (c)
regulation of minority life in an 'outside do-gooder fashion at best and in an
authoritarian terminator fashion at worst
While Fishman does not offer any specific methods for achieving these aims,
exposure to non-dominant languages and non-dominant language speakers, through
foreign language study, experience abroad, domestic home-stays, the formation of bi-
/multi-lingual organizations, or the creation of other "contact situations" seem the obvious
choices for fostering interactional reciprocity among majority language speakers.
Language studies, along the same lines as race and gender studies, could also provide
awareness about connections between power, language, and discrimination.
Language Rights
If linguicism provides the framework for revealing structures underlying
relationships between power and language that lead to discrimination, placing language in
a rights framework provides a way of challenging such structures. In general, rights can
be viewed as political trump cards held by individuals (or groups) which provide ways of
challenging collective (or state) goals used, without sufficient justification, to deny them
2 Language planning has been defined by Eastman (1983, 29) as "the activity of
manipulating language as a social resource in order to reach objectives set out by planning
agencies which, in general, are an areas governmental, educational, economic, and
linguistic authorities."
13


what they wish to have or to do and/or impose some loss or injury on them (Dworkin 1977,
xi). To further understand how a rights framework might be used to challenge linguicist
structures, a quick review of several authors who have systematized language rights
should prove beneficial.
Kloss (1977) classifies language rights for ethnic groups as either promotion-
oriented or tolerance-oriented. For Kloss (Ibid, 2), promotion-oriented rights "imply that
public authorities-at the federal, state, or municipal level-are trying to promote a minority
tongue by having it used in public institutionslegislative, administrative and educational,
including the public schools." Tolerance-oriented rights, on the other hand, imply "that
federal, state, and municipal governments do not interfere with efforts on the parts of the
minority to make use of the ethnic tongue in the private domain-e.g., newspapers,
religious life, secular associations and most important, private schools" (Ibid). In other
words, tolerance-oriented rights are measures provided by the government for the
protection of a minoritys right to use their language in the private sphere and rest on the
principle of formal equality, whereas promotion-oriented rights regulate how the
government may use the language of the minority and rest on the principle of material
equality (Ibid, 21-22).
Kloss (Ibid, 22-25) further delineates toleration-oriented and promotion-oriented
language rights by subdividing them into different levels of recognition. The highest level
of recognition for tolerance-oriented language rights is the recognition of human, civil, and
political rights for the minority group based on the assumption that "members of an ethnic
group have the same needs as do all other citizens" (Ibid, 23). This level of recognition,
however, does not represent "favored treatment of the ethnic group and does not concern
matters of a specifically ethnic and lingual nature" (Ibid). The second highest level of
14


tolerance-oriented rights, for KIoss (Ibid), represents the right to use ones native language.
The next level represents the freedom to assemble and organize, but this right does not
necessarily carry with it the automatic right to use the minority language. Finally, the
lowest tier of toleration-oriented language rights provides for the right to the creation of
private foreign language schools. KIoss (Ibid) also acknowledges the possibility of "outside
promotion, where the "host country will allow the kin-state of an ethnic group to promote
institutions designed to serve the cultural life of a resident minority group, particularly the
development of ethnic schools.
Promotion-oriented rights are similarly delineated. Simple promotion-oriented
rights allow for the use of the minority language in "texts flowing from public offices and
institutions, which deal directly with or serve the minorities as, for example, in legal
notices" (Ibid). Expansion of these simple promotion oriented rights can be achieved in
two ways. First, the state can grant some type of self-government to the minority group in
which they can "use the language of the minority side by side with or even in place of the
language of the country" (Ibid, 24). Second, the state can use "the minority language in its
relations not only with the minority by also with the total population" (Ibid, 25). For KIoss
(Ibid), it is in this second sense that we can begin to talk about "a complete equality of
minorities" since "citizens who are not members of the ethnic group come in contact with
the language of the minority." Finally, KIoss (Ibid) identifies expediency-based promotion-
oriented rights which may run the risk of restricting language rights to "elementary forms
which are actually of less value to the ethnic group than are those of the tolerance-oriented
minority rights." Expediency-based promotion is promotion "designed to serve certain ends
of the government rather than the concerns of the minority" (Ibid). One example of this is
15


"when the state generally ignore languages of the ethnic groups but makes use of them in
sending its...[minority language] citizens tax notifications" (Ibid).
Finally, Kloss (Ibid, 289) argues that
all immigrant groups have a just claim to a very high degree of toleration for their
languages in the private sphere,...[and as such] tolerance-oriented nationality rights
have to be granted whenever an ethnic group desires to cultivate its language and
traditions and is ready to make sacrifices for the necessary private institutions.
All ethnic groups, however, are not entitled to promotion-oriented rights (Ibid). First, there
may be some groups that "do not even wish the preservation of their language (Ibid).
Second, while recent immigrant groups often resist the loss of their native language, for
Kloss (Ibid) it is hard to tell if this "is only a rather spontaneous but fickle and short-lived
sentiment on the part of the immigrants themselves, or...a deep-rooted urge for self-
preservation which is shared by the children and grandchildren of the immigrants?" Thus,
Kloss (Ibid, 289-90), concludes that
[o]nly when the immigrant generation has succeeded in giving its native languages
firm roots among the grandchildren, only when the immigrant generation has made
the sacrifices for a private cultivation of the language, only when they have taken
root in the new country while retaining their native language, can they demand that
the state come to their aid and promote their language.
While Kloss (Ibid) embeds his arguments about language rights in a discussion of
immigration, Ruiz (1990) places his discussion of language rights within the larger context
of official languages, language planning, and conflict resolution. Within language planning,
official languages represent a form of status planning, which deals with "the place or role
of language or language variety within the society" rather than a form of corpus planning,
which deals with "change in the language itself (lexicon, orthography, and so on)" (Ibid,
15). As such, different orientations to language planning and policy development can
proceed from various orientations reflecting a "complex of dispositions toward language
and its role, and toward languages and their role in society" (Ibid, 17). Ruiz (Ibid) then
16


identifies three basic orientations: language-as-problem, language-as-right, and language-
as-resource.
The language-as-problem orientation "construes the targets of language policy to
be a Kind of social problem to be identified, eradicated, alleviated, or in some other way
resolved" (Ibid). In this view, "the local vernacular is an important determinant of poverty
and disadvantage" (Ibid). Thus, in order to create equality of opportunity, the solution to
the problem involves "doing away with the local language and replacing it with the
dominant standard" (Ibid). The language-as-right orientation "often is a reaction to these
sorts of policies from within the local communities themselves" (Ibid). This orientation
"confronts the assimilationist tendencies of dominant communities with arguments about
the legal, moral, and natural right to local identity and language; it refutes the notion that
minority communities are somehow made better through the loss of their language as
culture" (Ibid). The problem with the ianguage-as-right orientation, however, is that it only
becomes "visible when the dominant language-as-problem orientation is taken to extremes"
and minority communities come to regard "legal and quasi-legal remedies...as the last step
before war or surrender" (Ibid).
For Ruiz (Ibid), although the language-as-resource orientation has received little
emphasis, it "holds promise for reducing social conflict in a way that the other two
[orientations] cannot match. This orientation presents language as a social resource
which should be preserved, managed and developed (Ibid). In doing so, "it draws attention
to the social importance of all communities and their languages and...promotes tolerance
and even acceptance of minority languages" (Ibid). Approaching official languages and
language planning from this perspective demonstrates that "language serves as a symbol
for diversity and the diffusion of power the perceived threat is not language, but language
17


communities and their potential to disturb existing power relations in the society" (Ibid, 22-
3). Thus, to avoid conflict, language planners must understand that language officialization
imposes status and not legitimacy (ibid, 23). In other words, while "a language of wider
communication can have a proper role in local communities and..its promotion can be
legitimate...such promotion cannot be harsh; it cannot be perceived as a threat to the
survival of local languages, or conflict is almost a certain result' (Ibid, 23-24).
Akinnaso (1994) provides yet another context for systematizing language rights in
his discussion of language and political economy. His theory is built on the premise that
"the traditional doctrine that the national language should be the crystallizing focus of
national identity underlies contemporary conceptions about the relationship between
language and the political economy" (Ibid, 152); a relationship that, although it dates back
to antiquity, was drastically transformed during the Enlightenment.
The mother-tongue-education ideology aimed at achieving the Enlightenment ideals
of educational expansion soon developed into an association among language,
nation, and State, which was then exploited for other political purposes, especially
during the revolutionary wars when language became the key symbol of
nationalism throughout Europe (Ibid).
Today, Akinnaso (Ibid) argues, this relationship has become even further complicated by
the emergence of post-colonial states. For example, in Africa, certain additional factors
have come into play such as
anti-colonial feelings, especially reactions against English linguistic imperialism; the
search for a symbol of 'authenticity-that is, one that represents the people and
their past; the need to establish 'linguistic self-pride'; and the hope that a national
language might promote the integration of diverse ethnolinguistic groups into a
single national culture (Ibid).
There are also certain "hidden agendas" influencing this relationship, such as the interest
of major ethnic groups in "perpetuating their hold on power through the legitimation of their
languages at national and regional levels (Ibid).
18


This strong connection between language and the political economy has led to
language rationalization, or language status planning which promotes one language as the
national/official language, which in turn has brought hegemonic pressures to bear on
subordinate languages. While these hegemonic pressures have "always been resisted by
those whose languages or interests are jeopardized," in the last three decades this
resistance has increasingly come in the form of demands for language rights (Ibid, 157).
Akinnaso (Ibid) explains these escalating demands for language rights in terms of other
recent political, economic, and educational developments. First, within a pattern of
"internal colonialism," hostilities between dominant and peripheral groups were
exacerbated by linguistic differences.. Second, UNESCOs decision to promote literacy
through the childs mother tongue intertwined language and educational rights. Third,
many organizations working within the field of human rights, including the United Nations,
have advocated language rights as a mechanism for the empowerment of minorities.
Thus, language rights have come to be used in negotiating for greater economic and
political participation. Lastly, in light of the spread of dominant world languages such as
English, many countries have come to see local languages as an internal resource which
needs to be preserved. (Ibid)
Akinnaso (Ibid, 141), divides language rights into two categories: language-as-a-
right and right-to-language. Language-as-right reflects "the rights of individuals and groups
to have their languages developed and used for certain purposes and in certain contexts."
Whereas the right-to-language reflects "the right of access to the States legitimate or
dominant language(s), including the right to learn even a foreign language in the belief that
such knowledge might bring certain benefits to the individual or society." These language
rights, in turn, give rise to certain duties, obligations, and expectations, among them, "the
19


right against discrimination on the basis of language and against interference in private
language use" (Ibid).
For Akinnaso (Ibid), the promises and problems of language status planning are
also deeply embedded in the political economy. On the one hand, underlying both types of
language rights are complementary processes of empowerment as "one seeks to ensure
that minority languages are developed and maintained, while the other seeks to ensure
that minorities acquire the appropriate symbolic capital that would guarantee access to the
labor market" (Ibid). On the other hand, "language-as-right problems arise when certain
languages are marginalized and deprived of recognition and resources for development,
thereby reducing their exchange value' in the labor market' (Ibid). Similarly,
right-to-language problems arise when certain languages are privileged over
others, by being officially recognized.developed, and legitimated by formal
institutions, thus constituting them into a form of symbolic capital which must be
acquired in order to have access to power and the labor market (Ibid).
The best way for states to avoid these problems and guarantee language rights while still
promoting national identity and political integration is to: (1) recognize that such rights exist
and protect them through legislation or other statutory means; (2) provide resources for the
development of minority languages as well as incentives for learning them; (3) provide
access to dominant languages; and (4) use social, educational and political programs and
shared symbols, rather than dominant languages, as a catalyst for national integration
(Ibid, 157-8).
Finally, the dual focus on language rights and language as the crystallizing force of
nation-building, according to Akinnaso (Ibid, 143) has created for modem states the
interesting dilemma of attempting to strike a balance between linguistic unification and
language rights. This in turn raises two fundamental issues, "the necessity or otherwise for
unifying the linguistic market, and the extent to which the rights of language minorities
20


could be preserved" (Ibid). Fortunately, these macro- and micro- sociolinguistic
perspectives of language management are not wholly incompatible. As Akinnaso (Ibid,
159) concludes,
[t]he former perspective, focusing on language rationalization, views language
planning as part of the political tasks of nation-building, whereas the latter
perspective, more sensitive to language rights, attempts to reconcile language
planning with the realities of communicative lifehow individuals and groups
manage their micro-sociolinguistic behavior from day to day. By accommodating
both perspectives a language planning model is able to gauge individual and
communal feelings and attitudes to available communicative resources and
language policies, and to make necessary adjustments.
While all of the above authors draw various connections between language, power,
discrimination, rights, and the state, most of these connections prove incomplete in terms
of building a theory that raises effective challenges to structures underlying relationships
between power and language that lead to linguicism. For example, Kloss (1977)
establishes certain connections between state policies and language rights, but because
power and discrimination are lacking from his analysis, it proves an ineffective challenge.
Similarly, although Ruiz (1990) acknowledges a language-as-right orientation and a certain
power aspect inherent in language planning based on language-as-right and language-as-
problem orientations, he lacks a discussion of discrimination as well as an explicit
acknowledgement of the role of the state in language planning. More importantly,
however, because Ruiz (Ibid) ultimately dismisses the language-as-right orientation as an
ineffective orientation to language planning, he also dismisses a rights framework as an
effective way of challenging unequal power relationships between languages. Finally,
while Akinnasos (1994) discussion of language rights includes all of the necessary
elements, his focus on political economy prevents him from pulling them together into a
comprehensive whole capable of raising the necessary challenge to linguicism and the
structures which support it.
21


The reason for the ineffectiveness of these various systematizations of language
rights in challenging the structural foundations of linguicism is that these authors ultimately
reduce language rights to a structural factor rather than seeing language rights as an
autonomous issue.3 For Kloss (1977), language rights are a structural factor in the
assimilation of immigrant groups; for Ruiz (1990) language rights become a structural
factor in the creation of (inter-ethnic) conflict; and for Akinnaso (1994) language rights are
a structural factor in political economy. Even Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson (1989,
1995) ultimately back away from the implications of their linguicist paradigm and place
language rights in a structural position within their theory.
Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson (1989, 3-4), view linguistic human rights as a way
to promote dominated languages and avert language death, and identify anti-linguicist
policies as overt promotion of dominated languages (Ibid, 52). They also define linguistic
human rights as: (1) "the right to identify with [the mother tongue(s)], and to education and
public services through the medium of it/them;" and (2) "the right to learn an official
language in the country of residence, in its standard form (Ibid 1995, 75). And
discrimination occurs when people are deprived of these basic human rights (Ibid). Finally,
Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson (1989, 9) view the role of the state in linguicism and the
denial of linguistic human rights as indirect "Linguistic assimilation into the dominant
society and the maintenance of a minority language are not processes which the state can
directly regulate through laws and decrees. These can only facilitate or thwart the creation
of conditions for assimilation or maintenance." In other words, while the state may not be
empowered to control the freedom of language choice of individuals or communities, "it
3 For a more detailed discussion of this general theoretical problem of relating
language to politics, see Ozolins 1996.
22


should also be obvious that language use in the community and private is influenced to the
extent to which the state has accorded or denied those rights which the state is
empowered to control" (Ibid, 8). For Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson (Ibid, 8-9), public
education is the area in which states can have the most impact on the promotion and
maintenance of mother tongue(s).
Since much of the further development of a mother tongue takes place within the
school system, it is important to see what the presence or absence of educational
rights, especially educational language-related rights, can (or cannot) do for
maintaining or killing a language. In looking at legal covenants and other
declarations on human rights, we have therefore been especially interested in
seeing what kind of reference, if any, is made to language rights in education.
(Ibid)
From this theoretical stand-point, and by drawing on the distinctions between
tolerance and promotion made by Kloss (1977), Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson (1995,
79) have devised a grid to plot legal measures so as to capture the important dimensions
of legal support for dominated languages. Within this grid, Kloss (1977)
tolerance/promotion distinction is converted into a "degree of promotion" continuum and
plotted on the horizontal axis.
This promotion continuum starts with prohibition of a language, the goal of which is
clearly to force the linguistic minority group to assimilate to the dominant language.
It continues via toleration of the language, a situation where the language is not
forbidden (explicitly or implicitly), to non-discrimination prescription, where
discrimination of people on the basis of language is forbidden, either overtly
(discrimination is made illegal in a way which is explicit enough not to cause
difficulties of legal interpretation and/or where there may be sanctions of some
kind) or covertly (as part of general legislation on countering discrimination). The
next point of the continuum would be permission to use the minority language. At
the other end of the continuum we have promotion of the minority language. This
is obviously oriented toward maintaining it. (Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson (1995,
79), emphasis original)
The vertical axis of the grid is an overtness/covertness continuum which allows for
capturing the degree to which laws/covenants contain explicit guarantees (or violations) of
the rights of minority languages (in education).
23


Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson (Ibid, 89) argue that the only type of legal support
which is capable of protecting linguistic human rights is that which represents overt
maintenance-oriented promotion and falls into the upper right-hand comer of the grid.
Their survey of various educational clauses of several state constitutions found very few
which fell within this area of the grid, and none of the legally binding intemational/universal
declarations that they reviewed met these qualifications (Ibid, 80). In feet, within the latter
group, none represented more than overt non-discrimination prescription, with most of
felling only within the covert toleration area of the grid (Ibid). Skutnabb-Kangas and
Phillipson (Ibid, 89) thus conclude that
[t]he existing international or universal declarations are therefore in no way
adequate to provide support for dominated, threatened languages. The evidence
unmistakably shows that while individuals and groups are supposed to enjoy
cultural and social rights, linguistic human rights are neither guaranteed nor
protected.
What Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson have done with this approach, however, is
basically to write the connection between language and power out of their final framework.
They do this by: (1) assigning language rights the structural function of promoting
dominated languages and averting language death; (2) narrowly defining discrimination as
the denial of identifying with the mother tongue, receiving education and public services
through the mother tongue, and learning the official language of the resident country; (3)
underestimating the direct role of the state; (4) adapting Kloss (1977) framework which
itself ignores the language-power aspect; and (5) focusing on educational policies. In
contrast, critiques of other power-inequality discourses, such as racism and sexism, have
illustrated that any time ideologies and structures are used to legitimate, effectuate and
reproduce unequal divisions of power and resources between groups defined on the basis
of race or gender, discrimination is present. These critiques then ground rights in this
24


broad definition of discrimination and, as such, provide a solid base from which to
challenge racism or sexism in whatever structural form it is manifested. The challenge to
linguicism should be no different Finally, these critiques also recognize that the role of the
state reaches much deeper and can be much more subtle than what is expressed in its
official policies. Even if the state provides "promotive" policies in one area, such as
education, acquiescence or prohibition in another area, such as employment regulations,
can neutralize or even negate the original policy. Linguicist structures are no different
Thus, any rights framework that will prove effectual in challenging structures which
maintain linguicism will have to do two things: (1) clearly define the connection between
the state and language; and (2) systematize language rights within the concept of non-
discrimination based on language.
Language and the State
The state has not always formed the major political unit by which the globe is
organized; city-states, dukedoms, kingdoms, and empires, among others, have also served
that purpose. To better understand the relationship that has developed between language
and the state, it is helpful to examine what was in existence before the state was
consolidated. Empire was the pre-cursor to the modem, European-derived state, and its
politics rested upon religion, mercantilism, and locally dispersed governing bodies (Navari
1981, 14). The main goal of the (Christian) empire was to serve God, and as long as
religious duties were filled and tribute paid, language and culture were of inconsequential
importance (Ibid, 14-19). Furthermore, because most of the needs of subjects could be
meet by local governments, the Church had little reason to involve itself deeply in the day-
to-day lives of its subjects (Ibid). Both of these characteristics fostered linguistic and
25


cultural diversity. Moreover, this linguistic diversity also served an important function in
maintaining limited access to the imperial hierarchy which required a knowledge of Latin to
ascend its ranks (Coulmas 1988, 3).
Changes in Europes ideological landscape, however, would transform empire into
the state structure that we know today. First, during the early eighteenth century,
rationalism came to replace religion as the pervading political thought (Navari 1981, 20).
Rationalism (broadly defined) was the idea that mans nature was self-regulating and
obedient to law, and that social institutions should be built to reinforce this nature (Ibid, 20-
21). Ultimately, this ideological shift weakened the power of the Church and gave new
importance to customary law (Ibid, 22-26). Second, industrialization lead to the
replacement of mercantilism with capitalism which required a level of movement of people
and goods that was impeded by the locally dispersed governing bodies (Ibid, 26-31). Both
of these shifts in turn lead to the third, a shift from dispersed political power to
concentrated political power in one legitimate source, the sovereign (Ibid, 31). With this
third shift, the transformation from empire to state was complete. As the sovereign
codified, changed, or eliminated local customs and laws and replaced them with
centralized decisions and decrees, state involvement in the day-to-day lives of its citizens
deepened (de Varennes 1996, 19). Eventually an erosion of local languages and cultures
began to accompany the erosion of local laws and customs (Navari 1981, 33-34). As the
concept of constitutionalism and contractualism, promulgated by the French and American
revolutions, came to replace the will of the sovereign as the defining philosophy of the
state, unity came to replace hierarchy as the elite strategy to stay in power (Ibid, 31-33).
As was discussed earlier in relation to monolingualism ideology, 6galit6 came to be the
defining concept, and a single common language the symbol, of this unity.
26


As the state continued to solidify and unify, its reach into the private lives of its
citizens continued to grow. In terms of language, this intrusion had an important side-
effect in that "many individuals who had generally been free to use their native language,
as well as have their children leam that language, now found themselves obliged by the
state to submit to the language preference of the majority" (de Varennes 1996, 19). Now,
local languages were not only eroding, they were being eradicated. Today, the state has
become the "major purveyor of services and employment or economic opportunities, for
which individuals compete intensely" (Ibid, 1). In contrast to empire and the early state,
the modem state is "highly invasive and provides a wide range of services (education,
health care, welfare, postal services, etc.) and regulatory mechanisms (i.e. in
broadcasting)" (Ibid). As a result, "language has become highly politicised, being
intimately connected to economic and social mobility in todays society" (Ibid). Because
"the state has no choice but to use at least one language in the discharge of its duties,
those whose primary language is that used by the state thereby gain an enormous
advantage over others" (Ibid).
The choice to operate in only one language, however, is based on a particular
concept of language, monolingualism ideology, which is inherently linguicist. The state is
not a passive construct, but has been developed to oversee the division of power and
resources. If it chooses to operate in only one language, it is also not a neutral
construct.4 The structural support for linguicism provided by the state cannot be
underestimated. An effective challenge to this structure must be grounded in a rights
framework that not only acknowledges the central role of the state, but also provides an
4 Given that Muhlhausler (1997) estimates between 6,000 and 10,000 languages are
spoken worldwide and that there are only 190 states (Rajewski 1997), most states will
have at least more than one language spoken within their borders.
27


alternative definition of equality to that of 6galit6 which has produced the linguistic modus
operandus of the modem state, monolingualism ideology. As we will see, human rights
can provide this necessary framework.
Language Rights Are Human Rights
Two features of a human rights framework enable it to mount an effective
challenge against state structures which support linguicism. First, human rights are held
and exercised primarily in relation to the state. That is to say that human rights "are
usually taken to have a special reference to the ways in which states treat their own
citizens (Donnelly 1993, 1), making "the principal use of human rights claims...to
challenge or seek to alter national legal or political practices" (Ibid, 20). As such, they
stand outside of the state system, provide check on the state that constitutional or other
civil rights which are part of the state structure cannot, and recognize "that there are
legitimate limits to the authority of the state and how it can treat its population" (de
Varennes 1996, 32).
The second feature is embedded within the very nature and source of human
rights. According to Donnelly (1993, 19), human rights are "the rights that one has simply
because one is human. They are held by all human beings, irrespective of any rights or
duties one may (or may not) have as citizens, members of families, workers, or parts of
any public or private organization or association." Furthermore,
[s]ince all human beings have' the same basic nature and have it equally, the
rights based on this nature must be universal and held equally by all. Human
rights are also universal rights in the further sense that they hold against all men
and institutions; they are what jurists call rights in remi.e. rights to some thing,
which therefore place obligation on people in a position to deny or violate them
rather than rights in personam, which hold only against a special class of persons.
Because human rights are essential to a life worthy of a human being, no one can
be left unobliged by them. (Ibid 1985, 9)
28


If being human is the source of human rights, then the nature of human rights is to
be found in human nature (Ibid 1993, 21). For Donnelly (Ibid, 22),
[t]he human nature that is the source of human rights rests on a moral account of
human possibility. It indicates what human beings might become rather than what
they have been, or even what they "are" in some scientifically determinable sense.
Human rights rest on an account of a life of dignity to which human beings are "by
nature" suited and the kind of person worthy of and entitled to such a life. And if
the rights specified by the underlying theory of human nature are implemented and
enforced, they should help to bring into being the envisioned type of person. The
effective implementation of human rights should thus result in a self-fulfilling moral
prophecy.
The nature which underlies human rights, then, is the moral nature of a human being (Ibid
1985, 9). And while "society may develop or thwart this nature, and laws may respect or
repress it..[ultimately] it is essential to, and cannot be taken from, man" (Ibid).
Given their relation to the state, their source, and their nature, human rights
become the tools that provide "the social and political guarantees necessary to protect
individuals from the standard threats to human dignity posed by the modem state and
modem markets" (Ibid, 23). Thus, "[w]e have human rights not to what we need for health
but to what we need for human dignity" (Ibid 1993, 21). To provide the space necessary to
protect human dignity, the state must treat each individual with equal concern and respect
(Ibid, 24). Essential to equal concern and respect are "rights to equal protection of the
laws and protection against racial, sexual, and other forms of discrimination" (Ibid). In this
way, human rights ultimately provide an alternative definition of equality. Rather than an
equality based on sameness, or 6galit§, equality can now be defined as equal respect and
concern. In this way, equality of respect and concern draws upon the "traditional
Aristotelian formulation of equality...to treat equally what is equal and treat differently what
is different" (de Varennes 1996, 79). Or, in other words, sometimes individuals "should be
treated differently in order for them to be treated equally" (Ibid).
29


These concepts of human dignity, equal respect and concern, and non-
discrimination are more than just philosophical musings; they are encoded within the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights which represents a global political consensus and
holds the legal status of customary international law. The respect for human dignity and
the standard of equal respect and concern are found in the first and fourth paragraphs of
the preamble to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights:
Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights
of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace
in the world,...
[wjhereas the peoples of the United Nations have in the Charter reaffirmed their
faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person
and in the equal rights of men and women and have determined to promote social
progress and better standards of life in larger freedom....
That human rights rest on a moral account of human possibility is also reflected in
the opening section of the Declaration:
The General Assembly Proclaims this Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a
common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations, to the end that
every individual and every organ of society, keeping this Declaration constantly in
mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights
and freedoms and by progressive measures, national and international, to secure
their universal and effective recognition and observance, both among the peoples
of Member States themselves and among the peoples of territories under their
jurisdiction.
The nature of human rights is once again reiterated in Article 1: "All human beings are
bom free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience
and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood."
Finally, the general prescription for non-discrimination is found in Article 2:
"Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without
distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other
opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status." In other words,
30


fundamental human characteristics cannot be used in order to determine access to rights.
The inclusion of language as a fundamental human characteristic does not require much
contemplation. The ability to express our thoughts, emotions and desires, to talk about our
past, present and future, and to communicate abstract ideas through speech is one of the
defining characteristics of the human species. For those who would argue that language,
because it is mutable, does not qualify for the same type of non-discriminatory regulations
as race or gender, the inclusion of religion and political or other opinion, both clearly and
"easily" mutable characteristics, should highlight the fact that immutability is not a
definitional requirement for a fundamental human characteristic. Just as respect for
religious or political differences is necessary for human dignity, so too is the respect for
linguistic differences. The importance of this non-discrimination prescription is highlighted
by its reiteration in both the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural
Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, two documents that
represent binding international human rights law.
From the above discussion, a core concept5 of language rights emerges: an
individual cannot be denied equal respect or concern, based on personal linguistic
characteristics, in the design or administration of the state structures which govern them.6
This systematization of language rights provides an effective way of identifying and
challenging any state structural agent that promotes or supports linguicism, because it
dictates that
5 The following references to core concepts, interpretation, and implementation of
human rights norms has been adapted from Donnelly (1993, 37).
6 This represents an adaptation of Dworkins (1977, 180) statement that [w]e might
say that individuals have a right to equal concern and respect in the design and
administration of the political institutions that govern them."
31


the first step to undertake when assessing whether state action is discriminatory is
to determine whether public authorities have adopted a line of conduct by which a
fundamental personal characteristic is being used in order to determine access to
or the level of enjoyment of a public service, benefit, or advantage. In other words,
is the state using criteria based on language (or religion, race, etc.) in determining
who has access to and how much they can benefit from government activities and
resources, (de Varennes 1996, 54)
As the above quote suggests, de Varennes (1996) is one author who has
systematized language rights within the concept of non-discrimination based on language.
In trying to answer the fundamental question of "why human rights should be used to
protect language" (Ibid, 1), de Varennes ultimately rejects the notion, advanced by
Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson (1989, 1995), that human rights have ever been or should
be concerned with safeguarding languages (Ibid, 275). Instead, de Varennes (Ibid) argues
that their very raison de §tre is "the treatment of human beings at the hands of state
authorities, of providing safeguards against certain types of conduct deemed
unacceptable," and that traditional human rights, such as the right to non-discrimination,
are relevant to language issues. In feet, for de Varennes (Ibid, 276), "non-discrimination
on the grounds of language may be the most powerful right for individuals seeking more
just and responsive conduct from public authorities." In this way de Varennes (1996)
positions language rights within the solid framework of non-discrimination. In doing so, he
also establishes language rights as an autonomous issue rather than reducing them to a
structural factor.
In building the theoretical framework to support this systematization of language
rights, de Varennes (Ibid) also relies on several of the concepts developed earlier in this
chapter. First, although he does not use the term linguicism, de Varennes (Ibid) clearly
identifies that language is used to divide resources and power unequally. In terms of
resources, for example,
32


by excluding the use of most other languages, a linguistic majority can control a
government and enjoy the privileges, jobs and services provided by the state in
their own language, using the taxes paid by individuals speaking other languages
as well their "share of the state's financial resources in a manner which benefits
the majority community to which they belong. (Ibid, 85-86)
Another example demonstrates how language can be used to ration access to political
institutions of power.
The adoption of a national language depoliticises one variety, which is declared to
be the symbol of all people (the nation)....ln such circumstances, it may seem
absurd to have a leader who does not speak the national language. Yet this
means that only speakers of the national language can become leaders or other
wise participate in official political activities. (Tollefson 1991 cited in de Varennes
Ibid, 121-2)
Second, the undertones of de Varennes (1996) explanation of a misconceived
notion of equality resonate with the earlier discussion of monolingualism ideology.
One of the most frequent misconceptions involving non-discrimination is the belief
that a state measure imposing a single language for all signifies that everyone is
treated the same and that therefore there is no active differentiation being made
between individuals. Since everyone can attend the same school classes, or
receive the same administrative forms and services, everyone is treated equally
within the meaning of the principle of non-discrimination. (Ibid, 54)
For de Varennes, however, such an interpretation actually leads to discrimination
based on language.
By imposing a language requirement, the state shows a definite preference
towards some individuals on the basis of language. Since individuals do not
necessarily share the same language, some are favoured and others are not. In
other words, the imposition of a single language for use in state activities and
services is by no means a neutral act, since:
(1) The state's chosen language becomes a condition for the full access to a
number of services, resources and privileges, such as education or public
employment those who cannot use it fluently, or who refuse to use the
official/preferred language, will simply not be permitted to receive the same
benefits and services conferred by the state on an equal footing.
(2) Those for whom the chosen state speech is not the primary language are
thus treated differently from those for whom it is: the latter have the
advantage or benefit of receiving the states largesse in their primary
tongue, whereas the former do not and find themselves in a more or less
33


disadvantaged position, depending on their fluency, as compared to the
second group. Whether it is for employment in state institutions or the
need to translate or obtain assistance because of a weak understanding of
the language, a person faced with not being able to use his primary
language assumes a heavier burden.
This implies that a states choice of language for services, employment and
contacts with its inhabitants necessarily favours individuals who are already
completely fluent in the chosen language, usually those for whom it is the mother
tongue. (Ibid, 86-87)
Relying on the definition of discrimination adopted by the Human Rights Committee
in its General Comment on Non-Discrimination, de Varennes (1996) also demonstrates
how such misguided policies violate an equality based on equal respect and concern. In
the above document, "discrimination is identified as implying any distinction, exclusion,
restriction or preference which is based on any ground such as language and which has
the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise by all
persons, on an equal footing, of all rights and freedoms (Ibid, 78). In other words,
a state can impair an individuals enjoyment of rights or freedoms available to them
simply by creating linguistic obstacles or burdens which will exclude or
disadvantage some people. Everyone is not treated on an equal footing in regard
to language when everyone does not have the same primary language (Ibid, 85).
Only by applying an Aristotelian notion of equality, then, will discrimination based on
language be avoided; "as far as the language of predilection of a state and public
authorities is concerned, individuals whose language differs should be treated differently in
order for them to be treated equally" (Ibid, 79). In other words, the state must become
linguistically flexible so that all its citizens can equally interact with the state in their
differing primary languages.
Finally, in defining how non-discrimination places limits on state conduct, de
Varennes (1996) offers an interpretation of language rights which mirrors the core concept
of language rights presented earlier. According to de Varennes (Ibid, 125), "[wjhenever
34


the state acts, offers services, intervenes or imposes conditions or requirements on
individuals in order [for them] to exercise rights or receive benefits, it must do so without
taking into consideration the personal characteristics of the individuals involved.'' This is to
say that the state cannot raise invidious linguistic conditions (by designating one (or a few)
language(s) as official) for accessing the state administrative apparatus. This is not to say
that the state cannot take linguistic differences into account in order to determine the
languages in which it will need to be prepared to communicate with its citizenry.
In using the concepts of linguicism, monolingualism ideology, equal respect and
concern, and non-discrimination, de Varennes (1996) thus successfully draws the essential
connections between language, power, discrimination, rights, and the state. The potential
effectiveness of de Varennes (Ibid) systematization of language rights in challenging
structural frameworks which maintain linguicism, however, is ultimately weakened, not by
his reduction of language rights to a structural role, but by his limited vision of human
rights. This limitation stems in part from the feet that de Varennes (Ibid, 2) main concern
is "testing" the applications and interpretations of language rights in various fields. For de
Varennes (Ibid, 126), the real difficulty lies not in "what the right involves in a general
sense, but how it translates into practice in language matters." His goal, then, is not to
provide "theoretical musings" but to give a "sense of how these rights can be translated in
terms of realpolitik' (Ibid, 2). The end result of this approach is reflected in de Varennes
(Ibid, 276) characterization of these rights as a "middle-of-the-road-response" to clashes
between state interests and individual demands to non-discrimination based on language.
In this role as "mediator, human rights are co-opted into the system that they are
supposed to challenge, and their power to provide a moral account of human possibility,
which states should strive to develop, is severely weakened. The power of human rights
35


to effect change lies in their ability to stand outside of and as a critique of realpolitik, not in
their ability to temper it by providing a balance between "the legitimate needs and interests
of the state and the rights and interests of the individual who speaks a language other than
the states official or majority language" (Ibid, 2).
For de Varennes (Ibid, 125), then, while "at its most essential level, non-
discrimination constitutes a limit on the conduct of the state and its agents," in reality
"obviously there comes a point where some types of distinction may be appropriate." For if
non-discrimination were to exclude every type of distinction which involves a fundamental
human characteristic, the prohibition of discrimination would become "unworkable (Ibid,
126). Given practical considerations, such as financial and professional resources, "it must
be admitted that a state has no choice...but to limit the language(s) used in governmental
and public services" (Ibid, 96). In order to determine if a state measure is discriminatory,
then, one must take into account "whether or not the distinction at issue based upon
language is reasonable" (Ibid, 83). This reasonableness, however, will vary from context
to context, depending on a specific states interests and "demographical, historical and
cultural context, as well as the burden and nature of the violation of an individuals rights
and freedoms" (Ibid, 90). A general "reasonability test, then,
comes down to whether or not in the end one can describe the measure or
conduct as being reasonable" or "fair," or more graphically whether the scale [with
regards to the burdens imposed by a state measure] can be said to tip more on
the side of the statein which case it can be said the state conduct is not
discriminatory-or whether it tips more on the side of the individual(s) affected-in
which case it would constitute a breach of the right [to non-discrimination based on
language]. (Ibid)
Part of the problem with this "reasonability test is that it highly qualifies de
Varennes (1996) core concept of language rights by making it dependent upon the level of
burden its enforcement places on the state and other "practical concerns." This problem,
36


again, is indicative of de Varennes (Ibid) limited vision of human rights. Because human
rights provide "the social and political guarantees necessary to protect individuals from the
standard threats to human dignity posed by the modem state and modem markets"
(Donnelly 1985, 23), the right to non-discrimination based on language does not hold only
when it is convenient for the state, but at all times. We can see why when looking at other
forms of discrimination based on fundamental human characteristics. It would, for
example, lessen the financial and professional burdens on state resources to offer
services, intervene, or impose conditions or requirements on individuals in order to
exercise rights or receive benefits, by drawing distinctions based on sex, race/ethnicity,
religion, and/or political opinion. Think of all the resources a state could save if it had to
administer to only one sex, one race, one religion, or one political party within its borders.
Moreover, almost all states have demographical, historical and/or cultural contexts which
could provide the basis for such distinctions. Much of the world, however, is coming to see
such distinctions not only as unreasonable but absurd. What the world now needs to come
to see is that government measures which provide for services in only one language (or
even only a few of the languages spoken within its borders) are equally absurd. Our global
linguistic culture, for the most part, accepts that most distinctions based on language are
reasonable. But just as critiques of racism and sexism have created a global consensus
that most distinctions based on race or gender are unacceptable, it is now time to submit
distinctions based on language to a similar critical evaluation.
Another problem with the reasonability test is that the burden of proof falls mainly
on the individual claiming linguistic discrimination. According to de Varennes (1996, 85),
[ejven if a state behaves in a discriminatory manner, shows a definite preference
for a specific language, or even attempts to restrict access to services based upon
language differences, an individual must also demonstrate that the or she was
somehow disadvantaged or denied something which others are entitled to. He has
37


to be the victim of a measure or practice which nullifies or impairs the recognition,
enjoyment or exercise by all persons, on an equal footing, of all rights and
freedoms.
This placement of the burden of proof on individuals further indicates how de Varennes'
(1996) realpolitik approach to language right tends to confuse the possession of a right
with the respect it receives and the ease or frequency of enforcement7 This confusion all
but disappears if human rights generally, and the right to non-discrimination based on
language specifically, are approached as a common standard of achievement to which
states should aspire. First, within this approach an exclusion of every type of distinction
based on language does not make this prohibition of discrimination unworkable because of
practical considerations since inherent in this approach is the acknowledgement that
working toward this standard entails some instances in which the state will be unable to
comply with the mandate of non-discrimination based on language. Second, and most
importantly, however, this acknowledgment places the burden of proof squarely on the
state, for it is the state which must explain why it cannot act in a certain language in a
certain situation. It is in this sense that human rights can wield the most power, for in
making a state take responsibility for its discriminatory behavior, a practice which is
illegitimate within the parameters of international law, they can also instigate change as the
state seeks to alter its behavior so as to preserve its reputation within the world
community.
At this point, two final comments need to be made with regard to language rights.
First, freedom of speech also represents another important area in which language rights
are human rights. Article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
7 For Donnelly (1985, 16), these are all very separate issues and the first can never be
negated by the latter two.
38


recognizes that [i]n those States in which ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities exist,
persons belonging to such minorities shall not be denied the right, in community with the
other members of their group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practice their own
religion, or to use their own language." This right of free speech, however, is
fundamentally different from that of the right to non-discrimination based on language. The
latter, as we have seen, addresses the unequal division or power and resources by the
state based on language. The former, addresses the intervention of the state in private or
non-governmental affairs (de Varennes 1996, 44). And while the former is certainly
important when a state decides to make a language illegal, such as Turkey has done with
Kurdish, it provides a relatively weak framework for challenging linguicist structures, since
it is readily conceivable that a state could clearly allow linguistic minorities to use their own
language with other members of their group and still place certain linguistic
demands/burdens on the members of this same minority when its individuals try to access
the state structure. Furthermore, it also seems quite implausible that a state which actively
enforces the right to non-discrimination based on language would then deny the free
speech of its linguistic minorities. In fact, a true respect of the right to non-discrimination
should provide the social space necessary for addressing the concerns (such as conflict
resolution or language maintenance) which frame other systematizations of language
rights.
Second, majority-language speakers' demands for or support of the imposition of a
one-language-for-all policy must be understood as a claim to the right to interact with the
state in their primary language. However, because human rights are based on the
inherent equality of human beings, they must also be generalizable. Since a one-
language-for-all policy claims the right to interact with the state in the primary language for
39


the majority while simultaneously denying that right for non-dominant-language speakers, it
denies all rules of generalizability and flies in the face of one of the fundamental tenets of
human rights. As Donnelly (1993, 38) comments, "the claim that one group in society has
radically different basic rights from another group-especially the group that is responsible
for defining and enforcing such differences of rights...[is a] rejection of the very idea of
human rights" (emphasis original).
Linouicism and Its Agents: The Role of Law
Remembering that Donnelly (1993, 20) identified one of the principal uses of
human rights claims to be that of challenging and/or altering state legal norms, norms that
Skutnabb-Kangas (1996, 86) identified as possible structural agents of linguicism, it is
important to examine briefly the roles that law can play. According to Hunt (1993, 301),
"[l]aw is, first and foremost conceived as an extensive collection of rules that is applied by
specialized personnel (lawyers) in specialized institutions (courts) that impose sanctions
that are ultimately backed up by the coercive powers of the state." In other words, law is a
set of rules and regulations that orders social life. But just as language is much more than
how we speak and write, so too law is much more than "a set of operative controls"
(Galanter 1983, 127). Law also functions as a "system of cultural and symbolic
meaning...[which] affects us primarily through communication of symbols-by providing
threats, promises, models, persuasion, legitimacy, sigma, and so on" (Ibid). Schiengold
(1974) refers to this aspect of the law as the symbolic life of law; Hunt (1993) prefers the
label of ideological. Either way, this "other role of law is important in that "it conveys or
transmits a complex set of attitudes, values, and theories about aspects of society. Its
40


ideological content forms part of the dominant ideology because those attitudes, values,
etc. are ones that reinforce and legitimize social order" (Ibid, 25).
This symbolic life of law, however, does not mean that "law is simply a set of
abstract concepts informing our attitudes and preferences" (McCann 1994, 6). Rather, "the
most pervasive ideological effect of law is to be found in the fact that legal rules and their
application give effect to existing social relations (Hunt 1993, 25). Or in other words, law
consists "of a complex repertoire of discursive strategies and symbolic frameworks that
structure ongoing social intercourse and meaning making activity among citizens" (McCann
1994, 282).
Citizens...do not simply respond to the human and material world around them as it
"objectively" exists, but instead act on the basis of selective understandings,
expectations, aspirations, and calculations that develop through formal learning
and practical experience in specific cultural contexts. People reason as they act,
but they do so as creatures whose reflexive capacity is facilitated by the
constructed conventions and discursive formations that inhere in institutionalized
social life. As such, social conventions and knowledges (such as legal norms) are
understood as "constitutive'-rather than independent, exogenous, discrete
determinants-of citizen meaning making activity. (McCann 1996a, 463)
As a constitutive element, then, law becomes a resource, "facilitating interaction and
participation in different institutional sites and social spaces" (McCann 1994, 283). A
constitutive analysis also highlights how "law is rarely an exclusive force in actual social
practice....Rather, legal conventions usually constitute just one highly variable dimension in
the complex interdependent factors that structure our understandings and actions" (Ibid, 9).
This dimension, however, is clearly worth studying (McCann 1996b, 8).
In examining law in its symbolic role, then, we come to understand that
legal norms and conventions comprise an important part of our culturally
conditioned ways of understanding and making sense of the world...[and] routinely
shape how citizens and officials frame events, name relations, assign blame for
outcomes, claim various entitlements, and choose courses of action in their
relationships with others (Ibid).
41


We also come to understand that as a structural agent of linguicism, law can both
operatively discriminate on the basis of language and symbolically create normative
structures which tacitly teach linguicism and are incorporated into the linguistic culture of a
society making unequal relations of power based on language differences seem perfectly
natural and benign. In mounting an effective challenge against state structures which
support linguicism, then, not only operative but also symbolic aspects of legal norms
should be confronted.
Literature Summary
As stated in the introduction, the goals of this chapter were two fold: (1) to reveal
structures underlying relationships between power and language that lead to discrimination
and to provide a way of challenging such structures; and (2) to establish a framework for
an empirical study of Americans support of language rights and the identification of
indicators of this support
In terms of the first goal, several authors working the emerging field of the politics
of language and writing about language rights were examined and critiqued. The spirit of
this critique was not to establish which theories were "right" or "wrong, but rather to
establish how they facilitate or impede our ability to uncover and address relationships
between language and power.8 The hope was to construct a way of challenging linguicist
structures that builds on, synthesizes and yet transcends the ground breaking efforts of
8 This approach to theory reflects that taken by Hunt (1993, 305): "Conceived in this
way theory does not aspire to tell some truth. Its objective is more modest; it is to provide
the means of addressing our contemporary concerns. This implies the grounds for the
criticism of other theories, not because they are wrong, but because they impede or
otherwise frustrate the engagement with our current agenda."
42


many others.9 In combining the linguicism paradigm provided by Skutnabb-Kangas and
Phillipson (1989, 1995), the systematization of language rights within the core concept of
non-discrimination provided by de Varennes (1996), and the expansive vision of human
rights provided by Donnelly (1985, 1993), a solid framework begins to emerge for
challenging power inequalities based on language. It is my hope that still others will
critique this framework in the same spirit that I have critiqued these authors, with the goal
of further establishing language firmly within the explicit realm of power relations.
In terms of the second goal, this review of the literature allows for the identification
of the following four major conceptual areas of investigation.
1. Monolingual Naivety
2. Interactional Reciprocity
3. Support of Language Rights
4. The Impact of (Official) Language Laws
Conceptual Model
These four concepts can be combined to build the following
Monolingual > Interactional -> The Impact of ->
Naivety Reciprocity (Official)
Language Laws
four-step model.
Support of
Language Rights
Hypotheses
Applying this four-step model to the current debate regarding official-English
legislation in the United States, the following three hypotheses were constructed.
9 To borrow McCann's (1994, 6) phrasing.
43


!
i
l
Hypothesis One. Native English speakers are less supportive of language rights
I than native minority-language speakers.
j Hypothesis Two. Foreign language experience, a series of intervening variables,
i
has a positive effect on support of language rights.
Hypothesis Three. Support for official English, also an intervening variable, has a
negative effect on support of language rights.
44


CHAPTER 3
PROCEDURES
Data Collection
Method
The method chosen to test the three hypotheses identified in the previous chapter
was a survey instrument Given the lack of quantitative research dealing with these
specific hypotheses, several new measures had to be developed. Seven of the language
rights scenarios were adapted from examples of language rights violations provided by
Phillipson, Rannut, and Skutnabb-Kangas (1995, 18-22). The eighth scenario was drafted
using Jemudds (1995) discussion of personal names as a human right Foreign language
experience variables and the official-English variable were developed from theoretical
connections drawn by this author. Standard demographic measurements were also
included. Questionnaire items are listed in Appendix C. Frequency distributions for each
item can be found in Appendix D. Because the survey instrument contained a substantial
number of untested measures, several pretests were run using graduate level classes.
Sampling Procedure
The sampling procedure selected was an availability sample of Auraria students in
upper division undergraduate classes. This sampling method was chosen because of cost
and time restraints. In order to build some degree of diversity into the sample, two classes
45


in three different areas of Liberal Arts were selected.1 The Auraria Campus also had the
unique characteristic of hosting three separate institutions representing different types of
higher education.1 2 Administration of the survey to a total of 18 classes, six different
classes at each institution, resulted in a sample size of 350 cases.
It is understood that the selection of this sampling procedure nullifies the
generalizability of the results. This study, however, was conceptualized as an exploratory
study. At this stage, the hope is to develop measures that test the hypotheses without
trying to generalize to a particular population.
Measurement of Variables
Dependent Variable
Support of Language Rights. Each respondent was asked to react to eight
scenarios of language rights violations by indicating whether they "strongly agree,"
"somewhat agree," "neither agree nor disagree," "somewhat disagree," or "strongly
disagree" that the scenario is violation of language rights. Respondents answers were
scored (5) ("strongly agree") through (1) ("strongly disagree") and then added together to
form a language rights scale. This scale forms the main dependent variable. A
respondent could score between 8 and 40 on the scale with a higher score corresponding
to higher support of language rights. The coefficient alpha for this scale was .8069. The
language rights scale frequency distribution and a detailed reliability analysis are provided
1 Spanish and English Literature in the Humanities, Economics and Sociology in the
Social Sciences, and Calculus and Biology in the Hard Sciences.
2 The Community College of Denver, Metropolitan State College of Denver, and the
University of Colorado at Denver.
46


in Appendix E. For the multivariate analysis, the language rights scale was used as a
continuous variable. For the bivariate analysis, however, the language rights scale was
collapsed into three categories: "low" (8-25), "medium" (26-32), and "high" (33-40). Each
category represents approximately one third of the sample.
Independent Variable
English First Language. Derived from Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipsons (1989)
theory of [dominant language] monolingual naivety, English first language is the main
independent variable in this study. English first language, defined as "native English
speaker," is a dichotomous variable which was determined by the respondents answer to
the question "Is English your first or native language? Yes" answers were coded as (1),
"No answers as (0).
Intervening Variables
Family. This variable is based on the sociolinguistic concept of language shift.
Weinreich (1968, 68) defines language shift as "the change from the habitual use of one
language to that of another." According to Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson (1989, 39),
language shift can either be individual or populational. One indicator of the latter is
intergenerational shift-one or both parents speak a non-dominant language while the
children speak the dominant language. It was theorized that having a parent who spoke a
language other than English, and perhaps seeing how that parent was treated as a non-
dominant speaker, would create a general awareness of language and increase sensitivity
to language issues. It was hypothesized that this type of foreign language experience
would adjust the strength of the main independent variable and have a positive effect on
47


the dependent variable. Family, defined as "shift," was coded (1) if a respondent indicated
that English was his/her first language and that s/he had at least one parent who spoke a
language other than English. All other respondents were coded (0) ("non-shift").
Study Foreign Language, Experience Abroad, and Foreign Language Major.
These three variables represent another type of foreign language experience. It was
theorized that first-hand participation in a multilingual situation would build interactional
reciprocity and/or combat ignorance/stigmatization of minority languages. This, in turn,
would increase sensitivity to language issues. All three of these variables were
hypothesized to adjust the strength of the main independent variable and have a positive
effect on the dependent variable. Each dichotomous variable was coded (1) if the
respondent indicated that s/he had that particular foreign language experience and (0) if
s/he indicated s/he did not
Support for Official English. Based on Galanteris (1983) theory regarding the
symbolic life of law and McCanns (1994, 1996a, 1996b) theory of the constitutive role of
law in structuring social relations, support for official English was also hypothesized to
adjust the strength of the main independent variable and have a negative effect on the
dependent variable. Respondents who indicated support for official English were coded
(1), those who did not (0).
Exogenous Variables
Although they were felt to be external to the hypotheses, standard demographic
variables were also included.
Conservative/Liberal. Respondents were asked to place themselves on a seven
point scale; (1) being extremely conservative, (4) moderate, and (7) extremely liberal. For
48


the multivariate analysis, the conservative/liberal scale was used as a continuous variable.
For the bivariate analysis, however, the scale was collapsed into three categories: with
scores of (1) and (2) coded conservative, scores of (3), (4) and (5) coded as moderate,
and scores of (6) and (7) coded as liberal.
Gender. Gender, defined as "male," was coded (1) if the respondent was male
and (0) if the respondent was female.
Race. Race, defined as "white," was coded (1) if the respondent was white, (0) if
the respondent was a minority or mixed race.
Age. The age of respondents ranged from 17 to 76. For the multivariate analysis
age was treated as a continuous variable. For the bivariate analysis age was collapsed
into three categories: 17-22, 23-27, and 28-76. Each category represents approximately
one third of the sample.
Income. Respondents were asked to place themselves in one of six income
categories ($0-$9,999; $10,000-319,999; $20,000-$29,999; $30,000-$39,999; $40,000-
$49,999; and $50,000+). A code, (1) through (6) (low to high) was assigned to each
category. For the multivariate analysis the six point scale was used as a continuous
variable. For the bivariate analysis, the scale was collapsed into three categories: "low"
($0-$19,999), "medium" ($20,000-339,999), and "high" ($40,000+).
Analysis
Both bivariate (crosstabufations) and multivariate (regressions) analyses were
conducted. Bivariate analysis was used to test the relationship between the main
independent variable, English first language, and the main dependent variable, support of
language rights, as predicted by hypothesis one. Additional bivariate analyses were run to
49


discern any additional relationships between the other variables and support of language
rights. The multivariate analysis incorporates the additional measures of family, study
foreign language, experience abroad, foreign language major, and support for official
English into a model using block analysis to test the effects of these intervening variables
on support of language rights as predicted by hypotheses two and three. For the
regression analysis of support of language rights, English first language and demographic
characteristics were entered in block 1, family in block 2, study foreign language,
experience abroad, and foreign language major in block 3, and support for official English
in block 4. A zero order correlation matrix, included in Appendix F, indicated that there
was no multi-collinearity within the blocks. An additional regression analysis was run on
support for official English in order to clarify relationships between the first three blocks
and support for official English.
Deletion of Cases
Preliminary analysis indicated that respondents who were bom outside of the
United States formed different relationships among the variables used in this analysis, and
were subsequently split into a separate sample. Because this sample only contained 62
cases, it was too small to be used in a separate analysis. All analysis reported in the next
chapter is run using only the 288 cases contained in the sample of U.S.-bom respondents.
50


CHAPTER 4
FINDINGS/DISCUSSION
The general purpose of this study was to determine Americans support of
language rights and to identify indicators of this support Interest in conducting such a
study was sparked by the juxtaposition between international and national approaches to
language rights which in turn gave rise to certain questions regarding official-language
laws, discrimination, and language rights. These questions eventually became the three
hypotheses stated at the end of Chapter Two. The hypotheses were constructed using the
four step model also presented in Chapter Two. This model combined the conceptual
areas of monolingual naivety, interactional reciprocity, support of language rights, and the
impact of official-language laws as drawn from the various authors discussed in the review
of literature. Given the lack of quantitative research dealing with these specific concept
areas, the hypotheses also provide a way of submitting the authors theoretical concepts to
an empirical test. It should be remembered, however, that the general goal was to develop
measures capable of testing the hypotheses without trying to generalize to a particular
population, thus the choice of an availability sample. This should be kept in mind when
reading the findings presented in this chapter.
Bivariate Analysis
The first hypothesis, that native English speakers are less supportive of language
rights than native minority-language speakers, was tested using bivariate (crosstabs)
analysis. This hypothesis was based on Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson's (1989) theory
51


of monolingual naivety in which they associated being a speaker of the dominant language
with a low sensitivity to language rights. Despite their strong suppositions, however, the
results in Table 4.1 reveal that within this sample no significant relationship exists between
English first language and support of language rights. Hypothesis one was not supported.
Table 4.1
English First Language and Support of Language Rights
English First Language
Score on Language Rights Scale Yes No
Low (8-25) 30.5 33.3
Medium (26-32) 37.5 16.7
High (33-40) 32.0 50.0
N 259 12
Significance = .2848 Missing Observations = 17
Additional bivariate analysis was run to discern any additional relationships
between the other variables and support of language rights. Despite their lack of inclusion
in any of the theoretical frameworks reviewed in Chapter Two, ail of the exogenous
variables except age showed a significant relationship with support of language rights. As
Table 4.2 demonstrates, liberals were much more supportive of language rights than
conservatives, with moderates markedly falling within the middle of the scale. Females
showed a higher support of language rights than males, non-whites higher support than
whites, and those with higher incomes a much lower support of language rights than those
with medium or low incomes.
52


Table 4.2
Exogenous Variables and Support of Language Rights*
Score on Language Rights Scale
Low (8-25) Medium (26-32) High (33-40) N
Conservative/Liberal
Conservative 59.1 22.7 18.2 22
Moderate 32.4 40.4 27.1 188
Liberal 8.2 32.7 59.2 49
Significance = .0000 Missing Observations = 29
Gender
Male 48.5 31.3 20.2 99
Female 20.5 39.8 39.8 171
Significance = .0000 Missing Observations =18
Race
White 32.1 39.8 28.1 196
Non-White 25.0 28.1 46.9 64
Significance = .0201 Missing Observations = 28
Income
Low ($0-$19,999) 23.6 41.5 34.9 106
Medium ($20,000-539,999) 26.7 37.2 36.0 86
High ($40,000 + ) 47.7 33.8 18.5 65
Significance = .0093
Missing Observations = 31
53


Table 4.2 (Cont)
Low (8-25) Medium (26-32) High (33-40) N
Age
17-22 25.3 39.8 34.9 83
23-27 36.8 34.7 28.4 95
28-76 28.4 36.4 35.2 88
Significance = .5153
Missing Observations = 22
* Percents based on column percents
The foreign language experience variables (family, study foreign language,
experience abroad, and foreign language major) showed mixed results in their relationships
with support for language rights (Table 4.3). Experience abroad and foreign language
major showed significant relationships with the main dependent variable, with those having
the experience more supportive of language rights than those who did not. Family and
study foreign language showed no significant relationships with support of language rights.
Caution should be used, however, in interpreting the finding of non-significance between
family and support of language rights. The non-significance could be due to a small N in
the "shift" value category within the family variable rather than truly indicative of a non-
relationship, since those in the "shift" value category show almost a two-to-one ratio
between high and medium/low support for language rights in the direction predicted by
hypothesis two. In fact, all the relationships between the foreign language experience
variables and support of language rights should be retested using a larger sample, given
the presence of a small N in one value category of each variable.
54


Table 4.3
Foreign Language Experience Variables and Support of Language Rights
Score on Language Rights Scale
Low (8-25) Medium (26-32) High (33-40) N
Family Shift 27.3 27.3 45.5 33
Non-Shift 31.1 37.9 31.1 235
Significance = .2405 Missing Observations = 20 Study Foreian Lanquaae Yes 31.1 36.2 32.7 257
No 23.1 38.5 38.5 13
Significance = .8172 Missing Observations = 18 Experience Abroad Yes 34.7 24.0 41.3 75
No 28.8 41.4 29.8 191
Significance = .0272 Missing Observations = 22 Foreian Lanauaae Major Yes 11.1 29.6 59.3 27
No 32.8 37.3 29.9 244
Significance = .0053 Missing Observations = 17
Percents based on column percents
55


Finally, as shown in Table 4.4, support for official English also demonstrated a
significant relationship with support of language rights, with support for official English
corresponding to a lower support of language rights and non-support for official English
corresponding to a higher support of language rights.
Table 4.4
Support for Official English and Support of Language Rights
Support Official English
Score on Language Rights Scale Yes No
Low (8-25) 45.9 13.3
Medium (26-32) 43.0 29.2
High (33-40) 11.1 57.5
N 135 113
Significance = .0000 Missing Observations = 40
Multivariate Analysis
Multivariate (regression) analysis was run to test hypotheses two and three. A
block multiple regression was used with support for language rights as the dependent
variable in order to establish the location and causal strength of the potential intervening
variables specified in these hypotheses. In this regression, English first language and the
exogenous variables were entered in the first block. As shown in Table 4.5, English first
language showed no significant relationship throughout all four blocks, thus negating the
possibility of suppressor variables and confirming that hypothesis one is not supported.
Similarly the significance of all four of the exogenous variables established in the bivariate
56


Table 4.5
Regression Analysis of Support of Language Rights
Independent Variables Standardized Beta for Regression Blocks
Block 1 Block 2 Block 3 Block 4
English First Language .05 .05 .06 .09
Conservative/Liberal .32** .32** .31** .18**
Gender -.20** -.20** -.21** -.24**
Race -.21** -.20** -.18** -.09
Age .04 .03 .04 .00
Income -.16** -.16** -.17** -.13*
Family .02 -.00 -.00
Study Foreign Language -.06 -.04
Experience Abroad -.02 -.03
Foreign Language Major .12 .08
Support Official English -.40**
R2 .2468 .2471 .2610 .3916
Ad]. R2 .2253 .2219 .2252 .3589
F 11.47** 9.8** 7.28** 11.99**
d.f.*** 6/210 7/209 10/206 11/205
* Significant at .05 level
** Significant at .01 level
*** The total of 71 missing cases is due to missing values in all variables.
analysis was reconfirmed. Within this first block, the standardized beta weights indicate
that conservative/iiberal is the strongest indicator of support for language rights and that
57


both gender and race are stronger indicators than income. The adjusted R2 for block one
also places the explained variance at 22 percent
To test hypothesis two, that foreign language experience (a series of intervening
variables) has a positive effect on support of language rights, family was entered in block
two and study foreign language, experience abroad, and foreign language major were
entered in block three. This hypothesis combines both Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipsons
(1989) concept of interactional reciprocity as a way of overcoming monolingual naivety and
Fishmans (1994) argument that interactional reciprocity should be actively fostered among
majority language speakers. Although bivariate analysis showed significant relationships
between experience abroad and foreign language major, and the main dependent variable,
within the multiple regression, none of the foreign language experience variables was
significantly related to support of language rights (See Table 4.5). This, in combination
with the non-significant relationship between English first language and support of
language rights, shows that hypothesis two is not supported.
Hypothesis three predicted that support for official English, also an intervening
variable, would have a negative effect on support of language rights. This hypothesis was
based mainly on McCanns (1994, 1996a, 1996b) interpretation of the law as a constitutive
element of social relations. When entered in block four, support for official English became
the single strongest indicator of support of language rights and increased the explained
variance to 36 percent. Its negative relationship with support of language rights suggests
support of hypothesis three-support for official English has a negative effect on support of
language rights. However, because of the insignificant relationship between English first
language and support of language rights, support for official English is not an intervening
variable as specified in hypothesis three. Hypothesis three, therefore, is only supported in
58


part The inclusion of support for official English in block four, however, did have various
effects on the other significant exogenous variables from block one. When support for
official English was added, race became insignificant, income dropped a significance level,
and the causal strength of conservative/liberal was cut almost in half. Only gender
retained its original significance level and causal strength.
Given its position as the strongest indicator of support of language rights and its
varying effects on the other significant indicators, an additional block multiple regression
was run with support for official English as the new dependent variable. Although some
(e.g. DiLeonardi and Curtis 1988, Stark and Roberts 1996) feel that the use of a
dichotomous variable as the dependent variable in a multiple regression is inappropriate,
others feel that it is acceptable as long as it is understood that such use generates
conservative results (e.g. Hanna and Lindamood 1985, Speare 1971). Because support for
official English was not the main dependent variable and was being used not to test a
hypothesis but rather to explore other additional relationships, its use as the new
dependent variable was deemed appropriate. As reported in Table 4.6, English first
language and the foreign language experience variables also showed no significant
relationship to the new dependent variable. Out of the exogenous variables, only
conservative/liberal and race showed significant relationships with support for official
English, with conservative/liberal once again being the strongest indicator. The adjusted
R2 for this second multiple regression analysis, however, only placed the explained
variance at 16 percent.
This second block multiple regression helps further clarify the relationships
between support for official English and the other significant variables established by the
initial block multiple regression. First, since race is significantly related to both support for
59


Table 4.6
Regression Analysis of Support for Official English
Independent Variables Standardized Beta for Regression Blocks
Block 1 Block 2 Block 3
English First Language .08 .08 .07
Conservative/Liberal -.33** t CO CO 1* -.32**
Gender -.07 -.07 -.06
Race .24** .23** .21**
Age -.11 -.10 -.10
Income .08 .08 .08
Family -.03 -.02
Study Foreign Language .04
Experience Abroad -.02
Foreign Language Major -.07
R2 .1909 .1914 .1981
Adj. R2 .1688 .1656 .1609
F 8.65** 7.41** 5.34**
d.f.*** 6/220 7/219 10/216
* Significant at .05 level
** Significant at .01 level
*** The total of 61 missing cases is due to missing values in all variables.
official English and support of language rights, but becomes insignificant when the former
is added to the initial block multiple regression, support for official English is an intervening
variable with regards to race. Second, because it is not related to support for official
English, gender is clearly a separate independent variable which exerts a conjoint influence
60


I
on support of language rights. The beta weights, however, clearly identify support for
official English as the stronger indicator. Third, conservative/liberal also appears to be a
separate independent variable which exerts a conjoint influence on support of language
rights, with its drop in causal strength explained by the ability of the multiple regression to
sort out its entanglement with support for official English and assign the proper causal
weight to each factor. Finally, incomes non-significant relationship to support for official
English and its inconsistent pattern in the initial block multiple regression, strongly
suggests that there is a measurement error within this variable. This is not overly
i
| surprising given the limited nature of the sample and this variable's status as one of the
I
most misreported variables (Stark and Roberts 1996, 142-144).
i
Summarv/Conclusion
The main issue at hand was the determination of Americans support of language
j rights and the identification of indicators of this support. The above findings demonstrate
I
that within this sample English first language and foreign language experiences were not
| significant indicators of support of language rights. Other exogenous variables, mainly
conservative/liberal, gender, and race were identified as important indicators. The
strongest indicator by far, however, was support for official English.
Based on the limited data provided by this availability sample, it can be concluded
that contrary to the predictions of Skutnabb-Kangas and Phiilipsons (1989) theoretical
framework, native English speakers do not appear, overall, to be less supportive of
language rights. Rather, it appears that support of language rights is largely determined by
61


an individuals stance on official English.1 In other words, to paraphrase McCann (1996b),
arguments about legal conventions which are at the heart of the official-English debate are
shaping how individuals choose courses of actions in their relationships with others. The
data strongly suggest that an individuals support or non-support for official English is
weighing heavily in her/his decision to respect or not respect the language rights of
minority language speakers. Given the centrality of this debate in todays social and
political discourse, however, an individual's use of her/his position within the discourse as a
resource in the structuring of her/his social interactions should not be unexpected.
For those who wish to increase support for language rights, the findings suggest
that energy needs to be focused on modifying the legal conventions surrounding official
English rather than on the promotion of other types of conceived mitigating forces such as
the creation of foreign language experiences. This statement should be qualified, however,
because an additional measure of foreign language experience, such as perceived quality
of the experience, might have yielded different results. Such a measure will be discussed
more in the next section dealing with suggestions for future research. In addition, the
traditional conservative/liberal measure has been strongly associated with other political
psychology measures such as authoritarianism and closed-mindedness (Adorno et al.
1950, Rokeach 1960, Cummings 1974, personal conversation). These measures will also
be discussed in the next section. What is important is that given the significant
relationships between conservative/liberal and both support for official English and support
of language rights, those working to modify the legal conventions surrounding official
1 It should be remembered, however, that these conclusions are based on a small
U.S. availability sample. The predictive power of Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipsons (1989)
theoretical framework could prove to be higher in a larger generalizable U.S. sample or
especially in other non-U.S. samples.
62


English will need to be prepared to overcome the attitudinal obstacles of authoritarianism
and closed-mindedness as well. Finally, additional adjustments may need to be made in
the approaches taken by those seeking to increase support of language rights in order to
take into account the significant relationships of race and gender. Of course, given the
ungeneralizability of the sample, the above hypotheses, findings, and conclusions will need
to be retested using a larger, generalizable sample.
Future Research
In addition to verifying the usefulness of the measures developed and the utility of
using them to collect a random sample, the survey results suggest several potentially
fruitful avenues for future research.
Quality of Foreign Language Experience
As noted in the conclusion, an additional measure of foreign language experience
(such as perceived quality of the experience), might have yielded different results. Another
study (Crull and Bruton 1985), in which an additional contact measure designed to capture
direction of feelings and intensity of contact was developed, suggests the inclusion of such
additional measures can yield beneficial results. Thus, in any future studies, the following
foreign language experience measures should be added: (1) If the respondent indicates
that s/he has studied a foreign language, s/he should also be asked to rate that
experience, in general, using a five-point positive/negative scale [very positive, somewhat
positive, neither positive or negative, somewhat negative, very negative]; (2) if the
respondent indicates that s/he has experience abroad, s/he should also be asked to rate
that experience on the same five-point positive/negative scale and then to indicate how
63


much s/he feels, in general, that s/he was able to integrate into the local culture
[completely, almost completely, somewhat, almost not at all, not at all].
Interaction Effects Among Foreign Language Experiences
In addition to developing measures to capture the quality of foreign language
experiences, possible interaction effects between these measures need to be explored.
The cumulative affect of positive experiences across the foreign language experience
measures might prove to be a stronger indicator of support of language rights than a
positive experience with any one of the measures individually. Similarly, a negative
experience with any one of the measures might prove to negate any cumulative positive
effects of the other experiences. For those interested in using foreign language
experiences to increase support of language rights, an exploration of interaction effects
could be an important element of any future research.
Authoritarian/Closed-Mindedness Measures
As also noted in the conclusion, because of the strong association between
authoritarianism/closed-mindedness and the conservative/liberal measure, the analysis of
support of language rights may benefit from the inclusion of authoritarian/closed-
mindedness measures. Cummings (personal conversation2) defines psychological
authoritarianism as a "strong preference for authorities, as opposed to non-authorities or
personal experience, as the primary source of information, direction, and problem solving."
He defines closed-mindedness, or belief-system dogmatism, as
(a) a tendency to dichotomize things as black or white; (b) resistance to
2 See also Cummings 1974.
64


autonomous belief change; and (c) a tendency to allow normative beliefs to control
and distort empirical beliefs. These three characteristics, though conceptually
distinct, are highly intercorrelated, each tending to promote the other two.
For Cummings (Ibid), although authoritarianism and closed-mindedness, as defined, can be
conceptually separated, they "tend to be mutually reinforcing and are thus highly
correlated. Exceptions are the relatively unusual dogmatic anti-authoritarian and open-
minded authoritarian."
As a measure of the degree to which an individual holds such attitudes, Cummings
has developed a scale which consists of the sum of an individuals response to several
statements. For each statement, the respondent is asked whether s/he strongly agrees
(4), agrees more than disagrees (3), is neutral (2), disagrees more than agrees (1), or
strongly disagrees (0). Responses to the following statements represent the authoritarian
measures of Cummings' scale:3
(1) Strong leaders are to be avoided(-);4
(2) It is necessary to reserve judgement about whats going on until one has
had a chance to hear the opinions of those one respects;
(3) Most people just dont know whats good for them;
(4) People dont need experts to tell them what to do(-);
(5) The trouble with many leaders is that they take too long try to convince
people to do things which obviously are in the people's best interest. I
think it would better if these people were made to do what is best for them;
(6) The crises of our times call out for dedicated and inspiring leadership;
(7) Knowledgeable, authoritative people are no more trustworthy than anyone
else(-); and
(8) One of the most important things children should learn is when to disobey
authority(-).
3 These statements are revisions of the statements included in his original 1974 scale
(personal conversation).
4 For both sets of statements, an (-) after the statement indicate that responses to this
statement should be reverse scaled.
65


Responses to the following statements form Cummings close-mindedness scale:
(1) Things are a lot more "black and white" in this world than some people
would like for us to believe;
(2) Moral issues are so complex that they are often hard to resolve(-);
(3) When a group is confronting ethical issues, a clear-headed group decision
is more important than prolonged discussion;
(4) A methodical approach is not necessarily good one(-);
(5) Promptness is a very important personality characteristic;
(6) I have sometimes been wrong about very important things and have had to
change my beliefs(-);
(7) There is hardly a single important issue on which my beliefs are the only
valid ones(-); and
(8) We should beware of people who change their basic values.
These statements could easily be included in a section after the conservative/liberal
measure, with a lead-in stating that "this section asks for your opinions regarding various
political attitudes. For each attitude, please indicate if you [agree-disagree scale]."
Measures of Attitudes Towards Language
The development and inclusion of measures of attitudes towards language may
also prove beneficial to future studies. One possible measure that comes to mind would
be to create statements which encode the approaches to language planning formulated by
Ruiz (1990) [language-as-problem, language-as-right, or language-as-resource], and to
ask the respondent which statement best reflects her/his views on language in the United
States.
Deepen Exploration of Support for Official English
The strong causal strength of support for official English also indicates that a
deeper exploration of this variable would be in order. One way of doing this would be to
change the initial question of "Do you think that English should be made the official
language of the United States?" and its dichotomous "yesTno response to the statement
66


"English should be made the official language of the United States" with an interval
"strongly agree/strongly disagree" response. This would also lessen any problems
associated with using a dichotomous variable as the dependent variable of a multiple
regression. Two additional measures could also be added to deepen the exploration of
this variable. First, if the respondent agrees that English should be made the official
language, s/he should also be asked if this means that the government should operate
only in English or if the use of other languages should be allowed. Second, respondents
could be asked to list the top three reasons why English should or should not (depending
on their response to the first question) be made the official language of the United States.
Triangulating Research Approaches
Finally, now that it has been demonstrated by this limited study that the legal
conventions surrounding official English do matter, the inclusion of different research
approaches may prove beneficial in trying to determine '"how* it matters and what that
means for differently situated persons and relationships" (McCann 1996a, 48). In his
research involving legal discourses and the pay equity movement, McCann (1994) utilized
several research techniques that might also be appropriate in further research involving
legal discourses and the official-English movement In addition to formal surveys, some of
these techniques include: on-site case study data collection, in-depth personal interviews,
participant observation, and content analysis of media coverage. Some of these
techniques, such as in-depth personal interviews, could be applied to the general
populace, perhaps even in the form of focus groups. Others, such as on-site case study
data collection and participant observation, could be applied to those working to promote
official English (such as the U.S. English lobby) and/or to those working in opposition to
67


official English (such as the National Association of Bilingual Education lobby). Whatever
additional techniques are employed in future research on this topic, their potential import is
highlighted by McCanns (1994, 16) comment that "multiple techniques can, to some
degree, compensate for each others deficiencies; furnish a broader foundation for critical
analysis of interpretive constructions; and provide more plausible support for arguments
confirmed by common findings. In the long run, an increased understanding about "how"
official English matters with regards to support of language rights could only serve to
create stronger tools for change.
68


CHAPTER 5
IMPLICATIONS FOR CHANGE
The results of the empirical study of Americans support of language rights, as
reported in Chapter Four, demonstrate that individuals who support official English show a
lower level of support for the language rights of minority-language speakers. One
implication of these findings for those working to increase support of language rights in the
United States is that energy needs to be focused on modifying the legal conventions
surrounding official English. But the question remains as to how to go about modifying
these conventions. This chapter will endeavor to provide some of the necessary tools for
change. In discussing various possible approaches, it should be understood that the goal
is not to enter into a theoretical/philosophical debate on the approach taken, but rather to
be much more pragmatic by providing people with potential avenues for instigating change.
Given both the operative and symbolic roles that official-English laws can and do
play (see Chapter Two), modifying the surrounding conventions can be approached from
two different directions. First, attempts to modify the operative role of law could entail
either (1) a direct court challenge which contests the validity of the law, or (2) legislative
challenges which seek to block the passage of new law and/or to repeal or modify existing
law. Second, attempts to modify the symbolic role of the law would entail altering how the
normative structures of the law are translated into societal structures and used by
individuals to structure their interactions with others.
69


Court Challenges
Using International Law in Domestic Courts
Treaty obligations of the United States, such as the U.N. Charter or the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which contain a clause prohibiting
discrimination based on language, could be used as the basis for a direct court challenge
of the legitimacy of official-English laws. International law becomes federal law, and thus
enforceable in domestic courts, under the purview of Article VI of the U.S. Constitution:
This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made
in Pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under
the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land;
and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the
Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.
Despite its status as federal law, however, the courts have proved quite unwilling to grant
international treaty law its proper status.1 Consequently, if an individual hopes to
formulate an effective challenge to official-English laws using this approach, s/he should
become familiar with the consideration that the courts have afforded international law.
The most frequent ground for rejecting claims based on international law is the
self-execution doctrine.1 2
1 See Christenson 1983, Lillich 1985, 1992, and Note 1991.
2 There are two other common grounds for dismissing international law claims used by
the courts: (1) the political question doctrine "a court should abstain on political
questions grounds when an issue requiring 'an initial policy determination of a kind clearly
for nonjudicial discretion is involved (Note 1991, 1276n), and (2) the doctrine that only
states, not individuals, have standing in international law "according to the classical
conception of international law, international obligations are obligations among nation-
states, and only nation-states may seek to enforce those obligations (Ibid, 1281). These
two doctrines, however, appear to be less popular and therefore will not be discussed in
this chapter.
70


A treaty (or provision thereof) is said to be self-executing and, hence,...the
supreme law of the land 'equivalent to an act of the legislature, whenever it
operates by itself without the aid of any legislative procedure....More fully defined,
a self-executing treaty is one, 'which prescribes by its own terms a rule for the
Executive or for the courts or which creates obligations [or rights] for individuals
enforceable without legislative implementation. (Lillich 1985, 372n)
This doctrine is also referred to as the Fujii rationale after the seminal case in this area,
Sei Fujii v. California (1952). In this case, the plaintiff argued that Californias alien land
law violated the nondiscrimination provisions of the United Nations Charter. The California
Supreme Court eventually struck down the statue on fourteenth amendment grounds while
summarily dismissing the justiciability of the international law claims:
It is clear that the provisions of the preamble and of Article 1 of the charter which
are claimed to be in conflict with the alien land law are not self-executing. They
state general purposes and objectives of the United Nations Organization and do
not purport to impose legal obligations on the individual member nations or to
create rights in private persons....Although the member nations have obligated
themselves to cooperate with the international organization in promoting respect
for, and observance of, human rights, it is plain that it was contemplated that future
legislative action by the several nations would be required to accomplish the
declared objectives, and there is nothing to indicate that these provisions were
intended to become rules of law for the courts of this country upon the ratification
of the charter....
The charter represents a moral commitment of foremost importance, and we must
not permit the spirit of our pledge to be compromised or disparaged in either our
domestic or foreign affairs. We are satisfied, however, that the charter provisions
relied on by plaintiff were not intended to supersede existing domestic legislation,
and we cannot hold that they operate to invalidate the alien land law....(ibid, 620-
22)
The Fujii decision has been uniformly applied by the lower courts in subsequent cases,
despite the fact that the Supreme Court never ruled on this case and has not addressed
the question of the justiciability of treaty law over the past forty years. (Lillich 1992, 230-1).
The Fujii rationale notwithstanding, however, there appears to be "one often
overlooked decision concerning the enforceability of international law in U.S. courts which
might pave the way for the eventual rejection of the Fujii rationale by the Supreme Court
71


(Ibid). In People of Saipan ex el Guerro v. United States Department of the Interior (1974,
97-99), the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals held that
The extent to which an international agreement establishes affirmative and
judicially enforceable obligations without implementing legislation must be
determined in each case by reference to many contextual factors: the purposes of
the treaty and the objectives of its creators, the existence of domestic procedures
and institutions appropriate for direct implementation, the availability and feasibility
of alternative enforcement methods, and the immediate and long-range social
consequences of self- or non-self-execution....
Admittedly, the substantive rights guaranteed through the Trusteeship Agreement
are not precisely defined. However, we do not believe that the agreement is too
vague for judicial enforcement Its language is no more general than such terms
as due process of law, seaworthiness, equal protection of the law, 'good faith,
or restraint of trade, which courts interpret every day.
Despite the promise of the "Saipan rationale," however, it is highly unlikely that
"the present Supreme Court would cast aside the unanimous view of lower state and
federal courts and suddenly hold the UN Charter's human rights clauses to be self-
executing, if it were presented with the question" (Lillich 1992, 231). In light of this, and a
hesitancy on the part of lower court judges to apply international law in general, it is
doubtful whether they could be convinced to take the lead in setting aside the Fujii
rationale (Ibid). This is not to say, however, that the appropriate case could never find its
way before a sympathetic judge. Rather, those who wish to raise a court challenge using
treaty law should patiently await a more opportune time for doing so.
The Fujii rationale, fortunately, is not the last word regarding the enforceability of
international law in domestic courts. FujiI and Saipan dealt specifically with conventional
(or treaty) international law which must be ratified by the U.S. Senate to become law.
Other cases dealing with customary international law offer a slightly higher possibility of
success in using international law to challenge domestic legal and political practices (Ibid,
235). According to Henkin (1984, 1565),
72


Customary international law is a multilateral international creation, made by the
political processes of States, including the United States. It is akin to multilateral
treaties, and some indeed see it as the result of tacit international agreement
Judges who determine and interpret the law do so much as they would an
unwritten international treaty.
When the United States assumed statehood it also assumed certain responsibilities
under the law of nations. And while the United States has never expressly incorporated
customary international law into domestic law, it has been incorporated and applied
through the English common law tradition inherited from Britain (Ibid, 1556). This
incorporation was firmly articulated by the Court at the turn of the century in The Paquete
Habana (1900, 700): "International law is part of our law, and must be ascertained and
administered by the courts of justice of appropriate jurisdiction, as often as questions of
right depending upon it are duly presented for their determination."
More recently, customary international law was successfully used to justicate
human rights claims in Filartiga v. Pena Irala (1980). In this case, involving the jurisdiction
of U.S. courts regarding charges of torture committed in Paraguay brought by and against
persons now resident in the United States, the Second Circuit Court of Appeals found that
[sjince appellants do not contend that their action arises directly under a treaty of
the United States, a threshold question on the jurisdictional issue is whether the
conduct alleged violates the law of nations. In light of the universal condemnation
of torture in numerous international agreements, and the renunciation of torture as
an instrument of official policy by virtually all of the nations of the world (in principle
if not in practice), we find that an act of torture committed by a state official against
one held in detention violates established norms of the international law of human
rights, and hence the law of nations. (Ibid, 880)
The strong recognition of customary international law as falling within the legitimate
authority of domestic courts found in the Filartiga decision has been tempered, however,
by the more recent case of Garcia-Mir v. Meese (1986). In this case, involving claims of
unlawful detention of Cuban ineligible aliens by the U.S. Government, the Eleventh Circuit
Court of Appeals held that "to the extent possible, courts must construe American law so
73


as to avoid violating principles of public international law....But public international law is
controlling only where there is no treaty and no controlling executive or legislative act or
judicial decision" (Ibid, 1453). The courts ruling that the delegation of presidential
authority to the Attorney General through the creation of an executive department qualified
the Attorney General's actions as a controlling executive decision creates a certain chilling
effect on the use of international law in domestic courts when the executive or legislative
branches are willing to act in ways that are antagonistic to international law norms (Lillich
1992, 238-9).
In all of the above cases the courts were asked to "displace some law of a state,
or of the United Sates, with an external international standard" (Unde 1984, 78). As the
mixed results show, this direct invocation of international law proves to be a difficult and
risky approach to take (Ibid). A potentially more powerful and productive approach
appears to be that of indirect incorporation through which the normative content of
international law is used only to inform court interpretations of constitutional norms (Lillich
1992, 239). Christenson (1983, 3-4) argues that this avenue is more likely to produce
success since it uses international law not as "evidence of autonomous rules or authorities
that limit federal or state power," but rather as "part of a universal context in which a right,
because it is juridically shaped from these sources, assumes importance in interpreting a
limitation in the Bill of Rights, or in other constitutional provisions designed to protect
individual rights."
In feet, a review of numerous cases involving indirect incorporation appear to
support this supposition. The first case in which the Supreme Court signaled its
acceptance of this approach with regards to the human rights standards expressed in the
UN Charter occurred in 1948, just three years after the Charter entered into force. In this
74


case, Oyama v. California (1948), reference is made to the Charter, in varying degrees, in
both concurring opinions. In his opinion, Justice Black simply asked rhetorically "how can
this nation be faithful to this international pledge if state laws which bar land ownership and
occupancy by aliens on account of race are permitted to be enforced?" (Ibid, 650). Justice
Murphy, however, argued much more stringently in the second concurring opinion that
this nation has recently pledged itself, through the United Nations Charter, to
promote respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms
for all without distinction as to race, sex, language and religion. The Alien Land
Law stands as a barrier to the fulfillment of that national pledge. Its inconsistency
with the Charter, which has been duly ratified and adopted by the United States, is
but one more reason why the statue must be condemned. And so in origin,
purpose, administration and effect the Alien Land Law does violence to the high
ideals of the Constitution of the United States and the Charter of the United
Nations. (Ibid, 673)
As Lockwood (1984, 921) observes, "[h]ad the four concurring justices been able to secure
a fifth justice to join in their view of the Charter human rights provisions as a basis for the
decision in Oyama, the constitutional jurisprudence in the civil rights and liberties areas in
the postwar period might have had an international cast" As it was to turn out, however,
this was the first and for all practical purposes the last direct recognition of the relevancy of
international norms in domestic courts.
But although direct reference to international standards became conspicuously
absent from written court opinions, it was still frequently invoked in briefs and oral
arguments, making international law a "present but uncredited force" (Ibid, 940).
Eventually, according to Lockwood (Ibid, 949) as courts interpreted the Fourteenth
Amendment to prohibit discrimination based on racial distinctions, it became more and
more unnecessary for lawyers to include the UN Charter in their arguments. But this,
according to Donnelly (1993, 21), is exactly what should happen when international human
rights standards are successfully used: "no assert one's human rights is to attempt to
75


change political structures and practices in ways that will make it no longer necessary to
claim those rights (as human rights)."
Although the indirect incorporation of human rights instruments has been less
frequently employed over the past four decades, the courts have consistently signaled their
openness to taking such instruments into account when determining constitutional
standards through a continuing application of an "evolving standards of decency" test first
articulated in Trap v. Dulles (1958) and reaffirmed in Estelle v. Gamble (1976) (Lillich
1992, 240). The current Court also seems to accept this test as a legitimate form for
invoking international norms in domestic courts. In Thompson v. Oklahoma (1988, 821),
for example, the majority noted that
The authors of the Eighth Amendment drafted a categorical prohibition against the
infliction of cruel and unusual punishments, but they made no attempt to define the
contours of that category. They delegated that task to future generations of judges
who have been guided by the "evolving standards of decency that mark the
progress of maturing society."
The majority then went on to cite several international sources, including treaty and
customary law, as sources for determining these standards of decency (Ibid, 831 n).
It is important to note, however, that the dissent in this case definitively rejected
the relevancy of international norms to domestic issues: "...it is obviously impossible for
the plurality to rely upon any evolved societal consensus discernible in iegislation-or at
least discernible in the legislation of this society, which is assuredly all that is relevant"
(Ibid, 868, emphasis original). This dissent is important because it is reiterated as the
majority opinion in the subsequent case of Stanford v. Kentucky (1989, 369n): "We
emphasize that it is American conceptions of decency that are dispositive, rejecting the
contention of petitioners...that the sentencing practices of other countries are relevant."
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Justice OConnors concurring opinions in each case gave the fifth vote to the
majority, and her use of international law from the first case to the second appears to
contradict itself. In Thompson v. Oklahoma (1988, 851) she agreed with the plurality's use
of the "evolving standards of decency" test and even went on to note that "[t]he apparent
absence of such legislative history is especially striking in light of the fact that the United
States has agreed by treaty to set a minimum age of 18 for capital punishment in certain
circumstances." In Stanford v. Kentucky (1989), however, she makes no reference to Trop
v. Dulles (1958) nor to U.S. treaty agreements and states that
...unlike the peculiar circumstances at work in Thompson, I do not think it
necessary to require a state legislature to specify that the commission of a capital
crime can lead to the execution of a 16- or 17-year-old offender. Because it is
sufficiently clear that today no national consensus forbids the imposition of capital
punishment in these circumstances, the implicit nature of the [Missouri]
Legislatures decision [is] not...constitutionally problematic. (Stanford v. Kentucky
1989, 381)
These two cases suggest that while indirect incorporation of international law is still
accepted by the courts under the "evolving standards of decency" test, success in using
this standard may be highly sporadic and dependent upon a justices view of Americans'
general attitudes towards the issues involved.3 While this unpredictableness of the current
Court may make indirect incorporation seem as difficult and risky as direct invocation, it
should be remembered that often international law, through indirect incorporation, operates
as a present but uncredited force in domestic law, making its effectiveness difficult to
measure. Given the courts general openness to the use of international law to inform
constitutional interpretation, however, it seems appropriate that this method be followed by
3 This reasoning follows more closely the political question doctrine mentioned in
footnote two. This is supported by the dissents contention in Thompson v. Oklahoma
(1988, 868n) that "when there is not first a settled consensus among our own people, the
views of other nations, however enlightened the Justices of this Court may think them to
be, cannot be imposed upon Americans through the Constitution."
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those seeking to use international law as a challenge to official-English legislation. For as
Hoffman (1984, 67) argues,
[t]he international documents embodying human rights law, like our federal and
state constitutions, are grand and potentially powerful instruments in the hands of
those with the courage, knowledge and willingness to use them. That is the task
that feces us. We will prevail only if we begin to appeal to judges to share that
vision.
Finally, another strategy which shows potential for being a more effective use of
international law in domestic courts, is the use of indirect incorporation in state courts. The
use of state courts could prove advantageous on various grounds. First, as long as a state
court uses human rights norms to inform its interpretation of the states constitution, and
not as treaty or customary law, it is "insulated from Supreme Court review because there is
an 'independent state ground for the decision" (Ibid, 63). Second, a state court has the
authority to interpret the state constitution and laws independently of Supreme Court
decisions and federal congressional actions (Ibid, 66). Finally, "state courts traditionally
have been the courts that have fashioned fundamental rights" (Ibid, 66). Furthermore, the
only limit placed on the creative license these advantages provide state courts appears to
be the standard that their decisions not be inconsistent with the Constitution. In essence,
this means that state courts (and legislatures) have a great deal of latitude to expand
rights but very little to disparage them.
Since all official-English legislation to date has been passed at the state level, the
use of state courts might prove to be the most effective route to modifying legal norms
surrounding official-English legislation. According to Hoffman (1984), this strategy, in
general, has proven successful in California courts. Of course, its success will ultimately
be dependent upon an individual state's constitution and treatment of international law
within its courts, as well as the specific wording of its official-English legislation.
78


The Fourteenth Amendment
A direct court challenge could also be raised by using the Fourteenth Amendment
of the U.S. Constitution. This amendment contains the strongest statement of non-
discrimination found in the Constitution:
All persons bom or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction
thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No
State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or
immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person
of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person
within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
A court challenge based on this amendment would strike directly at the very legitimacy of
official-English laws by asking a court to declare such laws as unconstitutional.4 The
courts use of the Fourteenth Amendment, however, has not always reflected the spirit of
equality it contains. Thus, just as with international law, an individual should become
acquainted with this amendments treatment in the courts hands if s/he is to use it to
mount an effective challenge to official-English laws.
One of the first things a court determines when it assesses a fourteenth
amendment claim is whether the law that the plaintiffs are challenging as discriminatory
creates a suspect classification.5 To qualify as suspect, a class must be "saddled with
such disabilities, or subjected to such a history of purposeful unequal treatment, or
relegated to such a position of political poweriessness as to command extraordinary
4 The Fourteenth Amendment is used to bring claims against state action. If any
federal official English legislation were to be passed, claims would have to be brought
under the Fifth Amendment due process clause which is the standard challenge to federal
action.
s Another determination that a court makes is whether or not a fundamental right (such
as free speech) has been abridged. If the court determines that a state action infringes
upon a fundamental right, strict scrutiny will then be applied (see footnote six). This type
of fourteenth amendment claim will not be discussed in this chapter because of its
limitations in securing language rights (see footnote nine).
79


protection from the majoritarian process" (San Antonio Independent School District et ai v.
Rodriguez et al 1972, 28). To date, the Supreme Court has consistently treated only race
(see e.g. Loving v. Virginia 1967), alienage (see e.g. Bernal v. Fainter 1984), and national
origin (see e.g. Hernandez v. Texas 1954) as suspect classifications (Note 1987, 1349-50).
If the courts find that a suspect classification exists, they will then apply strict scrutiny
which dictates that to be upheld as constitutional the justices must find the law to be
precisely tailored (i.e. the least restrictive means available) to achieve a compelling
governmental interest (Ibid).6
To date, the courts have been quite unwilling to grant language suspect
classification status (see e.g. Soberal-Perez v. Heckler 1984 and Olagues v. Russoniello
1986), preferring instead to view language as a proxy for national origin (see e.g. Garcia v.
Gloor 1980, Jurado v. Eleven-Fifty Corporation 1987, Gutierrez v. Municipal Court 1988,
and Garcia v. Spun Steak Company 1993). Although the above cases have been Title VII
claims, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals recently signaled that it would also consider
language as a proxy for national origin in fourteenth amendment claims, noting that "[sjince
language is a close and meaningful proxy for national origin, restrictions on the use of
languages may mask discrimination against specific national origin groups or, more
generally, conceal nativist sentiment..." (Yniguez v. Arizonans for Official English 1994,
1241). The courts should think twice, however, before holding that the standards for
6 It should be noted that strict scrutiny is the most rigid test of constitutionality that the
courts can apply. Two less restrictive tests have also been established by the courts.
They are intermediate scrutiny, usually applied to equal protection claims which involve a
"quasi-suspect' class (gender), and the rational basis test (general discrimination claims
not based on suspect classification). To pass intermediate scrutiny, federal or state action
must be substantially related to a legitimate or important governmental objective. To pass
the rational basis test, federal or state action need only be rationally related to the
achievement of a valid public purpose. (Note 1987, 1349-50)
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constitutional claims of invidious language discrimination are identical to Title VII
standards, and thus irrevocably commingling language and national origin.
Various problems arise in the treatment of language as a proxy for national origin
rather than a suspect classification in and of itself. First, while national origin and
language are closely correlated, they are not inextricably linked (de Varennes 1996, 115).
Not every individual of Hispanic origin, for example, speaks Spanish. Furthermore,
individuals of European or mixed descent, depending on the community they live in or
language choices made by their parents, may not be native speakers of English. In these
cases, the assumption that language equals national origin does not cover certain
instances of discrimination resulting from language classifications.
A second problem that arises in connecting language to national origin is the
misperception that only (illegal) immigrants use languages other than English. As Piatt
(1986, 901) reminds us, "many of those individuals whose language rights we would
protect are native-born United States citizens." Furthermore, permanent alien residents
live in the United States with governmental permission and with many of the constitutional
rights enjoyed by citizens. Connecting language with national origin, then, obscures the
more important question, not of how the government treats those who are illegally within its
borders, but of how the government should treat its own citizens and invited residents.
Finally, it could also be argued that the exclusion of language as a distinct suspect
classification is in and of itself discriminatory because
some individuals will have available to them the protection of non-
discrimination...but others will not In other words the exclusion of any major
ground of discrimination such as language will have the effect that not everyone
has the benefit of the complaint and enforcement procedures and the equal
protection of the law. (de Varennes 1996, 117)
81


Although language has been subsumed under the classification of national origin,
the potential for its being elevated to a separate suspect classification still exists. In
Hernandez v. Texas (1954, 478), in addition to holding national origin as a suspect
classification, the Court also left the door open to the formation of other suspect
classifications (such as language) when it noted:
Throughout our history differences in race and color have defined easily identifiable
groups which have at times required the aid of the courts in securing equal
treatment under the laws. But community prejudices are not static, and from time
to time other differences from the community norm may define other groups which
need the same protection. Whether such a group exists within a community is a
question of fact. When the existence of a distinct class is demonstrated, and it is
further shown that the laws, as written or as applied, single out that class for
different treatment not based on some reasonable classification, the guarantees of
the Constitution have been violated. The Fourteenth Amendment is not directed
solely against discrimination due to a "two-class theory-that is, based upon
difference between "white" and Negro.
More recently, in Garcia v. Gloor (1980, 270), the door was opened just a little bit
further toward the establishment of language as a suspect class, the negative finding for
language rights in the workplace notwithstanding, when the court recognized that "[t]o a
person who speaks only one tongue or to a person who has difficulty using another
language than the one spoken in his home, language might well be an immutable
characteristic like skin color, sex or place of birth." Those pursuing a fourteenth
amendment challenge to official-English legislation, then, should look for cases that will
meet the "Gloor standard" in order to present the Court with a solid argument that
language should be considered a suspect classification in its own right.7
7 This may be one instance where indirect incorporation of international law could also
be effective. According to Christenson (1983, 14), international law norms could potentially
be used "both to trigger heightened scrutiny of state action and to use in other cases
involving national power. Using the non-discrimination clauses of the U.N. Charter, the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the
argument could be made that language constitutes a suspect classification in its own right
82


Those pursuing fourteenth amendment claims should be aware of an additional
obstacle concerning burden of proof. Showing discriminatory effect is not enough to prove
discrimination, rather the plaintiff must prove discriminatory intent by showing that "the
decision maker...selected or reaffirmed a particular course of action at least in part
because of not merely 'in spite of its adverse affects upon an identifiable group
(Personnel Administrator of Massachusetts v. Feeney 1979, 279).8 Given the difficulty of
proving discriminatory intent, in addition to waiting for a case that meets the "Gloor
standard," an individual wishing to pursue such a challenge to official-English laws may
have to wait for a shift in the Court to one which only requires proof of discriminatory effect
to uphold fourteenth amendment claims. Unfortunately, Walker (1991, 793) may be right
when he states that [i]n effect, the requirement of discriminatory intent coupled with the
difficulty in establishing a suspect class, have effectively undermined the use of the
Fourteenth Amendment as a vehicle for language disputes." In other words, those
pursuing this avenue should not be disappointed if their attempts do not meet with
success. This does not mean, however, that attempts to secure a constitutional right to
non-discrimination based on language should not be made if appropriate cases present
themselves.9
in the eyes of the international community and that "a right which is guaranteed by an
American constitutional provision, state or federal [such as non-discrimination], surely does
not fell short of a standard adopted by other civilized nations" (Linde 1984, 77).
8 See also Washington v. Davis 1976 and Village of Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan
Housing Development Corporation 1977 (among others).
9 Given the general failure to secure a broad right to non-discrimination based on
language for Americans who speak a language other than English, piecemeal attempts
have been made to secure other fundamental rights (such as free speech) without regard
to language. While some rights, such as the right to an interpreter in a criminal trial
(United States ex rel Negron v. New York 1970) and the right to educational access (albeit
on statutory grounds Lau v. Nichols 1974), have been secured, others, such as the right
83


Legislative Challenges
Besides the courts, the U.S. Congress and state legislatures are also arenas in
which effective challenges to the legal conventions surrounding official English can be
made. As Hoffman (1984, 62) observes,
[i]t would be wrong to leave human rights only to the lawyers. International human
rights law should also be used by lobbyists and legislators, in the legislative
process and by citizens in demanding of their elected representatives laws which
reflect the evolving body of international human rights law.
On a certain level, in fact, legislative challenges may be fundamentally more important
than court challenges. If legislatures were discouraged from passing official-English laws
and/or encouraged, to repeal or modify existing official-English laws, court challenges would
become all but unnecessary.
Those wishing to use the legislative arena to challenge official-English laws should
first and foremost work to stop the passage of official-English legislation. As mentioned in
Chapter One, the current U.S. Congress is considering a bill that would make English the
official language of the United States Government Those who oppose this legislation
should make their senators and representatives aware of their opposition through letters,
faxes, e-mails, or phone calls. In addition to contacting legislators, researchers and other
experts who oppose official-English legislation should become witnesses at Congressional
to governmental administrative access {Guerrero v. Carlson 1973, Carmona v. Sheffield
1973, Frontera v. Sindell 1975, Soberal-Perez v. Heckler 1984) or the right to an
interpreter in civil proceedings {Jara v. Municipal Court 1978), have been denied. (For an
excellent overview of the status of language rights in U.S. law see Piatt 1990.)
The problem with this approach to language rights is that it creates at best
"patchwork protection" for these rights (Piatt 1990, 181). The resulting inconsistencies
which arise make these rights rather elusive for those who attempt to assert them (Ibid,
145). Thus, while this may be a necessary band-aid approach to securing basic rights
possessed by individuals without regards to language, language rights in general will not
be secure until the Constitution is understood to guarantee non-discrimination based on
language either through the Fourteenth Amendment or through the ratification of a future
amendment which separately establishes the existence of such a right.
84


public hearings regarding such legislation. In the previous Congress, only one person
spoke in opposition to the proposed official-English legislation at a House of
Representatives public hearing.10 11 At a later Senate hearing regarding official-English
legislation, not a single witness spoke against it11 Finally, the official-English lobby in
Washington is also very powerful and well organized. Organizations which lobby against
such legislation need our (financial) support These same approaches can be
implemented at the state level as well to block official-English legislation in those states
which have not yet passed such a law. In addition, in states where ballot initiatives are an
option, grassroots efforts should be undertaken to make sure official English does not end
up on the ballot
Cultural-Rights Amendment
Legislative initiatives can also be used to repeal or modify existing official-English
legislation. One such option for modifying existing laws would be the passage of either a
federal or state constitutional Cultural-Rights Amendment (CRA), such as the one
proposed at the federal level by the Federation of American Cultural and Language
Communities. That CRA read as follows:
Section 1. The right of the people to preserve, foster, and promote their respective
historical, linguistic, and cultural origins is recognized. No person shall be denied
the equal protection of the laws because of culture or language.
Section 2. The Congress shall have the power to enforce this Article by
appropriate legislation, (cited in Marshall 1986, 39)
10 "Immigrants back official English," The Denver Post, 2 November 1995.
11 Lucio, Laura and James Jemigan, "Hearing held on English as the common
language, action needed: Ask your representative to cosponsor H.Con.Res.83, the English
plus resolution," ALAWON [on line], 8 December 1995, Available: listserv@uicvm.uic.edu,
Message: "subscribe alawon [your name]". On file with author.
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It is unlikely that official-English legislation could survive the constitutional
challenge that a CRA would provide unless such laws were reinterpreted so as to include
equal rights of governmental access for Americans who speak languages other than
English. Unfortunately, given the difficult process of ratifying an amendment to the U.S.
Constitution, along with the perceived popular support for official English,12 this may not
be a viable option. Amending state constitutions, however, could prove less difficult,
especially in states which allow for ballot initiatives.
English-Plus Legislation
Another possible option is the passage of English-plus legislation. In the current
Congress, several representatives have drafted a joint resolution which states in part
Whereas such "English-only" measures would represent an unwarranted Federal
regulation of self-expression, abrogate constitutional rights to freedom of
expression and equal protection of the laws, violate international human rights
treaties to which the United States is a signatory, and contradict the spirit of the
1923 Supreme Court case Meyer v. Nebraska, wherein the Court declared that
"The protection of the Constitution extends to all; to those who speak other
languages as well as to those bom with English on the tongue"....
Now therefore, be it Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate
concurring), that the United States Government should pursue policies that
...recognize the importance of multilingualism to vital American interests and
individual rights, and oppose "English-only" measures and other restrictionist
language measures. (The full text of this resolution is provided in Appendix G.)
If passed, this resolution, while not legally binding, would send the message that the
proposal and passage of official-English legislation runs counter to the convictions of a 1
12 One Gallup Poll cited 82% of registered voters in favor of making English the official
language of the United States (OBeime, Kate, "Bread & Circuses," National Review July
1, 1996). Another poll showed 86% of Americans and 81% of immigrants in favor of such
legislation (Mujica, Maura, "U.S. English, Inc., National Review, January 29, 1996.) My
survey, however, shows a much narrower margin of support with 52.5% favoring making
English the official language of the United States.
86


majority of congressional members. An English-plus resolution would be a powerful
statement at the state level as well.
If similar legislation were drafted in the form of a legally binding bill, it could thwart
any future attempts to pass official-English legislation. It could also effectively repeal
current official-English laws or at least force these laws to be reinterpreted, once again, so
as to recognize equal rights of governmental access for Americans who speak languages
other than English. Finally, an English-plus bill could also be used to create a statutory
right to non-discrimination based on language.13
Symbolic Challenges
The discussion thus far has focused on how to modify the ways in which law can
operatively discriminate on the basis of language. The need to address the symbolic
impact of official English is also crucial, perhaps even more so, since the normative
structures that are created through official English tacitly reinforce linguicism as being
perfectly natural and benign. As such, it is important to recognize that "[e]ven if Official
English laws did not ban the provision of particular services in languages other than
13 Piecemeal attempts have also been made to secure statutory rights for Americans
who speak languages other than English. Two such examples are the 1995 Equal
Education Opportunity Act [20 U.S.C.A. 7401-7701 Section 7402(b)] and the 1965 Voting
Rights Act [42 U.S.C.A. 1973b(f)(3)] as amended by the 1992 Voting Rights Language
Assistant Act [P.L. 102-344, 106 Stat. 921]. The problem with this approach to language
rights is the same as court attempts to secure other fundamental rights (such as free
speech) without regards to language (see footnote nine). Inconsistencies in how the
statutes are interpreted by implementing agencies and the courts can make these rights
rather elusive for those who attempt to assert them. Thus, once again, while this may be a
necessary band-aid approach to securing basic rights possessed by individuals without
regards to language, language rights in general will not be secure until the Constitution is
understood to guarantee non-discrimination based on language either through the
Fourteenth Amendment or through the ratification of a future amendment which separately
establishes the existence of such a right.
87


English and were merely symbolic the message that underlies the symbolism is
unmistakenly pejorative of immigrants and imbued with fear mongering."14 They create
"inaccurate assumptions about the language policy of our government"15 Private
individuals then use these assumptions to structure their interactions with others;
interactions which more often than not curtail the language rights of other individuals as
demonstrated by the actions of the Texas judge and the driver of the greyhound bus
mentioned in the introduction. Those who support the language rights of all Americans,
whether they speak English or not, should start using the term and concept of linguicism to
label interactions which create unequal relations of power based on language differences
as unacceptable and should provide an alternative normative structure-using human rights
concepts such as fundamental human characteristics, equal respect and concern, etc.
which individuals can use to structure equitable interactions with others.16
This approach, on many levels, is much more difficult and less immediately
rewarding than a successful court challenge or the defeat of official-English legislation, but
this approach may prove to be the most effective in the long run. As Lincoln once
observed: "Our government rests in public opinion. Whoever can change public opinion
can change the government, practically just so much" (cited in Spiropoulos 1993, 229). If
governmental practices and policies do not resonate with the opinion of a majority of
14 Statement of Edward M. Chen, ACLU Staff Council, on Civil Liberties Implications of
Official English Legislation before United States House of Representatives Committee on
Economic and Educational Opportunities Subcommittee on Early Childhood, Youth and
Families, November 1, 1995. On file with author.
15 Statement of Edward M. Chen, see footnote fourteen.
16 Those using this approach should also keep in mind that other attitudinal obstacles
such as authoritarianism or closed-mindedness may need to be confronted as well (see
Chapter Four).
88


people in our society, their validity is drawn into question and it becomes easier to raise
effective operative challenges. In the case of official English, if such a challenge is then
successful, it has the additional benefit of creating normative structures which tacitly
reinforce linguistic equality as being perfectly natural and benign.
This is also an approach which can be used by any individual whenever the need
arises. It does not require a familiarity with the legal profession or the extra time or money
to lobby Congress. Ail that it requires is for those individuals working to increase support
of language rights in the United States to (1) become cognizant of how they and others are
using language to structure social relationships; (2) speak out when that use is illegitimate;
and (3) provide examples through their own behavior of more legitimate ways to structure
social relationships across linguistic differences. By doing all three, the unequal
relationships between language and power cloaked in the rhetoric of official English will be
revealed, making it easier to bring the national treatment of language rights in line with
international standards of non-discrimination and moving us all a little closer to the moral
account of human possibility provided by human rights standards. Of course, raising any
type of challenge, be it a court, legislative or symbolic challenge, to official English and the
linguicist structures that support, and are supported by it, will not always be easy or
successful, but out of respect for the language rights of all individuals, such challenges
should be undertaken.
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APPENDIX A
FEDERAL OFFICIAL-ENGLISH LEGISLATION
H.R. 123 / S. 323 (105th Congress)
A Bill to amend title 4, United States Code, to declare English as the official language of
the Government of the United States.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America
in Congress assembled,
Section 1. Short Title.
This Act may be cited as the "Bill Emerson English Language Empowerment Act of
1997."
Section 2. Findings.
The Congress finds and declares the following:
(1) The United States is comprised of individuals and groups from
diverse ethnic, cultural, and linguistic backgrounds.
(2) The United States has benefitted and continues to benefit from this
rich diversity.
(3) Throughout the history of the United States, the common thread
binding individuals of differing backgrounds has been a common
language.
(4) In order to preserve unity in diversity, and to prevent division along
linguistic lines, the Federal Government should maintain a
language common to all people.
(5) English has historically been the common language and the
language of opportunity in the United States.
(6) The purpose of this title is to help immigrants better assimilate and
take full advantage of economic and occupational opportunities in
the United States.
90


(7) By learning the English language, immigrants will be empowered
with the language skills and literacy necessary to become
responsible citizens and productive workers in the United States.
(8) The use of a single common language in conducting official
business of the Federal Government will promote efficiency and
fairness to all people.
(9) English should be recognized in law as the language of official
business of the Federal Government
(10) Any monetary savings derived from the enactment of this title
should be used for the teaching of the English language to non-
English-speaking immigrants.
Section 3. English as the Official Language of Federal Government
(a) In General.-Title 4, United States Code, is amended by adding at the end
the following chapter
Chapter 6Language of the Federal Government
Sec.
161. Declaration of official language of Federal Government.
162. Preserving and enhancing the role of the official language.
163. Official Federal Government activities in English.
164. Standing.
165. Reform of naturalization requirements.
166. Application.
167. Rule of construction.
168. Affirmation of constitutional protections.
169. Definitions.
Section 161. Declaration of official language of Federal Government
The official language of the Federal Government is English.
Section 162. Preserving and enhancing the role of the official language.
Representatives of the Federal Government shall have an affirmative obligation to
preserve and enhance the role of English as the official language of the Federal
Government. Such obligation shall include encouraging greater opportunities for
individuals to learn the English language.
Section 163. Official Federal Government activities in English.
(a) Conduct of Business.Representatives of the Federal Government shall
conduct its official business in English.
91


Full Text

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