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Understanding high achieving middle schools for Latino students in poverty

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Title:
Understanding high achieving middle schools for Latino students in poverty
Creator:
Jesse, Daniel M
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English
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301 leaves : ; 28 cm

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Subjects / Keywords:
Hispanic American students -- Education (Middle school) -- United States ( lcsh )
Academic achievement -- United States ( lcsh )
Poor children -- Education (Middle school) -- United States ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 282-301).
General Note:
School of Education and Human Development
Statement of Responsibility:
by Daniel Marion Jesse.

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University of Colorado Denver
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Auraria Library
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All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
49642089 ( OCLC )
ocm49642089
Classification:
LD1190.E3 2001d .J47 ( lcc )

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Full Text
UNDERSTANDING HIGH ACHIEVING MIDDLE SCHOOLS
FOR LATINO STUDENTS IN POVERTY
by
Daniel Marion Jesse
B. A., Metropolitan State College, 1980
M.A., New Mexico State University, 1985
A thesis submitted to the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Educational Leadership and Innovation
2001


This thesis for the Doctor of Philosophy
degree by
Daniel Marion Jesse
has been approved
by


Jesse, Daniel Marion (Ph.D., Educational Leadership and Innovation)
Understanding High Achieving Middle Schools for Latino Students in Poverty
Thesis directed by Associate Professor W. Alan Davis
ABSTRACT
Public pressure is growing for improvement in achievement from students in
public schools, particularly those that serve Latino students in poverty. This
pressure has resulted in a high-stakes accountability system in the state of Texas,
where achievement gains have been demonstrated over the years. This study was
conducted to increase understanding of how nine middle schools that serve high
poverty Latino populations improved student achievement, as measured by the
statewide assessment.
A mixed methodology was used to add to understanding of these schools. A
variable-based approach, derived from the effective schools literature, was used to
collect data from these nine schools during two-day site visits. A case-based
approach, derived from the systems literature and theories of ecology, was used to
study four of these schools in greater detail.
Findings from the variable-based approach were informative but insufficient
to describe the schools adequately. Supplemental analyses of data sets from the
in


case-based perspective produced additional findings that are particularly helpful for
understanding these schools.
Four attributes emerged as important when describing high achieving middle
schools for Latinos in poverty: leadership, relationships, coherence and feedback.
Leadership is always found to be an important attribute in the effective schools
research tradition, and emerged here as well. Three of these attributes are not
central to the Effective Schools research, yet they emerged from the case-based
studies: relationships, coherence and feedback.
A model for integrating these four attributes at different levels of scale-at
the classroom, school, district and state policy levels~is proposed. Issues related to
Limited English proficiency in this context are discussed, and considerations related
to sustainability are identified. Directions for future research include attention to
how these attributes play out at the classroom, school, district and state levels, from
an ecological perspective.
This abstract accurately represents the conte: ' T
recommend its publication.
Signed
W. Alan Davis
iv


DEDICATION
First and foremost, I would like to dedicate this document to my family: Judy, Greg
and Robin.
Second, I would like to dedicate this document to the administrators, teachers,
parents and students in the schools we visited. You taught us so much!


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
It would be impossible to produce this document without the guidance and support
of some great teachers, mentors and colleagues. I would like to acknowledge Mrs.
Tuttle and Miss Woods from St. Vincent's and Mr. Greco from Mullen High School.
I would like to acknowledge Clem Brigl, Richard Hildreth, George Becker, Jack
Hesson, Ed Karnes and Robert Schneider from Metropolitan State College. I would
like to acknowledge Shirley Richardson, Larry Gregory and Walter Stephan from
New Mexico State University. I would like to acknowledge Shirley McCune, Larry
Hutchins, Loyce Caruthers, Susan Everson, Don Burger and Bob Marzano, who all
used to be at McREL during its Golden Age. Garth Johnston and the Colorado
Issues Network made significant contributions to my learning, as did Ed Brainard
and Gayla Stone from the Colorado PTA. At RMC, I would like to particularly
thank Shelley Billig and Nancy Pokomy. The STAR Center at RMC Research
supported this project. It would not have happened without them. Finally, I would
like to thank Tom Bellamy, Mark Clarke and especially my advisor, Alan Davis
from UCD for their unwavering support.


CONTENTS
I
Figures.......................................................xv
Tables.......................................................xvi
PREFACE............................................................xvii
CHAPTERS
1. INTRODUCTION................................................1
Background................................................1
Theoretical Framework.....................................5
A Variable-based Approach...........................6
Six categories...............................8
First research question......................8
A Systemic, Ecologically Based Approach.............9
Use of Feedback.............................12
Coherence...................................13
Second and Third Research Questions.........16
Methodological Overview..................................17
Sample Selection...................................17
Variable-based Data Collection and Analyses........18
Case-based Data Collection and Analyses............19
VII


Overview of the Remainder of the Study......................20
2. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE......................................22
Overview and Purpose of This Chapter........................22
Low Achievement of Latino Middle School Students............23
The Achievement Gap..................................24
Explanations for Differential Achievement............25
Poverty........................................25
Language.......................................27
Cultural Differences...........................28
Issues Facing Middle School Students...........29
Schools as Social Reproduction.................34
Effective Schools...........................................36
Two Approaches to Understanding Effective Schools....36
Analytical Variable-based
Approach to the Literature.....................37
Holistic Systems-based
Approach to the Literature.....................39
The Effective Schools Literature.....................41
Historical Overview of the
Effective Schools Literature...................41
Recent Studies of High Performing Schools......47
Effective Latino Schools.......................49
viii


Emerging Characteristics.......................52
Building Leadership......................53
Organizational Structure.................54
Student-Teacher Interaction..............55
Curriculum and Instruction...............59
LEP Student Issues.......................60
Home and Community Issues................65
Systems Approach.............................................69
Systems Theory........................................69
Feedback Theory.......................................75
Ecological Theory.....................................77
Studies in Feedback...................................81
Studies in Ecology....................................83
Studies in Coherence..................................86
Organizational Learning......................................91
Historical Overview of Standards and Accountability...93
Standards...........................................94
Accountability......................................98
The Texas Experience................................99
The Organizational Change Literature.................101
Schools as Organizations Solving Problems..........102
IX


Sustaining Change...............................106
Bringing it All Together.................................109
3. METHODOLOGY................................................115
Overview.................................................115
Two Methodologies........................................117
Selection of Sites.......................................119
Data Collection..........................................121
Variable-based Analyses..................................126
Purposes of the Variable-based Analyses............126
Plan for the Variable-based Analyses...............127
Case-based Analyses......................................129
Purpose of the Case-based Analyses.................129
Plan for the Case-based Analyses...................129
4. RESULTS....................................................134
Overview......................................................134
Variable-based Results........................................135
Case-based Results............................................137
Butte Middle School...........................................140
Introduction.............................................140
Building Leadership......................................143
x


Organizational Structure...................................146
Student-Teacher Interactions...............................147
Curriculum and Instruction.................................148
LEP Student Issues.........................................152
Home and Community-based Linkages..........................154
Summary of Fit.............................................157
Coherence..................................................159
Use of Feedback............................................160
Relationships..............................................161
Canyon Middle School............................................163
Introduction...............................................163
Building Leadership........................................166
Organizational Structure...................................169
Student-Teacher Interactions...............................171
Curriculum and Instruction.................................173
LEP Student Issues.........................................176
Home and Community-based Linkages..........................178
Summary of Fit.............................................182
Coherence..................................................184
Use of Feedback............................................186
Relationships..............................................188
xi


Diablo Middle School
190
Introduction................................................190
Building Leadership.........................................192
Organizational Structure....................................194
Student-Teacher Interactions................................196
Curriculum and Instruction..................................197
LEP Student Issues..........................................200
Home and Community-based Linkages...........................200
Summary of Fit..............................................201
Coherence...................................................203
Use of Feedback.............................................205
Relationships...............................................208
Edge water Middle School.........................................209
Introduction................................................209
Building Leadership.........................................211
Organizational Structure....................................213
Student-Teacher Interactions................................216
Curriculum and Instruction..................................217
LEP Student Issues..........................................221
Home and Community-based Linkages...........................223
xii


Summary of Fit.............................................225
Coherence................................................ 227
Use of Feedback............................................229
Relationships..............................................231
Cross-case Results..............................................234
5. DISCUSSION...................................................243
Potential Theoretical Explanations..............................246
Toward an Ecological Model......................................250
Leadership......................................................252
Coherence.......................................................254
Use of Feedback.................................................255
Relationships...................................................256
The Limited English Proficiency Issue...........................258
The Sustainability Issue........................................261
Future Research Directions......................................261
APPENDIX...............................................................265
A. Permission to use Data..........................................266
B. Summary of Site Visit Protocols.................................267
Principal Interview Questions..............................268
Parent Interview Questions.................................270
Focus Group Questions......................................271
xrn


Staff Interview Questions.............................272
Classroom Observation Tool............................275
General School Observation Tool.......................281
Document Analysis Request.............................280
REFERENCES.......................................................282
xiv


FIGURES
Figure
1. A preliminary model for understanding
high performing middle schools for Latino students
in poverty varying as a function of level of scale..................110
2. TAAS Scores for Latino Students: Butte Middle School..............142
3. TAAS Scores for Latino Students: Canyon Middle School.............165
4. TAAS Scores for Latino Students: Diablo Middle School.............192
5. TAAS Scores for Latino Students: Edgewater Middle School..........211
6. An integrated model for understanding middle schools for
Latino students in poverty varying as a function of level of scale..251
xv


TABLES
1. Key Characteristics of Schools Visited.............................121
2. Understanding High Achieving Middle Schools for
Latino Students in Poverty Data Collection Matrix..................123
3. Variables Present in High Achieving Middle
Schools For Latino Students in Poverty.............................136
4. Evidence of Strategies Identified in Four Case Studies
Related to the Use of Feedback in High Achieving
Middle Schools for Latino Students in Poverty......................236
5. Evidence of the Presence of Coherence in Four
Case Studies of High Achieving Middle Schools
for Latino Students in Poverty.....................................238
6. Evidence of the Presence of Positive Relationships in
Four Case Studies of High Achieving Middle Schools for
Latino Students in Poverty.........................................240
xvi


PREFACE
The trail that led to this study was an interesting one indeed for me. I was exposed
to the structure of education at a relatively young age. My mother was an early
childhood teacher before I was bom, and completed her degree in 1964, by which
time she was a single mother with six boys. I was the oldest. She taught first and
second grade in a Catholic school in a Latino neighborhood, and quit when she
found out that a man with no degree was teaching at the same school and making
more money. She then went to a public school in the same neighborhood and taught
a first and second grade combination class. By then, the War on Poverty was in full
swing, and she got word that a new program, Head Start, was coining to town.
Sister Rosemary, the kindergarten teacher for my five younger brothers, was
appointed to be the director of one of the larger Head Start projects in Denver. My
mother became the director for one of the first Head Start Centers in the city.
I quickly became a conscripted volunteer for the program, largely because I could
be closely supervised during those turbulent early adolescent years (6th through 8th
grade). Not only did I leam about early childhood education, I also became exposed
to its politics at an early age. In retrospect, some of the staff development activities
were abysmal. Once, a group of Head Start teachers were forced to watch a Care
Bears movie at a compulsory staff development activity. Another time, there was a
serious discussion about a couple of Head Start children discussing "ca ca" and "pee
pee". Psychoanalysis of the episode ensued, with all of its Freudian implications, a
discussion that went on and on, no doubt with existential overtones. Root causes
were identified. Sociocultural implications were reviewed. Social Reproduction
Theory was debated. Discourse analysis was probably even invoked. In the midst
of this, one of my mothers best friends stood up and said "I think they've just
discovered their asses!"
There was always some scandal. One time, the Director of one of the Head Start
agencies threw an investigative reporters cameraman down the stairs, with tape
running. Its one of the best moments in local news reporting. A couple of years
ago, this guy was indicted for fraud in yet another local Head Start shakeup.
I was put in Catholic school as quickly as my mother could do it. I had to go to
public school for first grade because there was no room at the Catholic school. The
public school was bursting at the seams in the middle of the baby boom, so their
solution was to have half-day 1st grade. My mother was livid. I got into Catholic
xvu


school in the second grade, where I was placed in the low reading group. I didn't
snap out of it until the 5th grade when I had Miss Woods, who had exceptionally
high expectations for written work. I also learned about high expectations horn
Mrs. Tuttle in grade school, and from Mr. Greco in high school. Mrs. Tuttle was
my reading teacher from 6th to 8th grade. By the eighth grade, she was teaching us
speed reading and used college level SRA materials. I remember that most of the
kids in my class scored at the" 12 grade, 9th month" on the Iowa tests. I got a 98
percent on my first American History test in high school, and a 90 percent on the
next one. All Mr. Greco had to say was "Jesse! You're slipping". He also told the
story of a staff development activity he was in where they were asked to score an
essay written by a "hippie kid" and one written by an "athlete". He was shocked to
leam that the same student wrote both essays, because he gave a "C" to the hippie
essay and an "A" to the athlete essay.
Throughout my high school years, I was active in the Boy Scouts. I worked as a
camp counselor during the summers, where I unknowingly replicated the "Robbers
Cave" experiment. The study demonstrated that intergroup competition promotes
hostility and cooperation promotes harmony. Little did I know that there was a field
called experimental psychology. I went to college to become a physicist, which
lasted about three weeks. Then I wanted to be a forest ranger, but they only had
botany, and majoring in that lasted about a month. The first college course I made it
through successfully was a junior level urban ecology class. The professor knew
that I didnt have the textbook, so he let me borrow a copy of the manuscript. I got a
"B" in the class but was on academic suspension by that time. I went off to work
construction for a year and then came back to be an Outdoor Recreation major. I
found out about experimental psychology, and changed to a double major, and had
some great professors along the way professors I liked and who had high
expectations of their students.
I finished college, took another year off to be a ski bum, dishwasher and
construction worker. I then went to graduate school to pursue an advanced degree
in applied social psychology. I was exposed to quantitative methods, systems
theory, cognitive psychology, and application of theories to real problems there. An
important experience was a course that covered distribution-free statistical tests
the kind that do not rely upon the normal curve. Most of my colleagues at the time
found ways to get out of taking the class. Only two of us finished the course. I had
to take the course twice to sufficiently master the content.
As a graduate student at a university with a sizable Latino population I taught career
planning and evaluated college student retention programs. I learned about the
treacherous implications of labeling people as remedial, and how people could
xvm


successfully meet high expectations if they were given the appropriate kind of help
and were expected to use higher order thinking skills. I eventually graduated, and
my first job was as a construction worker. I then landed at the Mid-continent
Regional Educational Laboratory (McREL), where I was hired because I knew what
an effect size was. I became involved in school improvement, educational equity,
educational policy, and project evaluation while there. I learned about
organizational change and professional development. I continue to use this
knowledge and these skills today at RMC, where the present study was conducted
through the generous support of the STAR Center.
How has the experience of conducting this study changed my professional practice?
First, I learned about qualitative techniques, like the ones that Bronfenbrenner
(1979) explains were used in the Robbers Cave experiment. I still use quantitative
techniques in my daily work, but I am a lot more careful about using them and have
much clearer understanding of their limitations. This is a direct result of conducting
this study. Second, I now look at classrooms, schools, school districts and state
departments of education with a much wider set of lenses, knowing that quantitative
techniques are useful but do have constraints associated with them. It is the
powerful combination of quantitative and qualitative methodologies that shows the
greatest promise for understanding high achieving middle schools for Latino
students in poverty. Third, I learned that information needs to be tailored for
individual audiences. Teachers understand information about schools in one way,
principals in another, district level staff in yet another, and at the state level,
information is processed in quite a different way.
This has implications for my work. It is important to understand the context in
which people operate so that critical information can be communicated in effective
ways. Teachers want to hear about things they can use in the classroom right away.
Principals want to know how to be effective leaders and how they can build
coherence in their schools. District level personnel need to know how they can
facilitate the development of high performing schools, and SEAs need to know how
to structure systems that help all groups of children. In the past, I was more likely
to tell teachers, schools, districts and SEAs what they are doing wrong, and show
them how to fix it. Now, I am now more likely to provide them information about
successful efforts elsewhere and help them adapt the learnings to their own contexts
as they develop their own solutions to problems they face.
As I hope the following pages demonstrate, a systemic, ecological approach,
coupled with positive relationships in coherent systems directed by strong
leadership, best explain how schools can help all groups of students achieve at high
XIX


levels. Understanding how these systems operate and effectively communicating
that understanding to others are the first steps in effecting change.
Dan Jesse
November, 2001
xx


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Background
The purpose of this study is to understand how high achieving middle schools
that serve Latino students in poverty function in the context of a high-stakes
accountability system. The accomplishments of these middle schools are particularly
remarkable, given the challenges they face: poverty, language and cultural barriers
and the turbulence associated with the early adolescent years. Increased emphasis on
state level test scores in high-stakes accountability systems adds to the pressures that
middle school educators already face.
Large numbers of school-aged children live in poverty. While the number of
people in poverty across the nation has declined slightly in recent years, children
make up thirty-nine percent of the poor but only twenty-six percent of the population
(Census Bureau, 1999). Educating students in poverty is particularly challenging.
The relationship between poverty and student achievement is well
documented (Renchler, 1993). Students from low SES (socioeconomic status)
backgrounds, as a group, tend to have lower achievement levels than their middle
class counterparts. Children in poverty typically have lower levels of school-based
1


skills than do their middle class counterparts. For example, Nagy and Herman (1984)
report that there is a considerable vocabulary gap between the words that low SES
students know and what their middle SES counterparts know.
The number of minority children in the United States is expected to grow. In
particular, the Latino population in the United States is growing, and many speak
English as their second language. The number of Latino children in the country is
growing at a greater rate than other ethnic groups, and Latino children are over-
represented among students in poverty.
Schools that serve Latino students have received little attention from
researchers. Few studies about schools that serve Latino students exist (e.g., Trueba
& Bartolome, 1997; Sosa, 2000; Garcia & Gonzales, 1995; Gandara, 1998). The
number of studies related to Latino middle schools is even smaller (e.g., Fashola,
Slavin, Calderon, & Duran, 1997; Berman, McLaughlin, McLeod, Minicucci, Nelson,
& Woodworth, 1995). This state of affairs is particularly challenging for educators
who seek to provide experiences that are optimal for all groups of children.
Middle school philosophy has not been researched thoroughly, although a
body of informative research about effective middle schools is beginning to emerge.
William M. Alexander, the so-called father of the middle schools movement,
advocated for them in the 1960s (Dougherty, 1997; Alexander & George, 1981).
Increased understanding of the middle school student has implications for how
middle schools should be structured. Alexander and George believe that every aspect
2


of the exemplary middle school focuses upon the needs of its unique student
population.
The nation is immersed in a standards-based, accountability-driven reform
movement. Stakes are raised as increased pressure is being placed upon teachers,
administrators and students to perform well on state assessments of academic
achievement. Understanding how some schools adapt to these circumstances is
significant.
There is currently no better example of a high-stakes system than the Texas
education system. The system has been in place for a number of years, and focuses
on the TAAS (The Texas Assessment of Academic Skills). The opportunity to
conduct research in Texas with high achieving middle schools for Latino students in
poverty is a unique one, and contributes to understanding high achieving middle
schools that serve Latino students in poverty. The Texas system is receiving
considerable attention as other states look for models of accountability, so this study
is timely.
Schools have an obligation to demonstrate that they can effectively and
consistently serve students in poverty, Latinos and students who speak English as
their second language. The more we understand about the complexity of schools that
serve diverse populations in high-stakes, standards-based accountability systems, the
more likely it is that we might be able to influence other schools to change in
effective ways.
3


Because of these factors, and because middle schools have been traditionally
understudied, the answer to this general question was sought: Why do some middle
schools, with high percentages of Latino students in poverty, show consistent growth
in test scores on the TAAS over a period of years?
One approach commonly used in the past for understanding schools for poor
and minority children is grounded in the extant effective schools research (e.g.,
Edmonds, 1979). This variable-based approach typically identifies discrete,
measurable variables such as leadership characteristics of the principal, expectations
of students or monitoring of test results. Determinations are then made about their
relationships to student achievement, after socioeconomic status is controlled for in
statistical analyses. These analyses are usually conducted across schools, and are
therefore decontextualized. That is, the status of each variable is measured in the
same way across schools.
An alternative approach to understanding is a situated, case-based, systemic,
ecological approach. Recognizing that schools are complex social systems, Clauset
and Gaynor (1982) were among the first to use systems theory to understand
achievement in schools. They developed a computer simulation that was grounded in
the effective schools research, but went beyond it. For example, they viewed
variables as interdependent, not dependent or independent. Through their systems
modeling activity, they found that improving teacher skills, raising expectations, and
maximizing time for instruction are the most effective strategies for school
4


improvement. To sustain improvement, Clauset and Gaynor found that it is necessary
to longitudinally monitor student achievement and disaggregate data.
Some researchers advocate not using a variable-based approach at all, and not
decontextualizing what occurs in schools. Moll (1998) attacks reductionism when
studying schools that serve Latinos, and Trueba and Bartolome (1997) take issue with
the "methods fetish" that is prevalent in the literature. They argue that to isolate
variables and measure them across contexts undermines the ability for the researcher
to understand the systemic, dynamic relationships that constitute learning. Berman, et
al., (1995) call for case study approaches to reform in middle schools that serve LEP
students.
Theoretical Framework
These two research traditions are seemingly at odds with each other, but both
can make substantive contributions. Several methodologists (Mayer, 2000, Miles &
Huberman, 1994) argue persuasively that variable-based and case-based approaches
should be viewed as complementary rather than irreconcilable methods for
contributing to understanding complex social phenomena such as schools. These two
traditions are integrated here to develop a framework for understanding these
successful schools.
5


A Variable-based Approach
The beginnings of the variable-based approach to studying schools can be
traced back to the Coleman Report (1966). The report concluded that schools
accounted for little difference in achievement when compared to other factors such as
family characteristics. The report was later assailed for its oversimplification and led
to input-output studies (Good & Brophy, 1986) and the effective schools line of
research (Edmonds, 1979).
Immediately following the Coleman Report, input-output studies attempted to
connect inputs (general school resources) to outcomes (achievement). Good and
Brophy (1986) report that the results of such efforts ignored what happened in
schools and were inconsistent. Good and Brophy indicate that in the 1970s and
1980s, a vigorous program of research was undertaken (e.g., Klitgaard and Hall,
1974; Brookover and Lezotte, 1979; Rutter, 1983; Edmonds, 1979) to identify
characteristics of schools in which students demonstrated higher academic
achievement than other schools serving similar student populations. Studies of
effective schools used standardized achievement test scores as the criterion for
effectiveness, and generally employed statistical techniques to control for student
demographic differences such as SES.
The variables identified when statistical controls are employed are known as
the effective schools correlates. Good and Brophy (1986) note that while the existing
evidence from these research efforts is largely correlational, it can be translated into
6


effective practices that ultimately impact student achievement. Therefore, it is useful
to review this type of research to identify important processes that may help
understand successful middle schools for Latino students in poverty.
A variable-based, school effectiveness-type of methodology was used in a
larger project (Jesse & Pokomy, 2001) as a starting point for building a framework
for understanding high achieving middle schools for Latino students in poverty.
Permissions are included in Appendix A. The school effectiveness research was
reviewed (e.g., Edmonds, 1979; Lezotte, 1995; Boysen, 1992; Espinosa & Ochoa,
1986). The review was supplemented by relevant middle schools research (e.g.,
Beane, 1999a, 1999b; Dougherty, 1997; Gibb, 2000; Lewis and Norton, 2000;
Norton, 2000; and Wolfe and Gregoire, 1999), research related to schools that serve
minority students (e.g., Johnson, 1998; 1997; Johnson and McClure, 1999; Johnson
and Viadero, 2000; Bauer, 1997; Haberman, 1999a; 1999b; Pedroza, 1998; Reyes,
Scribner and Paredes Scribner 1999; Trueba, 1989) and research related to second
language acquisition (e.g., Bilingual Education Office, 1986; Cummins & Swain,
1986; Gandara, et al., 1998; Garcia & Gonzalez, 1995, Hakuta, 1986; Krashen and
Terrel, 1983; Menken and Look, 2000; Moll, 1998; Rios, 1996; Sosa, 2000; Gersten
& Baker 2000). Organizational change literature was reviewed as well (e.g., Scott,
1998). This led to the formulation of a series of variable-based categories believed to
describe high achieving middle schools for Latino students in poverty.
7


Six Categories. The literature just described was synthesized to identify fifty-
seven variables that might influence student achievement, as measured by the TAAS.
The fifty-seven variables are described in more detail in Chapter 2. These variables
were then grouped into six categories that are expected to be characteristics of high
student performance in high achieving middle schools for Latino students in poverty.
These categories are: building leadership; school structure; teacher characteristics;
curriculum and instruction; LEP student issues; and home and community linkages.
These six categories serve as an initial framework for organizing an
investigation into the schools. The rationale for using this set of categories and the
variables associated with them is that it served as a starting point grounded in earlier
research to develop a framework that could be used to collect data. The broad nature
of the review allowed for "casting a wide net" and is useful from a theory-centered
perspective (Runkel, 1990). These variables will be used for a variable based case
study analysis, after the protocol of Miles and Huberman (1994). This variable-based
approach has two advantages. It builds upon existing research, and when multiple
sites are involved, generalizability of results is possible.
First Research Question. The first question addressed in this study is How do
the general findings of variable-based research generalize to high achieving middle
schools that serve Latino students in poverty? The answer to this first question
8


informs later questions. It is based in the extant literature and serves as a practical
starting point for the investigation.
A Systemic. Ecologically Based Approach
A variable-based analysis is powerful, but is insufficient for understanding an
entity as complex as a middle school. Barth (1990) notes that this "list logic" has
made valuable contributions to the conceptualization of the ideal school, and is a
driving force in the reform of education. The approach has face validity, is logical
and provides direction. It specifies what should be done to improve a school.
However, it will not ultimately characterize the situated nature of middle schools as
systems. Barth strongly suggests that it would be difficult to find a high achieving
school that closely conforms to one of these lists.
Bellamy (1996) also moves beyond this list logic and clusters problems that
schools must solve in terms of the learning environment, community services and
school organization. Solving problems in these clusters constitute accomplishments.
For example, establishing a positive student climate is a learning environment
accomplishment. Fostering a culture of change in a building is a school organization
accomplishment. Bellamy does not specify, however, the approaches that must be
used to solve these problems, thus moving away from the logic that would generate a
list of attributes or characteristics that must be present in a school.
9


There is evidence that schools are better off when they find their own
solutions to problems. Tye's (2000) discussion of the deep structure of schooling
cautions against external, prescriptive recipes for change, for example. She notes that
teachers understand that the problems facing schools are systemic and chronic, while
solutions suggested from the outside are often short-term and acute. Tye observes
that the situated nature of norms, hierarchies, and status in schools precludes
importing practices and ideas without modification.
Another approach to understanding high achieving middle schools for Latino
students in poverty is needed that supplements variable-based research and extends
the concept of how schools solve problems. Good and Brophy (1986) make the case
for the value of quality process studies. This suggestion foreshadows situated,
systemic, ecologically based approaches to understanding schools. Such approaches
are grounded in the systems literature and the ecology literature.
Barth's (1990) critique of list logic, Good and Brophy's (1986) call for
understanding process, Bellamy's (1996) nonspecificity about the solutions generated
for problems that schools must solve and Tye's (2000) call for locally developed
solutions all suggest that a more systemic alternative to lists of characteristics that
schools should have is worth further exploration. A systemic, ecologically-based
perspective to understanding these schools holds particular promise (e.g., Clarke,
Davis, Rhodes & Baker, 1996a; Trueba and Bartolome, 1997; Sirotnik, 1987; Van
Lier, 1997).
10


Systems theory was examined for possible contributions to understanding
these unique schools (e.g., Senge, Cambron-McCabe, Lucas, Smith, Dutton &
Kleiner, 2000; Richmond, 1998; Commoner, 1990; Forrester, 1969; 1971; Banathy,
1996; Kauffman, 1980; Wheatley, 1994). Individuals in leadership positions in
effective organizations knows how the system works as a whole, what data are
available, what to collect and how to process data into information to inform
decisions. People in these effective organizations know what the goals are and are in
the best position to take appropriate action. Components of these effective
organizations work interdependently. Systems thinking implies that particularly
effective organizations work toward specified goals. Effective organizations focus
on their mission (Light, 1998). Successful corporations can stick to a fixed core
ideology and engage in innovation and change at the same time (Collins and Porras,
1994).
Two themes emerged in particular from a review of the literature based upon
this perspective: the use of feedback and coherence. The use of feedback refers to
the practice of using information available to the school to make decisions that will
ultimately impact student achievement. Coherence refers to congruity of messages
communicated across the system. These two concepts guide the additional research
questions pursued in the present study.
11


Use of Feedback. New ways of looking at schools and other organizations as
complex, living, open systems have emerged, and provide a different perspective for
understanding them (e.g., Senge, et al., 2000; Scott, 1998; Banathy, 1996; Petzinger,
1999). Key to the systems thinking perspective is the use of feedback in
organizations that learn (Wheatley, 1994; Kauffman, 1980; Bateson, 1972; Clauset &
Gaynor, 1982).
Feedback, as a systems theory concept, has its roots in engineering (Senge, et
al., 2000). Banathy (1996) describes it as the introduction of information into a
system that establishes either that the system is in a desirable state, or requires that
there be changes within the system or in the whole system. It has also been referred
to as system dynamics, systems thinking, or as balancing and reinforcing loops
(Senge, et al.). Cybernetics is closely related (Bateson, 1972). Systems science
suggests that the use of feedback is a very useful tool that can help a system that is
not functioning well refocus itself (Wheatley & Kellner-Rogers, 1996).
While feedback has a more general meaning in systems theory, here it refers
to using information to make decisions that will impact student achievement. The use
of feedback, or using information to make decisions to impact student achievement,
can be formal or informal, explicit or tacit, structured or unstructured.
Use of feedback, specifically about student achievement, appears to be a very
important part of creating school systems where all groups of students achieve at high
levels. The state of Texas requires schools to use outcome feedback when engaging
12


in school improvement planning processes (Massell, 2000). However, requiring its
use does not mean that this activity will become a part of everyday system
functioning. It may also take on a number of forms that range from the informal to
the formal. Detailed explanation of how feedback is used in high achieving middle
schools for Latino students in poverty will indeed be useful for increasing
understanding of these schools.
Coherence. Coherence, or congraity of messages in a system, can be at the
state or district policy level, it can be at the school organizational level, or it can be at
the classroom level. Policy level coherence refers to alignment of institutional,
political, social and economic factors, according to Berends and Bodilly (2001).
Coherence is also present in effective classrooms and schools (Hill & Celio, 1998;
Raywid, 1999; Walter, 2001). School level coherence is building-wide in scope.
Accordingly, coherence can also manifest itself in individual classrooms (Clarice,
Davis, Rhodes & Baker, 1996a, 1996b, 1996c).
At the classroom level, Clarke, Davis, Rhodes and Baker (1996c) discuss
coherence as global, conscious and unconscious. It permeates the actions of teachers
every day. It is derived from "deeper sources of knowing" (p. 7), and it is
accomplished by continual actions throughout the school day. It goes beyond the
style of the teacher, to encompass the classroom and all of its participants.
13


At the school level, which is the focus of this study, coherence is also
something deep and complex. Some authors describe coherence at the school level in
terms of curriculum alignment (e.g., NAESP, 2001; Beane, 1995). Inger (1991) uses
coherence to explain why magnet schools are so popular. They are focused on a
particular mission.
Raywid's (1999) study of an outstanding urban high school describes a
slightly different notion of coherence at the school building level. It is a linkage
between what staff at the school says they will do and what the staff actually does.
All aspects of the school mesh and function well together, there is a singularity of
purpose which is to teach the students, and all activities can be traced back to this
mission. The school is coherent because planning was done that way to achieve its
mission. A "backward map" was drawn from the outcome desired students who
would be ready for their futures and plans were made accordingly.
Other researchers use coherence more broadly (e.g., Hill & Celio, 1998;
Walter, 2001). Hill and Celio use the concept of "integrative capital", which is very
close to coherence, to describe how good schools are organized. Integrative capital is
described as a set of unifying ideas about what it is that the students should leam, the
experiences necessary for students to have, and how to organize the school to ensure
that students do have those experiences. Hill and Celio describe integrative capital as
something deeper than what has been identified by the variable-based approach that is
characteristic of the school effectiveness literature. Walter characterizes coherence at
14


the school level as reaching agreement on goals and staying focused on those goals in
spite of numerous distractions. She characterizes coherent schools as places where
teaching and learning are the focus of every expenditure and every decision. The
influences of playing politics, fragmentation and conflict, which occur in any school,
are overcome in coherent schools. This coherence, according to Walter, cannot be
created outside of a school and cannot be purchased.
Coherence is not prescriptive. It has been used in conjunction with the term
consistency, yet the two are distinct (Buchmann & Floden, 1998). Consistency is
much more restrictive than coherence, taking on the characteristics of
prescriptiveness. Coherence, on the other hand, allows for some variation in
connectedness, for tension and conflict, but still implies unity and order. Along a
similar line of thought, Collins and Porras (1994) discuss organizations that can
pursue seemingly contradictory goals at the same time, yet are anchored in core
values. Bateson (1972) calls this flexibility.
Coherence, then, as it will be used in this study, refers to a locally unique
focus that is present in high achieving middle schools that serve low SES Latino
students. It will be evident throughout multiple layers of the school building system.
Building leadership and teachers will be able to articulate this, other people who work
in the building will be able to describe it, students and parents will recognize it, and it
will also be present in documents. Its characteristic "deep structure" (Tye, 2000) will
ultimately be evident.
15


Use of feedback and establishing coherence become two problems that high
achieving middle schools for Latino students in poverty may have solved. Learning
about how they solve these problems is instructive.
Second and Third Research Questions. A description of high achieving
middle schools for Latino students leads, therefore to two additional questions.
Research question two: How do high achieving middle schools for Latino students in
poverty use feedback to learn? Research question three: How are the messages and
activities of high achieving middle schools for Latino students in poverty coordinated
to form a coherent system? The answer to the second question lies in how feedback
manifests itself. Making effective use of feedback is a problem that schools must
solve. It is believed that high achieving middle schools for Latino students in poverty
have accomplished this and that it is a routine practice. Answers to the third question
lie in establishing coherence. Learning how the disparate elements of the system can
be brought together to work in consort with one another to achieve desirable
outcomes is instructive as well.
Student achievement is a desirable outcome for schools, and is operationally
defined here as high passing rates on the TAAS (i.e., seventy percent or more) for
Latino students in poverty. Acceptable performance on the TAAS for all groups of
students is a goal that schools are required to achieve by state law, and this unique
circumstance allows for learning about system functioning as schools pursue such an
16


outcome. This study seeks to understand how some middle schools that serve Latino
students in poverty achieve this desirable outcome from the perspectives of two
research traditions.
Methodological Overview
Parallel to the literature review, this study will employ qualitative methods
from two research traditions. First, a variable-based analysis will be used to answer
the research question related to the variable-based approach. Second, the systemic,
ecologically based questions will be answered using a case-based approach. The
development of templates for conducting case studies will be informed by the
findings resulting from the variable-based approach. Accepted case-based techniques
for data analysis will be employed (Miles & Huberman, 1994; Yin, 1994; &
Merriam, 1998).
Sample Selection
Nine high achieving middle schools for Latino students in poverty were
selected by initially examining TAAS growth averages from the sixth grade to the
eighth grade across the state of Texas in 1999. TAAS scores from the spring of 2000
were also examined. Then, quartile splits were conducted on free and reduced lunch
counts, (the proxy for poverty) and the percentage of Latino students in attendance.
The resulting list of schools represented high achieving, high poverty middle schools
17


that serve high percentages of Latino students. Nine schools were recruited by
telephone for participation in the variable-based component of the study. From those
nine schools, four schools were selected to construct case studies: two that appeared
to be relatively high in the use of feedback, and two that appeared to be relatively
high in their demonstration of coherence.
Variable-based Data Collection and Analyses
A team of two researchers visited the nine schools for a period of two
consecutive days in the spring, summer and fall of 2000. School-related documents
were collected, staff and parents were interviewed, classrooms were observed and
samples of students participated in focus groups as part of a larger project conducted
by RMC Research Corporation (Jesse & Pokomy, 2001; see Appendix A). Detailed
data collection protocols were used for each of these activities (See Appendix B).
The protocols were developed to measure the fifty-seven variables organized under
the six categories described earlier. Information about each of the fifty-seven
variables was collected from at least two sources for the purpose of triangulation.
Both researchers then independently analyzed data to determine whether the
variables were present or absent at each school, using a 4-point rubric. The
percentage of evidence in support of a particular variable was independently
evaluated and converted into a four-point scale by each of the two researchers ("4" =
76 to 100%; "3" = 51% to 75%; "2" = 26% to 50%; and "1" = 0% to 25%). Initial
18


inter-rater agreement within one point on the four-point scale was about eighty-eight
percent. Discrepancies were then resolved by discussion and verification of data so
that all ratings of each variable were within one point. Averages between the two
raters were then calculated for each of the fifty-seven variables, and the rubric
described above was used to determine whether the fifty-seven variables were present
at or absent from the nine schools. As a decision rule an average score of 3.0 or
above indicated that a variable was present across the sample of nine schools. These
steps were taken to answer the following question: How do the general findings of
variable-based research generalize to high achieving middle schools that serve
Latino students in poverty?
Analyses of the variable-based data suggested that this literature base was
indeed useful. Many variables derived from the literature did not seem to hold true
across sites, but several were found to be present in the nine schools (as indicated by
rubric rating averages of 3.0 to 4.0).
Case-based Data Collection and Analyses
The variable-based results provide a useful framework for more detailed
analyses of a subset of four of the schools used in the study: two high achieving
schools related to the use of feedback, and two high achieving schools that illustrate
coherence. A case-based approach takes advantage of the situated nature of schools
and allows for understanding of the systemic nature of them as organizations.
19


To determine how feedback is used to improve student achievement and to
determine whether coherence is present in high achieving middle schools for Latino
students in poverty, four schools were selected from the larger sample of nine schools
for more in-depth study. When schools were rank-ordered for Latino student
achievement on the TAAS, the four selected were among the top five. The highest
school was eliminated from this subset of schools to be used for case studies because
it was a particularly small school with very small class size. It did not resemble the
other schools demographically.
A case-based, cross case analysis was completed with four schools. There is
evidence indicating that each uses feedback, and that each demonstrates coherence.
This analysis was conducted to contribute to understanding the dynamics involved in
operating as a high achieving middle school for Latino students in poverty.
Overview of the Remainder of the Study
The literature review chapter describes the development of the six categories
used in the variable-based analyses. These categories were derived from literature
bases relating to school effectiveness, middle schools, schools for Latinos and schools
for LEP students. The change literature, school reform, systems theory and the
ecological nature of organizations were reviewed as well. Syntheses of the literature
related to the use of feedback and coherence are also provided.
20


The methodology chapter describes the techniques used to collect data for the
study in more detail. It covers the variable-based analysis used to answer the first
research question about the efficacy of the school effectiveness literature. Then, the
methodology for the case-based, cross case analysis is described. It is used to
illustrate how a subsample of the schools solve the problems of using feedback to
improve student achievement and accomplishing coherence.
The results chapter present the findings of the preliminary study in sufficient
detail as to clarify how the theoretical framework emerged. The bulk of the results,
however, consists of four case studies: two that illustrate the use of feedback in high
achieving middle schools for Latino students, and two that illustrate coherence.
The final chapter, the conclusions and implications section, will include a
summary of the results, integrating them into the theoretical framework, and
providing suggestions for further research. Implications for educational policy will
also be discussed.
21


CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Overview and Purpose of This Chapter
This study is designed to answer three research questions related to
understanding high achieving middle schools that serve Latino students in poverty.
These questions address the efficacy of the analytical, variable-based effective
schools research for describing these schools, the use of feedback to make decisions,
and the relationship of achievement in these schools to the concept of coherence.
This chapter delineates the logic behind the selection of these three questions as foci
of the present study.
Achievement, as discussed here, is performance on formal assessments
given to students. These assessments can be norm-referenced or criterion-
referenced. Achievement, as measured by these tests, is a subset of learning, which
has other dimensions. For example, Bellamy (1996) defines learning as "change
over time in behavior, skills, knowledge, or dispositions that occurs as a result of
individual attention and effort" (p. 15). This may or may not be reliably measured
by test scores, but the two are related. Clarke, Davis, Rhodes and Baker (1996a) use
Iowa test scores as indicators of learning, but do not go as far as to say that
22


performance on the tests is learning. Therefore, the discussion here will focus on
achievement, which is the primary focus of high-stakes accountability systems.
Understanding a system as complex as a school is no small undertaking.
The literature base related to schools is wide, and decisions were made about what
to include in a review of literature relevant to understanding achievement of Latino
middle school students in poverty. It is a challenge to identify relevant and germane
literature to study among the theories and bodies of research about the topic, and a
selected review was done here. Major topics include the exploration of the problem
of low achievement of Latino middle school students in poverty from the
perspective of the effective schools literature, systems theory and organizational
learning literature. This review identifies the context of the problem, describes
research pertinent to understanding the problem, and makes the case for why the
research proposed here needs to be done.
Low Achievement of Latino Middle School Students
The number of Latino K-12 students is increasing. It is estimated to be
fifteen percent of the students in U. S. schools now and twenty-five percent by the
year 2005 (USDE, 2001). Latino students traditionally achieve at consistently lower
levels than do their Anglo counterparts, constituting the so-called "achievement
gap". There are a number of reasons for this differential achievement.
23


Students bring a number of characteristics to the school. Their language,
family background, and home culture can all have implications for achievement.
These differences do exist and are worthy of further exploration because they are
associated with differential achievement of students based upon race, ethnicity
and/or social class. Poverty, home and culture, and characteristics specific to Latino
students and limited English Proficient (LEP) students in particular are worthy of
further exploration because they relate to student achievement in school. There is
often a mismatch between the culture of the school and the culture of the home. In
addition to language barriers, some parents abdicate responsibility for cultural
reasons (Liontos, 1992). To summarize, the major contributors to low levels of
Latino achievement appear to be poverty, limited English proficiency, cultural and
language barriers and attendance at poor quality schools.
The Achievement Gap
The achievement gap can refer to differences between groups based upon
race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status (SES), limited English proficiency, or some
combination thereof. The focus here is on the gap between Latino students in
poverty and their Anglo middle class counterparts. These disparities are identifiable
in kindergarten and linger through age 17. By age 9, gaps exist for reading,
mathematics and science. Latinos perform consistently below average on the NAEP
(National Assessment of Academic Progress). Latino high school dropout rates are
24


also higher than African American and Anglo students (USDE, 2001). Specific to
Texas, the gap remains between Latinos passing the TAAS (about 72 percent) and
Anglos (about 89 percent) in the year 2000, although it has closed slightly and
performance for all students has increased since 1994 (Texas Education Agency,
2001a). As will be explained, Low SES students do not perform as well as their
middle class peers on achievement tests. Moreover, students with Limited English
Proficiency do not perform as well on achievement tests administered in English as
their native-born counterparts who are familiar with the language. The achievement
gap receives considerable public attention and is a major focus of high stakes
accountability systems, such as the one that has been in place for a number of years
in Texas.
Explanations for Differential Achievement
Poverty. Perhaps the biggest challenge facing American educators today is
how to educate children in poverty. Generally speaking, low SES students have
lower achievement and fewer academically based skills than their middle class
counterparts (Renchler, 1993). They also have different vocabularies when entering
school than their middle class peers (Nagy & Herman, 1984). However, this is a
complex relationship that defies such simple generalizations, and should be
explored in more detail.
25


Many minority and poor children attend schools where achievement is low.
The dynamics of how SES is related to student achievement are not entirely clear,
and race/ethnicity of students is also a related, yet distinct factor. Many poor
children are also members of certain race/ethnicity groups. Espinosa and Ochoa
(1986) studied all of the schools in California and their CAP (California Assessment
Program) results. They found that, for the most part, the larger the number of
minorities in the school, the lower the test scores were. By the time they are in the
third grade, eighty percent of the LEP, Hispanic and African American student
population is in schools where achievement is below the fiftieth percentile. It is
therefore important to examine both race/ethnicity and SES when studying these
schools, and there is a need to have a better understanding of the dynamics involved.
Low SES children have qualitatively different experiences in school than do
middle class children. Numerous strategies have been tried to consistently
overcome the effects of poverty, based on the effective schools correlates, often
with counterintuitive effects. Poor children, and often minority children, are
erroneously identified as having a deficit that must be overcome in the classroom.
Efforts to counteract these perceived deficits can result in excessive drill and
practice, exclusion from learning higher order thinking skills and deprivation of
enrichment activities. Lomax (1992) found that in response to pressure to raise test
scores, teachers of high minority classrooms reported that they were more likely to
include topics not otherwise taught, exclude topics otherwise taught, and increase
26


emphasis on certain topics. They also were reportedly likely to alter both the
content and format of teacher-made tests. These practices make matters worse for
these students, through communication of lower expectations about their abilities
and their subsequent development of negative attitudes about school.
Language. Increasing numbers of children arrive at school who cannot
speak English. Recent estimates indicate that three-quarters of all students in LEP
programs are Latino, although not all Latino students are limited English proficient
(USDE, 2001). The challenges facing limited English proficient (LEP) students are
compounded by the fact that they do not understand the language of school, let
alone the routines, procedures, practices and culture of the classroom. Our
understanding of how best to educate these children who show up in American
schools is growing, but there is still a great deal to learn (Ramirez, Yuen & Ramey,
1991; Cummins, 1999, Krashen, 1997, Hakuta, 1986). Useful theories of bilingual
education are beginning to emerge as the body of research grows. In recent years,
we have learned a great deal about how to effectively structure programs and
systems to help LEP students, yet these practices are not universally adopted, often
due to political pressures. An "English Only" movement is gaining a strong
foothold in several states and is being used as a vantage point to attack effective
instruction for limited-English proficient children (Crawford, 1997).
27


Cultural Differences. Substantial cultural differences exist between the
school and Latino students, and constitute a significant barrier to their success in
American schools. Valenzuela's (1999) detailed documentation of how students
interface with a Houston area high school is particularly revealing. Through a
phenomenon she labels "subtractive schooling", native-born Latinos (those bom in
the U. S.) are acculturated in ways that are at odds with the values of the school,
while recent arrivals have values that are more compatible with teachers and
administrators.
Valenzuela (1999) reveals that new arrivals to the school, largely from
Mexico as well as other Latin American and South American countries, come to
America with high level mathematics skills, a strong work ethic, and a respect for
teachers and schools. Unfortunately, the cultural mismatch between schools and
these new arrivals causes them to disown their home culture over generations. As
students continue to be absorbed into the system, many lose respect for teachers and
schools, become disillusioned and abandon the work ethic with regard to academics.
Valenzuela describes numerous examples of how this occurs, how cultural identity
for Latinos is fragmented, and how negative expectations of Latinos are
communicated regularly. She also describes the nature and consequences of poor
relationships between students, teachers and administrators in the school, which also
appears to be fragmented and disorganized.
28


Issues Facing Middle School Students. In addition to the challenges facing
Latino students that have already been described, they face additional hurdles to
high achievement in middle school. Middle school structures, which have only
recently evolved from the junior high school paradigm, are an effort to take the
unique needs of young adolescents into account. The middle school philosophy is
more child-centered than the more familiar junior high school model, which was an
effort to simulate the high school experience (Turning Points, 1989). Middle school
philosophy incorporates structures that allow for more adult-student interaction than
a junior high school model, through structures like block scheduling and families.
Central to the philosophy is that students get to know at least some adults in the
building very well. In contrast, the junior high school model simulates the high
school experience by having students move from class to class in fifty-five minute
segments, leading to a fragmented, impersonal experience.
Middle school is a particularly turbulent time for all students, who are
undergoing significant physiological and psychological developmental changes.
They are young adolescents, striving for autonomy, yet lacking in the skills they
need to function as adults. Many are at risk of failure for a number of reasons, and
schools may actually exacerbate problems faced by these young adults. A lack of
access to counseling and health care can also negatively impact young adolescents
in schools (Turning Points, 1989). This is a particularly difficult time in the lives of
these students, who are just beginning to demonstrate independence from their
29


parents while still having significant emotional issues to face. Restructuring of
middle schools to meet these needs became a popular, yet controversial reform in
recent years (Beane, 1999a).
A body of informative research about effective middle schools is beginning
to emerge. William M. Alexander, the so-called father of the middle schools
movement, advocated for them in the 1960s (Dougherty, 1997; Alexander &
George, 1981). Alexander and George identified twelve essential characteristics for
the exemplary middle school: philosophy/goals; planning/evaluation; curriculum;
guidance; interdisciplinary approach; methods of grouping; block scheduling;
facility use; instruction; staff development; evaluating student progress; and forming
community. They also note that relationships between teachers and students emerge
as an important part of middle school success. In a phrase, "teacher caring is the
single most important prerequisite to student success in middle school" (p. 39).
The Carnegie Turning Points Report (1989) recommended dividing large
middle schools into small learning communities. The report suggested that
transmission of a core of common knowledge needs to be a focus. Efforts to ensure
success for all students are important, and teachers and administrators should be
given major responsibility and power for transforming schools. It is important to
staff middle schools with people who have specific preparation to teach young
adolescents. Promotion of good health, enlisting families as allies, and fostering
partnerships with communities should also be priorities.
30


Williamson and Johnston (1996) also endorse learning communities,
restructured adult-student relationships, careful use of time as a resource, rigorous
and authentic curriculum, instruction and assessment, parents as active partners, and
the coupling of accountability and program evaluation. Advising students in the
middle school years in an effective way can have impact if programs are structured
well (George & Bushnell, 1993; Hertzog, 1992; Van Hoose, 1991). How
assessment of student progress is undertaken can also impact middle school
students. For example, portfolios allow students to show off their best work, an
approach that is advocated by Stiggins (1994). This is particularly appropriate for
middle school children, who are concerned about self-image.
Wolfe and Gregoire (1999) found that block scheduling was associated with
more exemplary practices than traditional scheduling. When teachers have larger,
uninterrupted blocks of time, they can engage students in more depth than is
possible with shorter class periods. This is particularly helpful in science classes,
for example, where setup of experiments and laboratory experiences is time-
consuming. On the downside, some teachers don't like the block schedule because
of additional planning demands or lack of familiarity with it (Innsher, 1996).
Intervening in these social systems, or even influencing reform in them is a
complex issue. The middle schools movements roots go back to the 1970s, when
there was growing concern about the maturity level of young adolescents and their
readiness for a high school environment. The movement has survived, and today
31


consists of a number of structures and interventions to put young adolescents into a
position where they have the opportunity to build strong relationships with adults in
schools. Reportedly, it is now at the top of the nation's education agenda (Norton,
2000), and is the topic of a number of national reports and conversations. The
National Forum to Accelerate Middle Grades Reform identifies three interlocking
concerns related to middle schools: academic excellence, developmental
responsiveness, and social equity (Lewis and Norton, 2000).
The pressure does not seem to be letting up on middle schools. Bradley and
Manzo (2000) report that middle schools are frequently criticized for not teaching
what needs to be taught. Bradley (2000) reports that many middle school teachers
are not adequately prepared. The same claims are sometimes made about
inadequately prepared principals (Diegmueller, 2000). Manzo (2000) reports that
curricular offerings in middle schools are shallow, in the eyes of some critics.
However, there is hope. Oakes, Hunter-Quartz, Ryan and Lipton (2000) conducted
a case study of sixteen schools in five states. They found that in spite of frustrating
conditions such as reform mandates, some schools were able to improve because
they were driven to be "better" than they were before because it was the right
thing to do. This phenomenon is called "betterment", and it is indeed possible to
find middle schools where good things are happening.
Clark and Clark (1994) identify reasons why middle schools should change.
Developmental responsiveness was identified. The emotional, social, intellectual
32


and physical growth of students needs to be addressed by middle school structures.
In addition to the shifting demographics related to ethnicity and changing families, a
number of risk factors potentially impact young adolescents. These include
adolescent deaths, from accidents, suicides and homicides. Sexual activity,
smoking, alcohol and illicit drug use are also cited as risk factors. However, in the
face of these societal risk factors, middle schools are slow to change.
Despite the best intentions, middle schools are not always successful in
meeting the needs of students, and often constitute an additional barrier to
achievement. Moreover, calling a school a middle school does not mean that it is
implementing middle school practices. Research relating to middle schools
suggests several themes that are related to their quality. In addition to structural
considerations, effective middle schools also tend to the needs of young adolescents.
However, these are generalizations, and may not apply to all students in all
situations.
The transition between elementary school and middle school is a disruptive
event for middle school students. Eccles and Midgley (1989) report that report that
performance and motivation drop for middle school students from elementary
school levels, coincident with structural changes in their school experience (see also
Eccles, 2001). As any student moves from an elementary school to a middle school
or a junior high school, they move from a setting where they typically have one
teacher most of the day to a setting where they are exposed to multiple teachers for
33


shorter periods of time. They are in a new environment, perhaps with larger classes,
and they are with older children. It is understandable that achievement may drop off
significantly for any group of children under these circumstances.
The transition from elementary school to middle school, coupled with the
effects of early adolescence, poverty, cultural differences, limited English
proficiency, and, as will be seen, differential expectations, presents a particularly
challenging environment in which high poverty Latino middle school students must
function. The role of expectations, nested in the environment of the school, is
worthy of further exploration.
Schools as Social Reproduction. Latino students may face the very real
phenomenon of social reproduction, or reproducing the values of society through
schools. One way in which this may occur is through differential expectations, as
identified by Rosenthal and Jacobson (1968). Latinos may typically be expected to
demonstrate lower academic achievement than their Anglo counterparts. They
begin to believe this expectation, and it becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy.
Social reproduction is inexorably tied to the formation of social class. It is
manifested in differential expectations of students. The term social reproduction
was coined by Bourdieu to describe how those in power try to pass on cultural
capital (knowledge, dispositions, and skills) and social capital (connection or
networking) to their children. This is described as a form of symbolic violence,
34


where the notion of the dominant and the dominated classes is passed on from
generation to generation (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977). Ferguson (1998) describes
how the theory suggests that schools actually reinforce the existing inequities
between social classes. The senior President George Bush, when speaking at
Garfield High School where Jaime Escalante taught calculus to Latinos, told the
students that not everyone needs college, that workers are needed to build buildings,
noting that he would never have said this at Beverly Hills High School (Nieto,
2000). Nieto's observation that "Low expectations mirror the expectations of
society" (p. 46) captures this perspective well.
Payne (1998) addresses the issue of social class by describing how poverty
stratifies society. People in poverty view education as an abstract concept, not
relevant to their lives. Middle class people consider education to be critical for
success, while the wealthy see education as a way to make and maintain
connections.
A sociological approach to this issue frames it in terms of the functionalist
versus the conflict perspectives (Hum, 1993). The functionalist perspective holds
that differential achievement between groups of students results largely from effects
outside of the school such as different levels of academic ability, parental
encouragement, and peers. In contrast, the conflict theorists attribute differential
achievement to school-based practices like tracking and ability grouping. Hum
asserts that the research points to the early grades as a problem area. Evidence is
35


mounting that suggests that it is the first years of school that can operate to the
detriment of lower class students. It is harder to accurately assess ability in the
earlier grades, so the presumption is that other characteristics of students may
indirectly play a role in tracking or ability grouping decisions which carry on into
the later grades.
Effective Schools
The Effective Schools research is the focus of so much attention that it is
now named into an effective schools movement (Lezotte, 1995). Lezotte's definition
of an effective school is as follows:
"An effective school is one that can demonstrate the joint presence of
quality (acceptably high levels of achievement) and equity (no
differences in the distribution of that achievement among the major
subsets of the student population)" (pp. 317-318).
The Effective Schools movement clearly has a life of its own, and provides valuable
information for understanding high achieving middle schools for Latino students in
poverty. It will therefore be explored in some detail.
Two Approaches to Understanding Effective Schools
Two methodologically and philosophically distinct approaches can be
identified for understanding the effective schools research. One is analytical, and
36


based upon uncovering discrete variables to explain variation in student
achievement. The other is more holistic and systemic, and relies on an interpretive,
qualitative approach to understanding effective schools. Both of these approaches
provide unique, important information.
Analytical Variable-based Approach to the Literature. The variable-based
approach to understanding exceptional schools yields a number of concepts that are
helpful. However, we do not know how generalizable this approach is for
understanding high achieving middle schools that serve Latino students in poverty.
The variable-based approach to understanding effective schools those
schools that exceed expectations when achievement scores are statistically
controlled for by demographics has received considerable attention over the last
two decades. The research base is indeed voluminous, and worthy of examination
for the purpose of understanding high achieving middle schools for Latino students
in poverty.
Typically, such research begins with the identification of schools that appear
to be outperforming other similar schools on some standardized measure of
achievement. Site visits are made, surveys are administered, resources are
examined and staff are interviewed in these schools to make determinations about
why these schools are successful. Less often, classrooms are observed and students
are asked about the school. Then, the data are analyzed across a set of these
37


schools, with the express purpose of determining what variables best distinguish the
highly achieving schools. These studies typically focus on issues such as reliability
and validity of constructs and variables measured, and the power of such studies lies
in the convergence of findings across several investigations.
The variable-based approach, which has significant roots in the school
effectiveness research (Brophy & Good, 1986), has its detractors. Barth (1990)
expresses doubt that any truly outstanding school will utilize such a "list logic" and
work toward achieving competence in what is on the list. Other perspectives should
also be explored.
The variable-based approach is informative but does not take into account
the role of context (Yin, 1994). It does not result in a dynamic model that explains
how results are obtained by the complexities of interactions in a system. Moreover,
it is probable that context is a very important part of understanding how high
achieving middle schools for minority students in poverty function. Many
American schools are now operating under high stakes accountability systems that
were not in place years ago. Tremendous demographic shifts have occurred in
recent years. These contextual conditions undoubtedly impact the functioning of
schools in ways that have not been adequately captured by the variable-based
research.
38


Holistic Svstems-based Approach to the Literature. The effective schools
movement has been connected to "process-product research" (Evertson & Green,
1986). This research sought to link teacher behavior to student outcomes using
largely quantitative methods from the social sciences. The approach showed some
promise and resulted in some useful understandings about the importance of
leadership (Good & Brophy, 1986). The research has also led to some gains in
achievement (Barth, 1990). However, classrooms are systems that are so complex
that using these linear, quantitative approaches is limited (Shulman, 1990;
Wheatley, 1994).
The effective schools research has contributed to our understanding of high
poverty schools. In fact, this "list logic" (p. 38) in some cases leads to changes that
are beneficial to children in poverty because the research helps schools create a
"coherent nucleus" for the ideal school (Barth, 1990, p. 39). However, this has not
always been the case, and on occasion, translating the findings of research has had
deleterious effects upon those very students it was meant to serve. Therefore, it is
important to understand the dynamics of schooling in high poverty schools in new
ways.
Again, criticisms similar to the "list logic" approach described earlier emerge
with regard to this research. Trueba and Bartolome (1997) offer such a critique.
They attack the assumption that Latino students have some sort of deficit that must
be overcome if they are to be successful. They suggest that it is necessary to stop
39


looking for the best method to educate Latinos, which reflects an apolitical view of
schooling, and get to "a critical assessment of learning environments in their
political contexts" (p. 2). They emphasize that "teaching is not 'fixing' students", it
is helping them develop new values, discover new ideas, and bring them new worlds
of hope (p. 3).
As our understanding of school functioning evolved beyond the
effectiveness movement, we began to understand the systemic nature of schools,
and how complex they really are. Numerous approaches to change exist and contain
many of the same elements related to leadership, organizational structure, parental
involvement, community engagement, and teacher expectations (e.g., Leithwood,
1996; Wehlage, Newmann & Secada, 1996; Rowan, 1990; Bellamy, 1996;
Allington & Cunningham, 1996; Joyce & Calhoun, 1996; McDonald, 1996; and
Glickman, Allen & Lunsford, 1992). The organizational structure and the interface
with community and parents are important factors in the success of the classroom
teacher. The point is, these are all interrelated in complex ways.
Shulman (1983) makes an interesting point about effective schools research.
Without considering the perspectives of all parties involved, it will make little
difference what is implemented as a "simple solution". This suggests that making
schools effective needs to include all stakeholders in the process, and that there are
no "magic bullet", or "one size fits all" solutions. Herein lies the major weakness of
the effective schools movement. Schools are complex systems, and simple
40


solutions to their problems may not generally work. The approach to understanding
how schools can be effective needs to include a systemic perspective.
The Effective Schools Literature
The effective schools movement has its roots in the research done in the
1970s and 1980s. Klitgaard and Hall (1974), Brookover and Lezotte (1979), Rutter
(1983), Edmonds, (1979) and others attempted to identify effective school
characteristics. These effective schools were places where students demonstrated
higher than expected achievement, when compared to schools serving similar
populations. This program of research was a response to the Coleman (1966) report
that suggested that differences in schools are minor in terms of their impact than are
home characteristics. (Good & Brophy, 1986). The history of that research will be
reviewed here, followed by a description of what is known about effective Latino
schools. Emerging characteristics will also be covered in some detail.
Historical Overview of the Effective Schools Literature. Reform of
education in America is not a new concept (Tyack & Cuban, 1995). Considering
that society has a considerable interest in what happens in schools, it is
understandable that education has been under incredible scrutiny over the years.
Schools transmit values to children, and there will always be controversy about
what those values are. Consequently, discussions about what happens in schools
41


can quickly become political and divisive. For example, Ravitch (2000) identifies
the polarization of several reform movements late in the 19th Century and early in
the 20th Century: liberal versus industrial education, progressive education versus
the classical curriculum, romantic pedagogy versus the academic curriculum, and
social efficiency versus the academic curriculum. The effective schools literature
can also be traced in such a fashion.
The typical starting place for describing the history of the effective schools
movement is the Coleman Report. The so-called Coleman Report (Coleman,
Campbell, Hobson, McPortland, Mood, Weinfield, and York, 1966) made a strong
linkage between SES and student achievement. At the time, this report was taken as
strong evidence that schools could do little to impact the achievement of low SES
students. To quote:
"...schools are remarkably similar in the way they relate to the
achievement of their pupils when the socioeconomic background of
the students is taken into account. It is known that socioeconomic
factors bear a strong relation to academic achievement. When these
factors are statistically controlled, however, it appears that
differences between schools account for only a small fraction of
differences in achievement" (pp. 21-22).
It was then believed that schools could do little to counteract the debilitating
effects of low socioeconomic status upon student achievement. Jencks (1972)
describes the conclusion reached in the Coleman Report that peers and family make
42


a big difference in achievement, while teachers and schools only make a small
difference. Hanushek and Kain (1972) also describe this well known Coleman
Report finding that school inputs have little or no relation to achievement while
peers and home environment do.
The major finding of the Coleman Report, that low SES was the primary
reason for low achievement, was convincingly assailed later by Edmonds (1979).
He found schools where low socioeconomic status and minority students achieved
at higher levels than expected, demonstrating that schools can indeed make a
difference. Edmonds also points out that "no one model explains school
effectiveness for the poor or any other social class subset" (p. 22). Edmonds'
correlates of effective schools added considerably to our understanding of schools
that serve low socioeconomic status children well. Edmonds identified the
correlates as strong administrative leadership, high expectations, orderly
atmosphere, a basic skills focus, attention to objectives and frequent monitoring of
student progress. Over the years, the correlates have changed, but the message is
essentially the same individual schools can and do make a difference for students.
Even in the context of rapidly changing political and structural pressures,
there is other evidence that schools can make the difference for poor and minority
children (Good & Brophy, 1986). Although the Coleman Report states that
differences between schools account for what amounts to a small fraction of
differences in achievement when SES is taken into account, it also states that "it is
43


for the most disadvantaged students that improvements in school quality will make
the most difference in achievement" (p. 22).
One related strand of research undertaken to understand effective schools is
known as the input-output research (Good & Brophy, 1986). It was speculated at
the time that resources were related to achievement. However, research indicates
that schools with similar resources can vary widely in terms of climate (Brookover
& Lezotte, 1979).
This led to the process research, which holds that there are certain processes
that are in place in schools that are associated with achievement (Good & Brophy,
1986). They observed that these processes include academic emphasis, teacher
expectations, and time on task as important distinguishing characteristics.
Application of these school effectiveness findings has also met with some success
(e.g., Rutter, 1983).
Other research in this tradition refines these findings. Villarreal (1988)
studied four types of schools: two types that were typical and two types that were
atypical. Typical schools were high SES, high achieving, and low SES, low
achieving. Atypical schools were High SES, low achieving and low SES, high
achieving schools. He was particularly interested in the last group schools for
low SES students that were characterized by high achievement. His survey-based
results suggested that teachers in these schools had considerable autonomy over
44


curriculum decisions, and that the leadership was more collaborative in low SES,
high achieving school buildings.
Hutchins (1991) studied the function of collaborative decision making teams
in a large school district that could also be broken into the same four quadrants:
High achieving High SES, High achieving, Low SES, Low achieving, High SES
and Low achieving, Low SES schools. She also found some unique distinguishing
characteristics of how the building leadership functioned, the climate, and the nature
of decision making in those buildings. Based upon perceptual survey data collected
from the staff and leadership in the buildings, she determined that Low SES High
Achieving schools had competent team members, operated in a collaborative
climate, received external recognition and support and had principled leadership.
Jesse's (1992) survey-based study of twelve schools in an urban school
district, broken down by the same four categories, examined differences between
perceptions of how important staff thought various correlates of effective schools
were, and the degree to which they thought they were present in their own school
buildings. Staff in low performing schools, as determined by building-wide
standardized test score averages, focused on issues important to the teachers, while
their high performing counterparts were more likely to focus on student-centered
needs.
Hall's (1994) developmental values theory identifies a "wall" most people hit
with regard to their values development and personal growth. He estimates that
45


only twenty percent make it over this wall. Hall's wall is a helpful concept here
because it helps explain the results of the Villarreal (1988), Hutchins (1991) and
Jesse (1992) studies. This wall is the dividing line between leadership by control
and leadership by influence, or between management and collaboration. At a
personal level, it represents a shift from self-regard to regard for others. It is
entirely possible that teachers in these exceptional places high achieving schools
for low SES students have some unique skills and well-developed abilities that
correspond to getting over Hall's wall. These teachers are more concerned about the
children's needs than their own. They understand the importance of personal growth
to be effective. They operate collaboratively. They have autonomy as well as the
skills to deal with that autonomy.
It is important to point out here that the studies just described (Villarreal,
1988; Hutchins, 1991; and Jesse, 1992) are all correlational in nature. While they
do identify characteristics that distinguish schools based on socioeconomic status
and achievement, they do not tell us what is causing these differences. Misuse of
the information presented in these studies can lead to policy mistakes, such as
forcing schools to form collaborative decision making teams because good schools
have them. It could be that good schools have them because they are good for some
other reason, and that compelling schools to put these correlates in place is
pointless. As Barth (1990) points out, excellent schools don't try to implement lists
of activities.
46


Recent Studies of High Performing Schools. The "90/90/90" study describes
228 schools where ninety percent of the students are in poverty, ninety percent are
minorities, and ninety percent of the students achieve at least at a basic level. The
study, which includes 130,000 students, analyzed records kept about instructional
strategies and practices. A number of common characteristics were found. These
included an academic achievement focus; clear curriculum choices; frequent
assessment; multiple opportunities for improvement; a writing emphasis, and
external scoring of assessments (Reeves, 2000, p. 188). While the results are
encouraging, scoring at the basic level is unacceptable in high-stakes accountability
systems, and it is likely that many of the students in these supposedly high
performing schools score unacceptably low (personal conversation, Alan Davis,
August, 2001).
A number of studies of high performing schools in Texas have been
conducted recently. Lein, Johnson & Ragland (1997) found that twenty-six high
achieving schools for students in poverty (over 60 percent free or reduced lunches
and 70 percent of all students passing reading and math tests) had several
characteristics, as revealed by site visits, interviews and document analyses. They
exhibited a strong focus on academic success for all students, excuses were not
accepted, and there was a willingness to experiment. Everyone was involved in the
efforts of the school. The environment was interactive, collaborative, trusting and
"family-like". A passion for continuous improvement was also demonstrated.
47


The Intercultural Development Research Association (IDRA) identified five
critical elements of high performing campuses in Texas (Tijerina Revilla and De La
Garza Sweeney, 1997). These include effective administrative leadership, positive
expectations, strong, integrated curriculum, shared decision making, and campus-
wide responsibility for teaching and success.
David Berliner (personal communication, August 25,2001) notes that many
so-called "turn around" schools are not really performing that well, because they do
not reach the 50th percentile on norm-referenced tests. While they are hard to find,
Berliner observes that there are high performing schools for children in poverty,
characterized by charismatic leadership and highly dedicated staff. However,
teachers reportedly leave these schools after a few years, emotionally drained and
burned out from the demands of the work.
Other research tracks the development of strategies for helping low SES
students achieve. These efforts have led to some unfortunate labels for low SES
children. Weiner's (1993) summary of 30 years of research identifies "deprived,
disadvantaged, or at-risk students" as labels for low SES students (pp. 72-73).
Compensatory programs were designed to counteract these deficits, but they had the
net effect of labeling students as having some sort of deficit. Weiner faults the
approach for this and other reasons namely ignoring context and a lack of an
ecological perspective.
48


Effective Latino Schools. The literature about how best to serve Latino
students, particularly in the middle grades, is just emerging. Some studies have
been done in this area (e.g., Sosa, 2000). However, there is considerable work that
needs to be done if we are to understand the complex dynamics of how to help
young Latino adolescents, many of whom are from impoverished backgrounds
and/or have language barriers to contend with, be successful in middle school.
High achieving schools for minority students are being studied more
frequently (see Clarke, Davis, Rhodes & Baker, 1996a, 1996b, 1996c; Johnson,
1997; Johnson and McClure, 1999; Johnson and Viadero, 2000; Bauer, 1997;
Haberman, 1999a, 1999b; Pedroza, 1998; Reyes, Scribner and Paredres Scribner
1999; and Trueba, 1989). Issues impacting Limited English Proficiency (LEP)
students have also been researched (e.g., Bilingual Education Office, 1986;
Cummins & Swain, 1986; Gandara, 1998; Garcia & Gonzalez, 1995, Hakuta, 1986;
Krashen & Terrel,1983; Menken & Look, 2000; Moll, 1998; Rios, 1996; & Sosa,
2000).
Garcia and Gonzales (1995) describe how the knowledge base related to the
effective practices for Latino students is expanding. Teachers in high achieving
schools for Latino students were found to be committed to students' success, to think
of themselves as innovators, and continued their professional development. They
were also characterized as being committed to home-school communication, had the
49


autonomy to deviate from district guidelines for instruction and curriculum, had
high expectations for students, and advocated strongly for them.
Gandara, Larson, Mehan and Rumberger (1998) synthesize learnings from
three projects in California designed to stem the tide of Latino high school dropouts.
They start with the premise that Latino students are at risk of not finishing high
school or attending college because of lower levels of educational achievement at
both the elementary and middle school levels. They identified key program
elements of a number of educational interventions aimed at Hispanics. Those
common to all three interventions included: building social capital, holding high
expectations, raising aspirations, close monitoring of student progress, making
provisions for strong adult-student bonds, and creating cohesion, social networks,
affiliations among peers, as well as a sense of membership. The authors also
emphasized the need to create a safe environment for the students, the need to be
sensitive to contextual issues, the elimination of tracking, and the provision for
enough time to achieve academic goals.
Fashola, Slavin, Calderon and Duran (1997) reviewed research related to
good Latino elementary and middle schools. They found that these schools had
clear goals, well-specified components, materials and extensive professional
development. Maclver & Epstein (1990) suggested that higher order thinking skills,
exploratory courses, minicourses, extracurriculars, active learning, and enriched
electives were key features of exemplary middle schools.
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Successful elementary schools for LEP students in Texas have recently been
studied. The Texas Education Agency (TEA) visited seven elementary schools
across the state that were successful on the TAAS, had over 40 percent LEP
students, and were "Recognized" or "Exemplary" for three years in a row (TEA,
2000). Quantitative and qualitative methods were used, including document
analysis, interviews, classroom visits and case studies of multiple campuses. The
study's findings were described from the perspective of the effective schools
correlates and other pertinent literature. Characteristics of these sites included a
clear mission, high expectations, instructional leadership, monitoring of student
progress on a frequent basis, student time on task and opportunity to learn, a
characteristically safe and orderly environment, and quality home and school
relations (p. 21). A number of findings related to literature outside of school
effectiveness were identified. These included district and campus leadership, the
teaching staff, teaching practices, the role of the parents, and other program
characteristics.
Reyes, Scribner and Paredes Scribner's (1999) edited volume reports the
results of a detailed study of eight high performing Latino schools in the
southernmost region of Texas. They linked their findings with Senge's (1990) five
disciplines and created a framework for high performing communities that describes
learning conditions, cultural elements, building the capacity to succeed, and
implementing best practices. Learning conditions include home/community
51


conditions, classroom/leaming conditions and assessment conditions. Cultural
elements are inclusive of artifacts, values, beliefs/assumptions and expectations.
Capacity to succeed is built through systems thinking, personal mastery, mental
models, building shared vision, and team learning. Implementation of best practices
occurs through community and family involvement, collaborative governance and
leadership, cultural responsive pedagogy, and advocacy oriented assessment
(Scribner & Reyes, 1999, p. 191).
Emerging Characteristics. In order to continue research related to high
achieving middle schools that serve Latino students in poverty, the extensive
literature that was just described was organized into a set of categories. The intent
was to cast a wide net to identify variables that may be related to student
achievement in middle schools that serve Latino students in poverty, while not
focusing on any one approach. These variables were then grouped into six main
categories that describe characteristics of high student performance. These
categories are: building leadership; school structure; teacher characteristics;
curriculum and instruction; I.F.P student issues; and home and community linkages.
To organize the study, the six emerging characteristics, based upon the research, are
described here.
52


Building Leadership. Building leadership is a major component of the
curriculum and instruction experiences of students. The U. S. Department of
Education (1996) is promoting a model that is helpful here for understanding how
outstanding and above average schools operate. That model describes several traits
of good leaders: savvy and persistence, knowledge and daring, partnership and
voice, vision and values, and other qualities such as honesty and a sense of humor.
Other traits are also suggested by the literature. Those characteristics considered to
be important include climate, use and disaggregation of data, decision making,
accountability, collaboration, and the establishment of a collegial learning
environment.
Leadership in organizations is a complex phenomenon and it has been
heavily researched. The research on leadership in schools is also extensive. Both of
these research traditions provide valuable insight into understanding high achieving
middle schools for Latino students in poverty. True leadership is not power or
control, but influence. It is the ability to affect the decisions that people make about
their own lives. It is not making those decisions for people, and it is not foisting
one's will upon others (Hall and Joyner, 1992; Banathy, 1997).
Leadership is a necessary component of schools that effectively serve poor
and minority students (Good & Brophy, 1986; Bellamy, Holly & Sinisi, 1997;
Bellamy, 1996). Research specific to working with diverse populations of students
(Gibb, 2000) specifies six attributes of a school leader of a school that serves
53


linguistically and culturally diverse students: they have a vision; they hire diverse
staff; strengthen current capacity; they create collaboration time; they disaggregate
outcome data; and they walk the talk. Another way to summarize this is that these
schools must have a positive climate for adults and students alike and they must use
data to make decisions.
This review of leadership in changing organizations and in changing schools
reveals its importance. Leadership skills, which are complex, have to be advanced.
Leaders have to maintain a balance in their personal lives, take calculated risks,
continue to build their skill sets and knowledge bases, and understand the systemic
context of the school. They also have to understand how to maintain relations with
their faculties and other stakeholders. Finally, there are problems that schools must
solve to be successful, and leaders have to be able to accomplish this work.
Organizational Structure. Organizational structure is an important
determinant of what happens in middle school classrooms. Middle schools can be
organized in a number of ways. The review of the research suggested that these
structures would have several characteristics. These included block scheduling,
multigrade classes or looping, schools within a school (houses or families), daily
common planning time, advisory experiences, team teaching, and extracurricular
activities.
54


The Carnegie Turning Points Report (1989) makes several structural
recommendations about how middle schools should be configured to best serve the
needs of young adolescents. Already mentioned were structural changes intended to
create smaller learning environments. In addition to making changes in instruction
and curriculum, the report suggests organizational and scheduling changes. Such
practices include opportunities for "continuous correction" if students dont meet
high expectations. This might include after school or Saturday activities. To avoid
the remedial label, it is recommended that after school enrichment be offered in
other areas as well. The key is flexibility in meeting individual student needs.
Building governance structures should include both teachers and parents.
Student-Teacher Interaction. There is a long history of the importance of
student-teacher interactions and their impact on achievement. As suggested earlier,
Rosenthal and Jacobson's (1968) classic study, Pygmalion in the Classroom, clearly
illustrates the power of teacher expectations on student achievement. These
expectations are communicated through student-teacher interactions. Extensions of
this basic finding are reviewed here.
Student-teacher interactions are broadly defined, and include several features
unique to teachers. In addition to adult-student relationships and high expectations
for all students, these include content/subject matter knowledge, professional
development, and staff expertise (training, experience and certification). Also,
55


related to the concept of a collaborative work environment, it is expected that
teachers demonstrate a willingness to help each other and be known as innovators in
these high performing schools.
The relationships that exist between teachers and students are a necessary
but insufficient condition for high levels of student achievement. Aspy & Roebuck
(1979) describe this through their extensive edited synthesis of classroom research
called "Kids don't learn from people they don't like". Aspy and Roebuck modified
Bloom's taxonomy to incorporate their extensive learnings from classroom
observations. Their approach includes knowledge, comprehension, application,
analysis, synthesis and evaluation. They relied heavily on the use of the Flanders
Interaction Scale (1965) to conduct their research and teacher interpersonal skills
emerged as a key factor for predicting student achievement. Generally speaking, if
students express positive regard for their teachers, they perform better academically
than those who dont. Berenson, Berenson and Carkhuff (1979) developed training
for teachers to learn interpersonal skills, and protocols (Jesse, Dickinson and
McFarland, 1993) have been developed to assess their presence in the classroom.
Rogers (1969) described the necessary but insufficient condition for students
to learn in the classroom. He identified a number of qualities which facilitate
learning, namely realness in the facilitation of learning, prizing acceptance and trust;
and empathetic understanding. This empathetic understanding, for Rogers, refers to
56


teachers viewing the learning experience from the students' eyes, in such a way that
"releases" students to learn (p. 112).
Kohl (1994) also explored the issue of the importance of interpersonal skills
in the classroom in "I won't learn from you". Again, teacher-student relationships
are closely linked to achievement. He explores the phenomenon of students who
actively engage in "not-leaming, or refusal to learn. "To agree to learn from a
stranger who does not respect your integrity causes a major loss of self' (p. 6).
Closely related to the notion of interpersonal skills of the teacher are
expectations of students. It has been well-demonstrated that students of teachers
who have high expectations of them outperform their counterparts. A well-known
example of this phenomenon is described in Pygmalion in the Classroom (Rosenthal
& Jacobson, 1968), where children were told they were inferior if they had a certain
physical characteristic (eye color). Peers with different eye color started treating
them as inferiors with dramatic results. They began to perform as if they were
inferior.
We are now beginning to understand that consideration of the affective
domain is a necessary but insufficient condition for higher levels of learning.
Scaruffi (2000) describes MacLeans triune brain as being composed of separate
mechanical, rational, and emotional behavior centers. These include a reptilian
brain (stimulus-response), a mammalian brain (emotional) and a neomammalian or
higher order (cognitive) brain. Being stuck at any of the lower levels of brain
57


functioning precludes movement to the higher levels of functioning. Not only does
this phenomena manifest itself in student-teacher interactions, it functions in
organizations as well. Evans (1996) describes the difficulties inherent in
implementing change in a school. Affective considerations of the adults in a school
building cannot be ignored if change is to be sustained.
Pianta's (1999) work affirms the importance of relationships between
teachers and students. These relationships are seen as critical for development, and
strongly suggests that stable relationships are a critical component for students from
single parent families. Pianta also emphasizes the importance of rich feedback
functions in these relationships. These relationships are so powerful, that they are
correlated to student achievement. Griffin (2001) found a connection between
teacher-student relationships and state writing scores in Colorado. Even with a
small sample, she found that content/organization, and style/fluency were positively
related to close teacher-student relationships. Again, while student-teacher
relationships alone do not explain student performance, they constitute a necessary
but insufficient condition for student achievement at high levels. While quality
relationships between teachers and students are essential for student achievement,
particularly with student populations at risk, it is also necessary to focus upon what
is covered in the classroom, and how it is covered.
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Curriculum and Instruction. Teacher skills are important (e.g., Clauset &
Gaynor, 1982; Darling-Hammond, 2000), and leaders of school buildings can have a
significant impact upon those skills. Clauset and Gaynor's systemic analyses of
student achievement pointed to teacher quality as an important predictor of student
success. Darling-Hammond (2000) concluded that teacher quality, as established by
certification and degrees in the area taught, is related to student outcomes.
Specific to this review, curriculum and instruction in these high performing
middle schools that serve Latino students in poverty would be expected to have a
number of traits: measurable goals, research-based strategies, articulation of
learning goals, and thematic/interdisciplinary instruction. Also, there should be
evidence of team teaching, widespread peer teaching, alternative assessments,
experiential, hands-on learning and practices such as after school tutoring.
The Carnegie Turning Points Report (1989) makes several recommendations
for transforming the curriculum taught to young adolescents. The report specifically
recommends teaching a core of common knowledge, including critical thinking,
citizenship, healthy lifestyles, integration of subject matter across disciplines, and
teaching students how to learn as well as how to take tests successfully. The report
also makes recommendations for effective instruction, such as grouping for
learning, scheduling classroom periods for the maximization of learning, and
expanding structures and opportunities for learning.
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Other research (Villarreal, 1988, Hutchins, 1991, Jesse, 1992; Haberman,
1999a, 1999b; Barth, 1990) suggests that high achieving schools with high poverty
populations are places where teachers exercise autonomy over the selection of
curriculum and instructional strategies in the classroom. The standards movement
seems to be at odds with these findings, yet Haberman reports that the really good
schools do not seem to be obstructed by state or district policy. Everson, Burger,
McCormick and Jesse (1997) report that schools effective at sustaining change are
also adept at getting around obstructive policies.
LEP Student Issues. Many Latino students in middle schools are also LEP
students. Effectively serving these students has been the focus of an emerging body
of research. Sosa (2000) identifies steps that middle schools for language minority
students can take to improve the opportunities available to them. These include the
development of literacy in the home language; teaching cognitive/academic
language proficiency; increasing communicative competence; viewing students as
active learners; developing ownership of what is learned; and using learning styles
as a tool for learning.
Menken & Look (2000) identify five strategies that are effective with middle
grade LEP students: integration of language instruction with content instruction;
provision of opportunities to use language; creation of a shared, hands-on learning
context; and staff who are familiar with the cultural backgrounds of students.
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Menken and Look also recommend that classroom management systems be put in
place that help LEP students understand appropriate classroom behavior.
Perhaps one of the most informative works in this area is the extensive work
done by Berman, McLaughlin, McLeod, Minicucci, Nelson, and Woodworth
(1995). Their study of a number of schools contains information specific to
exemplary restructured middle schools for LEP students. They found the following
types of characteristics, common to many middle schools: multi-grade classes;
schools within a school (houses); block scheduling; after school tutoring; daily
common planning time for teachers; team teaching; professional development;
extensive, long-term professional development with an external partner; house level
administration and decision making; committee-based decision making advised by
the community; parent and community input on decisions and involvement in
governance; extensive parent education programs; extensive counseling programs;
referral for health services and comprehensive integrated services via family
resource center; and referrals to community based organizations.
The report (Berman, et al., 1995) synthesized findings about the design of
LEP student programs (pp. 99 -119). Typically, the design of these programs was
influenced by LEP student needs, and shaped by community preferences and school
characteristics. District demographics and state policies influenced student program
design. Language development was shaped by school capacity and especially
trained teachers, and adaptation of LEP student program models was done in
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response to their own conditions and needs of students. Provision of challenging
content for LEP students was emphasized and contact with native English-speaking
students in core content, alternative activities and in electives was facilitated.
Transition strategies to English were made explicit, the arrival of newcomers
anticipated, and appropriate programs were designed for them. An atmosphere of
respect and cultural validation was created.
Although political controversy continues to surround the issue, consensus
about educating LEP students is beginning to emerge. Ramirez, Yuen and Ramey
(1991) report that when young students are provided with language development in
their primary language, and that development is substantial and consistent, they
outperform their norming population counterparts in English language, English
reading, and mathematics achievement. Gersten and Baker (2000) report that there
are several major points to consider when developing instructional frameworks.
The distinction between language development and academic growth is important.
They suggest that a good English language program focus on proficiency and
fluency, formal English grammar, and learning new academic content. They
recommend that English language development (ELD) should be integrated with
content area learning, a practice that is increasingly occurring in schools in America.
Greenes (1998) meta-analysis of the effectiveness of bilingual instruction included
eleven studies with standardized test scores from thirteen states. He found that LEP
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students who received at least some amount of instruction in their native language
outperform their counterparts on standardized tests in mathematics and reading.
Other research addressed how to close the achievement gap between English
Language learners and their counterparts. Thomas and Collier (2001) found that the
best predictor of achievement in a second language is the amount of schooling in the
first language. With regard to interventions, they found that 2-way developmental
bilingual programs were the most effective, followed by 1-way developmental
programs. Transitional bilingual education programs were found to be somewhat
less effective. ESL content pullout programs were found to be the least effective in
the long term as far as sustained change in student achievement test scores.
In an effort to extend the school effectiveness research, Lucas, Henze and
Donato (1990) conducted case studies of six high schools with high numbers of
language minority students that were deemed to be effective. Five of the schools
were in California and one was in Arizona. Site visit teams of two to four persons
collected the data at the campuses for three days. The found a number of key
features of these schools. Value was placed on the students' cultures and languages.
Teachers made special effort to find out about the past experiences of students.
High expectations were made concrete for language minority students. Their
education was a priority of leadership in the schools and this was reflected in staff
development activities. Courses, programs and counseling experiences were
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structured to meet the needs of language minority students. Parents were also
encouraged to become involved.
Disagreement persists with regard to how LEP children should be taught.
Reyes (1992) takes issue with assumptions about literacy instruction provided for
linguistically different students. These include "English is the only medium for
learning and instruction" (p. 431); "Linguistic minorities must be immersed in
English as quickly as possible if they are to succeed in school" (p. 433); "A 'one size
fits all' approach is good for all students" (p. 435); and "Error correction in process
instruction hampers learning" (p. 438). An "English only" mentality takes the onus
off teachers to change and puts it on the students, as does a "one size fits all"
mentality. Immersion of non-English speakers into English is contrary to the
research findings on young learners and disrespects their backgrounds. For English
language learners in particular, it is important to point out errors as they are made,
so students can benefit from teacher assistance.
An alternative perspective relevant to understanding high achieving schools
for Latino students in poverty is sociocultural in nature. Moll (1998) refers to
fallacies in the phonics trap, the "English Only" movement and reductionist models
of reading instruction. He posits the importance of "socially mediated and literate
relationships" (p. 74) as a useful alternative. He suggests that to be successful with
Latino students, it is necessary to go beyond the constraints of the classroom to
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engage families and communities in the instructional process. Home and
community issues will be explored in more detail here.
Home and Community Issues. Seemingly external to the classroom system,
yet very important, are the home and community linkages to the school. These
linkages are a function of building leadership and organizational structure of the
school and can have an impact on what happens in the classroom with regard to
curriculum and instruction, although this impact is not always evident.
The research base related to the linkages between the school, the home, and
the community is robust with regard to its potential impact upon student
achievement. Connections to the community, meaningful parental involvement,
knowledge of student-home culture,-and knowledge about community
characteristics have all been related to student success. The use of volunteers,
parents in governance, and parent education programs also contribute. The flow of
information between the home and the school is important, and communication
about student progress is essential to school success, according to research. Other
factors also contribute to the well being of students and their families. These
include referral for community/based health services, comprehensive/integrated
services, family resource centers, and counseling programs.
We are building our understanding of how culture and family linkages to the
school have a profound impact upon student achievement. A literature base is
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emerging that suggests a strong tie between parental and family involvement and
achievement, and how these ties can be strengthened (Jesse, 1995). Schools where
all groups of children are achieving at high levels are likely to have meaningful
parental involvement, where they serve as their childrens first teachers, as
volunteers in the school, as decision makers and as advocates.
The connection between parenting and student achievement is manifested in
three ways, according to Steinberg (1996). Parents communicate messages that are
specific to schools and learning to their children. Second, how parents behave in
front of their children communicates their values about education. Third, how they
treat their children in general has an impact upon how well they will engage in their
school-based activity. Steinberg's description of three categories of parenting styles
(authoritarian, permissive and responsive) describe how he links treatment of
children to their academic behavior. The responsive style, which is firm, strict and
encouraging of autonomy without being harsh or lenient, is the best one for
impacting student achievement, Steinberg reports.
The importance of strong linkages to the community has been documented
as the home and cultural lives of children shift. Goodlad (1994) emphasizes the
importance of community collaboration with schools, and suggests that schools are
quite often one of the stronger resources in communities. They can contribute
significantly to learning in the community, outside of traditional boundaries as well.
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The nature of the local community has a lot to do with the personality of the
school, as Tye (2000) observes when providing advice for effective partnerships.
She notes that it is important to be aware of local context, and power structures in
particular, when engaging in school change efforts. Activities such as expanding
the services provided by the school are described, and techniques for advocacy are
suggested. Connecting to the community in other ways is important as well,
according to Tye.
Brooks and Kavanaugh (1999) examined the role of the Hispanic community
in the success of the school, and found three identifiable patterns. Some successful
schools found that the community was a resource, others were characterized by a
learning community model, and yet other schools saw the community in more
traditional ways.
When the school sees the community as a resource, it is because it is a
source of services, funds and volunteers. Brooks and Kavanaugh (1999) found that
such schools were urban, and were experiencing growth. Schools capitalize on the
resources of the local community in a way that matches interests and needs. The
"adopt-a-school" model, where educators recruit businesses to help, is a common
theme in these places. Relationships with community leaders are cultivated and
maintained. Staff typically get involved in local adult education efforts and work
with existing community agencies. Schools also identify ways in which the
community can contribute to the knowledge of the students.
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In the traditional community model, Brooks and Kavanaugh (1999) found
that schools are involved in children's lives long before they come to the school.
Relationships between the school, the community, and the parents are reportedly
well integrated. The community's values, such as respect, informality, the extended
family, and "small-talk" are very much a part of what happens at the school. Strong
relationships are also maintained with district staff in the central office in these
traditional schools.
In the learning community model, the school proactively works to build
relationships that foster learning (Brooks & Kavanaugh, 1999). This also serves as
a source of empowerment. The school actively engages the local community in
learning, due to the belief that if the community is learning, the children will as
well. The school works collaboratively with community service providers to meet
the needs of families and students. Staff also get involved in sponsoring initiatives
to meet local needs. The learning community model moves beyond dependence
upon the community and embraces their collaborative problem solving and learning.
These six categories, building leadership, school structure, teacher
characteristics, curriculum and instruction, LEP student issues, and home and
community linkages, form a frame of reference for organizing the vast amount of
information available that is relevant to high achieving middle schools for Latino
students in poverty. However, as noted before, this is just one way to examine the
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issue and has limitations as well as strengths. Other approaches to the problem of
low achievement of Latino students in middle schools should be examined.
Systems Approach
A qualitatively different approach to understanding schools lies in a systems
theory approach. Such an approach is active rather than passive, dynamic as
opposed to static, and adaptive, not fixed. An overview to the theory will be
provided here, some studies will be discussed, and implications for application of
systems theory to the present study will be explored.
Systems Theory
"I think that cybernetics is the biggest bite out of the fruit of the Tree of
Knowledge that mankind has taken in the last 2000 years" (Bateson, 1972, p. 476).
The world is changing at an alarming rate and we are in the middle of an
information explosion. There is more information available now than at any time
before in our history as a species. It is impossible to keep up with everything that is
available in one discipline, let alone take a multidisciplinary approach such as that
advocated by Miller (1978). It is therefore of paramount importance that we have
the appropriate vantage point when we seek to understand something as complex as
a middle school that serves Latino students in poverty.
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Systems theory offers a useful vantage point for understanding schools. The
concept of systems thinking has a variety of applications, and includes some
important and useful concepts like feedback, open loops, closed loops and leverage
points. Systems theory has links to biology and ecology. Millers Living Systems
(1978), is a formidable tome that attempted to identify the commonalties between
one-celled animals and global economic systems, while describing every living
system in between. Part of the difficulty encountered by Miller was the disciplinary
divisions that exist between biology, chemistry, physics, the social sciences,
medicine, etc. He attempted to develop a vocabulary common to all of them,
realizing that the first step in this effort was to get the disciplines to communicate.
He used words like monerand, protistan, etc., to do so.
Systems theory has had some limited success as a heuristic for
understanding schools and school change. Indeed, classrooms are complex systems.
There are numerous interactions occurring at any point in time, and there are
complexities that are harder to comprehend. Volumes have been written about
systems thinking, but it has not truly caught on in education. While the cutting edge
thinkers are quick to pick up on the newest Senge book (1990; 1994; 1999) or to
embrace writers who make systems thinking more accessible (e.g., Wheatley, 1994),
it is not a way of thinking that has caught on in schools. However, it is useful to
examine some components of systems theory and how they might apply to the
middle school context.
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Social systems have important characteristics. Forrester (1971) identifies
three characteristics of social systems: First, he observes the inherent insensitivity
that such systems have to most policy changes. Second, Forrester observes that
there are sensitive points of influence where the system's behavior can be changed,
and that these points are often in unexpected locations. Third, Forrester notes that
short-term policies that improve things in the short run degrade systems in the long
run, and vice versa. Policies that are eventually good for the system depress it
initially, but numerous short term solutions may even kill the system in the long run.
There are different factions of systems thinkers. Some of the early important
systems thinkers were Forrester (1969), Richmond (1998), Commoner (1990) and
Meadows, Meadows and Randers (1992). These are considered to be the hard
systems thinkers because they believe in mathematical modeling as a necessary
condition for rigorous application of systems theory (Personal conversation, Mark
Paich, 1995).
The distinguishing characteristic that separates the hard systems thinkers
from others is numerically based systems models. Richmond's work is an example
of hard systems thinking. Richmond (1998) also distinguished system dynamics as
a subset of systems thinking. Richmond and Peterson describe (1992) some key
aspects of systems thinking. To start, they identify the vantage point as a key
consideration for understanding a system. If one is close to a system, it is possible
to see the trees but not the forest, and if one is far away, the forest is evident but not
71


the subtleties of the trees. It is this vantage point that is the initial filter for systems
thinking.
Richmond and Peterson (1992) describe a set of four world view
assumptions that are characteristics of systems thinking. These include systems as
cause thinking, closed-loop thinking, operational thinking and dynamic thinking.
These form a loose hierarchy.
First, systems as cause thinking, also called the endogenous viewpoint, is
one where a boundary is drawn around an array of elements and relationships, and
the assumption is made that causal dynamics are located within that set of
boundaries. The advantage of the approach is that it is a parsimonious way to
explain a system, but it does not characterize the complex nature of ecosystems.
Second, closed-loop thinking seeks to understand the dynamics of what is
going on in a boundaried system. It recognizes reciprocal causal relationships
that is, an element or factor can simultaneously be a cause and effect. Advantages
of the approach are that it begins to explain how systems work, and it goes beyond
static, one-way laundry list causality thinking. However, it does not really get into
how the dynamics in a system operate.
The third type of thinking, which is operational thinking, does move in the
direction of increased understanding. It seeks to understand how closed loops work.
Moreover, it helps us understand how to change system performance by helping
identify leverage points. Operational thinking is, however, difficult for people to
72


embrace. Sometimes the leverage points are counterintuitive. The nonlinear nature
of feedbacks impact in a system is difficult to comprehend.
Fourth, Richmond and Peterson (1992) identify dynamic thinking. This
involves seeing patterns of behavior over time as opposed to maintaining an event
focus. It helps develop a historical perspective. They also note that certain generic
patterns reappear ffequendy in systems when this type of thinking is employed.
These patterns start with first-order linear relationships, and tend to move toward
nonlinear ones, such as s-shaped growth, overshoot and collapse, oscillation and
"main chain" or step increase systems behavior. These patterns are common in
biology, economics and the social sciences.
Other systems thinkers, the so-called soft systems thinkers, are Peter Senge
(1990), Margaret Wheadey (1994) and Wheadey and Myron Kellner-Rogers (1998).
Much of what they discuss is related to chaos theory and complexity, which is
related to systems thinking, but is not exacdy the same. They do not engage in the
rigorous models of systems as other theorists do, rather they write more popular
books for the organizational change markets.
Kauffman (1980) synthesized a number of mles of thumb for systems theory
by summarizing the work of Franz Boaz, Garrett Hardin, Jay Forrester, and Kenneth
Boulding as well as other ideas in common use. These heuristics include:
"everything is connected to everything else"; "you can never do just one thing";
"obvious solutions do more harm than good"; "look for high leverage points"; "dont
73


fight positive feedback, look for negative feedback instead"; "there are no simple
solutions"; "there are no final answers"; "every solution creates new problems"; and
"don't be fooled by system cycles" (pp. 38-40). It is these heuristics that can
contribute to a useful framework for understanding high achieving middle schools
for Latino students in poverty.
Recognizing that they are complex social systems, Clauset and Gaynor
(1982) used systems theory to understand achievement in schools. They developed
a computer simulation that was grounded in the effective schools research, but went
beyond it. For example, they viewed variables as interdependent, not dependent or
independent. Through their systems modeling activity, they found that improving
teacher skills, raising expectations, and maximizing time for instruction are the most
effective strategies for school improvement. To sustain improvement, Clauset and
Gaynor found that it is necessary to longitudinally monitor student achievement and
disaggregate data.
While systems theory has been criticized, it has much to offer. Bolman and
Deal's critique (1991) points out that the theory has not been particularly useful, due
largely to the fact that it does not adequately capture characteristics of human
behavior. Evans (1996) finds systems theory as unrealistic for understanding
schools. He criticizes the approach because it ignores emotions, and does not
address culture, among other things (p. 19). However, it does have the strength of
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uncovering some of the mysteries of school functioning, and lays the groundwork
for the use of data to make decisions, for example.
Feedback Theory
One of the most important aspects of systems thinking is the notion of
feedback. Bateson (1972) talked about its emergence from the World War II era.
According to Bateson, the early fathers of the systems thinking movement were
Bertalanffy, Wiener, von Neumann, Shannon and Craik. Systems thinking had its
roots in cybernetics, information theory, communications theory, and systems
theory, which he describes as similar.
Systems theory helps us understand the incremental nature of change.
Systems theory tells us that systems function toward stability, and function in ways
that minimize the impact of disruptions (Clarke, 1997). Systems theory also tells us
that the use of feedback is a very useful tool that can help a system that is not
functioning well refocus itself (Wheatley and Kellner-Rogers, 1996). We also leam
from the study of systems that there are leverage points points in the system
where change will have more impact than it would at other points of the system
(Forrester, 1971).
Change theories as they apply to organizations and systems theory utilize the
notion of feedback -- using information about system functioning to make decisions.
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It is therefore worthwhile to trace the development of these concepts as they can be
applied to the school setting.
Wheatley (1994) distinguishes between different kinds of feedback. She
contrasts positive and negative feedback in a system, as well as offering a useful
intervention strategy. She suggests that one good way to help an organization that is
not functioning well is to put a formal feedback loop in place in that organization.
Giving decision makers in an organization information about how the system is
functioning is a useful tool for helping them make decisions. Of course, it is
important to highlight the right information, which is where an ecological, systemic
perspective on organizational change is helpful. Negative feedback loops help a
system maintain equilibrium, allowing for self-correction when key aspects get out
of balance. This concept of negative feedback is often characteristic of the
mechanical systems metaphor (Senge, et al., 2000). In contrast, positive feedback
loops amplify problem messages, indicating the need for change. This is a
characteristic of living systems. Banathy (1996) describes the kind of feedback that
results in new purposes, components, and functions in a system as positive
feedback. Both positive and negative feedback serve the systems, by confirmation
of the functioning of the existing system or the creation of a new one.
It is reasonable to assume, then, that attending to negative feedback loops
can help schools improve or establish equilibrium, while attention to positive
feedback loops, which identify problems, can help schools change. Both
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conceptualizations of feedback are useful for understanding high achieving middle
schools that serve Latino students. When the system is not functioning properly, as
indicated by positive internal feedback (e.g., within the school) or positive external
feedback (e.g., from the State Education Agency), the impetus for change is present.
When the changes are made, or when a state of equilibrium is reached, feedback
provides information about this state.
Specific to a school setting, feedback can take many forms. It can be formal
or informal communication between students and teachers about achievement. It
can be the sharing and processing of test score data by administrators with teachers.
It can be communicating with parents and the community about school
performance. At higher levels, it can be using data to inform district policy or to
meet state accountability requirements.
Ecological Theory
Using ecological models to understand organizational behavior (e.g., Carroll,
1988) shows considerable promise for understanding the dynamics of the classroom.
This leap, from scientific management approaches to organizational understanding
to more ecological ones, parallels Scotts (1998) more detailed analysis. He
organizes the research on organizations in the 20th Century as moving from closed
systems to open ones, and moving from a social-psychological through a structural
and to an ecological understanding of organizations. Finally, Bateson's (1972)
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efforts push this so-called ecological approach even further, as do Cole (1996) and
Bronfenbrenner (1979).
Kauffman's (1980) discussion of complex systems is also enlightening in this
regard. He states that "ecologies 'want' to use every possible source of energy in the
physical environment" (p, 29). This is also a useful understanding of complex
systems. Not only is it helpful for understanding the complexities of middle
schools, it leads us to a discussion of ecology. An effective approach to
understanding exceptionality in any organization, not just a school system, has to be
viewed from the perspective of a living system, according to Petzinger (1999). This
ecological approach to understanding organizations is useful for understanding
exceptional schools.
Ecological models for understanding organizations are not new. They have
been with us for some time (e.g., Bateson, 1972; Carroll, 1988; Capra, 1993, Scott,
1998; Miller, 1978). Ecological models of business are becoming popular
(Petzinger, 1999; Clippinger, 1999). Now, they are currendy in vogue for
understanding business and have applications for schools as well. An ecological
understanding of exemplary schools could go a long way toward helping teachers,
parents, administrators and policy makers make decisions that are best for children.
An ecological framework for understanding classroom activity systems is
emerging. In a reaction to the Cartesian view of the universe, Van Lier (1997) notes
that ecology, or "the study of the complex relationships among organisms in and
78


with their environment" (p. 784) provides a useful way to understand schooling.
This ecological research focuses on perception, action and language within context,
and the actions of the people in a particular context.
At least for some (e.g., Sirotnik, 1987), the notion of viewing schools as a
cultural ecosystem underlies a very different way of thinking about evaluating what
happens in them. He assails the use of quality indicators, relying on only
achievement data to assess what is happening in a school, and the factory-based
input-process-output model of schooling. According to Sirotnik's point of view, this
is contrary to the cultural ecosystems notion. To use one piece of information about
a system (i.e., test scores) to evaluate its function assumes that this indicator is more
important than anything else. Schools are complex, and there are interacting and
interdependent elements involved. The power to improve them lies in the "hearts,
minds, and hands of the people who work in them" (p. 43). However, test scores
cannot be ignored, they are a part of high stakes accountability systems.
Understanding and taking advantage of the ecological nature of these
relationships is a practical tool for whole school reform, yet it is not widely
accepted. Capra (1993), for one, takes an ecological approach that can be applied to
restructuring schools. His approach starts with knowledge of the principles of
ecology. These include: interdependence, sustainability, ecological cycles, energy
flow, partnership, flexibility, diversity and coevolution. Capra suggests that the
industrial model of schooling has led to overemphasis on one set of values over
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another (e.g., expansion, competition, quantity, domination), and one form of
thinking over another (e.g., rational, analytical, reductionist, linear). Another
important contribution of Capra's approach is the notion of fluctuation within limits.
The state of systems fluctuates within limits, but when a subsystem fluctuates
beyond its limits, it throws the entire system into disequilibrium.
Why are ecological approaches useful for understanding schools? There are
many possibilities, based on the premise that change in school buildings is a
contextual issue. Any change at any level has to be undertaken with a clear
understanding of the context in which it takes place. This means understanding who
the constituents are, what their role is in the system, and what their needs and
concerns are.
An understanding of the functioning of the school building as an ecosystem
is useful for other reasons. Comprehension of the school as this type of system
leads to knowledge of where the feedback loops are, and as a result, where the
leverage points are to change the system. This fundamental knowledge of loops and
levers, with a particular emphasis upon how these operate over time, contributes to
an ecological understanding of schools as ecosystems.
Allen and Hoekstra's (1992) articulation of a unified approach to basic
research in ecology is instructive. First, they make the point that the notion of scale
is an important one in traditional basic research as it is in more systemic approaches
to ecology. In traditional research, a scale (of measurement, for example) is fixed
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