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Political ideology of Japanese young adults

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Political ideology of Japanese young adults the results of a questionnaire survey
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Germann, John Stephen
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English
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xi, 114 leaves : illustrations ; 29 cm

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Since 1900 ( fast )
Intellectual life ( fast )
Politics and government ( fast )
History -- Japan -- 20th century ( lcsh )
Intellectual life -- Japan -- 1945- ( lcsh )
Politics and government -- Japan -- 1945- ( lcsh )
Japan ( fast )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )
History ( fast )

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Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 112-114).
General Note:
Questionnaire survey appears in both English and Japanese languages.
General Note:
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree, Master of Arts, Political Science.
General Note:
Department of Political Science
Statement of Responsibility:
by John Stephen Germann.

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University of Colorado Denver
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Auraria Library
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ocm37311940
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Full Text
POLITICAL IDEOLOGY OF JAPANESE YOUNG ADULTS:
THE RESULTS OF A QUESTIONNAIRE SURVEY
by
John Stephen Germann
B.A., University of Colorado-Denver, 1993
A thesis submitted to the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
Political Science
1996


1996 by John Stephen Germann
All rights reserved.


This thesis for Master of Arts
degree by-
John Stephen Germann
has been approved
by
Mike Cummingsy
5hho
Date


Germann, John Stephen (M.A., Political Science)
Political Ideology of Japanese Young Adults: Results of
a Questionnaire Survey.
Thesis directed by Professor Jana Everest
The focal point of this thesis is to explore the
political ideology of Japanese young adults and to what
degree, if any, it is different from conventional
Japanese ideology. The thesis is based on a quantitative
questionnaire distributed between July 1994 and July 1995
in Tokyo, Japan, on personal interviews, and on related
literature. The findings show that the survey group's
social and political ideology is different in some areas
from previous reported attitudes.
This abstract accurately represents the content of the
candidate's thesis. I recommend its publication.
ABSTRACT
iv


DEDICATION
I would like dedicate this thesis to my late grandmother,
Miss Opal Medor Thomas 1919-1995, who was my sempai,
sensei, and tomodachi.
and
To my mother and father for their patience in
"steadfastly" enduring endless hours of my political
soliloquies and diatribes. Furthermore, for always
believing in me.
and
To Moss Wright for bravely confronting the dangerous and
ugly face of ignorance and intolerance for the sake of
humanity and one small boy. Sir, you are an inspiration
to me.
v


ACKNOWLEDGMENT
I would like to formally thank Tetsuro "Ted" Tamura for
his work in translating the questionnaire and acting as
my tutor in Japanese politics, culture, and language.
My thanks to Mark "F.T.S." Yates for playing devil's
advocate and thus forcing me to examine the issues more
thoroughly. And for keeping Johnny60 alive.
To Marie Sarazin and everybody in the Political Science
office at CU-Denver, I want to say thank you for the help
and support you have given me over the years.
To my faculty advisor, professor Jana Everett, I very
much appreciate the opportunity you gave me in this whole
affair. I am extremely grateful for your support both
when I was in Colorado and when I was in JapanSensei,
Domo arigato gozaimashita!!


CONTENTS
Figure
3.1 Japan's Three Nuclear-Weapon-Policy
Principles....................................31
3.2 Three Statements Concerning the UN and
Military Action...............................38
3.3 Women are Treated Unfairly in the
Work Place....................................41
3.4 Feelings Towards having a Female Boss.........42
3.5 Attitudes Towards having a Male Boss..........42
3.6 Tables 3.1, 3.2, and 3.3 in Graph Form........47
3.7 Japan is a Homogeneous Country................50
Japan has Ethnic Minorities...................50
3.8 America is a Homogeneous Country..............51
America has Ethnic Minorities.................51
Tables
3.1 Japan should have Business Relations with the
Following Countries...........................44
3.2 Japan should have Political Relations with the
Following Countries...........................45
3.3 Japan should Welcome Immigration from the
Following Countries...........................46
vii


CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION....................................1
2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE............................12
Overview......................................12
Psychological Make-Up.........................14
Amae.....................................14
Giri and Ninjo...........................15
Guilt and Shame..........................16
Conformity...............................16
Japan's Political Development
After World War II.......................18
Fall of the Liberal
Democratic Party (LDP)...................21
Recent State of Japanese Politics........24
Social and Political Statistical
Data.....................................26
Summary.......................................27
3. SURVEY RESULTS.................................28
Overview......................................28
Demographic Background........................28
Percentage of Respondents Who Have
Been to America...............................29
Japan's Nuclear-Weapon-Policy Principles......30
Political Affiliation and Decision
Making........................................32
Attitudes Regarding the Ainu..................3 3
Japan and the United Nations..................3 6
viii


1
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Japanese Business Community and
the Work Place................................39
Attitudes Regarding Asian Business
Relationships, Political Relationships,
and Immigration from Asia.....................43
The Situation in North Korea..................47
Attitudes Regarding the United States.........48
Summary.......................................52
4. COMPARISON AND CONTRAST
Overview......................................53
Nuclear Weapons in Japan......................53
Government Accountability and Say of
the People....................................54
Political Affiliation.........................55
Feelings Regarding the Ainu...................55
United Nations, the International
Community and Rearmament......................56
Perceptions of Gender Equality in
the Workplace.................................57
Individualism.................................59
Views on Business, Politics, and
Immigration in Asia...........................59
US Influences on Japan........................61
Summary.......................................62
5. Discussion
Overview......................................63
The Survey Group's Political Behavior
and Beliefs...................................63
!
IX


Nuclear Weapons.........................63
Political Affiliation...................64
Ethnic Minorities, Immigration, and
Homogeneity in Japan....................66
Gender Equality.........................67
International Politics and Business.....69
Groupism Versus Individualism...........72
Summary......................................73
6. Summary
Thesis Overview..............................74
Predictions..................................76
Possible Reasons for the Survey
Group's Change...............................77
Suggested Research...........................78
Limitations of This Study....................79
APPENDIX
A. ENGLISH QUESTIONNAIRE........................81
B. JAPANESE QUESTIONNAIRE.......................98
BIBLIOGRAPHY
112


Note: Japanese names are listed in a Japanese manner,
with the family name first and the given name second.
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XI


CHAPTER 1
Introduction
In 1853 Commodore Matthew C. Perry of the United
States sailed into Tokyo harbor with a large fleet of
black ships and gave the leaders of Japan two choices:
Japan could either open its markets or face the wrath of
Perry's ships. Recognizing the overwhelming strength of
the US fleet, Japan conceded by opening its ports to
American ships at Shimoda on Honshu and Hakodate on
Hokkido. Within two years, the British, Russians, and
Dutch followed the Americans by gaining access to the
Japanese market. Up until this time Japan had enjoyed
over two hundred years of isolation and relative peace.
According to Edwin 0. Reischauer (1990, 186), since this
time Japan has oscillated like a pendulum between
embracing Western ways and promoting staunch nationalism.
Twelve years after the Americans, British, Dutch,
and Russians had gained full access to all of the
Japanese ports, and in part as a result of the citizens'
1


discontent with the Edo government's passive stance to
international demands, a group of court nobles and
samurais took over the central government. Although they
built the new government in the name of the Emperor, this
new breed of leaders adopted Western ideology. Included
in this adaptation was the creation of the Meiji
constitution (Reischauer, 1990, 137-141) .
Because of Japan's policy of isolation prior to
Commodore Perry's contact, Japan was considerably behind
in the scientific and technological advancements of the
West. As a result, Japan began sending many of its
citizens to Western countries to learn about medicine,
science, architecture, government, and industrialization.
Returning to Japan, these students brought with them more
than the knowledge they were sent to acquire; the
returnees brought Western culture as well. By the 1920's
Western fashion, books, food, and, in general, life
styles had become extremely popular in Tokyo; so much so
that there was a big movement in Tokyo to "abolish the
Japanese language altogether" and essentially replace it
with English (Constantine, 1991, XV). However, the rural
communities remained connected to the traditional ways of
Japan, in part because they were not exposed to the
2


Western novelties, and because they did not benefit from
the economic success that was seen in the major cities.
By the late 1920's, however, most Japanese began to
turn away from the West and Western culture. Further,
the Imperial Army began to dissolve foreign relations
with the West and also defied the civil government for
the first time by acting on its own in both China and
Manchuria (Reischauer, 1990, 158). Finally, in late
1931, through the catalyst of lower-ranking Japanese
officers, the Japanese army attacked its own rail line in
Manchuria and then blamed the Manchurian government for
sabotage. From the "Manchurian Incident," the Japanese
proceeded to take over all of Manchuria. The seemingly
effortless military success in Manchuria launched a wave
of nationalism across Japan that in turn marked the
beginning of Japanese expansionism and eventually its
involvement in World War II.
The resurgence of nationalism that occurred in Japan
was fueled by the imperialistic government and its
control over the educational system. Students were being
taught that if Japan were to enter a war, it would win
because of divine intervention (Ozaki 1978, 105-106) .
Such lessons came from historical accounts of Mongolia's
twice-failed invasion of Japan in the fourteenth century.
3


Both invasions were stifled, not by the Japanese
themselves, but rather because of two hurricanes now
known as Kamikaze (divine wind). Moreover, with the help
of Kojiki and Nihonshoki1, Hirohito, the Emperor of
Japan, was presented as a god by virtue of his direct
descent from the sun goddess some two and a half thousand
years prior. Finally, all things that were Western and
deemed dangerous to the ways of the Japanese were
virtually banned in Japan.
To be sure, until the resurgence of nationalism in
the late 20s, the Japanese had eagerly accepted Western
ideas. It was these ideas that directly challenged the
traditional ways of Japanese society. Since the end of
the second world war, Japan has experienced even more
changes in culture, government, economics, and
traditional values than it did before its resurgence of
nationalism in the late twenties. With the birth of each
new generation, these changes have moved Japan farther
away from conventional Japanese practices towards a
society that is readily embracing Western ideologies.
Kojiki and Nihonshoki were the first two historical
accounts written in Japan. The documents encompass fairly accurate
historical accounts after 400 AD, and cover extensive
mythological accounts of Japan's origin. They were commissioned by
the Yamato court in 712 and 720 respectively.
4


Many of these changes are a direct result of the United
State's post-war occupation of Japan.
In the years following the war, the United States
became the sole Allied power to occupy Japan. Thus, the
US had the freedom to institute whatever policies were
deemed necessary to help the US solidify a strategic
stronghold in Asia, to help Japan return to the status of
a productive power, and to reduce Japan's war-making
capabilities (Reischauer, 1990, 232) After reviewing
Japan's new draft of a post-war constitution, General
MacArthur and his legal staff, acting on MacArthur's
authority alone, created a constitution that was a cross
between the American style of government and that of the
British parliamentary system. Under the watchful eye of
General MacArthur, the new constitution was essentially
forced on the Japanese government and passed into law.
The ideas that the constitution espoused were quite
foreign to the Japanese way of thinking. For example,
the new constitution included women's suffrage and
equality in marriage (Ward, 1978, 231). Except for the
fact that the constitution renounced war and Japan's
right to build up a military, this new constitution was
based on Western principles.
5


The Japanese maintained this constitution and the
ideas within. They focused on issues of economics and
rebuilding their shattered empire. Fifty years later,
Japan has been transformed from a country in ruins to a
leading economic power. Further, Japan seems to be
drifting from its traditional values to a society that is
embracing Western ideas. Are these trends going to
continue? If so, will the rate at which Japan changes
remain the same, or will it increase? Or, as seen during
the imperialistic years, are the Japanese going to reject
Western culture and embrace nationalism once again?
Gone are the days of the United States'
paternalistic international policy towards Japan. More
than ever, the Japanese are moving towards a state that
is actively removing the shackles of American policy
makers. In this new era of Japanese history, the United
States and other world powers must re-evaluate their
current strategies with regard to diplomacy. To do so,
policy makers of the world must fully understand current
political ideology and cultural trends among Japanese
young adults because these young adults will soon be the
leaders of Japan. The study of the political ideology of
Japanese men and women in their twenties can shed some
light on this delicate situation.
6


The purpose of this thesis is to describe the
political ideology of Japanese men and women in their
twenties, as well as to reflect on the implications that
their political ideology may have in the future. A
comparison and contrast between the survey group's
attitudes and those of the other generations will help in
the overall purpose of the study. Also, the thesis will
explore broad areas of agreement and disagreement within
the research group. The findings show that the political
and social attitudes of Japanese men and women in their
twenties are different than the conventional ideas of
Japanese thinking and are, in many ways, like that of
Western ideology.
The data this thesis examines were generated through
a questionnaire written in English and translated into
Japanese. Questionnaires were distributed through the
course of a year, July 1994-1995, in Tokyo, Japan. Prior
to the distribution in Tokyo, a test distribution was
conducted at Teikyo Loretto Heights, a college for
Japanese students in Denver, Colorado. The questions,
which are listed in the appendix, cover topics ranging
from international political perspectives to opinions on
recent shifts of power in the Japanese Diet to feelings
7


concerning the Ainu, Japan's indigenous population, as
well as many other areas.
The questionnaire was distributed at random
throughout Tokyo's college campuses, parks, bars and
other locations to one hundred and seventy-seven Japanese
men and women mainly in their twenties. By virtue of the
enormous number of universities, colleges, junior
colleges, and other forms of higher education, Tokyoites
in their twenties maybe transplants from all areas of
Japan.
The sample reflects a rough statistical cross-
section of urban-educated Japanese in their twenties. It
is customary in Japan for parents to pay for their
children's higher education. Even families with lower
economic status find means to send their children to some
kind of higher education. Thus the questionnaire's
cross-section represents most economic classes.
Scholastic literature and personal observations
during my year in Tokyo also contributed to the data and
conceptualization of this thesis.
The thesis will be broken down into six basic
chapters: Chapter 1 will briefly outline the relevant
historical background, including Japan's transformation
from an isolationist state to the great power that it is
8


today. The first chapter will also contain the research
questions, rationale, and hypotheses. Finally, the first
chapter will outline the organization of the thesis.
The second chapter is the literature review. Very
little research concerning the topic of this thesis
exists. However, existing literature can create a
cultural and political frame of reference for a survey of
the hypothesized drift from traditional values. This
frame of reference will be based on literature such as
Ruth Benedict's The Chrysanthemum and the Sword (1946) ,
Edwin 0. Reischauer's Japan Today (1988), and Doi Takeo's
The Anatomy of Dependence (1991), all of which deal with
the psychology and culture of the Japanese people.
Apart from literature on culture and psychology, the
literature review will include books and articles on the
post-World War II Japanese government, thus helping
develop the political frame of reference. Included in
this area are books on the development of the postwar
governmental system, articles on recent legislation in
the Japanese Diet, and works on recent shifts of power in
the Japanese Diet.
The basic purpose of Chapter 3 is to describe the
survey findings. The chapter will cover each section of
the questionnaire independently. The beginning of each
9


section will include the methodology of that section
followed by the survey results. The survey results will
focus on similarities and differences in attitudes within
the survey group. This focus will be largely in the
areas of politics, culture, and psychology.
Chapter 4 will concentrate on the continuity and
change in attitudes of the research group relative to
previous findings about national attitudes. This
comparison will be based on literature regarding Japanese
culture, and society as they relate to the survey
questions.
Because the Japanese have a higher regard for "the
group" than "the individual," special attention will be
paid to the importance of group identity. The surveyed
group may vary in political perspectives from those of
other generations. However, if the variation is across
the board, in that there is still a high level of group
cohesion, then this finding might suggest that one
essential element of Japanese psychology, group
orientation or conformity, has remained relatively
constant.
Chapter 5 will continue discussion and analysis of
the survey. It will provide possible answers concerning
10


the comparison and contrasts of the research group and
general national attitudes.
Chapter 6 will tie the research together and to
answer the research question of whether there is a shared
political ideology of Japanese in their twenties, and, if
so, what it is. This chapter will discuss other
questions that have arisen from the research and make
suggestions for possible future research in this area.
Predictions regarding the future political ideology of
Japan's government and society will also be covered in
this chapter. Finally, the conclusion will detail
limitations of this thesis.
11


CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Overview
For the purposes of this study, it is essential
that the literature review include a variety of
literature on the Japanese and their behavior in the
realm of society and politics. Consequently,
historical and current literature are both
necessary.
The general purpose of this thesis was to generate
new data concerning a generation of Japanese young
adults. This focus has been minimally covered in
the academic literature. The literature review
covers topics to help gauge the similarities and
differences between the political and social
ideology of the survey group and national attitudes.
The literature review is broken down into six
areas. The "Overview" section was designed to
provide the backdrop to the literature review. The
section on "Psychological Make-Up" will help in the
understanding of the Japanese mind. This aspect
will set the foundation for the Japanese conception
of the group, perceived societal influence, and
12


individualism, all of which are directly related to
the study's hypotheses. "Japans Political
Development after World War II" section shows the
United States involvement with Japan's
reconstruction. The "Fall of the Liberal Democratic
Party"(LDP) section highlights a time of political
discontent experienced by the Japanese. This
section will be useful for the comparison and
contrast between the survey group and the national
population.
The section on the "Recent State of Japanese
Politics" shows current political trends. This part
of the literature review will cover Japanese
politics through January 1996. The final section,
"Social and Political Statistical Data," covers
statistical information comparing national attitudes
with those of the survey group. These results will
be used to further contrast the survey group and
general public.
Psychological Make-Up
Amae
Doi (1981, 168) states that amae is "a drive to
dependence seeking assimilation with the other," and
13


although the term does have "universal relevance,"
it is mainly rooted in Japanese psychology. He adds
that at one time what was known as the "Japanese
spirit or the soul of Yamato...can be interpreted in
terms of amae" (Doi, 57, 1981). In essence,
Japanese strive towards group acceptance and
dependency and have done so historically.
Reischauer (1988, 144), agreeing with Doi, notes
that this behavior has historical roots in that
"exile from the court to a distant island or
province was the most feared penalty."
On the origins and development of amae, Reischauer
(1990, 144) continues:
[Amae] begins with physical and
psychic dependence for gratification
on the mother and grows into psychic
dependence for gratification from the
warmth and approval of the group.
The child develops an expectation of
understanding indulgence from the
mother but also an acceptance of her
authority, and in time this attitude
becomes expanded into an acceptance
of the authority of the surrounding
social milieu and a need for and
dependence upon this broader social
approval.
14


Giri and Ninio
Amae may appear as purely self-indulgent
behavior, but it works on two principles: giri
(social obligation) and ninjo (human feelings). If
a Japanese person needs something from the group, be
it emotional support, monetary assistance or other
needs, that person knows the group will satisfy his
or her needs. When another person from the group is
in need, then the first person will aid in whatever
way he or she can. Giri is the obligation a person
has to the group in allowing others to be dependent
upon him or her. Ninjo is the desire to allow
others to do the same.
This relationship, as noted by Mitchell (1976, 79) ,
is one of reciprocity. The desire to be accepted by the
group and permission to be dependent on the group are
shared by all members of the group. Horst (1990, 205)
also believes that "[All members] know that each member
of the group enjoys complete protection and support from
each other and mistakes are covered up without question."
It is for this reason that if a member of the group
intrudes upon other group members, that person need only
say "sumanai" (forgive me for appealing to your good will
15


because I am a weak person) and all is forgiven (Doi,
55-56, 1981)*
Giri and ninjo are also present in Doi's The Anatomy
of Self (1985). "While giri refers to specific
obligations in a relationship, [all people involved] have
specific obligations to each other" (Doi, 75, 1985). The
trust that each member has in the group comes from the
shame that would befall an individual if he or she failed
the group. Feiler (1991, 54) writes, "In [Japan] shame
is more powerful than guilt, because people's actions are
tempered less by fear of internal torment than by the
threat of group disapproval." As a result, Japanese can
depend on the group, and in doing so they have a social
obligation to the group, or they face various kinds of
scrutiny, or the possibility of being expelled from the
group. If a Japanese person is ostracized, he or she
would most likely become a loner because as, Allison
(1994, 86) points out, finding a different group to
belong to is "extremely difficult."
Guilt and Shame
Doi (1981) disagrees with Benedict (1946) on what
constitutes the two concepts, guilt and shame. Benedict
(1946, 223) believes that "shame is the reaction to other
16


people's criticism...and requires an audience or at least
one man's fancy of an audience. Guilt does not." Doi
(1981, 48) argues that Benedict is in correct for two
main reasons: First, he states that Benedict believes
shame is "superior to" guilt in a hierarchy of emotion.
Doi believes that this attitude is erroneous because
Benedict has "allowed value judgments to creep into her
ideas." Second, he believes that Benedict "seems to
postulate guilt and shame as entirely unrelated to each
other." Doi also states that the two can be felt
simultaneously.
Conformity
Amae, giri and ninjo are group-related behavioral
terms. Not all people view these behavioral tendencies
in positive terms. Honda (1993, 129) believes that
Japanese groups are like tadpoles. Writing
metaphorically, Honda states that when one Japanese turns
his or her, head they all move like tadpoles in a group
devoid of individualism. For this reason, Honda
continues, the Japanese cannot think as individuals and
therefore they have difficulty with theory, logic, and
ethics.
17


In many cases people are more than forced from the
group for espousing different ideas; some are physically
punished. Such is the case of bullying in junior and
senior high school. The problem was so severe in the
1994-96 school years that a large number of students who
were subject to the abuse committed suicide (Asahi
Shinbun, March 06, 1996) A majority of the bullying is
directed at comes from a student behaving differently
from the accepted norm (Feiler, 240-242, 1991). Feiler
(1991, 241) continues by noting that many of the bullied
students are called eta and burakumin. Both terms refer
a type of Japanese outcast.
Japan's Political Development after World War II
After the Japanese were defeated in World War II,
the American occupation, led by General MacArthur,
started Japan on its road to one of the greatest periods
in Japanese history. Ward (1978, 20) writes that two of
the immediate concerns of Allied Powers were
"demilitarization and democratization" of Japan. He
states that demilitarization was easy: the Allied power
simply took away military capability and tried the
political leaders who were directly linked to the
Imperial Army of Japan and its aggressive activities
18


during the war. This sort of action was easy because, as
Reischauer (1990, 185) adds:
[The Japanese] fear of the American
conquerors soon turned into hope that
they would lead Japan to a better
day. The Japanese, for their part,
turned out not to be the fanatical
fighters that the Americans had come
to know, proving instead to be
docile, disciplined, cooperative
people at home. [After the
surrender] America became the
unchallenged locus of authority and
the Japanese people...obeyed it
without question.
Democratization began with an overhaul of the
constitution. Reischauer (1988, 106) states that many of
the basic principles and ideas in the constitution and
among politicians were in dire need of amending and
reform. The Meiji constitution was rewritten by
MacArthur and passed into law.
From this foundation the new Japanese Government
emerged. In the early years the Japanese government was
divided into a bipartisan one, the conservatives and the
progressives. Reischauer (1990, 208-209) states that
"[t]he conservatives were essentially remnants of the
prewar establishment [whose constituency] consisted
primarily...of business supporters and the bulk of rural
19


and small town voters" (Reischauer, 1990, 208-209). The
progressive camp supported the changes put forth by the
United States because it "distrusted all elements of the
prewar establishment and leaned instead towards
socialism." The progressives were comprised of the
intellectuals, white and blue collar workers in the city,
and others who wished for change.
After a several years the two political parties
started to change their political perspectives. The
conservatives began favoring American political reform
and a US presence while the progressive party began to
regard the Americans as "enemies" (Reischauer, 1991,
211) .
According to Ward (1978, 21) the basic reforms put
forth during the first two years of occupation, many of
which were influenced by the United States, were:
1: The purge of ultranationalist
officials from designated
public and private offices
2: Expansion of the franchise
(Voting rights for women,
and men between ages 20 and 25
years old)
3: The grant to labor of the right
to organize and bargain
collectively
4: Land reforms
5: Legal reforms of the
traditional family system
20


6: Decentralization of the powers
of government
7: Education reforms
For the next decade the balance of power shifted
many times among many parties. The progressives usually
had the highest percentage of the seats in the Diet, but
never a majority. On November 15, 1955, the two major
conservative parties joined together to form Jiminto, or
as it is known in English, the Liberal Democratic Party
(LDP). It was at this time that the LDP became the
dominating force in Japanese politics. The LDP was the
majority party governing with few obstacles from
opposition parties until the LDP's downfall in the summer
of 1993.
Fall of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)
Concerning the fall of the LDP, Takabatake writes:
In the summer of 1993, a revolution
occurred in Japanese politics, as
splintering in the LDP and alliances
among opposition parties brought an
end to the 38 years of LDP government
dominance (1993, 387).
The downfall began with the "Recruit-Cosmos Scandal"
in June 1988. At that time, 156 politicians,
bureaucrats, and business leaders were invited to buy
21


shares of stock in the Recruit-Cosmos company at a price
that was far below the market price (Reischauer 1990,
324). Kubota (1993, 97) states that the Japanese were
outraged and wanted someone to pay for the illegal
activities. Finance Minister Miyazawa Kiichi, one of the
politicians involved in the scandal, first denied any
involvement in the scandal: however, Miyazawa was
formally challenged during a Diet proceeding, and he
eventually acknowledged his involvement. He stepped down
December 9, 1988 (Reischauer, 1990, 324).
Like Miyazawa, Prime Minister Norobu was also
involved in the scandal and stepped down from his
position in the Japanese Diet and subsequently avoided
any legal consequences.
Norobu was replaced on June 3, 1989, by Uno Sosuke.
As stated by Kubota (1993, 96):
It was quickly discovered that he was
involved in a sex scandal...His
extramarital affairs were extensively
covered by...mainstream newspapers in
Japan. In addition, the LDP was
badly beaten in the Upper House
election held on July 23, 1989. And
on the following day, Uno revealed
that he would be stepping down as
Prime Minister.
Kaifu Toshiki became Prime Minister because he was
considered to have a clean slate with regard to his
22


finances and personal life. Kaifu did not receive the
support of his peers and was relieved of his post. His
successor was Miyazawa. The Vice Prime Minister selected
was Kanemaru Shin (Kubota, 1993, 96).
The office of prime minister was stable for less
than one year, when Kanemaru was charged with receiving
excessive campaign contributions. Furthermore, he was
linked to the Yakusa (Japanese Mafia) (Kubota 1993, 97).
Kanemaru conceded to these allegations and voluntarily
gave up his position as vice prime minister.
Kanemaru was formally charged in a court of law for
his violations and was found guilty. His sentence,
however, was only the equivalent of 17,000 dollars.
Kubota (1993, 97) said this pittance outraged the public
so much that Kanemaru completely removed himself from
Japanese politics.
With four years of non-stop scandals, the Japanese
voters began to lose faith in the government. Takabatake
(1993, 381) writes that aside from the scandals, there
was another factor at work against the LDP as well, the
recession. Up until the late eighties, Japan enjoyed
massive economic growth. However, in 1989, the "economic
bubble" burst and Japan's economy started to slip into a
recession. Moreover, according to Yamamoto (1993, 381)
23


in recent years, the ideas of lifetime employment and
guaranteed jobs for college graduates were starting to
falter.
In the summer of 1993, the LDP lost its majority
rule. It was beaten at the polls by the anti-LDP
parties, which encompassed a wide range of political
ideologies. Morse (1993, 24) states that the unifying
platform of the anti-LDP parties was "people over
government; consumption over production;
decentralization, regionalism, and political
responsiveness over routine bureaucratic control."
Essentially the new reform coalition challenged the very
platform that the LDP stood for, and won.
Recent State of Japanese Politics
Over the last year, the political climate has
continued to change. Last summer, the mayoral elections
in Tokyo and Osaka featured professional actors defeating
the incumbents (Masumi, 1995, 1995). Parts of the anti-
LDP coalition have disbanded, regrouped, and formed the
New Frontier Party (Kabashima, 1995, 6-7). Many
political scholars in Japan believe that the changes the
Japanese Diet is going through will not last; instead,
these changes will bring about stability. Kajiyama
24


Seiroku, a member of the House of Representatives since
1969, believes that the system will change and once
everything becomes stable, it will not "be possible to
change it again for another 30 to 40 years" (1994, 13) .
These kinds of drastic nationwide overhauls, however, are
a part of recent Japanese history.
The repeated scandals and recession are part of the
reason that Japan is going through change. Another is
the old style of voting system in Japan. The old system
was a multiple-seat system that elected two to six
Representatives from each constituency. Takabatake
(1993, 388) states that the old system often pitted
candidates from the same party against each other.
Kabashima (1995, 6), agreeing with Takabatake, believes
that this inter-party competition prompted
representatives to seek additional campaign funds
separate from the headquarters reserves. Thus, they
sometimes accepted illegal campaign contributions.
In the first part of 1996, Murayama Tomoiichi of the
Socialist Party stepped down as prime minister and
Hashimoto Ryutaro (LDP) replaced him (The Japan Times.
January 22-28, 1996, 1). The article continued reporting
that Hashimoto's "priorities are to put the economy back
on track, recover domestic and foreign confidence in the
(
25


country's financial system and promote relations with the
United States." The New York Times adds that Hashimoto's
ideas also include "a stronger role for Japan in world
affairs by winning a permanent seat on the United Nations
Security Council and sending Japanese soldiers abroad to
participate in international peace-keeping operations"
(January, 11, 1996, A2).
Uchida Kenzo of the Japan Times believes that this
recent change in power "means [Japanese] politics [are]
returning to a normal state" (January, 22-28, 1996, 9)
Some people disagree with Mr. Uchida. The New York Times
reported that the mood of the Japanese people "ranges
from irrelevance to shame to a sense of disillusionment"
(January, 13, 1996, A5). The Times continues, stating
that "only 35% of Japanese are satisfied with politics,
economics and society."
Social and Political Statistical Data
Youichi (1995) has compiled a book of raw
statistics. Although the book does not draw conclusions,
its figures include the drastic increase of students
studying abroad, perceptions of equality in the work
place, and the favorite hobbies of young adults (1995,
179-239).
i
26


Davis Bobrow (1989, 551-604) also compiled
statistical information. His work is the culmination of
four decades of surveys conducted by various
organizations including the Japanese networks and
newspapers. This study documents the changes in
attitudes from generation to generation following World
War II. His results show Japanese attitudes moving
toward heightened awareness of equality among people in
Japan and concern for an international recognition other
than Japan being an economic world leader.
Bobrow's work is supported by Hane Mikiso (1992,
375-418) historical survey of Japan. In it she details
changes in attitudes up to the beginning of the nineties.
These changes include attitudes concerning gender
equality, immigration, economics, and politics.
Summary
Literature has shown that the Japanese are a group
orientated society and that from WWII on, the Japanese
government has been fairly stable. However, in the
summer of 1993, the LDP lost its majority to an anti-LDP
coalition as a result of voter dissatisfaction. Recent
studies have also shown that Japanese youth are becoming
more individualistic.
27


CHAPTER 3
Overview
The purpose of Chapter Three is to describe the
results of the survey from one hundred and seventy-seven
Japanese young adults. Chapter Three will be broken down
into twelve sections. These sections are the overview,
the ten areas of the questionnaire, and the summary.
Each section is designed so that it begins with the
methodology of that section and then describes the
related questionnaire results.
The first two areas of the questionnaire covered in
this chapter deal with the demographics. In the actual
questionnaire, they were the last two sections. The
sections were put last in the real questionnaire to avoid
putting the respondent in a defensive state of mind. The
questionnaire and its results are listed in the appendix.
Demographic Background
The average age of the respondents was 22.7 years
old. The respondents ranged in age from eighteen to
28


thirty years old. Forty-six percent of the survey group
were male, 53% was female, and 1.1% chose not to answer
the gender question. Of the respondents, 72.9%, were
students, 18.5% were employed full-time, and the
remaining 9% worked part-time, were homemakers, were self
employed, or "other." Concerning living arrangements,
32.8% of the respondents lived with their parents, 32.7%
lived in dorms, 20.9% lived alone, and the rest of the
answers were spread out over three answer choices.
These statistics are fairly close to the national
demographic average for this age group (Youichi, 1995,
169-239).
Percentage of Respondents Who Have Been to America
One of the overall aspects of this thesis is to see
whether Japanese young adults' attitudes differ from the
national attitudes. If so, this thesis will attempt to
provide possible answers as to why they have different
perspectives and to what degree.
One of the hypotheses of this study is that the US
is affecting the way Japanese are thinking. Hence, it
was important to ask if the respondent had been to
mainland America. The reason for distinguishing
"mainland" America from Hawaii was that mainland America
29


is more foreign culturally to the Japanese than Hawaii
is. For example, it is much easier to find store clerks
who speak Japanese in Hawaii than in San Francisco.
Therefore, Japanese traveling to mainland America would
be exposed to a different kind of American culture from
what they would encounter in Hawaii.
As it turns out, 69.5% of the respondents have
traveled to mainland America. Of those who have been to
America, 50% went one time, 30% two times, and the rest
four times or more.
When asked to describe their travels to mainland
America, 30.5% said they strongly liked it, 53.1% liked
it, and 15% either had no opinion or were uncertain. To
the question of "did your trips change your opinion of
the United States," 55% said it improved their opinion,
32% said it did not change their opinion, and 13% said it
lessened their opinion.
Japan's Nuclear-Weapon-Policy Principles
Japanese take great pride in having a nuclear-free
country, and this pride is reflected in the country's
nuclear-weapon policy. This policy is composed of three
principles: Don't have it, Don't make it, and Don't
30


bring it1. This section of the questionnaire primarily
tests current attitudes of Japanese young adults towards
these three principles. The respondents were asked to
select one of the five responses that best represents
their point of view with regard to Japan's keeping its
nuclear-weapon-policy principles one, two, and three.
The five choices ranged from strongly agree to strongly
disagree.
For the first principle, nearly 90% of the
respondents either strongly agreed or agreed. For
principle number two, 88.1% either strongly agreed or
agreed. Finally, on the third principle, almost 95%
strongly agreed or agreed.
Figure 3.1
Japan's Three Nuclear-Weapon-Policy Principles
-Principle 1
-Principle 2
-Principle 3
'The third principle refers to other countries bringing nuclear weapons to Japan.
31


Figure 3.1 shows the general attitude for all three
principles is one of support.
Political Affiliation and Decision Making
This section examined the survey group's ideology on
the political parties in Japan, the recent changes in the
Diet, and decision making and accountability of the
Japanese government. The purpose of this section was to
gauge the level of satisfaction Japanese young adults
have with their government and whether they support
change within the Diet and the political framework.
The first question in this section asked the
respondents to select the political party to which he or
she felt closest. Twenty percent selected the Liberal
Democratic Party (LDP). Answer choices two through eleven
encompassed a variety of different political parties.
The combined percentage of this group was 30% with no
single party receiving more than six percent. Fifty
percent of the respondents selected no political party
affiliation.
The second area focused on the question of change.
The respondents were asked to give their opinion
concerning the fall of the LDP in the summer of 1993.
Twenty-six percent believed that Japan needed more of the
32


kind of change it was experiencing. Thirty-seven percent
agreed that the government did need to change; however,
they wanted to see change other than the recent changes.
The remaining responses varied between 1% and 10% among
five answer choices.
The final part of this section was designed to test
the attitudes of the survey group towards the Japanese
government and its responsibilities with regard to the
people. In the first statement, 77% either strongly
agreed or agreed that the government should thoroughly
debate issues, and 18% had no opinion. Question Two
produced similar results in that 77% either strongly
agreed or agreed that the Japanese government should be
held accountable for its actions while 16% had no
opinion. On Question Three, 78% selected one of the
first two answer choices, strongly agree or agree, on
whether the people should have more say in the political
decision-making process.
Attitudes Regarding the Ainu
Many scholars have argued that Japan is extremely
close to being a homogeneous country. However, Japan
does have ethnic minorities. Koreans, Okinawans, and
Ainu all inhabit Japan as citizens. Often, they are
33


subject to racism. The purpose of this section was to
gauge the awareness the survey group has for the Ainu as
well as their attitudes towards the Ainu.
The Ainu were selected for this survey for a variety
of reasons. First, they are Caucasian and hence more
different physically from the Japanese than Koreans or
Okinawans. Second, the Ainu are the first settlers of
Japan. This fact is important because the Ainu are
currently seeking some sort of autonomy. Therefore,
Japanese have something to lose if the Ainu are
successful in their fight for autonomy. Third, the Ainu
have a culture that is distinct from that of the
Japanese. This includes language, religion, and daily
habits.
This section contains four questions. Three of the
questions are basic demographic questions such as the age
at which the respondents learned of the Ainu. One of the
questions directly asked the respondents what they
thought about the Ainu culture. "Ainu culture" was
preferred over only "Ainu" in the wording. I believed
that the respondents would be more honest with their
answers if they were asked to judge the culture instead
of directly judging the Ainu as a people.
34


Question One asked respondents to rate their
knowledge concerning the Ainu. The answer choices varied
from that of an expert to having no knowledge of the
Ainu. Two and a half percent answered that their
knowledge was that of an expert or above average.
Thirty-six percent said they had average knowledge of the
Ainu. Eighteen percent stated that their knowledge was
below average while 10.2% said their knowledge was very
limited. Ten percent said they did not know about the
Ainu.
Question Two asked the age at which the respondents
first learned of the Ainu. Three percent learned about
the Ainu before the age of five, 35% learned between the
ages of six and ten, and 39.5% learned between eleven and
fifteen years old. The remainder reported that they had
learned about the Ainu at sixteen years of age or older.
On question three of this section, 11% said they
really liked the Ainu culture. Twenty-six percent said
they liked the Ainu culture. Almost 50% said they either
were uncertain or had no opinion about the Ainu culture.
One percent said they really disliked the Ainu culture,
and 12.4% did not answer the question.
The high percentage of non-answers on this question
may indicate either the lack of knowledge or an
35


unadmitted prejudice by those particular respondents.
The first question in this section asked the survey group
to rate their knowledge about the Ainu. If they selected
"I do not know about the Ainu," they were instructed to
go on to the next section. On the first question 10.2%
responded as such.
A cross tabulation with the question "have you been
to mainland America before" shows that 51% of the people
who have been to mainland America selected either "I
really like [the Ainu culture]" or "I like [the Ainu
culture]." This is compared to 25% of those who have not
been to America and selected from one of the same two
answer choices.
On the final question, the respondents were asked to
select the most informative source in their understanding
of the Ainu. On this question, 29.4% selected books,
18.1% chose teachers, 14.1% picked television, and the
remaining respondents chose answers that were scattered
among six other choices.
Japan and the United Nations
Japan's relationship with and its place in the
United Nations is of strong political interest in Japan
as well as the international community. One of the major
36


issues is whether or not Japan should have a permanent
seat on the United Nation Security Council and what
should be required of Japan in order to gain a seat. The
new prime minister said that this issue is going to be
one of his top priorities. He even said that he would
send troops to participate in peace-keeping operations if
he has too.
This section is designed to test the attitudes of
the survey group on issues related to the United Nations
and international aid. The survey group was asked to
give their point of view on four statements. The first
statement was: "Japan should have a permanent seat on
the United Nations Security Council." Eleven percent
strongly agreed. Thirty-one percent agreed. Thirty-
eight percent selected no opinion. Twelve percent
disagreed, and 5.6% strongly disagreed.
The second statement was: "Japan should equally
participate in all military activities if granted a
permanent seat." Ten percent strongly agreed, 24.9%
agreed, 30.5% had no opinion, 24.9% disagreed, and nine
9% strongly disagreed.
The third statement was: "Japan should build up its
military in order to participate in United Nations
military operations." The purpose of this statement was
j
37


to separate the variable of a permanent seat from Japan's
participation in UN military operations. Sixteen percent
either strongly agreed or agreed with statement number
three. Nearly 60% disagreed or strongly disagreed with
this statement. The following graph shows the results of
the three statements together.
Figure 3.2
Three Statements Concerning the UN and Military Action
Statement 1: Japan should have a permanent seat
Statement 2: If Japan gains a permanent seat it should
fully participate in military Operations
Statement 3: Japan should build up it military to
fully participate in military operation.
Figure 3.2 shows the survey group would be more
willing to develop a military and participate in military
action if Japan were granted a permanent seat on the
United Nations Security Council.
The final statement in this section was: "Japan
should lend aid to countries in need." Seventy-seven
38


percent strongly agreed or agreed. Seventeen percent had
no opinion, and the rest, 5%, disagreed or strongly
disagreed.
Japanese Business Community and the Work Place
The following section was designed to gauge
attitudes in the work place, ideas concerning
international business relations, and the relationship
between the government and the business community.
Ten percent of the respondents strongly agreed that
the Japanese government and the business community should
be closely linked. Thirty percent agreed, 20.3% had no
opinion, 30.5% disagreed, and 7.9% strongly disagreed.
Sixty-two percent strongly agreed or agreed that Japan
should assume a leadership role in the international
business community.
In Japan, the concept of hierarchy of authority is
extremely important, especially in the work place. The
Japanese have two terms for this hierarchy: senpai and
kohai. Senpai is a person in a company or school who has
seniority or higher rank than his or her kohai. Among
co-workers, for example, the senpai is the person who has
been with the company longer than the kohai. The kohai
is the subordinate to the sempai.
39


With this relationship come certain responsibilities
in behavior and attitudes. Three questions were designed
to study the attitudes centered around the senpai-kohai
relationship. Question nine of this trio was purposely
separated from the other two questions in order to test
the consistency among the survey group's responses.
Eighty percent of the respondents either strongly
agreed or agreed that sometimes it is important to
question their bosses. Ten percent either disagreed or
strongly disagreed with the aforesaid question.
On the next question, 75% said that they either
strongly agreed or agreed that it is important for
employees to speak their mind while at work. Question
number nine had similar results to questions three and
four. Sixty-eight percent strongly agreed or agreed that
individuality is important in the work place. Sixteen
percent had no opinion and 10.2% disagreed.
Questions five, six, and seven were designed to test
attitudes concerning gender roles and female authority.
Testing attitudes with regard to gender and female
authority was important because historically Japan has
been a male-dominated society.
When asked to respond to the statement that "women
are treated unfairly in the work place," 59.9% strongly
40


agreed or agreed, 22.6% had no opinion, and 17.4% either
disagreed or strongly disagreed. On question number six,
45.3% strongly agreed or agreed that they would not mind
if they had a female boss. Responding to the statement
that "[they] would not mind if [they] had a male boss,"
66.7% strongly agreed or agreed.
A cross-tabulation using gender and the previous
three statements shows that women are more conscious
about gender inequality than men.
Figure 3.3
Women are Treated Unfairly in the Work Place
Str. Agree Agree No Opin. Disagree Str. Dis.
-Men
-Women
According to this cross-tabulation, 73% of the women
who responded to this statement felt there was gender
inequality in the work place by virtue of selecting
either strongly agree or agree. This is compared to 57%
of the men.
41


Figure 3.4
Feelings Towards having a Female Boss
-Men
-Women
Figure 3.4 shows that a slightly higher percentage
of men said they strongly agree that they would not mind
having a female boss. With the response "agree,"
however, 47% of the women surveyed chose this answer as
opposed to 33% of the men. The collapsed percentage of
strongly agree and agree shows that 50% of the men chose
one of the two answers. This is compared to 61% of the
women.
Figure 3.5
Attitudes Towards having a Male Boss
-Men
-Women
42


Figure 3.5 produced similar results to figure 3.4.
The major difference was in the agree column. The men
shifted from 33% in figure 3.4 to 56% in figure 3.5. The
female response between the two figures remained
relatively the same.
Attitudes Regarding Asian Business Relationships, Asian
Political Relationships, and Immigration from Asia
To help understand the political attitudes of the
survey group, it was important to gauge their attitudes
towards other Asian countries in the areas of business,
politics, and immigration. Asian countries were selected
because it is with Asian countries that the feelings of
the Japanese are the strongest. The reasoning is that
the history between Japan and Asia is longer and deeper
than with the rest of the world. Furthermore, the
proximity of Japan with other Asian countries perhaps
also helps foster attitudes that are more deeply felt.
The following three tables represent the
respondents' replies to various statements concerning
business, politics, and immigration with and from other
Asian countries. Respondents were asked to select from
answer choices ranging from strongly agree to strongly
disagree.
43


Table 3.1
Japan Should have Business Relations with the Following
Countries
Country St. Agree Agree No Opinion Disagree S. Disagree
China 36.70% 47.50% 12.40% 0% 0%
N. Korea 7.30% 21.50% 45.20% 16.80% 6.80%
S. Korea 29.90% 53.10% 13.60% 1.10% 0.00%
Vietnam 13.60% 34.50% 40.60% 6.80% 1.10%
Malaysia 23.40% 52% 19.20% 1.10% 0.00%
Singapore 35.60% 52% 9.00% 0.00% 0%
Taiwan 34.50% 53.10% 9.00% 0.00% 0.00%
India 15.30% 50.80% 26.00% 2.00% 2.00%
Indonesia 21.50% 55.90% 16.90% 2.00% 0.00%
Philippines 21.50% 50.30% 22.60% 3.00% 0.00%
Strongly agree and agree were combined to form one
average. The overall average for the two answer choices,
or the collapsed average, was seventy-one percent.
Collapsed averages were used to further diversify the
differences between each country. For example, Taiwan
had 34.5% of the respondents selecting strongly agree and
53.1% selecting agree. The collapsed average of these two
figures is 88%, which is well above the overall collapsed
average of 71%. This result contrasts with North Korea's
collapsed average of twenty-nine percent.
Singapore, Taiwan, China, and South Korea all rated
above the collapsed strongly-agree-and-agree-average of
71% with 88%, 88%, 85%, and 83%, respectively. Indonesia
44


(78%), Malaysia (75%) and the Philippines (72%) were in
the group that rated around the same collapsed average.
The remaining three countries were India (66%), Vietnam
(48%), and North Korea (29%).
Table 3.2
Japan Should have Political Relations with the Following
Countries
Country St. Agree Agree No Opinion Disagree S. Disagree
China 27.70% 44.10% 20.30% 5% 1%
N. Korea 11.90% 27.10% 36.20% 12.40% 10.20%
S. Korea 23.20% 48.60% 23.70% 2.30% 0.00%
Vietnam 10.20% 36.70% 41.80% 5.60% 2.30%
Malaysia 19.80% 45% 28.20% 1.10% 2.30%
Singapore 25.40% 48% 20.30% 0.00% 2%
Taiwan 26.50% 50.80% 20.30% 0.00% 0.00%
India 16.40% 39.50% 38.40% 0.00% 2.30%
Indonesia 20.30% 42.40% 31.60% 0.00% 2.30%
Philippines 20.30% 45.80% 28.20% 2.00% 0.00%
Averages 20.10% 42.80% 29% 3.00% 2.00%
The same strongly-agree-and-agree collapsed average
was employed on this table. Taiwan, Malaysia, Singapore,
South Korea, and China all rated well above the collapsed
strongly-agree-and-agree average of 63% with 77%, 75%,
73%, 72%, and 72%, respectively. Philippines (66%),
Indonesia (63%), and India (56%) were in the group that
45


rated around or just under the same collapsed average.
The remaining two countries were North Korea with thirty-
nine percent and Vietnam with thirty-seven percent.
Table 3.3
Japan Should Welcome Immigration from the Following
Countries
Country St Agree Agree No Opinion Q'sagee S Dsagree
China 7.90% 31.60% 31.60% 15% 7%
N. Korea 5.00% 26.00% 35.00% 15.30% 10.20%
& Korea 7.90% 31.60% 31.60% 15.30% 5.60%
Vietnam 5.60% 28.20% 29.40% 18.20% 10.20%
Matysia 5.60% 32% 30.60% 15.30% 9.00%
Singapore 9.00% 29% 31.60% 14.10% 8%
Taiwan 7.90% 28.20% 31.60% 16.40% 7.90%
Incfa 5.60% 29.40% 30.50% 1660% 7.90%
Indcnesa 7.90% 28.20% 30.50% 17.50% 9.00%
Pfilippines 6.80% 31.60% 26.00% 17.50% 10.20%
Averages 7% 29.50% 30.80% 15% 14%
Under all possible answer choices, the responses
varied from country to country no more than six percent.
In most cases, the middle three answer choices
encompassed about 85% of the survey group.
46


Figure 3.6
Tables 3.1, 3.2, and 3.3 in Graph Form
Averaged Attitudes Towards Business Relationships,
Political Relationships and Immigration
Figure 3.6 of this section shows that the general
attitudes towards business and political relationships
had a majority of respondents selecting strongly agree
and agree. On the issue of immigration, they were more
in favor of accepting it than being opposed to it.
However, the survey group's attitudes towards immigration
were not as deeply felt as they were towards business and
politics.
The Situation in North Korea
Although the Cold War has ended, North Korea still
poses a bona fide threat to Japan. In recent years North
Korea has fought with the international community on the
issue of developing nuclear weapons. The Japanese
government has expressed concern for its safety. The two
47


questions in this section were designed to test attitudes
on this subject.
Fifty-six percent said they felt either extremely
comfortable or comfortable with the US presence in the
Pacific in light of the North Korea situation. However,
only 16.9% present felt that North Korea should comply
with the international community's demands on the issue
of nuclear weapon development.
Attitudes Regarding the United States
Since the end of World War II, the US and Japan have
developed close relations. The new prime minister stated
that one of his priorities was to improve the US-Japan
relationship. However, there are some strong stereotypes
held by the Japanese people towards America. The purpose
of this section was to gauge the attitudes of the survey
group towards the United States. This section is
composed of nine statements.
On question number one, 91% either strongly agreed
or agreed that Japan should engage in business relations
with the United States. On question two, 9% strongly
agreed that the US was a positive role model for Japan,
26% agreed, 37.3% had no opinion, 22.6% disagreed, and 4%
strongly disagreed. On question number three 54.8%
48


strongly agreed or agreed that the US should play a major
role in the international community, and 14.7% disagreed
or strongly disagreed.
Eighty-two percent either strongly agreed or agreed
that the US has a high crime rate. On question number
five, 68.9% either strongly agreed or agreed that they
liked popular American style of clothes and music.
Questions six through nine were designed to help
gauge the respondents' attitudes towards Japan as a
homogeneous state and their opinions of whether
minorities reside within Japan. The statements were
"Japan is a homogeneous country" and "Japan has ethnic
minorities." The respondents were ask to choose from the
answer choices ranging between strongly agree and
strongly disagree. The research group was also asked to
respond to "America is a homogeneous country" and
"America has ethnic minorities" with the same answer
choices.
The purpose of the two graphs is to show the
contrast between the research groups' attitudes towards
Japan and America. Figure 3.7 shows that 57% of the
survey group either strongly agrees or agrees that Japan
is a homogeneous country. On Figure 3.8, only 11% felt
the same way concerning the United States. Sixty-five
49


percent believe that Japan has ethnic minorities and 80%
felt that America has ethnic minorities.
Figure 3.7
Japan is a Homogeneous Country
Japan has Ethnic Minorities
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
Strongly Agree No Disagree Strongly
Agree Opinion Disagree
50


Figure 3.8
America is a Homogeneous Country
America has Ethnic Minorities
Agree Opinion Disagree
-Homogen
-Minority
Figure 3.7 shows the survey group1s attitudes
towards Japan as a homogenous country and Japan as having
ethnic minorities. Figure 3.8 shows the respondents'
attitudes towards the United States as a homogeneous
country and the United States having ethnic minorities.
Summary
This chapter covered the survey results of the
questionnaire. The design of the chapter follows the
flow of the questionnaire. Each section was broken down
into two sections: The first part of the section covered
51


the methodology of the questions, and the second part
reported the survey results.
52


CHAPTER 4
Overview
The purpose of Chapter Four is to compare and
contrast the survey group's attitudes with those of
current political and cultural trends in Japan. Although
the questionnaire produced an abundant amount of data,
this chapter will focus solely on the similarities and
differences that either support or refute the main
hypothesis: The survey group has different political and
social ideas than that of general attitudes. The
comparison and contrast with current political and
cultural trends will be based on the readings covered in
the literature review. As in Chapter Three, this chapter
will follow the general flow of the questionnaire.
Nuclear Weapons In Japan
In the area of nuclear weapons, the survey group
seems to be in accord with the current attitudes in
Japan. Professor Davis Bobrow (1989, 596) stated that
there is a "majority opposition to modifying current
limits on nuclear weapons..." The survey group was
53


between 88% to 95% in support of the current policies
nuclear-weapon-policies.
Government Accountability and Sav of the People
Recently there have been many cries from the general
population for certain politicians to step down from
their posts for involvement in illegal activities and for
their inability to govern. These instances can be seen
in 1989 with the Recruit-Cosmos Scandal, in 1993 with
Vice Prime Minister Kaneru's acceptance of excessive
campaign contributions, and in 1993 with the Liberal
Democratic Party's (LDP) loss of power (Takabatake, 1993,
379-381).
These trends suggest that the Japanese are becoming
more keen about holding politicians responsible for their
wrongful acts as well as for their inability to govern.
The survey group responded in a similar fashion.
Seventy-seven percent supported government
accountability.
The same results were present in the question of
giving people more say in Japanese politics. Morse
argues that when the LDP fell, the unifying platform for
the anti-LDP party included "people over government"
(1993, 24). This view is consistent with the research
54


group's responses, with almost 80% saying that Japanese
should have more say in Japanese politics.
Political Affiliation
The survey group's responses to party affiliation
correspond to those of national polls. Professor
Kabashima Ikuo (1995, 7) reported that 55.4% of voters in
Japan did not "support a particular party." This figure
is comparable to the 50.3% of research group who chose
the same answer choice. The second largest percentage in
both surveys was the LDP with 23.1% in Kabashima's report
and 20.3% from the thesis questionnaire results.
Feelings Regarding the Ainu
The Ainu have been fighting racism for as long they
have had encounters with the Japanese (Hane, 1992, 413).
Mutsumi stated that one junior high school history
textbook had only four lines concerning the Ainu people
(1993, 20), all of which refer to the Ainu solely in the
past tense. Furthermore, she continues, on the streets,
"Ainu is not a word to be proud of" (Matsumi, 1993, 19).
Given this environment, it is plausible that the
survey group would share these same feelings. However,
they differed from the overall consensus of the Japanese
55


population. Although the survey group did not vigorously
support the Ainu culture, only 1.1% selected that they
did not like the Ainu culture. This contrast in opinion
from the general consensus supports the overall
hypothesis that the Japanese young adults have different
attitudes than national attitudes. Ideas of Ainu
inferiority were present at home, in the media, and in
text books. However, aside from this indoctrination, the
survey group displayed some level of independent thinking
by virtue of having a higher level of tolerance for the
Ainu.
United Nations, the International Community,
and Rearmament
The survey group generally is in accord with the
national attitudes regarding internationalization.
Furthermore, there is an accord on the United Nations as
being the vehicle for these ends. Fujitake (1993, 25)
notes, however, that the reasons given for Japan's
achieving a greater role in the international community
differ between Japanese in their forties and those in
their twenties. He states that Japanese in their forties
view greater internationalization in terms of economics.
Japanese in their twenties view an increased
56


international role "as an opportunity to disseminate
Japanese culture" (Fujitake, 1993, 25). Bobrow agrees
(1989, 584), finding that older generations saw Japan's
international role as an "economic power," while younger
Japanese saw Japan's international role as being more
"peace orientated."
The survey group was below the national consensus on
the issue of supporting rearmament. Bobrow (1989, 596)
says that nationally there is an "even split" in support
for rearmament. The survey group, however, had only 16%
in support for rearmament. Both groups opposed Japan's
becoming a military might.
Perceptions of Gender Equality in the Workplace
Hane (1992, 399) says "many firms make it clear that
they will not consider applications from female college
graduates." Youichi, Sugiura (1995, 237) showed that the
female-to-male salary ratio in Japan is 41.7 percent.
Professor Fujitake (1993, 25) cited that only 22% of the
general public felt that women were treated fairly in the
work place. The survey results suggest that the research
group was also aware that women were treated unfairly in
the workplace.
57


Although 78% of the general population in 1989 felt
that women were treated unfairly in the workplace,
attitudes that women were subordinates to men prevailed
(Hane, 1992, 400-401). She continues stating:
The argument is that housewives are
content because they have full
authority at home-but everyone knows
that the husband has the ultimate
authority. If a man is having an
affair, a marriage counselor is
likely to advise the wife, "For the
sake of your baby's happiness you
should hold on and try to win back
the heart of your husband. Treat him
more kindly. Perhaps you
could...take more care of him."
However these attitudes were not shared by men and
women equally. General attitudes regarding the problem
of gender inequality were held more deeply by women.
Youichi (1995, 238) reports that 67% of women do not
believe there has been an "improvement" in gender
equality. This figure is in contrast with to 54% of the
men. The survey group was slightly higher on this issue.
Seventy-three percent of the women who responded said
that inequality still exists. This finding is in
comparison to 57% of the men. Professor Hane (1992, 401)
notes that the younger women are "less inclined to be
content with egotistical husbands."
58


Individualism
On all three questions regarding individuality, the
survey group supported it with a strong majority.
Professor Fujitake (1993, 25) writes that there is a
"budding sense of individualism" among Japanese between
20-24 years of age. Furthermore, Fujitake (1993, 25)
adds that they have labeled themselves as "self-centered"
and that almost 50% said they were "individualistic-
orientated" as opposed to "society-orientated."
As seen in the works of Benedict, Doi, Fuller, and
Ozaki, the ideas of the "individual" held by the survey
group are a sharp contrast to the ideas of the "group"
held by the general population. The idea of
individualism is more than a subtle difference from the
general consensus; it is outright contrary to the
cultural norms of the Japanese.
Views on Business. Politics, and Immigration in Asia
Overall, the general attitude towards business
relationships in Asia is one of support. Kitaoka
Shin'ichi (1993, 3) writes that many people are excited
about "Beijing's moves toward economic liberalization."
These are essentially the same feelings of the survey
group.
59


Like business, political relations also received
support from both the research group and the general
population. Bobrow (1989, 582) notes that surveys in the
late 80s have shown Japan wants to be engaged in
political relations with Asia.
The issue of immigration, however, produced
different results. Hane states that Japan "for the most
part...show[s] little concern about other nations as
aggregates of human beings." She continues adding that
in 1985 when the Japanese government "finally agreed" to
allow 10,000 Vietnamese refugees into Japan, the Japanese
"did not welcome them with open arms." A survey poll
showed that "preservation of homogeneity" was a widely
held argument among the Japanese who opposed the
immigration (Hane, 1992, 410-412).
The survey group responded differently. On the
question of immigration, they did not vehemently oppose
it. When asked if Japan should welcome immigration from
Asian countries, a majority of the survey group, 60%-70%,
selected either strongly agree, agree, or no opinion for
each country listed in the questionnaire.
60


US Influences on Japan
Strong US influences were both forced on and picked
up by the Japanese immediately following World War II and
continuing to the present (Reischauer, 1990, 185-193).
These influences can be seen in the new constitution;
basic reforms put forth by the Japanese government; and
trends in music, clothes, food, and the like. Through
this period, there have been some mixed reactions
regarding US influences. Reischauer argues that the
attitudes towards the US and Western culture swings like
a pendulum; it goes from support to opposition to
support again (1990, 186).
The national attitudes that America has been a
positive role model have been mixed. These views were
mainly based on the relationship that the two countries
shared. This relationship consists of Japan's relying on
the US government for things such as military support and
unimpeded access to America's market. In return, the US
has more control over the policies put forth by the
Japanese government and military access to the Japanese
islands (Bobrow, 1989, 592). Bobrow continues:
If support for the Security Treaty is
viewed as equivalent to accepting
dependence rather than seeking
autonomy, dependence remains the
single most supported
position...[however this] support is
61


based at most on uneasy dependence,
on skepticism, if you will.
The research group tended to agree with this
position. Although they liked music, clothing, and
styles from America, they had mixed reactions regarding
the US and its political relationship with Japan.
In the realm of business, Bobrow (1989, 595) notes
that national opinion towards business relations with
America is one of support. These views are similar to
those of the research group. However, the research group
was more optimistic about US-Japan business relations
than the general population of Japan.
Summary
It seems that the research group is in many areas of
accord with the general population of Japan. The survey
group agreed with most Japanese on issues of military
activities, domestic politics, international politics,
and business. The research group differed on issues
regarding the Ainu, individualism, and immigration into
Japan.
62


I
CHAPTER 5
Overview
The purpose of this study was to explore, primarily
by means of the questionnaire, the political ideology
of Japanese men and women in their twenties. The
original hypotheses included the idea that the survey
group has different political and social ideas than the
average Japanese. The research suggests that the
research group does have different ideas than the
general population. This chapter will be broken down
into two sections: an overview and the survey group's
current political ideology.
The Survey Group's Political Beliefs and Attitudes
Nuclear Weapons
The research group has followed the recent
traditions of opposing the development, acquisition,
and possession of nuclear weapons. Their attitude is
most likely acquired from the general attitude in Japan
and the fact that Hiroshima and Nagasaki both suffered
from atomic blasts.
63


In the questionnaire, the survey group was most
concerned with nuclear-weapon-principle three; the
bringing of nuclear weapons to Japan by other
countries. The survey group was more adamant about
this principle than the other two for two probable
reasons.
First, the US military bases on Okinawa are often
temporary ports for US nuclear submarines. This fact
may cause anxiety among Japanese in that they have no
control over a nuclear weapon aboard a vessel parked at
one of Japan's sea ports.
Second, many Japanese students take junior and
senior school trips to either the Hiroshima's Atomic
Bomb Museum or Nagasaki's Atomic Peace Park, both of
which graphically display the horrors of nuclear
weapons. Moreover, Japanese visiting the Nagasaki
Atomic Peace Park are likely to notice that of all the
nuclear war memorials donated from around the world,
including the Former Soviet Union in 1986, none has
been donated by the United States.
Political Affiliation
Both the survey group and the national consensus
produced similar results regarding political
64


affiliation. The percentages of support for each
particular political party was about the same for the
survey group and the general population. Furthermore,
about half of survey group and the national population
did not align themselves with a political party.
However, the survey group's reason for lack of support
and that of the general population may be different.
Kabashima Ikuo (1995, 7) believes there are two
reasons for the high percentage of voters who do not
support any political parties: First, "...an
atomization of voters takes place as a result of their
falling through the net of political parties." Second,
poor relations exist between the political parties and
the constituency. The New York Times adds that a
recent poll showed 83% of Japanese were "dissatisfied
with politics" (01/13/96, A5). From these two
variables, it appears that the general attitude towards
politics is one of alienation.
The survey group seemed have feelings of disinterest
in politics as opposed to feelings "falling through the
net" or "alienation" as seen in the general consensus.
The New York Times reported that when they asked young
Japanese what it thought of the new Prime Minister
Hashimoto, "Who's he?" "We don't talk about politics,"
65


and "I don't think it is going to make a difference in
my life" were the answers they typically gave
(01/13/96, A5). Given these types of answers, it
appears that the survey group's political affiliation,
or the lack thereof, reflects the political beliefs of
their parents or the media.
Ethnic Minorities. Immigrants, and Homogeneity in Japan
The survey group was more open to Japan's accepting
immigrants from Asian countries than is the general
population. Respondents also acknowledged that Japan
had ethnic minorities. Furthermore, the survey group
was more willing to accept the Ainu culture than was
the general population. These facts suggest that the
survey group was more tolerant of non-Japanese people
in Japan.
However, when asked if Japan was a homogeneous
country, a majority of the survey agreed that Japan was
a homogenous country. This majority suggests that
although the survey group recognized that ethnic
minorities lived in Japan, the survey group did not
view them as being Japanese. If such is the case, then
the respondents prefer to distinguish themselves from
immigrants and the Japanese who were naturalized.
66


To test the survey group's understanding of the
terms "homogeneous" and "ethnic minority," the
questionnaire also asked if America was a homogenous
country and if America had ethnic minorities. The
answers reflected the proper inverse relationship that
these two questions should elicit.
This fact suggests that the survey group may view
America as the an amalgamation of many cultures and
people as opposed to a single identity connected with a
particular race. Thus, in the United States, a person
who is born in America or naturalized can become
American. Whereas in Japan, according to general
attitudes of blood-line Japanese, a person can become
Japanese only through birth and not through
naturalization (Hane, 1992, 412).
These revelations show compared to most Japanese the
respondents were more tolerant towards non-Japanese;
however, they still prefer to separate other races from
the Japanese blood line.
Gender Inequality
The survey group was more sympathetic towards gender
issues than are the general population. These
attitudes were more strongly felt by women than men.
67


However, men in the survey group appeared to be more
open than most Japanese males with regard to treating
female counter parts more as equals than as
subordinates.
It is a Japanese custom to pour drinks for a person
who has higher status. Women usually pour drinks for
their male counter parts and often even for men who are
of lower status. However, on many occasions at The Hub,
a local bar near my apartment in Kichijoji, Tokyo, I
observed Japanese young adults drinking together as
equals. For example, when a group of Japanese young
adults was sharing a large Sapporo beer, they poured
drinks for one another indiscriminately, paying
attention not to gender but to the emptiness of a
person's glass.
To be sure, there are many men from the survey group
who still feel women are inferior to men. At the
English conversation school where I worked, in Tokyo,
there were two private male students who requested me
to be their instructor as opposed to my colleague who
was a woman. She was Canadian, very intelligent and a
very competent English instructor. The two students,
however, preferred not to have her because she was a
woman, and they felt she could not do an adequate job
i
68


as a teacher. Both students openly admitted their
feelings to me and the front staff, which was composed
of only women. The male students' open prejudice
demonstrates their low regard for women.
The survey results show that a majority of Japanese
young adults believe that there is inequality in the
work place. Many young male adults seem to be moving
away from the traditional Japanese thought that women
are second-class citizens and closer to the idea of
equality between genders.
International Politics and Business
The survey results showed that Japanese young adults
support business relations with Asian countries that
have large markets, such as China, or that are
developed friendly states, such as Singapore.
Countries that were smaller but still maintained
friendly relations received support, but to a smaller
degree. Small communist countries received the least
support.
These results showed that Japanese young adults
believe in healthy commerce and support international
economic interaction. However, their responses on the
questionnaire had fewer strongly agrees and strongly
69


disagrees with regard to international business than
other issues. This finding was probably a result of
the fact that the survey group was raised in an
affluent society. They had comfortable life styles and
did not have to worry about money or finances.
Therefore, issues of economic stability are perhaps
something the survey group takes for granted.
As with business relations, the survey group also
supported political relations with Asian countries.
The reason for their support comes from one or more
possible explanations: First, as in the case of
Singapore, the countries they supported had some sort
of democracy. Second, the countries were in a period
of relative peace. Third, the countries were
economically developed. Finally, as in the case of
China, the countries had a large enough international
presence to merit political relations.
North Korea and Vietnam's lower ranking suggest that
the survey group is concerned with countries that had
created political turmoil, as in the case of nuclear
weapons development in North Korea. The finding that
the survey group's attitudes towards these countries
were not in complete opposition shows that some of them
understand the importance of political relations.
70


However, most elected to remain cautious.
Their attitudes towards the United States were
mixed. The fact that the survey group recognized the
importance of having a relationship with the United
States, while at the same time being deeply divided on
whether the US is a positive role model, may be the
result of a couple of factors.
First, the US is the single largest market for
Japanese exports. To discontinue trade with America
would severely cripple the Japanese economy. It is not
surprising that the research group embraced the
importance of continuing business relations with the
United States.
However, the United States has been very demanding
regarding US-Japan bilateral relationship. For
example, 70% of the US bases in Japan are located on
Okinawan islands. This situation creates a strain
between the people of Okinawa and the United States
military and subsequently is covered in the media.
Hence, while the survey group supports US-Japan
relations, many respondents are perhaps growing tired
of the strain that US policy demands have created for
Japanese.
71


American culture has also greatly influenced
Japanese young adults. Clothes, music, language, food,
and attitude are included in their new trends. For
example, when Japanese young adults speak, they often
use American-English slang such as "cool. At the
local bar near my Tokyo apartment, there was a music-
video player. Most of the time the Japanese patrons
played American music videos as opposed to Japanese
music videos. These trends show more than the cultural
influence that the US has on Japan; they also show the
willingness of Japanese young adults to accept it.
Groupism Versus Individualism
The research suggests that the survey group is more
individualistic than previous generations. This factor
is one of the strongest pieces of evidence that the
Japanese young adults have different ideas than
traditional Japanese thinking. The research group is
more apt to challenge authority at work or place their
home life before the good of the company (Fujitake,
1993, 25).
Riding on the train or subway in Tokyo, I often
noticed that the only people having conversations were
foreigners and Japanese young adults. Generations
72


older than the research group usually sat in their seat
and said nothing for the whole of the trip. Young
people, however, loudly carried on conversations and
very seldom did they show respect to the elderly by
giving up their seat. These observations support the
survey findings and other research findings (Fujitake,
1993) that Japanese young adults are shifting away from
the group and towards individualism and a self-centered
mentality.
Summary
This chapter has shown the similarities and
differences between the survey group and the general
population. The similarities were in areas of
international peace, and economic and political
institutions. The differences were in the areas of
immigration, minorities, and individualism. Overall,
the differences tend to support the hypotheses.
73


CHAPTER 6
Thesis Overview
The research question concentrated on the
political ideology of Japanese men and women in
their twenties. The main hypothesis was that the
respondents have different political and social
ideas than the general population. To various
degrees, the research has supported this
hypothesis.
However, the degree of difference is not as
great as previously hypothesized. Furthermore,
this change is focused on certain areas as opposed
to being across the board. The survey group
appears to be in accord with national opinion on
issues of military activities, most areas of
domestic politics, international politics, and
international business. The groups differed on
issues of ethnic minorities in Japan,
individualism, gender equality, and immigration
into Japan.
Aside from the mutual goal of international
peace, the survey group was concerned about issues
74


that involved individual rights and gender
equality, where the national attitude supported
current economic institutional structures.
The research group appeared to approve of the
current institutions set to govern Japan both
domestically and internationally. However, the
respondents agreed with the kinds of change seen
in the summer of 1993 with the fall of the Liberal
Democratic Party (LDP). Internationally, they did
have concerns about some types of influences in
Japan. The majority of the research group's
attitude, however, was that it was important to
have interactions with foreign countries despite
the possible cultural ramifications.
In some cases there appeared to be different
factors governing the research group's political
ideology as opposed to the factors governing the
national attitude. For example, the research
group selected "peace" as a reason for
internationalization. This is compared to the
national conception in which they selected
"economics" as the main reason for an increased
role in the international community (Bobrow, 1989,
554-601; Fujitake, 1993, 25).
75


The research group was more tolerant towards
ethnic minorities in Japan and towards
immigration. This conclusion supports the main
hypothesis. They were also more concerned with
ideas of individuality and gender equality than
are older people today. These findings also
support the research hypothesis.
Predictions
In sum, the research group does have different
ideas than the general population on certain
issues of politics and cultural norms. If this
trend continues, the research group and the
generations that follow them, will change to be
more like the West. This change will be in the
areas of individualism, gender equality, and the
recognition of human dignity. It will also be in
areas of having a higher regard for leisure than
work.
However, the change will not be complete
assimilation with the West. For instance, young
people will continue to support their
constitutional articles of peace. In that, they
are probably not going to support an increase in
76


the size of Japan's military. The research group
will also most likely continue to support nuclear
weapon policies.
Possible Reason for the Survey Group's Change
Arguably there are many reasons for the survey
group's differences from that of most Japanese.
One of the main reasons may be technology. It is
quite easy for a young person to turn on the
television and receive uncensored programs from
around the world. The type of international shows
that are popular are mainly American comedies and
trend-setting programs such as Music Television.
These shows cover issues of individualism,
interracial relationships, and gender equality.
Many of my students expressed to me that their
favorite television show was the American-produced
"Beverly Hills 90210." This show deals with the
issues mentioned above. It displays American high
school and colleges as places where the young,
rich, and beautiful lead wonderful life styles.
In a sense this show glamorizes the characters,
and thus the ideas and issues of the show also
become glamorized.
77


I
The number of overseas travels, home stays,
and education is probably another factor
contributing to the survey group's difference in
attitudes. Youichi (1995, 206) reports that the
number of exchange students has been drastically
increasing. The questionnaire results had almost
70% of the respondents taking at least one trip of
some type to mainland America. These trips give
the students first-hand observations of a country
where people of different racial backgrounds are
living and working together on a daily basis.
Suggested Research
Given the position of Japan in the
international community, further research in the
area of this thesis is warranted. The research
could cover specific areas in politics,
psychology, and culture.
The political research could further address
issues of peace and Japan's role in the
international community. Further research in this
are could focus on issues of nuclear weapons.
Psychological research should include
individualism and a person's perceived
78


responsibility to the community. This research
could go into areas that more precisely test the
applicability of Professor Doi's work in the field
of Amae. The study of Amae could search for
answers explaining the similarities and
differences from generation to generation.
Other research should cover the evolution of
Japanese culture. The historical development of
Japanese culture could be more thoroughly
analyzed. A comparative analysis of current
Japanese culture should then be made with the
historical findings. Focuses on this subject
could cover indigenous cultural development versus
adopted cultural influence as well as the recent
technological boom and its effect on group
structures.
Limitations of This Study
The average age of the respondent in the
research group closely corresponds to the age at
which people are likely to be most radical. It is
plausible that the mentality, and thus future
ideology, of the survey group will drift towards
national attitudes.
79


A majority of the respondents were in some type
of higher educational institution. Aside from the
students attending a juku (cram school), higher
education is a leisure environment in Japan.
These students are more relaxed with their
lifestyles and thus their ideology. Many of the
respondents' personal philosophies may change
after they enter the work place, when they take on
more of the responsibilities of adulthood.
The survey could have been more diverse in its
questions concerning other countries. This
diversity would have helped with the areas of
ethnic minorities and homogeneity as well as
international commerce and political relations.
Finally, submitting the questionnaire to older
age groups would provide a more accurate
comparison and contrast.
80


APPENDIX A
QUESTIONNAIRE IN ENGLISH
Questionnaire and Results
The following is the questionnaire that was distributed
in the Tokyo area along with results from the 177
respondents.
Purpose: The purpose of this questionnaire is to
better understand the Japanese perspective on a number
of political topics.
Section I
Japan's Nuclear-Weapon-Policy Principles:
Answer the following questions with the response that
best corresponds to your point of view:
Use the following choices to answer the next three
questions.
1 Strongly agree
2 Agree
3 No opinion
4 Disagree
5 Strongly disagree
a. Japan should keep its nuclear weapon policy
principle number one, "Don't have it?"
1: 48.6%
2: 39.5%
3: 2.3%
4: 8.5%
5: 1.1%
b. Japan should keep its nuclear weapon policy
principle number two, "Don't make it?"
1: 53.1%
2: 35.0%
3: 2.3%
4: 9.6%
5: 0.0%
81


c. Japan should keep its nuclear weapon policy-
principle number three, "Don't bring it?" _______
1: 50.8%
2: 44.1%
3: 2.3%
4: 2.8%
5: 0.0%
Section II
Political Affiliation.
Put an "X" by the political party to which you either
belong or feel the closest.
1. Liberal Democratic Party. 20.3%
2. Social Democratic Party of Japan. 2.3%
3. Shinseito. 5.6%
4. Komeito. 2.3%
5. Japanese Nationalist Party. 4.5%
6. Japanese Conservative Party. 4.5%
7. Democratic Socialist Party. 1.1%
8. Sekijake. 2.3%
9. United Socialist Democratic Party. 3.4%
10. Independent. 1.1%
11. Other. 2.3%
12. No Political Party. 50.3%
Put an x" by the statement that most represents your
perspective.
1. I like the recent political party changes in the
Japanese Diet._____ 9.6%
2. I like the recent political party changes in the
Japanese Diet, however I think Japan needs more of this
kind of change.______
26.0%
3. The recent political party changes in the Japanese
Diet may have been a little too much.
6.8%
82


4. I think Japan's government needs change other than
the recent political party changes in the Japanese
Diet.______
37.3%
5. I do not think Japan needed any political party
changes in the Diet.______
1.1%
6. I am uncertain about the recent political party
changes in the Japanese Diet._______
10.2%
7. I have no opinion about the recent political party
changes in the Japanese Diet._____
9.0%
Use the following choices to indicate your perspective
concerning the next series of statements
1. Strongly agree
2. Agree
3. Neutral
4. Disagree
5. Strongly disagree
1. When an important political decision needs to be
made, the government should thoroughly debate the
issue._______
1: 41.8%
2: 35.6%
3: 18.1%
4: 3.4%
5: 0.0%
missing: 1.1% 2
2. The Japanese government should be held accountable
for its decisions._________
1: 48.0%
2: 29.4%
3: 15.8%
4: 4.5%
5: 1.1%
missing: 1.1%
83


i
3. The people of Japan should have more say in the
political decisions making process.________
1: 42.9%
2: 36.7%
3: 13.6%
4: 2.3%
5: 3.4%
missing: 1.1%
Section III
Ainu
1. In your opinion, how much do you know about the
Ainu?
1. My knowledge is that of an expert.
1. 1%
2. My knowledge is above average.
1. 1%
3. My knowledge is average.
35 .6%
4. My knowledge is below average.
18 .1%
5. My knowledge is very limited.
32 .8%
6. I do not know about the Ainu. _________
10.2%
missing:
1.1%
If you marked answer number 6 move on to section IV.
2. To the best of your knowledge, at what age did you
first learn of the Ainu?
1. 0-5 years. 2.8%
2. 6-10 years. 35.0%
3. 11-15 years. 39.5%
4. 16-20 years. 5.6%
5. 21+ years. 2.3%
missing 14.7%
I
84


How 1. do I you feel about the Ainu culture? really like it. 11.3%
2. I like it. 26.0%
3. I have no opinion about it. 23.2%
4. I am uncertain. 26.0%
5. I do not like it. 0.0%
6. I really dislike it. 1.1%
missing 12.4%
4. Concerning your knowledge of the Ainu, what has
been your most informative source or sources? Put an
"x" by the answer or answers that apply.
1. Parents/Guardian 6.8%
2. Brother/Sister 0.0%
3. Friends 4.5%
4. Teachers 18.1%
5. Books 29.4%
6. Television 14.1%
7. Newspaper 5.6%
8. Other 9.0%
9. Do not know 1.1%
missing 11.3%
Section IV
United Nations
Answer the following questions with one of the answers
provided below.
1. Strongly Agree
2. Agree
3. No opinion
4. Disagree
5. Strongly Disagree ______
1. Japan should have a permanent seat on the United
Nations Security Council.________
1: 10.7%
2: 31.6%
3: 38.4%
4: 12.4%
5: 5.6%
missing: 1
85


2) If Japan is granted a permanent seat on the United
Nations Security council, Japan should equally
participate with the rest of the permanent members in
the United Nations in all military operations including
those that go beyond peacekeeping operations.__________
1: 9.6%
2: 24.9%
3: 30.5%
4: 24.9%
5: 9.0%
missing: 1.1%
3) Japan should build up its military in order to
participate in United Nations military
operations.________
1: 1.7%
2: 14.7%
3: 22.6%
4: 37.3%
5: 21.5%
missing: 2.3%
4) Japan should lend aid to countries that are in
need. ________
1: 26.6%
2: 50.8%
3: 16.9%
4: 2.3%
5: 2.3%
missing: 1.1%
Section V
Japanese Business Community and the Work Place
Answer the following questions with one of the provided
options:
1. Strongly Agree
2. Agree
3. No opinion
4. Disagree
5. Strongly disagree
86


1) Japanese business and Japanese government should be
closely linked.______
1: 9.6%
2: 30.5%
3: 20.3%
4: 30.5%
5: 7.9%
missing: 1.1%
2) Japan should assume a leadership role in the
international business community.
1: 18.6%
2: 42.9%
3: 27.1%
4: 9.0%
5: 0.0%
missing: 2.3%
3) Sometimes it is appropriate to question the
decisions made by my boss.________
1: 28.2%
2: 51.4%
3: 9.0%
4: 7.9%
5: 2.3%
missing: 1.1%
4) It is important for employees to speak their mind
while at work._______
1: 21.5%
2: 53.1%
3: 14.1%
4: 9.0%
5: 1.1%
missing: 1.1%
87


5) Women are treated unfairly in the work
place.________
1: 22.6%
2: 37.3%
3: 22.6%
4: 13.0%
5: 3.4%
missing: 1.1%
6) I would not mind if I had a female boss._______
1: 15.8%
2: 39.5%
3: 29.4%
4: 7.9%
5: 5.1%
missing: 2.3%
6.1) I would not mind a male boss.
1: 14.7%
2: 52.0%
3: 29.4%
4: 0.0%
5: 1.7%
missing: 2.3%
7) Individuality is important in the work place.
1: 32.8%
2: 35.6%
3: 15.8%
4: 10.2%
5: 3.3%
missing: 2.3%
88


Section V.I
Answer the following questions with one of the provided
options. Put the appropriate number next to each
country.
1. Strongly Agree
2. Agree
3. No opinion
4. Disagree
5. Strongly disagree
1) Japan should have business relationships with the
following countries.
1) China:
1=36.7%, 2=47.5%, 2=12.4%, 4=0.0%, 5=0.0%, missing=3.4%
2) North Korea 1=7.3%, 2=21.5%, 3=45.2%, 4=16.9%, 5=6.8%, missing=2.3%
3) South Korea 1=29.9%, 2=53.1%, 3=13.6%, 4=1.1%, 5=0.0%, missing=2.3%
4) Vietnam 1=13.6%, 2=34.5%, 3=40.6%, 4=6.8%, 5=1.1%, missing=3.4%
5) Malaysia 1=24.3%, 2=52.0%, 3=19.2%, 4=1.1%, 5=0.0%, missing=3.4%
6) Singapore 1=35.6%, 2=52.0% 3=9.0%, 4=0.0%, 5 =0.0%, missing=3.4%
7) Taiwan 1=29.9%, 2=53.1%, 3=9.0%, 4=0.0%, 5=0.0%, missing=3.4%
8) India 1=15.3%, 2=50.8%, 3=26.0%, 4=2.3%, 5=2.3%, missing=3.4%
9) Indonesia 1=21.5%, 2=55.9%, 3=16.9%, 4=2.3%, 5=0.0%, missing3.4%
10) Philippines______
1=21.5%, 2=50.3%, 3=22.6%, 4=2.3%, 5=0.0%, missing=3.4%
89


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