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Principal self-efficacy and power bases

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Principal self-efficacy and power bases
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Lyons, Cherie Ann
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English
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viii, 271 leaves : illustrations, forms ; 29 cm

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School principals -- Attitudes -- Colorado -- Jefferson County ( lcsh )
School principals -- Evaluation -- Colorado -- Jefferson County ( lcsh )
School principals -- Attitudes ( fast )
School principals -- Evaluation ( fast )
Colorado -- Jefferson County ( fast )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Includes bibliographical references.
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Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree, Doctor of Philosophy, School of Education and Human Development.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Cherie Ann Lyons.

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University of Colorado Denver
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Auraria Library
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ocm26625691
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Full Text
PRINCIPAL SELF-EFFICACY
AND POWER BASES
BY
CHERIE ANN LYONS
B.S., UNIVERSITY of COLORADO at BOULDER, 1971
M.A., UNIVERSITY of COLORADO at BOULDER, 1975
A thesis submitted to the
Faculty of the Graduate School of the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Administration, Curriculum, and Supervision
1992


This thesis for the Doctor of Philosophy
degree by
Cherie Ann Lyons
has been approved for the
School of Education
John Parr
Date


Lyons, Cherie Ann (Ph.D., Administration,
Curriculum, and Supervision)
Principal Self-Efficacy and Power Bases.
Thesis directed by Professor Michael J. Murphy.
ABSTRACT
Principal Self-Efficacv and Power Bases
examines how a principal's sense of efficacy is
related to his/her exercise of power. School
principals have been, and predictably will remain,
an integral part of the educational governance
structure. In order to do their jobs, principals
must exercise influence and power. Studies have
found that principals' use of expert and referent
power is linked to increased school effectiveness as
measured by teacher satisfaction, school climate,
and student achievement. Studies of managers in the
private sector have identified a link between self-
confidence and the exercise of various kinds of
power. Less confident managers were more likely to
use coercive forms of influence. This study examined


the relationship between principal self-efficacy, a
powerful mechanism affecting self-confidence, and
the principal's use of power. Self-efficacy is a
psychological construct that measures the degree to
which a person believes his or her actions are
responsible for producing intended outcomes. In this
study, principal self-efficacy was measured as the
degree to which principals felt personally
responsible for student achievement results in their
schools.
The study employed a two phase, correlational
design and survey research methods. During phase
one, eighty-five principals from the Jefferson
County School District in Golden, Colorado,
completed the Principal Self-efficacy Questionnaire.
Twenty-five of these principals were selected for
phase two. A ten-percent sample of volunteer
teachers from each of the subjects' schools
completed the Power Perception Profile: Perception
of Other Questionnaire describing the subjects' use
of seven power bases. Statistical measures of
relationship between the variables included Pearson
Product-Moment Correlation Coefficient and MANOVA.
IV


Stepwise multiple regression was employed to explore
relationships between multiple independent variables
and the dependent power base variables.
As predicted, efficacy was positively related
to expert and referent power, and negatively related
to legitimate, coercive and reward power.
Unexpectedly, principals with more total experience
were more likely to use legitimate, reward or
coercive power than were less experienced
principals. The study has implications for the
selection, training and evaluation of principals.
This abstract accurately represents the content
of the candidate's thesis. I recommend its
v


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author wishes to thank the many people who
made this study possible. Those who supported and
encouraged the author and those who participated in
the study were important contributors to the final
product.
First, the doctoral thesis advisor, Dr. Michael
J. Murphy, spent many hours directing the research
and providing encouragement during the writing of
the manuscript. The author benefitted greatly from
his guidance and his demand for high standards in
conducting doctoral research. Dr. Murphy was always
available for consultation and provided many helpful
suggestions which resulted in a better study.
Dr. Laura Goodwin provided guidance for the
research design and the statistical analyses. Her
superb knowledge of research methodology and her
willingness to read preliminary drafts and make
valuable suggestions was very much appreciated. Dr.
Joseph Lasky's willingness to review early drafts
and to make suggestions was greatly appreciated. Dr.
Lasky's encouragement that the study would


contribute valuable information to the field of
educational administration served as inspiration.
Dr. John Parr and Dr. Richard Koeppe both
provided valuable guidance and support as the study
developed. Their willingness to serve on the
committee, their interest in the study and their
input, particularly at the proposal stage, improved
the quality of the study.
The author would like to especially recognize
the contributions of Dr. John Peper, mentor and
friend. Dr. Peper's encouragement of the author to
begin a doctoral program, and his support throughout
the years of study were invaluable. Dr. Peper's
interest in the content of the study and his
insights as the concepts developed were greatly
appreciated.
Dr. Charles Achilles provided "long distance"
support and encouragement. His suggestions as
successive drafts were produced increased the
clarity of the writing. His interest in the study
was also a source of inspiration.
The eighty-five principals from Jefferson
County who participated in the first phase of the
vii


study, and the twenty-five principals and their
teachers who participated in Phase II of the study
are owed a special debt of gratitude by the author.
Their willingness to support a colleague and to
contribute their time to completing questionnaires
was very much appreciated.
Finally, the author wishes to thank her family
for the special support they provided. David, the
author's husband, was always there with words of
encouragement, expertise in fixing the computer and
help with the house and children during the long
weeks of writing and rewriting. Andrea, the author's
daughter, and Michael, the author's son, provided
support and continuous inspiration to complete the
study. The author also wishes to acknowledge her
mother, Mary Case, and the memory of her father,
Clair Case, for the encouragement they provided to
persist in striving for academic excellence.
vi i i


CONTENTS
CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION..............................1
Principal Power Bases and School
Effectiveness.............................6
Power Dynamics...........................11
The Psychological Dimension of Power.....18
Theory to Be Explored: The Relationship
Between Self-Efficacy and Power Bases....26
Definition of Terms......................30
Research Problem.........................32
Proposed Methodology.....................32
Limitations of the Study................3 5
2. LITERATURE REVIEW........................37
The Concept of Power.....................37
Power as Capacity to Influence.......41
Power as Potential v. Actual Power...45
Power as a Relational Concept........46
Power Typology.......................54
Psychological Aspects of Power..........-63
Power and Organizations..................73
Principals and Power.....................86
Self-Efficacy and Related Concepts.......98
Locus of Control
105


The Origin-Pawn Concept..............107
The Concept of Alienation............109
Theory to Be Explored....................Ill
3 METHODOLOGY.............................115
Phase One................................115
Design...............................115
Instrument...........................124
Content Validity....................129
Reliability.........................130
Phase Two...............................133
Design..............................133
Instrument..........................137
Content Validity....................139
Reliability.........................143
Analysis................................149
Summary.................................151
4.RESULTS AND DISCUSSION...................154
Results.................................155
Efficacy and Power Bases............159
Power Bases and Demographic
Factors.............................162
Further Exploration.....................167
Hypothesis Testing......................175


Discussion of Findings..................178
Demographic Variables and Efficacy..178
Efficacy Subscales and Power Bases..182
Efficacy and Power Bases............187
Internal and External Power Bases...188
Summary of Findings.....................193
5 CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS...........197
Summary.................................197
Findings...............................2 01
Conclusions.............................204
Implications of the Findings............206
Selection of Principals.............206
Training of Principals..............207
Evaluation of Principals............209
Recommendations for Future Research.....211
APPENDIX
A. Instruments.............................213
B. Conducting Research in the Jefferson
County Schools......................... 222
C. Correspondence with Study Participants... 236
D. Comparison of Schools, Efficacy Scores...244
E. Preliminary Tests:
Total Group of Principals................247
BIBLIOGRAPHY...................................249


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
The most recent educational reform
movements stressing site based management,
school restructuring, and teacher
empowerment have begun to change how we
look at power in schools...
Reform in education is about the shifting of
formal power relationships (Lewis,1979; Blase,1987;
Sarason,1990). At least one author believes that
reform cannot succeed without altering the flow of
power in educational organizations. Sarason (1990)
predicates success of reform on a shift in power
relationships among positions of educators. He
states,
The failure to examine school systems in terms
of the myriad of ways in which power suffuses
them has rendered efforts at reform
ineffective... change will not occur unless
there is an alteration of power relationships
among those in the system, (p.80)
An examination of how school principals exercise
power may help to inform the current school reform
agenda.
1


The organizational structure of governance
creates formal power and authority (Pfeffer,1978).
One of the key educational positions created in most
United States pre-collegiate schools is that of the
principalship. For more than 100 years, principals
have been and predictably will remain an integral
part of the educational power structure. They have
been referred to as the "gatekeepers of reform"
(Mitchell and Spady,1983) because they play such a
critical role in school improvement efforts. Even
more important than a principal's formal power of
position is his or her exercise of personal power
(Porter and Lemon,1988).
Etzioni (1961) distinguished position power
from personal power. His distinction is based on his
concept of power which focused on the ability to
induce or influence behavior. Etzioni claimed that
power is derived from an organizational office,
personal influence or both. Individuals who are able
to induce other individuals to do a certain job
because of their position in the organization are
considered to have position power; those who derive
2


their power from their followers are considered to
have personal power. A school principal typically
relies upon both position power and personal power.
Position power is established by the
principal's position in the organizational
structure; it tends to be hierarchical in nature.
Personal power, by contrast, is derived from the
personal characteristics of the principal. It relies
on the relationship between the principal and his or
her subordinates, and it tends to be horizontal in
nature and cooperative and sharing in orientation
(Stimson and Applebaum,1988). Minton (1972)
identified personal power as a relatively consistent
attribute of a person across situations. He noted
four dimensions of personal power: level of power
motivation, manifest power, potential power and
subjective power. Power motivation includes drive or
need; manifest power refers to the performance of
carrying out an intended effect while potential
power is the capability of being able to carry out
an intended effect. Subjective power refers to a
3


person's subjective evaluation of effectiveness in
implementing personal intentions.
Isherwood (1973), using a varimax rotation in
a factor analysis with an eigenvalue cut-off of one,
found that position power and personal power were
statistically independent of one another. Results of
his study showed that the principal's use of
personal power was positively correlated with
teacher loyalty, job satisfaction and a sense of
power in the school.
In this study the researcher will examine
elements related to the principal's exercise of both
position power and personal power. Of particular
interest is the relationship between a principal's
sense of self-efficacy in exercising power related
to the power bases the principal predominately uses.
Etzioni (1961,1964,1975) describes schools as
normative organizations. Normative organizations, in
contrast to coercive or utilitarian organizations,
depend on the leader's ability to exercise personal
power. Threat and coercion are congruent with the
alienative, hostile environments of coercive
4


organizations like prisons, and remuneration is
consistent with the calculative involvement seen in
utilitarian organizations like factories. Normative
organizations, however, are associated with moral
involvement including strong beliefs and values. The
personal power bases that best serve a normative
organization are based on the leader's
manipulation of symbols and they serve to generate
commitment to the leader.
Other researchers including Weick (1982) ,
Bossert, Dwyer, Rowan and Lee (1982), Deal and
Kennedy (1982) and Greenfield (1991b) have
underscored the importance of the principal's role
in influencing teachers' core values and beliefs and
manipulating other factors associated with the
culture of the school.
Greenfield (1988) identified five interrelated
types of role demands that characterize the school
administrator's work-world; they include the
managerial, instructional, political, social, and
moral aspects of the work of school administration.
This particular, set of demands identify the school
5


as a highly normative organization which requires
school principals to exercise more leadership than
is required in other types of organizations. The
political aspects of the work of principals includes
their development and use of power to influence the
allocation of resources within the school and to
influence the multiple and conflicting special
interests among participants within the school
(Bacharach and Lawler,1982; Hoyle, 1986 Ball,1987;
Blase, 1987; Greenfield,1988 and 1991a).
Understanding and being effective in the political
dimension is critical for principals, especially in
this time of reform.
Principal Power Bases and School Effectiveness
As early as 1968, George Litwin studied the
relationships among 1) leadership behavior 2) the
climate of the organization, and 3) the behavior of
group members. He found that climate had an impact
on the satisfaction and behavior of those in the
organization. He also noted that the most
influential organizational member in establishing
the climate in a school setting was the principal.
6


Porter and Lemon (1988) found that rationality
(explaining) and ingratiation (making teachers feel
good) were the power strategies teachers perceived
that their principals used most often and that these
strategies appeared to have a positive effect on the
school climate. They also found that teachers
categorized the two principal behaviors of exchange
(reciprocating) and coalitions (gaining support of a
group) as helpful and principal assertiveness
(ordering teachers to comply) and use of sanctions
(using rewards and punishments) as responsible for
producing a negative school climate.
McNeil (1978) also found a strong relationship
between control- oriented school administrator
behavior and teacher alienation. Tjosvold (1977)
noted that while control minded principals were
likely to believe that their role required them to
appear strong and "in charge", such behavior
alienated students and appeared to interfere with
resolution of conflict between principals and
teachers. A possible explanation for these reactions
is found in the theories of personal causation
7


(decharms, 1968) and reactance (Brehm,1966) which
suggest that people want to be the cause of their
own behavior and resent those who try to control
them. Controlling tactics such as threats and non-
negotiable demands have been found to provoke
resistance to being influenced (Deutsch and
Krauss,1975; Tjosvold,1977).
Johnston and Venable (1986) found that
punishment- centered administrative behavior was
negatively related to teacher loyalty to the
principal. Blackbourn and Wilkes (1985) found that
when teacher rapport with the principal was low,
there was a narrow zone of indifference and high
rejection of the authority of the principal by
teachers.
Conversely, principals who used expertise to
influence others (Gunn and Holdaway, 1986; High and
Achilles, 1986; Blase, 1988) contributed positively
to the psychological, social, and technical aspects
of teacher work performance. The High and Achilles
(1986) study found that there were perceived
differences between the influence-gaining behaviors
8


of principals in high- achieving schools and
principals in other schools. Principals in high-
achieving schools were perceived to exhibit greater
expert power and less coercer and enabler behavior.
High and Achilles (1986) surmised that since
teachers value principal "expertise," principals
with more of this characteristic are able to
exchange it to influence teachers in order to
improve instruction which seems to result in
increased pupil achievement. The major conclusion of
the High and Achilles (1986) study: principals who
use expert power have the greatest potential for
influencing school improvement.
Greenfield (1991b) noted that to the extent
that a principal relies only or primarily upon
sources of influence deriving from the authority of
position, he or she is likely to diminish his or her
capacity to lead teachers. Given the primarily
social and cultural goals of schools, normative
power is theoretically the most efficient and
effective means of influencing participants
(Etzioni, 1964 and 1975). The theoretical
9


consequence for participants of the use of normative
power (influence through the use of persuasion and
symbols related to good practice) is moral
involvement. Moral involvement means that teachers
voluntarily change their preferences because it is "
the right thing to do." The most potent basis for
the exercise of normative power resides in qualities
that the follower attaches to the leaders.
Greenfield (1991b) calls this "leadership as
consent," and he notes that consent is temporary, it
must be earned, and it can be both given to and
taken away from leaders by followers. A principal
who must resort to influence on the basis of
authority (position power) diminishes his or her
ability to lead.
Research to date clearly indicates that
effective school leaders rely more on expert and
referent power and less on coercion to influence
subordinates (Sayles, 1964; Bass, 1981; Yukl,
1981;High and Achilles,1986.) Guditus and Zirkel
(1980) found that expert and referent bases of power
were for teachers, as they were for personnel in
10


other work settings, the highest correlates of
satisfaction with the supervisor's performance.
Hornstein, Callahan, Fisch and Benedict (1968) noted
that expert and referent power provided a
consistently positive relationship with teacher
satisfaction. Influence based on personal power was
also associated with greater loyalty, satisfaction
and commitment on the part of teachers
(Isherwood,1973) .
Power Dynamics
Pfeffer (1981) noted that there were three
necessary conditions for the use of power:
interdependence, heterogeneous goals and scarcity.
These conditions can produce conflict; then,
depending on the importance of the issue, power will
be exercised by someone to resolve the conflict.
Kotter (1977) focuses on the dependence inherent in
the manager's job as the precondition for power.
Managers need power to influence other people on
whom they are dependent (Thibault and Kelly, 1959;
Emerson, 1962; Mechanic,1962; Blau,1964; Sayles,
1964;Katz and Kahn,1966; Halpin,1966; Thompson,
11


1967; Wrong,1968; Stewart, 1967 and 1976;
Kanter,1977; Kotter,1977; Dornbusch and Scott,1977;
Fairholm and Fairholm,1984).
The greater the amount of job-related
dependence, the more time and energy a manager tends
to put into power-oriented behavior in order to cope
with that dependence. Principals, like managers in
other organizations, do their work by influencing
others. Hotter (1977) asserts that difficulties in
selecting or implementing improvement efforts can
usually be traced to a lack of understanding of
power and management and/or to underdeveloped skills
at acquiring power and influencing others.
A number of bases of power have been identified
over the years as potential means of successfully
influencing the behavior of others. French and Raven
(1959) identified five power bases; Raven and
Kruglanski (1975) added a sixth baseinformation
power. In 1979 Hersey and Goldsmith proposed the
seventh base of powerconnection power. Hersey and
Blanchard (1972) used these seven bases of power in
their Power Perception Profile. The seven bases
12


include:
coercive power: based on fear. A leader
high in coercive power is seen as inducing
compliance because failure to comply will
lead to punishment such as undesirable
work assignments, reprimands or dismissal,
connection power: based on the leader's
"connections" with influential or
important persons inside or outside the
organization. A leader high in connection
power induces compliance from others
because they aim at gaining the favor or
avoiding the disfavor of the powerful
connection.
expert power: based on the leader's
possession of expertise, skill, and
knowledge, which, through respect,
influences others. A leader high in expert
power is seen as possessing the expertise
to facilitate the work behavior of others.
This respect leads to compliance with the
leader's wishes.
13


information power: based on the leader's
possession of or access to information
that is perceived as valuable to others.
This power base influences others because
they need this information or want to be
"in on things."
legitimate power: based on the position
held by the leader. A leader high in
legitimate power induces compliance or
influences others because they feel that
this person has the right, by virtue of
position in the organization, to expect
that suggestions will be followed,
referent power: based on the leader's
personal traits. A leader high in referent
power is generally liked and admired by
others because of personality. This liking
for, admiration for, and identification
with the leader influences others,
reward power: based on the leader's
ability to provide rewards for other
people. They believe that their compliance
14


will lead to gaining positive incentives
such as pay, promotion, or recognition.
Social exchange theory (Hollander,1979;
Jacobs,1970) helps explain how power is gained and
lost as the reciprocal influence processes occur
between leaders and followers over time. Social
exchange theory is linked to expert power
(competence) and referent power (loyalty). Leaders
who desire to develop a special deeper exchange
relationship with subordinates can usually do so by
providing valued rewards, delegating more
responsibility and involving subordinates in the
work- unit decisions. In return the leader will
receive greater loyalty and subordinate commitment
to the work unit objectives (Dansereau, Graen and
Haga, 1975).
Numerous researchers underscore the importance
of the principal's personal power in schools. Hoy
and Rees (1974) suggested that principals who have
only the power of their office will gain only
minimal compliance from teachers---- the power of the
15


office entails a narrow range of authority. Porter
and Lemon (1988) noted that the principal's personal
power came from the staff's willingness to go along
with his/her leadership. Stimson and Applebaum
(1988) found that teachers were more satisfied with
principals who relied on personal power than with
those who relied on position power alone. Teachers
resented principals who falsely saw themselves as
relying on personal power when in fact they used
positional power. Stimson and Applebaum referred to
this circumstance as "camouflaged power" because
underlying the appearance of personal power was a
threat or unpredictability. Stimson and Applebaum
concluded that the proper exercise of personal power
could lead to higher levels of teacher satisfaction.
Power is an often neglected aspect of
management. For many people the word connotes
dominance and submission. Yet, it is power the
ability to control and influence others that
provides the basis for the direction of
organizations and for the attainment of social
goals. "Leadership," according to Zaleznik and Kets
16


de Vries (1985), is the exercise of power" (p.38).
They also noted that there is an "implicit banking
system" in power transactions. The initial
"capitalization" that makes up an individual's power
base consists of three elements: the quantity of
formal authority vested in this position relative to
other positions; the authority vested in the
person's professional abilities and reputation for
competence; and the attractiveness of the person's
personality (a combination of respect and
affection). This capitalization of power reflects
the total esteem with which others regard the
individual. The individual knows he/she has power,
assesses it realistically, and is then willing to
risk personal esteem to influence others.
Kipnis (1976) identified that powerholders
played a critical dual role in social and behavioral
change processes. First, as a result of the power
the powerholder controls, he/she can shape outcomes
for others. Secondly, the powerholder may also
change because of the available resources and the
use of the resources to change others. Zaleznik and
17


Kets de Vries (1985) point out that if an individual
fails to perforin or to obtain results, there will be
an attrition in the personal power base directly
proportional to the doubts that other people
entertained in their earlier appraisals of him or
her. An erosion of esteem occurs, leading to self
doubt, and ultimately the psychological work that
produced the self confidence preceding the action is
undermined. Thus, power has a social dimension
(because it involves at least two people), a
psychological dimension (intention to act) and an
instrumental dimension (it is a means, not a
commodity).
Fairholm and Fairholm (1984) noted that,
"School administrators are powerful people and
should become aware of and adept in using their
power resources in order to be more effective in
meeting the challenges of education"(p.68).
The Psychological Dimension of Power
A person's exercise of power actually begins in
the cognitive domain. Self conceptions of power, or
subjective power was identified by Minton (1972) as
18


one of four dimensions of personal power. Because
subjective power refers to a person's subjective
evaluation of effectiveness in implementing personal
intentions, it may vary from feelings or beliefs of
powerlessness to feelings and beliefs of
powerfulness. A number of theoretical concepts
including self-efficacy, internal versus external
control, and Origin versus Pawn appear closely
related to a continuum of powerlessness to
powerfulness.
Bandura (1977) argued that self-efficacy is the
central cognitive mechanism in behavior acquisition
and change. Self-efficacy is the conviction that one
can successfully produce outcomes which will be
rewarding. Given a sense of self-efficacy, a person
is predicted to initiate and persist in coping
behavior, expending continuous effort in the face of
obstacles and problems. Bandura postulated that
different modes of influence alter coping behavior
by creating and strengthening self percepts of
efficacy. Perceived efficacy enhances psychosocial
functioning through its effects on choice behavior,
19


effort expenditure, persistence and self-guiding
thought (Bandura, 1977a).
Efficacy expectations are distinguished from
outcome expectations because individuals can come to
believe that a particular course of action will
result in certain outcomes, but question whether
they can perform those actions. Efficacy
expectations determine how much effort people will
expend and how long they will persist in the face of
obstacles and aversive experiences. According to
Bandura (1977) efficacy expectations are derived
from four principal sources of information:
1.Performance accomplishments: This source
of efficacy information is especially
influential because it is based on
personal mastery experiences. Successes
raise mastery expectations; repeated
failures lower them. After strong efficacy
expectations are developed through
repeated success, the negative impact of
occasional failure is likely to be
reduced.
20


2. Vicarious experience: Seeing others
perform threatening activities without
adverse consequences can generate
expectations in observers that they too
will improve if they intensify and persist
in their efforts. They persuade themselves
that if others can do it, they should be
able to achieve at least some improvement
in performance (Bandura and Barab,1973).
Vicarious experience, because it relies on
inferences from social comparison, is a
less dependable source of information
about one's capabilities than is the area
of personal accomplishment. Consequently,
the efficacy expectations -induced by
modeling alone are likely to be weaker and
more vulnerable to change (Bandura,1977).
3. Verbal persuasion: People are led,
through suggestion, into believing they
can cope successfully with what has
overwhelmed them in the past. Efficacy
expectations induced in this manner are
21


also likely to be weaker than those
arising from one's own accomplishments
because they do not provide an authentic
experiential base for them.
4. Emotional arousal: Emotional arousal is
another constituent source of information
that can affect perceived self-efficacy in
coping with threatening situations.
Because high arousal usually debilitates
performance, individuals are more likely
to expect success when they are not beset
by aversive arousal than if they are tense
and viscerally agitated. Fear generates
additional fear.
Efficacy expectations, thus, are a major
determinant of a person's choice of activities, how
much effort the person will expend and how long the
person will sustain effort in dealing with stressful
situations. Bandura (1977) found that self-efficacy
predicted subsequent performance accomplishments at
an accuracy rate of 92%; perceived self-efficacy
22


proved to be a better predictor of subsequent
performance than did past performance.
Kipnis (1976) also recognized the influence of
self-efficacy on the powerholder. He noted that the
continual exercise of successful influence changed
the powerholder's views of others and of himself as
a result of the ordinary psychological processes
related to perception and meaning. The very act of
successfully influencing may cause devaluation of
the target. The powerholder increases in his sense
of internal locus of control, attributing causality
for change to himself or herself. Control and use of
power appear to increase self esteem. People who
doubt their competence as a source of influence may
be more likely to see others as resisting their
influence when in fact, such resistance may not
exist.
Generalized self-efficacy may be conceptualized
and measured as locus of control (Rotter, Seeman and
Liverant, 1962). Rotter (1954,1966,1967) developed
the concept of internal versus external control as
part of his social learning theory. Internal-
23


external control is a generalized expectancy and
refers to
... the degree to which the individual
believes that what happens to him results
from his own behavior versus the degree to
which he believes that what happens to him
is the result of luck, chance, fate or
forces beyond his control, (p.128)
Self-efficacy has been measured using Rotter's
concept of locus of control (Stipek and Weisz,
1981) .
Stolte (1983) found that those with an internal
locus of control negotiated a higher (more
favorable) outcome level than externals, holding
position power constant, in a study of social
interaction and self-efficacy. He also found that
internals were more accurate about position-
determined self-efficacy perceptions than were
externals. Stolte's study suggested that externals
overestimated their self-efficacy in a relatively
low-power position and underestimated their self-
efficacy in a relatively high-power position and
that internals perceived the actual positional power
aspects of the negotiation situation more clearly
than did externals. Hersch and Schiebe (1967) found
24


that internal scorers described themselves as more
active, striving, achieving, powerful, independent,
and effective than did external scorers. Further,
individuals with a belief in an internal locus of
causality tended to be active, effective,
influential and initiating of action; individuals
with an attitude of external control tended to have
a passive orientation to their environment
(Minton,1972).
The Origin-Pawn concept was developed by de
Charms (1968) who noted the similarity between his
conception and Rotter's internal-external locus of
control. De Charms described Origin-Pawn as a
dimension representing the attribution of causality.
The Origin end of the continuum reflects an internal
locus of causality while the Pawn end of the
continuum reflects as external locus of causality.
The concept of alienation has also been related to
the psychological dimension of power by Seeman
(1959). He identified that one of the meanings of
alienation is a feeling of powerlessness. Seeman
further equated powerlessness with Rotter's external
25


locus of control. Minton (1972) summarized the role
the psychological dimension of power plays in the
exercise of power:
The consistency is striking between one's
feelings of power and one's actual
attempts to be powerful or effective. If
one believes that he is controlled by
forces beyond his control, he tends to act
on this belief by assuming a passive
orientation to his environment. On the
other hand, if one believes that he is
master of his fate, he tends to assume an
active orientation to his environment.
One's evaluation of how powerful or
powerless he feels seems to be an
important determinant of the action he
will take.(p.130)
Theory to Be Explored: The Relationship Between
Self-Efficacy and Power Bases
School principals, like all managers, must
accomplish the majority of their wor-k with and
through other people. Getting work done through
other people requires that a principal exercise
influence and power.
Researchers, primarily from outside the world
of education, have explored the relationship of
self-confidence or self esteem and the exercise of
power by managers.Studies have shown that the lack
26


of confidence in one's leadership abilities
influenced how supervisors used their power to
influence subordinates. Less confident supervisors
were passive and did not use the full range of
powers available (French and Snyder,1959; Goodstadt
and Kipnis, 1970). Persons who lack confidence in
their ability to influence a target effectively are
more likely to employ coercive rather than less
offensive forms of influence (Goodstadt and Kipnis,
1970; Kipnis and Lane, 1962). Goodstadt and Hjelle
(1973) found that promises and threats (reward and
coercion) were most often used when expectations of
successful influence were lowest. In their study,
those who saw themselves as weak and powerless chose
to invoke punishing means of influence far more
frequently than persons who saw themselves as
powerful. Staub (1971) noted that a high degree of
confidence in one's abilities may be associated with
a low need to influence others by aggressive means.
A related attribute to the lack of confidence
associated with coercive use of power is a
corresponding belief in external forces such as luck
27


or chance controlling the powerholder. Leaders who
were reluctant to invoke personal resources as a
means of inducing behavior in others were described
as externals. Rather than trying to persuade others
through the use of personal power, less confident or
externally controlled individuals either did nothing
or else relied exclusively on institutional
resources (Kipnis and Lane, 1962; Goodstadt and
Kipnis,1970; Goodstadt and Hjelle, 1973). Studies
have confirmed that powerless individuals tend to
have an external locus of control, that is, they
believe that power resides in something outside
themselves (Rotter, Seeman and Liverant, 1962;
Seeman,1963;Lefcourt,1966; Rotter,1966).
Feeling powerful is also related to job
satisfaction for principals. Bacharach and Mitchell
(1983) found that the more authority and influence a
principal had, and the less the discrepancy between
the influence he/she had and he/she felt he/she
should have, the less the level of expressed
dissatisfaction.
Previous studies have established the
28


correlation between expert and referent power bases
and effective schools (based on school climate,
level of teacher satisfaction, and student
achievement). Previous studies have also established
the link between self-efficacy and performance; in
fact, self-efficacy may be used as a predictor of
performance with a greater expectation of accuracy
than a review of past performance. Cognition and
behavior are linked in a symbiotic relationship:
thought influences behavior and the results of
behavior impact and modify thought.
This study hypothesizes that principals who
score higher on an instrument measuring self-
efficacy will be more likely to use expert and/or
referent power bases; principals who score lower in
self-efficacy will be more likely to use reward,
coercion or legitimate power bases. If the
hypothesis is confirmed, the study may contribute to
the understanding of a troubling discrepancy. While
research links principals' use of expert and
referent power bases to more effective schools
(Sayles, 1964; Guditus and Zirkel,1980; Bass,1981;
29


Yukl,1981; High and Achilles,1986; Stimson and
Applebaum,1988), research also reported that the
majority of outcomes reported by teachers regarding
principals' use of authority were negative
(Blase,1988).Blase concluded:
...the phenomenon of control as it relates
to the school principalship is a function
of many complex psychological factors.
Certain principals undoubtedly have strong
needs to control and even dominate
others... Unfortunately, many principals
may be unaware of their influence behavior
and how their behavior affects
teachers.(p.748)
The findings of the study will have implications
for the selection or training of principals.
Definition of Terms
The following definitions were used in this
study:
Self-efficacy: the conviction that one can
successfully produce outcomes which will be
rewarding; determines how much effort people will
expend and how long they will persist in the face of
obstacles and aversive experiences; derived from
four sources of information including performance
accomplishment, vicarious experience, verbal
30


persuasion and emotional arousal (Bandura, 1977a).
Principal self-efficacv: belief by principals
that what they do will affect student achievement
(Hillman, 1986). See also "self-efficacy".
Power; a leader's influence potential; a
resource that enables the leader to induce
compliance from or to influence followers
(Hersey,Blanchard and Natemeyer,1979).
Power Bases; coercive power- based on fear;
expert power- based on the leader's expertise,
skill, and knowledge; legitimate power-based on the
position held by the leader; referent power-based on
the leader's personal traits; reward power-based on
the leader's ability to provide rewards for other
people (French and Raven, 1959).
Internally Based Power: Expert and referent
power bases combined; power source comes from within
the leader; also called personal power (Ivancevich
and Donnelly, 1970).
Externally Based Power: Legitimate, coercive
and reward power combined; power sources primarily
defined by the organization; also called position
31


power (Ivancevich and Donnelly, 1970).
Research Problem
In this study the researcher will investigate
how a principal's sense of self-efficacy may be
related to his/her use of power bases.
Proposed Methodology
The study will employ survey research methods
in a two phase correlational design. Initially, the
population including the 121 principals employed by
the Jefferson County School District will be invited
to complete the self-efficacy instrument developed
by Susan Hillman and modified by the current
researcher. This instrument is based on Bandura's
theory of self-efficacy; includes eight subscale
measures as well as a global efficacy score;defines
efficacy as multidimensional including locus of
control (internal/external), stability of cause
(fixed/variable) and situational context
(positive/negative). The population includes
elementary, middle school and senior high
principals, male and female principals, young and
old principals, and experienced and less experienced
32


principals. Demographic data including school level,
number of years of experience as a principal, male
or female, age, and number of courses (inservice and
university) focused on leadership and/or power the
principal has participated will also be collected.
A sample of at least 25 principals will be
selected from those who participate in Phase I and
who indicate their willingness to participate in the
second phase of the study. Principals who elect to
participate in the second phase will understand that
a randomly selected ten percent of the teachers in
their building who volunteer to participate in the
study will complete the Power Perception
Profile:Perception of Other instrument developed by
Hersey and Natemeyer (1979) regarding the
principal's use of power. To provide the sample
principals the anonymity that encourages honest
responses, a double blind design will be employed.
The efficacy instrument will be sent to principals
in late July, 1991. Principals will be asked to mail
the completed survey to a research assistant. In
addition, principals will be asked to send the
33


researcher a form indicating their survey has been
completed and returned to the assistant- The
research assistant will code the data to insure
anonymity of the respondents.
Participants will be selected for Phase II
based on their efficacy score. Principals with the
highest and the lowest efficacy scores from among
those volunteering for Phase II will be selected in
order to provide the maximum opportunity to test the
research hypotheses. To the extent that the Phase II
subjects (N=25) are similar to the total group of
principals in Jefferson County or other school
districts, the findings will be generalizable.
Code numbers matching Phase II principals with
teachers selected for the study will be placed on
the Power Perception Profile: Perception of Other
instruments.Teachers will complete the surveys and
return them to the research assistant in a stamped,
pre-addressed envelope provided.
The researcher will work with coded data. The
Power Perception Profile: Perception of Other
instruments will be averaged to produce a single
34


score for each power base for each principal. These
average power base scores will be compared to the
measures of self-efficacy from the instrument
completed by the principal. The unit of analysis
will be the principal. Data regarding the
relationship between power bases and self-efficacy
will be summarized and reported in this document.The
data will be analyzed in order to identify
statistically significant relationships between and
among the various elements of the study: self-
efficacy and power bases.
Limitations of the Study
The nature of this study suggests several
limiting factors. By selecting principals from a
single district in Jefferson County, Colorado,
generalizability to other principals and other
school districts in other states is restricted. A
single district was selected for study because a
single district provided the opportunity to control
organizational influences related to self-efficacy
and power base use. Organizational influence on
principal self-efficacy and power base use is
35


addressed later in the study. While a single
district study will provide the opportunity to
examine organizational influence, it limits
generalizability of the study's findings.
Generalizability is further restricted due to
the differences between the Phase II participants
(N=25) and the phase I participants (N=85) and the
nonsubjects (N=60). These limiting factors must be
considered in generalizing the findings to other
principals and other school districts.
This chapter establishes the basis for
examining the problem which is the focus of the
study, specifically, how is principal self-efficacy
and power base use related?
i


CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
This literature review will begin with a
detailed and historical discussion of power and
power as it relates to organizations. An analysis of
the most recent findings regarding the school
principalship and power will follow. Then, a review
of the psychological construct called efficacy will
be outlined. Finally, a theoretical model
describing the relationship between power bases and
efficacy will be outlined, completing a proposed
model for the correlation of a principal's use of
power bases and the principal's sense of self-
efficacy.
The Concept of Power
Etymologically the word power derives from the
Old Latin root potere, which means "to be able."
Thus, power is the ability to affect something or to
be affected by something. Power is a central concept
37


for any attempt to understand social behavior.
Interest in power can be traced to the earliest
philosophers; most of what we know about how power
operates, however, was discovered in this century.
Plato concluded 2400 years ago that power is
being and anything that is has power. In the Sophist
Plato argued,
"Anything which possesses any sort of
power to affect another or to be affected
by another, if only for a single moment,
however trifling the cause and however
slight the effect, has real existence.
And, I hold that the definition of being
is simply power."(p.115)
Thus, power,in its ontological meaning is good. That
is, to the extent that power is being and being is
good, there can be no power that is not in that
sense good, and, the more power the more being.
This, concludes Silber (1979) explains in part the
attraction of power. It grows with fulfillment. The
evil of power consists not in its being, but in the
way that it is sometimes used.
Thinkers such as Machiavelli, Hobbes, Nietzsche
and Adler concluded that man's nature and the
origins of human society could be explained by the
38


striving for power. Many Western civilization
thinkers have not been comfortable with the idea of
power. One tradition, argues that man's potentially
unbounded lust for power is a demonic flaw that
corrupts and destroys him (Barnes, 1988; Adler,
1973; Aron, 1964; Acton, 1887). Thus, power seeking
must be tempered, whether by humility arising from
classical moderation and restraint (Barnes, 1988;
McClelland, 1971; Cartwright, 1959b), by both
avoiding the desire to rule and at the same time
looking after the needs of the ruled, by law and
custom (May, 1972), or by a sense of responsible
cynicism about class interests and a search for
transcendent symbols (Christie and Geis, 1970) .
Another tradition suggests that power can be
overcome by some kind of other ideal, such as
sacrifice, altruism, or social interest
(Adler,1973) Individuals almost never say that
their actions are motivated by a desire for power;
instead they talk about abstractions such as
"service," "duty," "responsibility," or "legitimate
power." This has led some psychologists to conclude
39


that, just as sexuality was repressed and denied
during the nineteenth century, so today power
strivings are repressed (Schmuck,1965).
Russell (1938) said that power is the
fundamental concept in social science in the same
sense in which energy is a fundamental concept in
physics. He defined power as the production of
intended effects by some men on other men and he
differentiated among priestly power, kingly power,
naked power, revolutionary power and economic power
as kinds of power. Russell identified three
principal ways an agent may exert influence over a
person: 1) direct physical power over his body 2)
rewards and punishments and 3) influencing an
opinion (as in education).
The concept of power developed from a series of
intuitive analyses spanning several centuries, with
each new analyst criticizingc revising and extending
the previous analyst's position to create a greater
scope. While power generally refers to an agent's
capacity to influence a target person, the term has
been used differently by a number of theorists. In
40


addition to describing social power from a number of
theoretical perspectives, the following sections
outline aspects of power relevant to this study,
including: Power as the capacity to influence, Power
as Potential versus Actual Power, Power as
Relational, Power typology and Psychological aspects
of power.
Power as Capacity to Influence
Weber (1947) defined power as the probability
that one actor within a social relationship will be
in a position to carry out his own will, despite
resistance. Bierstedt (1950) created a too-narrow
definition when he said power refers to the ability
to impose sanctions ultimately reducible to physical
force. March (1955) and Simon (1957) said that
influence is simply a special instance of causality,
namely, the modification of one person's response by
the actions of another. Morgenthau (1960)noted that
power is anything that establishes and maintains the
control of man over man.
Power is a specific mechanism operating to
bring about changes in the action of other units,
41


individual or collective, in the process of social
interaction according to Parsons (1967). He noted
that power operates in the political system like
money operates in the economic system. He also said
that power is normatively defined; the values, norms
and rules of society create internalized harmonious
interaction. Considered as knowledge, the society is
everything its members know, just as, considered as
a practice, the society is everything its members
do. Things are what they are because of how we act
in relation to them. We are the context which makes
an object what it is. Power is an aspect of the
distribution of knowledge in the society. Social
power is possessed by those in the society with
discretion in the use of routines. A routine may be
thought of as a potential or capacity to be set in
operation or not, combined with other routines or
kept apart, at the discretion of a controlling
agent. The possession of power is the possession of
discretion. The social order problems associated
with the possession and use of power are problems of
the stability of calculative action under reflective
42


awareness. The distribution of power in the society
is actually the distribution of discretion in the
use if that power. Successful revolutions merely
shift discretion in the use if the power that exists
amongst the supposedly powerless. Whoever can start
a riot and point it roughly in the right direction
possesses power. Discretion is the ability of an
agent to act or give a sign which is followed by an
appropriate change in the routine in question. Thus,
Gandhi was as powerful in prison as in freedom, or
perhaps, more so.
Parsons (1963) recognized the relationship of
power to influence. He said that influence refers to
ways of getting results in interaction. The four
ways offered by Parsons are deterrence, inducements,
persuasion and activation of commitments. Deterrence
includes power and force, threats and negative
sanctions. Inducements are based on positive social
exchanges and include promises and rewards as
mediators of target compliance. Persuasion
constitutes an attempt to change or restructure the
goals or attitudes of the target individual through
43


the use of argument, propaganda, or special
knowledge, but not through the employment of either
deterrence or inducements. Activation of commitments
involves an appeal to normative values in order to
cause a reassessment by the target of what be ought
to do in a given situation.
Winter (1973) identified social power as the
ability or capacity of an actor to produce
(consciously or unconsciously) intended effects on
the behavior or emotions of another person. This
definition incorporates elements of psychology,
sociology and political science. Rogers (1973)
defined power as the potential for influence. Thus,
power is a resource which may or may not be used.
From a more practical perspective, Kanter
(1977) said that power is the ability to get things
done, to mobilize resources, to get and use whatever
it is that a person needs for the goals he or she is
attempting to meet. Kanter noted that it is power
that distinguishes more effective from less
effective leaders. Further, power begets power;
people who are thought to have power already, may
44


also be more influential and more effective in
getting people around them to do things and feel
satisfied about it. Hook (1979) concurred when he
identified power as the ability to influence the
behavior of others in order to further one's own
desires and purposes. Power is the leader's
influence potential the resource that enables a
leader to induce compliance or influence followers
according to Hersey, Blanchard and Natemeyer (1979).
Since leadership is the process of influencing the
behavior of others and power is the means by which a
leader gains the follower's compliance
(Etzioni,1961), the two concepts are inseparable.
Power as Potential v. Actual Power
While power is usually defined as a capacity to
control others, the capacity to perform acts of
control and their actual performance are not the
same thing. The distinction between "having power"
and "exercising power" reflects the dispositional
and episodic concepts of the word (Ryle,1949).
Unfortunately, power lacks a verb form, which
accounts, in part, for the frequent tendency to see
45


it as a mysterious property or agency resident in
the person or group to whom it is attributed
(Wrong,1968). Aron (1964) said that power is the
capacity to do something; Macht is the actual
exercise of that capacity. May (1972) defined power
as the ability to cause or prevent change and he
said it has two dimensions: actual and potential.
Power as potentiality, or latent power, is power
that has not yet been fully developed; it is the
ability to cause a change at some future time. We
speak of this change as possibility, a word which
comes directly from the same root as power, namely
posse, "to be able." Actuality is the other
dimension of power.
Power as a Relational Concept
Lasswell and Kaplan (1950) developed an
exchange theory of influence. Social interaction,
they said, is controlled through mediation of values
by one party for another. Their model involved eight
basic values placed in two groups. Values which
emphasized deference or ascribed position include
power, respect, rectitude and affection; values that
46


dealt, with welfare are wealth, well-being, skill and
enlightenment. Whenever an actor had influence over
another, that actor enjoyed a favorable position
with respect to some value and, by his actions,
could increase or decrease the value position of the
other. The amount and type of the values which the
actor controlled for the other served as the basis
of the actor's power over the other and were termed
base values. Those of the actor's own values which
the other could be induced to increase by the
other's actions or by transfer of his possessions in
exchange for the actor's base values were referred
to as "scope values." Base values are exchanged for
scope values. Each of the eight basic values may be
useful in improving the actor's position regarding
the other values; this conclusion has received
empirical support in studies of status congruence
(Sampson,1969). The implication is that preferred
outcomes, once attained, have the value of
resources.
Lasswell and Kaplan (1950) influenced a number
of social psychologists at Yale University, and, as
47


a result, by the end of the 1950's a typology of the
bases of social power was developed by French and
Raven (1959). The French and Raven typology will be
described later and serves as the typology for
measuring power in this study.
Dahl (1957) said that an actor has power only
when he gets another person to do something that
other person would not otherwise do. Bases of
influence identified as part of this limited
definition included distribution of wealth, social
standing, popularity, control over jobs and
information and access to the legal apparatus.
Thibaut and Kelley (1959) noted that the power
of A over B increases with A's ability to effect the
quality of outcomes attained by B. Further, they
identified two types of power: fate control and
behavioral control. A has fate control over B if, by
varying his behavior, A can affect B's outcome
regardless of what B does. And, A has behavioral
control over B if, by varying his behavior, A can
make it desirable for B to vary his behavior, too.
Bachrach and Baratz (1963) limit the domain of
48


power by stating that there are three relational
characteristics associated with power. Power exists,
they said, 1) when there is a conflict of interests
or values between two or more persons or groups 2)
only if a person actually complies with the
powerholder's demands and 3) only if the powerholder
can threaten to invoke sanctions. This definition,
while recognizing the relational aspect of power, is
very limiting. Other theorists call the dimension
described by Bachrach and Baratz force ( Lasswell
and Kaplan, 1950; Parsons, 1963 and 1967; and
Gamson,1968). chein (1967) pointed out that in a
power relationship it is the target who decides what
to do while in a force relationship it is the
powerholder.
Burns (1979) described the power of leaders as
dependent on the power of followers. The strength of
leaders, said Burns, ultimately turns on their
ability to mobilize and to transform followers who
in turn transform leaders. Power is social (because
it involves at least two people), psychological
(because it involves one's intention to act and the
49


other's consent) and instrumental (because it is a
means, not a commodity) according to Nyberg
(1981).Nyberg noted that power is an action idea
that exists in the mediation of events and must be
judged by its effects.
Social exchange theory (Hollander,1979;
Jacobs,1970) helps to explain how power is gained
and lost as the reciprocal influence processes occur
between leaders and followers over time. Social
exchange theory is linked to expert power
(competence) and referent power (loyalty). Leaders
who desire to develop a deeper exchange relationship
with subordinates can usually do so by providing
valued rewards, delegating more responsibility and
involving subordinates in the work-unit decisions.
In return the leaders will receive greater loyalty
and subordinate commitment to the work unit
objectives (Dansereau, Graen and Haga,1975). The
concept of power is closely related to the concept
of leadership, for power is one of the means by
which a leader influences the behavior of followers
(Stogdill, 1974). Power is influence potential, a
50


resource that enables a leader to gain compliance or
commitment from others (Hersey and Blanchard, 1988).
Zaleznik and Kets de Vries (1985) said that
leadership is the exercise of power. They identified
an implicit banking system in power transactions.
The initial capitalization that makes up an
individual's power base Consists of three elements:
the quantity of formal authority vested in this
position relative to other positions; the authority
vested in the person's professional abilities and
reputation for competence; and the attractiveness of
the person's personality (a combination of respect
and affection). This capitalization of power
reflects the total esteem with which others regard
the individual. The individual knows he/she has
power, assesses it realistically, and is then
willing to risk personal esteem to influence others.
The role of dependence in the power
relationship has been addressed by a number of
theorists. Martin and Sims (1956) said that the real
source of power is not the superior but the
subordinate; power ultimately resides in the group.
51


Emerson (1962) said that the power of A over B is
the amount of resistance on the part of B which can
potentially be overcome by A. Power to control the
other resides in control over the things the other
values which may range all the way from oil to ego
support. Power resides in the other's dependence
(Emerson, 1962; Thibaut and Kelley, 1959; Mechanic,
1962) .
Harsanyi (1962) applied Weber's ideas to
bargaining situations and concluded that power is
bilateral in nature; each person has some control
over the behavior of the other. He also added that
power is relevant only where social conflict exists
between two actors. Blau (1964) noted that power
derives from having something someone else wants or
needs, and that interdependence and mutual influence
of equal strength indicate a lack of power.
Greenleaf (1977) went even further when he said that
authority is actually granted by the led to the
leader.
Power is a measure of a person's potential to
get others to do what he/she wants them to do, as
52


well as avoid being forced by others to do what
he/she does not want to do (Kotter,1979). Power
involves power oriented behavior (actions aimed at
acquiring or using power) and power dynamics
(interpersonal interactions that involve power
oriented behavior).Kotter (1979) noted that the
dependence inherent in a managerial job is greater
than the power given to the people in those jobs.
The greater the amount of job-related dependence,
the more time and energy a manager tends to put into
power-oriented behavior in order to cope with that
dependence. Kotter (1977) asserted that difficulties
in selecting or implementing improvement efforts can
usually be traced to a lack of understanding of
power and management and/or to underdeveloped skills
at acquiring power and influencing others. Clearly,
managers need power to influence other people on
whom they (managers) are dependent ( Fairholm and
Fairholm,1984; Kanter,1977; Kotter,1977; Dornbusch
and Scott,1977; Stewart,1967 and 1976; Wrong,1968;
Thompson,1967; Katz and Kahn, 1966; Halpin,1966;
Blau,1964; Sayles,1964; Emerson,1962; Mechanic,1962;
53


and Thibaut and Kelley,1959).
Power Typology
Barnard (1968) distinguished between authority
of position and authority of leadership. Authority
of position is to a considerable extent independent
of the personal ability of the incumbent of the
position.Barnard noted that some people have
superior ability. Their knowledge and understanding
regardless of position command respect. This is the
authority of leadership. Barnard suggested that
when the authority of leadership was combined with
the authority of position others who responded to
the leader's power were more likely to accept orders
far outside the zone of indifference. Zone of
indifference is a concept developed -by Barnard and
may be explained as follows: If all the orders for
actions reasonably practicable be arranged in the
order of their acceptability to the person affected,
it may be conceived that there are a number which
are clearly unacceptable, that is, which certainly
will not be obeyed; there is another group somewhat
more or less on the neutral line, that is, either
54


barely acceptable or barely unacceptable; and a
third group unquestionably acceptable. This last
group lies within the zone of indifference. The
person affected will accept orders lying within this
zone and is relatively indifferent as to what the
order is so far as the question of authority is
concerned.
French and Raven (1959) identified five major
types of power and defined them systematically so
that they could be compared according to the changes
they produce and the other effects which accompany
the use of power. The French and Raven
classification system appears to be the most widely
accepted and often used system. The theory has been
formulated with a focus on the person upon whom
power is exerted and power is defined in terms of
influence.The theory is limited to influence on the
person, P, produced by a social agent,0, where 0 can
be either another person, a role, a norm, a group or
part of a group. By their definition, the influence
of 0 does not include P's own forces nor the forces
induced by other social agents. The psychological
55


change in P can be taken as an operational
definition of the social influence of 0 on P only
when the effects of other forces have been
eliminated. 0's power is measured by his maximum
possible influence, though he may often choose to
exert less than his full power. The basis of power
French and Raven identified refers to the
relationship between O and P which is the source of
that power.Power is rarely limited to one source.
Normally the relation between 0 and P will be
characterized by several qualitatively different
variables which are bases of power. The five bases
of power French and Raven defined include:
Reward Power- based on P's perception that
O has the ability to mediate rewards for
him.
Coercive Power- based on P's perception
that O has the ability to mediate
punishments for him.
Legitimate Power- based on the perception
by P that O has a legitimate right to
prescribe behavior for him.
56


Referent Power- based on P's
identification with O.
Expert Power- based on the perception that
0 has some special knowledge or
expertness.
Raven, collaborating with Kruglanski (1975)
identified a sixth power base and called it
information power. In 1979, Hersey and Natemeyer
proposed a seventh base of power and identified it
as connection power.
Bass (1960) distinguished between personal
power and power of position. Etzioni (1961) also
discussed the difference between position power and
personal power. His distinction came from his
concept of power as the ability to induce or
influence behavior. He stated that power is derived
from an organizational office, personal influence or
both. Etzioni suggested that the best situation for
leaders is when they have both personal and position
power. Position power, according to Hersey (1985) is
the extent to which the leader has rewards,
punishments and sanctions to bring to bear in
57


reference to followers. It tends to come from above
in the organization. Yukl (1989) clarified that
position power includes legitimate authority,
control over resources, control over information,
control over punishments, and ecological
control.Yukl also claimed that power was dependent
on the attributes of the interpersonal relationship
between agent and target person; this 'personal
power'includes relative task expertise (expert
power), friendship and loyalty (referent power), and
a leader's charismatic qualities. Hersey and
Blanchard (1988) identified personal power as the
extent to which followers respect, feel good about,
and are committed to their leader and see their
goals as being satisfied by the goals of their
leader. Personal power is the extent to which
leaders gain the confidence and trust of those
people that they are attempting to influence
(Hersey, 1985) It is the cohesiveness, commitment,
and rapport between leaders and followers. Personal
power flows from the followers to the leader. Seven
categories developed by French and Raven (1959) and
58


expanded by Raven and Kruglanski (1975) and Hersey
and Goldsmith (1979) form the basis of the Power
Perception Profile. This instrument was used to
identify principal power use in this study. The
seven bases include:
Coercive Power- based on fear. A leader
high in coercive power is seen as inducing
compliance because failure to comply will
lead to punishment such as undesirable
work assignments, reprimands or dismissal.
Connection Power- based on the leader's
"connections" with influential or
important persons inside or outside the
organization. A leader high in connection
power induces compliance from others
because they aim at gaining the favor or
avoiding the disfavor of the powerful
connection.
Expert Power- based on the leader's
possession of expertise, skill and
knowledge, which, through respect,
influences others. A leader high in expert
59


power is seen as possessing the expertise
to facilitate the work behavior of others.
This respect leads to compliance with the
leader's wishes.
information Power- based on the leader's
possession of or access to information
that is perceived as valuable to others.
This power base influences others because
they need this information or want to be
"in on things."
Legitimate Power- based on the position
held by the leader. A leader high in
legitimate power induces compliance or
influences others because they feel that
this person has the right, by virtue of
position in the organization, to expect
that suggestions will be followed.
Referent Power- based on the leader's
personal traits. A leader high in referent
power is generally liked and admired by
others because of personality. This liking
for, admiration for, and identification
60


with the leader influences others.
Reward Power- based on the leader's
ability to provide rewards for other
people. They believe that their compliance
will lead to gaining positive incentives
such as pov, promotion, or recognition.
Kotter (1977) uentified four types of power
managers may use to successfully cope with the
dependency relationships in their jobs. These four
categories are a reworking of the French and Raven
categories. They include:
1. Sense of Obligation: This strategy
involves the manager's creation of a sense
of obligation in others so that they feel
they "should" allow the manager to
influence them.
2. Belief in the Manager's Expertise: This
strategy involves the manager's
establishment of a reputation as an
expert.
3. Identification with the Manager: This
strategy involves fostering others'
61


unconscious identification with the
manager or with his/her ideas and what
he/she "stands for."
4. Perceived dependence on the Manager:
This strategy involves feeding others'
beliefs that they are dependent on the
manager either for help or for not being
hurt, creating perceived dependence is
often accomplished by a)finding and
acquiring resources authority, money,
access or b) influencing other persons'
perceptions of the manager's resources
i.e., the trappings of power like how the
manager's office is decorated or with whom
he/she associates.
Psychological Aspects of Power
Cartwright (1959) developed a conception of
power that provides a link between processes of
social influence and individual motivation. He views
influence as a change in the psychological forces on
P brought about by an act of 0; if 0 wishes to
62


induce a new state in P, he perforins an act intended
to convey a direction ("do this", "change in this
way") and a motivational consequence ("you will be
paid," "you will be loved.") Thus, the force on P
induced by O has a direction and a motive base.
According to this view every force operative on P
has as its source of energy a motive base within P
(his needs and values). Cartwright (1965) mapped the
power act:
Step one: Power Motivation: Power
motivations arise when an individual
experiences an aroused need state that can
only be satisfied by inducing appropriate
behaviors in others. Power motivations are
reduced when the target performs the
desired behavior. Power motivation may be
an irrational impulse (satisfaction from
manipulating and influencing others as
both the means and an end in itself).
Psychologists suggest this irrational
impulse may stem from the fact the
powerholder derives enjoyment from the
63


activity (Christie and Geis,1970;
McClelland,1969) or because such
activities allow him to avoid feelings of
weakness and a loss of control (Veroff and
Veroff,1972). The more pervasive power
motivation is related to role behavior;
people attempt to influence the behavior
of others in institutional settings
because it is part of their role or job.
It is important to note that under these
circumstances the powerholder may not
experience any personal satisfaction from
influencing others, and indeed may find
the act of influencing distasteful
(Milgram,1963). A third reason why people
are motivated to use power arises from the
fact that the induction of behaviors in
others can be instrumental in obtaining
rewards for oneself. Cartwright described
this universal drive motivation as
follows: All men seek to influence
others and to strive for positions of
64


influence, because they seek certain
objectives whose attainments require the
exercise of influence"(p.7)
Step two: Request for Compliance-
powerholder attempts to induce
compliance by a simple request.
If the target refuses, the next
step ensues. Step three: Resources-
Personal and institutional
resources are invoked.
Step four: Region of inhibition- the
costs of attempting to influence.
Cartwright (1965) pointed out:" When an
agent is deciding whether to exercise
influence, it must be assumed that he
calculates in some sense the net advantage
to him of making the influence attempt"
(p.8). If the results of his calculations
indicate that he will lose more than he
will gain, presumably the individual does
not attempt to influence others. In
several studies that have directly
65


investigated individual differences in
relation to the choice of resources
(Kipnis and Lane,1962; Goodstadt and
Kipnis,1970; Goodstadt and Hjelle,1973),
it has been found that appointed leaders
who either lacked self-confidence or
perceived themselves as externally
controlled were reluctant to invoke
personal resources as a means of inducing
behaviors in others. Rather than trying to
persuade others to comply, less confident
or externally controlled individuals
either did nothing or else relied
exclusively on institutional resources.
Step five: Means of Influence- the power
act. Cartwright suggests that the
powerholder may exploit a base of power by
a) exercising physical control over the
target or the target's environment b)
exercising control over the gains and
costs the target will actually experience
c) exercising control over the information
66


available to the target or d) making use
of the target's attitudes about being
influenced.
Step six: Target's Response to the
Influence Attempt- Depending on the
strength of the original power needs, the
resources available, and the strength of
the restraining forces the powerholder may
decide either to modify his original
needs, to abandon the influence attempt,
or to persist by invoking a different
means of influence.
Kipnis (1976) used Cartwright's map and added
an additional step:
Step seven: Consequences for the
Powerholder- Kipnis calls the consequences
to the powerholder of his attempts to
influence a target, the metamorphic
effects of power. He suggests that the
powerholder's view of himself is changed
as a result of the power act and the
feedback from the target. Over time, the
67


powerholder may begin to believe that his
ideas and views are superior to those held
by others, when in fact compliance is
based not on the superiority of his ideas,
but on the superiority of his power. The
powerholder may begin to devalue those
less powerful than himself.
Kipnis (1976) suggests the following chain of
events in the metamorphic effects of power: 1)
Access to institutional resources increases the
probability that powerholders will attempt to
influence others, 2)The more a powerholder attempts
to influence others, the more likely he is to
believe that their behavior is not self-controlled,
but is caused by the powerholder. This belief
becomes stronger when the means of influence are
based on institutional rather than personal
resources, 3) To the extent that the powerholder
believes he has caused the target's behavior, there
is a devaluation of the target's behavior, 4) With
increased access to, and use of, institutional means
68


of influence, forces are generated within the more
powerful which increases their psychological
distance from the less powerful, and 5) Access to
and use of institutional powers elevates self-
esteem.
May (1972) said that in psychology, power means
the ability to affect, to influence and to change
other persons. He also noted that power is the
source of self-esteem and the root of a person's
conviction that he/she is interpersonally
significant. The acquisition of power, the power
within oneself and the awareness that one can
influence other people, is absolutely essential to
the confidence and mental health of a person
(May,1972). May identified five kinds of power:
Exploitative: This is the simplest and
most destructive kind of power. It is
subjecting persons to whatever use they
may have to the one who holds power. This
kind of power is force, and it always
presupposes violence or the threat of
violence.
69


Manipulative: This is power over another
person.
Competitive: This is power against
another.
Nutrient: This is power for the other.
It is best illustrated by the parent's
care for his/her child; nutrient power
comes out of a concern for the welfare of
others.
Integrative: This is power with the other
person; integrative power causes growth
through a process of thesis, antithesis,
and synthesis.
May noted that these five different kinds of
power are all present in the same person at
different times. The key question is the proportion
of each kind of power in the total spectrum of the
personality.
Minton (1972) identified personal power as a
relatively consistent attribute of a person across
situations. He noted four dimensions of personal
70


power: level of power motivation, manifest power,
potential power and subjective power. Power
motivation includes drive or need; manifest power
refers to the performance of carrying out an
intended effect, while potential power is the
capability of being able to carry out an intended
effect. Subjective power refers to a person's
subjective evaluation of effectiveness in
implementing personal intentions.A person's
subjective power varies from feelings and beliefs of
powerlessness to feelings and beliefs of
powerfulness.
McClelland (1975) said that people have three
basic needs: achievement, affiliation and power.He
identified four stages of power orientation that
correspond to the four stages of ego development
described by Freud and Erickson:
Stage one: Power comes from support.
Desire to be around powerful others.
Dependent/ externally controlled. Gone
awry, this orientation may turn to drugs
and alcohol when the loss of external
71


support causes distress.
Stage two: Power comes from autonomy.
Desire to rely on self; self-assertiveness
and self-control; often characterized by
accumulating possessions. Gone awry, it
turns into obsessive-compulsive disorders
if events cause a loss of control over
one's destiny. Independent/internal
control.
Stage three: Power comes from assertion.
Persuade, bargain and maneuver to control
others; shows either competitive or
helping behavior (winning/giving is the
goal over losing/receiving). Pathological
manifestations include smothering or
violence. Independent/externally
controlled.
Stage four: Power comes from togetherness.
The self drops out as the source of power
and a person sees himself as an instrument
of a higher authority which moves him to
try to influence or serve others.
72


Dependent/ externally controlled. People
appear to be more fully actualized. They
are more responsible in organizations,
less ego involved and more willing to seek
help when appropriate and more open with
intimates.
Power and Organizations
Organizational researchers have clearly established
power as an important phenomenon in organizations.
Much of the early research on organizational power
is strongly influenced by Weber's (1947) seminal
work. His distinction between power (Macht) and
authority (Herrschaft) has been used by theorists to
describe legitimate organizational hierarchies.
Authority refers to the distribution of power within
a social setting; legitimated over time so that
those within the setting expect and value a certain
pattern of influence. Weber emphasized the critical
role of legitimacy in the exercise of power. By
transforming power into authority, the exercise of
influence is transformed in a subtle but important
way. In social situations, the exercise of power
73


typically has costs (expenditure of resources,
making commitments, expending effort). On the other
hand, the exercise of authority is expected and
desired in the social context. The transformation of
power into authority is an important process, for it
speaks to the institutionalization of social
control.
Weber identified three sources for authority.
Traditional authority stems from custom and
tradition; such authority is community based and
requires the presence of consensual value structures
that undergird the normal "way of doing things." A
second source was charisma, an individual's ability
to command obedience through his or her personal
leadership. The third source was rational-legal
authority that commands obedience on the basis of
formal laws and contracts between parties.
Bureaucracy, in fact, is founded on this last source
of authority; obedience is achieved in a bureaucracy
through a series of rules and regulations based on
contract law.
Dahrendorf (1959) also articulated a
74


distinction between power and authority. He said
that whereas power is essentially tied to the
personality of individuals, authority is always
associated with social positions or roles. Within
organizations, the exercising of authority is viewed
as the rational extension of a social actor's
legitimate role, i.e. as legitimate power. Mechanic
(1962) defined authority as "institutionalized
power." He noted that the control of access to
information, people, or instrumentalities ( the
organizational resources or technology) is power. He
also suggested that the exercise of power is
connected to the ability to make others in the
organization dependent on the powerholder.
Etzioni (1964) developed construct to analyze
power in organizations based on compliance as a
comparative base. He noted that power positions in
organizations are positions whose incumbents
regularly have access to means of power. Power
differs according to the means employed to make the
subjects in the organization comply. The means may
be physical, material or symbolic. Etzioni
75


identified three kinds of power operating in
organizations:
1. Coercive Power: rests on the
application, or the threat of application,
of physical sanctions such as the
infliction of pain, deformity, or death.
It generates frustration through
restriction of movement or controlling
through force the satisfaction of needs
such as those for food, sex, comfort and
so forth.
2. Remunerative Power: is based on control
over material resources and rewards
through allocation of salaries and wages,
commissions and contributions, "fringe
benefits," services and commodities.
3. Normative Power: rests on the
allocation and manipulation of symbolic
rewards and deprivations through
employment of leaders, manipulation of
mass media, allocation of esteem and
prestige symbols, administration of
76


ritual, and influence over the
distribution of "acceptance" and "positive
response."
Most organizations employ all three kinds of
power, but the degree to which they rely on each
differs from organization to organization. Most
organizations tend to primarily emphasize only one
kind of power; perhaps one reason is that when two
kinds of power are emphasized at the same time, over
the same subject group, they tend to neutralize each
other. Etzioni (1964) identified three kinds of
involvement that may be correlated with the kinds of
power:
1. Alienative Involvement:inmates in
prisons, prisoners of war,- people in
concentration camps, slaves, all tend to
be alienated from their respective
organizations.
2. Calculative Involvement: either a
positive or negative orientation of low
intensity; customers with a business is an
example of calculative involvement with
77


the organization.
3. Moral Involvement: positive orientation
of high intensity. Involvement of the
parishioner in his church and the loyal
follower of a leader represent moral
involvement.
Combining three kinds of power with three kinds
of involvement produces nine types of compliance.
Three of the types are found more frequently than
the other six types, primarily because they
constitute congruent relationships whereas the other
six do not. Congruence is more effective, and
organizations are social units under external and
internal pressure to be effective. Normative power
requires that the participants be highly committed
to be most effective; renumeration is congruent with
calculative and coercive power is probably the only
effective power when confronted with highly
alienated participants. Educational organizations
characteristically employ normative controls, with
coercion as a secondary source of compliance.
Normative controls in schools include manipulation
78


of prestige symbols, such as honors and grades;
personal influence of the teacher; scolding and
sarcasm, and similar means which are based on
appeals to the student's moral commitments and on
manipulation of the group's climate of opinion.
Survey research in schools confirm that normative
compliance is indeed the predominant type
(Etzioni,1964).
Lukes (1974) proposed that power is sustained
by the socially structured and culturally patterned
behavior of groups and practices of institutions.
Lukes focused on the issue of interests, suggesting
that power is often exercised not in an overtly
behavioral manner, but rather by shaping the
interests of individuals. Power does, not operate
merely in the relation between individuals; rather,
it is also a structural aspect of institutions which
mediates in the socialization of actors in
organizational settings. The behavioral aspect of
the exercise of power can only function within this
deeper, more fundamental structuring. Organizational
structuration is an integral part of the dispersion
79


of power in organizations (Giddens,1979; Ranson,
Hinings and Greenwood,1980). They noted,
Structure is a complex medium of control which
is continually produced and recreated in
interaction and yet shapes that interaction:
structures are constituted and constituting.
This quality of organizing is crucial to the
vested interests of different groups within
organizations. If we view organizations as
being made up of different and competing values
and belief systems that embody the interests of
different groups, then the groups with the most
power will be those that are best able to
integrate their sectional claims into the very
structuring of the organization.(p.3)
Salancik and Pfeffer (1977) developed a
strategic contingencies model in which power derives
from activities rather than individuals. They noted
that power is shared in organizations primarily
because no one person controls all the desired
activities in the organization; thus power is never
absolute and derives ultimately from the context of
the situation. Three conditions were identified by
Salancik and Pfeffer as likely to affect the use of
power in organizations: scarcity, criticality and
uncertainty. The first condition suggests that
subunits will try to exert influence when the
resources of the organization are scarce. The second
80


condition, criticality, suggests that a subunit will
attempt to influence decisions to obtain resources
that are critical to its own survival and
activities. The third condition, uncertainty, refers
to the fact that when individuals do not agree about
what the organization should do or how to do it,
power and other social processes will affect
decisions. Under conditions of uncertainty, the
powerful manager can argue his case on any grounds
and usually win it. They also found in a study of
power in universities that power influences the
allocations of scarce and critical resources.
Natemeyer (1975) in summarizing his review of
the most important research done related to
supervisory power bases and subordinate satisfaction
and performance, concluded that expert and
legitimate power bases appear to be the most
important reason for compliance, and expert and
referent power bases tend to be often strongly and
consistently related to subordinate performance and
satisfaction measures.
Kanter (1977) said that the ability to exercise
81


productive power is dependent on one's access to 1)
resources and information and 2) the ability to get
cooperation in doing what is necessary. Kanter draws
attention to the fact that power inside the
organization as a whole, or within units of the
organization, is determined in part by connections
with other parts of the system. Those who have
access to resources, expertise and information are
more likely to be able to exercise power, even when
their legitimate authority is limited. Kanter also
identified factors associated with power or
powerlessness in organizations. The factors include
traditional sociological conditions such as task
focus, variety and interdependence; patterns of
participation, reward system; and contact with
others across the organizational system.
Pfeffer (1981) noted that a person is not
"powerful" or "powerless" in general, but only in
respect to other social actors in a specific social
relationship. Power may be assessed, according to
Pfeffer (1981) by determinants (causes of power in
the social system), consequences (manifest in
82


decisions made in the social system), symbols
(titles, special furnishings), reputational
indicators (ask people) or representational
indicators (assess the position of social actors in
critical organization roles).Pfeffer (1981)
identified three necessary conditions for the use of
power: interdependence, heterogeneous goals and
scarcity. These conditions together can produce
conflict; then, depending on the importance of the
issue, power will be exercised by someone to resolve
the conflict.
Political action is a pervasive process in
organizations that involves efforts by members of an
organization to increase their power or to protect
existing power sources (Yukl,1989). Yukl identified
four forms of political power operant in
organizations: 1) Control over decision processes
2) Coalitions (each party helps the other in getting
what they want) 3) Co-optation (a form of political
action that appears to be a variation of
participation; the objective is to undermine
expected opposition to a policy or project by a
83


group whose support is needed. An influential member
of the group is invited to join a committee, board
or council to make decisions about the policy or
project. Favorable changes in attitude are likely to
occur and 4) Institutionalization (the power of the
dominant coalition can be used to deny others the
resources and opportunity necessary to demonstrate
superior expertise).
Sarason (1990) identified the importance of
power in organizations when he noted that
recognizing and trying to change power
relationships, especially in complicated traditional
institutions, was extremely difficult. Sarason
claimed that any social system can be described in
terms of power relationships. Power -is distributed
unequally among the members of the system, and there
is always a rationale for this unequal distribution
of power. Sarason identified the failings of the
current educational system result from the nature of
the existing power relationships. Sarason also noted
an interesting irony: teachers regard students the
way their superiors regard them that is, as
84


incapable of dealing responsibly with issues of
power. The sense of powerlessness that is produced
at all levels of the organization frequently breeds
reduced interest and motivation and a passionless
conformity. At worst, the sense of powerlessness may
result in a rejection of learning. When people have
no stake in the ways things are, and when they feel
that their needs and opinions don't matter and that
they have no voice, they mentally or physically
disengage from the system.
Principals and Power
The studies of school principals and power
include two broad categories: studies related to the
principal's need for power and studies concerning
the principal's use of power bases.
An unpublished dissertation study conducted by
Lewis (1979) involved elementary and high school
principals and power motivation found: 1) High
school and elementary principals are power motivated
(as measured by the Manifest Needs Questionnaire
using high scores in need for achievement and need
85


for dominance) 2) High school principals were more
power motivated than elementary principals; 3) the
relationship between age and power motivation of
high school principals was not significant but need
for achievement was related to age. Both achievement
and dominance were related to age for elementary
principals. As age increased, power motivation
increased; 4) for high school principals there was a
correlation between length of experience and
achievement; elementary principals had a significant
correlation between achievement and dominance and
administrative experience 5) there was no
relationship between sex and power motivation.
Richardson (1981) found that there was no
relationship between power style and ego development
in school principals participating in his study.
Ayers (1982) found that the need for power was
significantly correlated in a negative sense with
the overall administrative performance of school
principals.
Bacharach and Mitchell (1983) investigated
sources of dissatisfaction among educational
86


administrators. They found that the greater the
power available to an administrator, the less that
administrator experienced dissatisfaction with the
job; and,the greater the discrepancy between desired
power and actual power, the greater the
dissatisfaction. Four measures of power, total
authority, total influence, decisional deprivation,
and decisional saturation were studied. Respondents
were asked to indicate over which of 23 different
decision areas they had authority and influence and
over which areas they thought they should have
influence. By subtracting "should have" from the
total, measures of decisional deprivation and
decisional saturation were created.Garmston and
Pahre (1988) have noted that if administrators do
not feel personally empowered they cannot possibly
lead and model efficacy and power for others.
Numerous studies have been conducted on
principal power bases and various measures of school
effectiveness. A strongly supported finding is that
principals who rely on a combination of expert and
referent power and who minimize reliance on
87


legitimate and coercive power are more effective
leaders (Balderson, 1975; Isherwood, 1973; House,
1971; Hornstein, Callahan, Fisch and Benedict,
1968). The use of personal power by the principal
has also been associated with greater loyalty,
satisfaction and commitment by the staff.
Hoy and Rees (1974) found that teacher loyalty
to the principal is significant as a mechanism for
expanding authority stemming from a personal
dimension. Principals who have only the power of
their office, the researchers reported, will gain
only minimal compliance. Isherwood (1973) agreed and
reported that formal authority was found to be
positively and significantly related to the
teacher's sense of powerlessness and negatively and
significantly related to both the teacher's loyalty
to the principal and to the principal's sense of job
satisfaction. The reverse pattern was true for
informal authority. Isherwood defined informal
authority as including charismatic power, expertise,
normative and human relations skills; formal
authority included traditional and legal power.
88


Thus, the principal's informal or personal power was
found to be positively correlated with teacher
loyalty, job satisfaction, and a sense of power in
the school.
Guditus and Zirkel (1980) compared bases of
power of school principals with those of supervisors
in other organizational settings. Their findings
indicated: 1) legitimate and expert power are the
primary bases of supervision of both teachers and
other workers 2) expert and referent bases of power
have the highest correlates with satisfaction in
schools and in other organizations, 3) legitimate
power was the most influential form of power,
followed in order by expert, referent, reward, and
coercive power. This finding was true for urban,
suburban and rural settings. 4)a significant
correlation exists between teacher satisfaction with
the principal's performance and teacher preference
for the principal's use of expert and referent
power. 5) Strong negative correlations were
evidenced between satisfaction and perceived use of
coercive and reward power with a somewhat lesser
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