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Redesigning an administrative hierarchy

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Redesigning an administrative hierarchy can self-managed work teams answer the call for post-bureaucratic reform in the post-industrial age?
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Phillips, James D
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English
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x, 218 leaves : illustrations ; 29 cm

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Self-directed work teams ( lcsh )
Public institutions ( lcsh )
Public institutions ( fast )
Self-directed work teams ( fast )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 204-218).
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Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree, Doctor of Philosophy, Public Administration.
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School of Public Affairs
Statement of Responsibility:
by James D. Phillips.

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University of Colorado Denver
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Auraria Library
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ocm38277521
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LD1190.P86 1997d .P45 ( lcc )

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Full Text
REDESIGNING AN ADMINISTRATIVE HIERARCHY:
CAN SELF-MANAGED WORK TEAMS ANSWER
THE CALL FOR POST-BUREAUCRATIC REFORM
IN THE POST-INDUSTRIAL AGE?
by
James D. Phillips
B.A., Hampden-Sydney College, 1974
J.D., University of Richmond School of Law, 1979
A thesis submitted to the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Public Administration
1997


1997 by James D. Phillips
All rights reserved.


This Thesis for the Doctor of Philosophy
degree by
James Phillips
has been approved
Brian McNulty
/9 Zhou* /997-
Date V


Phillips, James D. (Ph.D., Public Administration)
Redesigning An Administrative Hierarchy: Can Self-Managed Work Teams
Answer The Call For Post-Bureaucratic Reform In The Post-Industrial Age?
Dissertation directed by Professor Linda M. deLeon
ABSTRACT
This exploratory study investigates the relationships between the
critical features of a public policy system and a public organization within that
system. The benefits of a public organizations aligning with emerging
components of the system are explored. The organization indicated a need to
redesign its hierarchical structure in order to perform its work in a way that
would be compatible with the ongoing evolution of the policy system. It
undertook a democratic intervention process wherein all staff members
participated in designing a new structure for performing the work. Data were
collected over a one-year period by attendance at redesign process meetings
and personal interviews.
The research question to be answered is whether or not the evolution
in the organizations policy regime has any correlation with the organizations
effort to redesign its structure and working relationships. Embedded in this
question are issues of to what extent and how many critical levers (or DNA
IV


codes) of a public organization need to be addressed for a successful
transformation.
The research analyzes the redesign process of the organization from
three viewpoints: the systemic, or policy system; the macro, or office-wide
perspective; and the micro, from within the new management team and the
new work teams emerging around the new work in the policy system. The
analysis includes iterative displays of data gathered around critical features of
the system, the organization, and the policy.
Findings confirm that the organization redesigned its structure in order
to mirror, and to align itself with, the shift in strategy and values of its policy
system. Findings also indicate that commitment from top levels of
management of the organization are critical to the redesign process success,
that the redesign of a distinguishable unit within the administrative
organization can serve as an exemplary model, and that permitting work units
to self-organize around work which cuts across work unit boundaries provides
incentives and opportunities for performing evolving and dynamic work.
This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidates
dissertation. I recommend its publication.
Signed _
Linda M. deLeon
v


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This study could not have been accomplished without the generous
cooperation of the many members of the staff at the Office of Special
Services, of the Colorado Department of Education, who agreed to be
interviewed and provide assistance. In particular, I am grateful to Brian
McNulty, whos patience, enthusiastic cooperation, and encouragement in this
research facilitated the ongoing development of the work.
Also, I wish to thank Paul Johnson, Lois Adams, Buck Schrotberger,
and Jean Prevol for invaluable support and cooperation.
Thanks especially and always to Nancy Brister for her support and her
willingness to help me take on and complete this work.
Thanks to Jackie Powell for coming to my rescue, yet again.
Special thanks go to members of the Committee, Eric Poole, Kathy
Boyd, and Julie Carnahan, for their cooperation and assistance in guiding me
through the final passage.
And, most especially, thanks to Linda deLeon, who has been a
generous and supportive mentor and friend during my graduate studies and
who always encouraged me that success was never in question.


CONTENTS
CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION................................................1
Federal Reform Initiatives in Education.....................6
The Need for Research on Systemic School Reform in the States.8
Ongoing Reform in the States...............................12
Framework of the Study: Assumptions, Definitions and Terms.14
Research Question..........................................16
Focus of the Study.........................................17
2. OVERVIEW OF EDUCATION REFORM IN COLORADO...................21
Historical Background of Reform............................21
Colorado Department of Education...........................27
Office of Special Services.................................35
Overview of the Revisioning Process........................40
3. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE...................................44
Introduction...............................................44
King Bureaucracy ........................................47
King Bureaucracy Under Siege.............................51
Contemporary Reform........................................53
VII


Organization Systems Theory...................................64
The Excellence Movement In Education Reform....................74
Systemic School Reform.........................................78
Summary and Conclusions........................................85
4. METHODOLOGY.....................................................89
Introduction...................................................89
Conceptual Framework...........................................91
Method of Analyzing the Data...................................93
Design of the Study............................................94
Data Collection...............................................100
Data Categories...............................................101
Sampling Frame................................................104
Measurement and Output........................................106
Validity, Reliability, Threats to Goodness....................107
5. FINDINGS.......................................................113
Introduction..................................................113
Systemic Analysis.............................................113
Macro Analysis................................................131
Triggers for the Restructuring..........................131
The Redesign Workshops..................................138
viii


The 4CTeam
151
Nature of the Work.....................................158
Organizational Levers..................................161
Micro Analysis................................................166
Introduction...........................................166
Star Teams.............................................169
Orbit Teams............................................176
Summary................................................184
6. FINAL ANALYSIS AND CONCLUDING PROPOSITIONS...................187
Introduction..................................................187
Critical Thresholds and Mile Markers..........................187
Propositions..................................................193
Questions for Future Research.................................197
Conclusion....................................................201
BIBLIOGRAPHY
204


FIGURES
FIGURE 5.1 Colorado State Board of Education..............................117
FIGURE 5.2 Policy Regime..................................................120
FIGURE 5.3 Office Integration Team........................................147
FIGURE 5.4 Current Affinity Group.........................................177
FIGURE 5.5 Changed Affinity Group.........................................178
x


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
At the close of the 20th century, the institutions of governance are
engaged in continuous and ongoing experimentation to improve the practice
of conducting the publics business. A comparison between todays reform
efforts decentralization, privatization, reinvention, and reengineering and
those that occurred during the last century civil service reform, budget
reform, and administrative management reform provides dramatic insight
into the shifts in public organizational change and policy development. These
ongoing reforms in public institutions have conditioned administrators and
public officials to an atmosphere of experimentation with new and developing
practices in governance.
Institutions of public education quite naturally have remained on the
cutting edge of this experimentation and have often been leaders of
innovation that later finds application in other disciplines and contexts.
Professionals in education continuously explore learning by applying new
strategies for the delivery of the highest order of pedagogy to all learners.
According to a recent Gallup Poll, education currently ranks as a very high
priority among Americans, with 67 percent considering it a major concern
(Rifkin, 1996). President Clinton in his 1997 State of the Union Address
1


articulated his agenda for ensuring that education reform is the cornerstone of
his second term. His proposals underscored the significance that education
has assumed on the nations agenda. Efforts are ongoing in every school
building across the country, as well as in the United States Department of
Education (USDOE) and state education departments, to explore the
challenges of how best to prepare the next generation for the information-
based global economy of the twenty-first century.
A number of states, including Colorado, have been engaged in
systemic school reform, which seeks to reform both the institutions and
policy systems of public education. This dissertation is motivated by the need
to explore further the possible relationships between reforms in educational
policy delivery and structural reform in the public institutions and systems that
deliver them. The potential for applying the outcomes of the experience of the
public education system to other public organizations and systems also
presents a unique challenge.
This chapter sets this research in context, providing an historical
overview of the efforts to reform the bureaucratic organizations of
governance. The history of educational reform at the national level and in
Colorado, as well as the current reform initiatives, are outlined. The nature of
the bureaucratic organization being studied, the Office of Special Services
(OSS) of the Colorado Department of Education (CDE), is introduced and a
2


general overview of the dissertation is presented.
The current reform of educational institutions and practice is taking
place within the context of the publics increasing demand over the last twenty
years for a more responsive and efficient government. In an era of declining
public revenues, initiated by Proposition 13, the 1979 real estate tax revolt in
California, government bureaucracies at all levels have faced shrinking
revenues and budgets, while at the same time they have been pressured to
achieve higher levels of service delivery and more efficient expenditure of tax
dollars. These pressures have affected not only the structure of the
institutions of governance, but the methods of performing the work and the
roles of public employees as well. Because Americans place a high priority on
public education, the political pressure to attain higher levels of learning in
public schools has remained at the center of efforts to improve the quality of
service of public institutions.
Efforts at reforming federal public institutions, in response to political
pressure, resulted in the National Performance Review (NPR), led by Vice
President Al Gore in 1993. According to Kettl (1993), the NPR contains two
central goals: first, the transfer of power from the legislative branch to the
executive branch and, second, the empowerment of government employees
to give front-line" staff more power, concomitantly reducing the levels and
power of management. The overall aim of the NPR has been articulated as
3


making government work better and cost less and has included reforms
such as streamlining bureaucracy and cutting red tape, inefficient and
unnecessary regulations.
The values and ideas underlying the NPR, however, are paradoxically
inconsistent. Reform initiatives such as downsizing, reengineering and
continuous improvement are competing strategies within the NPR which can
operate at cross purposes when implemented simultaneously. The operations
of streamlining the bureaucracy are not always consistent with working
smarter or being more responsive to citizens interests. The NPR, which has
also been termed the reinvention movement, (Osborne and Gaebler, 1992)
has therefore experienced mixed success. Downsizing was initiated at the
state level to address the shortfalls created by the enactment of limits on
taxes and spending. Reengineering, a strategy that was first initiated in the
corporate sector, involves putting everything on the table and engaging in
wholesale and fundamental top-down redesign of work process (Hammer
and Champy, 1993; Kettl, 1995). Continuous improvement, which grew out of
the movement known as Total Quality Management (TQM), recommends a
more gradual, continuous, bottom-up approach. The combination of these
three strategies of institutional reform as embodied in the NPR has,
however, one common unifying purpose, the reform of what Melvin Dubnick
(1994) terms King Bureaucracy, the rule driven, hierarchical chain of
4


command structure so deeply embedded in our public institutions.
The results achieved by the reinvention movement to date have been
mixed (Kettl, 1994; Goodsell, 1993; Moe, 1993; Rosenbloom, 1995). Those
advocates who support the NPR point to reductions in the number of
employees at federal agencies and in the time for processing applications,
conducting procurements and responding to citizen concerns. However the
actions of reinvention are characterized, Osborne and Plastrik (1997) argue
that in order to reinvent government institutions, there must be a fundamental
transformation of public systems and organizations to create changes in the
culture, purpose, incentives, accountability and power of public organizations.
In effect, they argue that the genetic code or DNA of a public organization or
system must be rewritten to achieve significant and long term outcomes. With
the reelection of President Clinton, the NPR will continue to be ongoing at the
federal level, and more detailed and valid data regarding outcomes will be
available for analysis.
One critical area of research that is not developed, however, concerns
the effect that federal-level reinvention reforms are having on state agencies
and state public policy systems. One policy arena in which the impact of
federal initiatives can be observed closely is that of education.
5


Federal Reform initiatives in Education
The Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) was enacted as
part of Lyndon Johnsons War on Poverty in 1965. For over thirty years, this
legislation has funded programs for schools, communities, and children in
need. Title I of the Act, aimed at improving education for economically
disadvantaged children in poor areas, has become the Acts cornerstone.
Over the years, Congress has amended and revised the ESEA to create
programs to assist neglected and delinquent children, migrant children, and
limited English proficient (LEP) students.
Title II of the Act, the Eisenhower Professional Development Program,
has assisted teachers with new and developing strategies for teaching
mathematics and science. Other ESEA initiatives have resulted in a number
of benefits for students, teachers, and parents. These programs have been
categorical in nature, focusing on specifically targeted student populations
with narrowly focused goals, with little or no discretion for innovation or
experimentation.
Programs were funded, implemented and monitored with little attention
given to their outcomes relating to the achievement of students. Typically,
over the past thirty years, the delivery of these programs has created units
within state departments of education (SDE) whose consultants' work has
6


been to monitor the spending of the federal funds and to provide technical
assistance.
The 1994 enactment of the Improving Americas Schools Act (IASA),
which amended the ESEA, ushered in a new era for both the ESEA and
federal education policy. While maintaining the emphasis on children with
special circumstances, the ESEA shifted its strategy to increase the learning
capacity for all children, invoking a schoolwide focus and promoting
partnerships between children, parents, schools, and communities. In effect,
the IASA began to encourage moving away from rigid categorical initiatives to
a more flexible whole-school approach to education.
The Goals 2000 Educate America Act, also enacted by Congress in
1994, supplemented the ESEA by establishing federal performance standards
and facilitating the establishment of state and local standards. Also included
in the Act were initiatives designed to set up systems for assessments and
accountability to determine if children are actually achieving the standards
(Riley, 1995). Once those standards were established, states were requested
to align virtually everything else in their education systems around helping
their students achieve their own goals and standards. This legislation for
Secretary of Education Riley is monumental... simply because it encourages
comprehensive, community-based reform aimed at... high academic and
occupational achievement (Riley, 1995, 23).
7


The current trend in federal education programs, therefore, has been
away from categorical narrowly-focused mandates of the past toward flexible,
broader initiatives with emphasis on the localities, schools, and districts
creating their own plans for the education of all children. As amended by the
IASA of 1994, the ESEA targets student learning outcomes and gives states
and localities, including parents and students, more flexibility to collaborate
and coordinate federal programs. This trend reflects the reinvention values of
decentralization, empowering employees, and placing customers" first. But
what are the effects of this shift on the states, specifically state departments of
education and state school systems?
The Need for Research on Systemic School Reform in the States
It is a truism that the American public school system has been
historically bureaucratic it has relied on hierarchy, division of labor,
specialization, and rules and regulations, to control staff and employees in
carrying out policy initiatives and delivering services (Chubb and Moe, 1990).
Efforts at reforming the public school system for political reasons mostly have
involved the introduction of greater hierarchical control.
The new flexibility and the community-based decision making inherent
in the federal education initiatives has, therefore, created a fundamental
conflict, the tension between bureaucracy and decentralized autonomy
8


(Chubb and Moe, 1990). Chubb and Moe point out that the delivery of quality
education is inherently difficult to measure in a quantifiable, objective manner,
despite the fact that such measurement is one of the basic tools of a
bureaucratic structure. Nevertheless, histohcally there have been strong
incentives from both federal and state agencies for more bureaucratic control,
as well as more measurement and evaluation to ensure that educational
policy is appropriately implemented.
Incentives for bureaucratic control are, therefore, especially likely in the
federal education programs that have devolved to the states. In defense of
this bureaucratic control, officials at the federal and state levels argued that
they were far away from schools and had authority for large, diverse
populations of children and administrative staff, which required management
by rules and regulations. For Chubb and Moe, the key to breaking through
this bureaucratic control is to practice principles similar to those advanced by
the reinvention movement: to decentralize authority, to satisfy clients by
involving children and parents and to allow increased discretion to teachers,
schools, and local districts in making decisions in the delivery of education.
This shift to flexibility and local decision making is the essence of systemic
school reform; it attempts to reform the education process using a systemic
bottom-up approach rather than the additive, top-down bureaucratic
approaches of the past.
9


In the past several years a number of states, including Vermont and
Kentucky, have been engaged in systemic school reform (Lusi, 1994). One of
the goals of this reform is to improve the alignment of the state education
system so that the components act in concert to advance individual school
efforts to improve classroom learning and instruction (Smith and ODay,
1990). The inclusion of all students in efforts to increase levels of learning is
a major component of systemic reform, one that requires dramatic changes in
the skills being taught to students as well as in the delivery of education by
state departments, local disthcts, and individual school classrooms (Lusi,
1994).
This systemic reform at the state level has been occurring within the
context of the ongoing reform in federal education programs discussed
previously. Subsequent to the publication of the report A Nation at Risk: The
Imperative for Educational Reform (NCEE. 1984), which highlighted the
shortcomings of the public school system and the dramatic failures of students
to achieve adequate levels of learning, education reform has advanced
numerous strategies. Recent studies such as the National Assessment of
Educational Progress (NAEP) for reading, and the Third International Math
and Science Study (TIMS), have shown that while progress has been made in
the performance of U.S. students compared to students from other countries,
more work is needed. This recognition has generated an abundance of
10


education efforts including the previously noted Improving Americas Schools
Act (IASA), the Goals 2000 Educate America Act, and the School-to-Work
Opportunities Act. These reform initiatives now are just beginning to attempt
policy implementation that replaces the additive, piecemeal reform (which
remains based in the bureaucratic values of control and regimentation [Slavin,
1996]) with something far more dramatic. One such policy reform initiative,
the streamlining of the audit process for federal programs, has far-reaching
potential for improving education policy delivery.
On October 25,1996, in a letter from Secretary of Education Richard
Riley to all state education department heads, including former Commissioner
William Randall of Colorado and ail Colorado public school superintendents,
Secretary Riley announced the introduction of a new reform initiative, the
Cooperative Audit Resolution and Oversight Initiative (CAROI). This initiative,
according to the letter, aims to improve education programs and student
performance at state and local levels through better use of audits, monitoring,
and technical assistance (Riley, 1996). Secretary Riley went on to note that
this initiative had received Vice President Gores prestigious Hammer Award
as a model reinvention effort. This initiative encourages the conduct of audits
across multiple programs and allows greater flexibility and streamlining for
spending and record keeping practices. This reform initiative, therefore, lies
at an important intersection. It combines the principles of reinvention with the
11


education reform priorities. This intersection also highlights the education
policy initiatives that are being promoted at the federal level and undertaken
currently by the states.
Onooino Reform in the States
State departments of education (SDEs) have undergone tremendous
transformations during the twentieth century. The departments in the early
1900s were primarily dedicated to collecting, compiling, and publishing
educational statistics (Beach and Gibbs, 1952; Layton, 1967). From that era,
departments moved to the inspection era, then to the enforcement of
standards, and finally to the current leadership era in which state departments
became involved with consultation and the delivery of expertise to local school
districts (Layton, 1967). With the increase in the amount of federal legislation
enacted by Congress in the 1960s, the stage was set for contemporary
systemic reform in the states.
In the 1970s and 1980s, efforts at state-level education reform were
disconnected and piecemeal (Cohen and Spillane, 1992). In some cases,
efforts to improve one area of education programs operated to undermine
others (Lusi, 1994). In others, the resolution of problems was attempted using
existing technologies and bureaucratic regulations (Firestone, Fuhrman, and
Kirst, 1989). Moreover, no regard was given to the additive effects of the
12


changes in policy on schools or on students (Cohen and Spillane, 1992). The
focus was on short-term solutions with little consideration for evaluating
whether the solutions were designed to improve student performance. Lusi
cites the example of the movement in the 1980s toward increased reliance on
testing students as a method of improving schools' accountability for student
achievement. This testing, however, evaluated only basic skills, not the
complex skills that were thought necessary in the twenty-first century (Lusi,
1994; Rifkin, 1996).
Systemic reform in the states, therefore, has only in the past several
years been undertaken in a strategic manner. Recent federal legislation
initiatives have operated to create a policy vehicle for increased flexibility and
more local control of education. These initiatives promote collaboration
among community groups, school officials and parents to fashion partnerships
and networks to design personalized education programs.
Despite this effort at systemic reform, there continues to be debate
about whether this type of reform will raise the quality of public education,
whether it will promote higher levels of learning and achievement, or whether
it is another example of paving cowpaths. This research contributes to this
debate. It is a case study of the Colorado Department of Education (CDE),
Office of Special Services (OSS), examining the OSS' Tevisioning" redesign
process to align" its work with the systemic changes occurring in the
13


Colorado school system. The dissertation is a road map that shows the
journey of the OSS vehicle on its route toward the goal of improving the level
of achievement of all Colorados diverse learners.
Framework of the Study: Assumptions. Definitions and Terms
The Acting Commissioner of CDE, Richard Laughlin, believes that
there is a revolution in education occurring in Colorado. The landscape of this
revolution is just now being surveyed. This research explores the possible
relationship between current educational policy implementation and the
structure and work of a state department of education. The goal of this study
is to examine features of educational policy, characteristics of the work and
working relationship of OSS in implementing that policy, and how and why
OSS undertook revisioning when it did. In effect, this research explores the
intersection of constructs found in three streams of literature: the reinvention
movement, organization systems theory, and education reform.
The focus of this dissertation is on the variables of the education
reform policy and of the new organizational structure. Other areas of focus
will be the values and belief systems held by managers and staff about the
nature of the work and about the work redesign process. Hall, Rosenthal, and
Wades (1993) work on the variables of organizational change will be
incorporated. They articulate six redesign levers for a successful
14


organizational redesign and these levers will be evaluated to determine
possible relationships to this redesign effort. Osborne and Plastriks (1997)
work on strategies for reinventing a bureaucratic system will also be analyzed
and discussed.
Definitions of terms employed in the research include:
Federal education reform This term generally refers to recent federal
legislation including ESEA, IASA, Goals 2000: Educate America Act. It also
includes other programs such as the Consolidated Plan Initiative, The Ed-
Flex Partnership Program, and Title I SchoolWide Initiatives.
Standards-based education. Colorados legislature adopted House Bill 93-
1313 which promulgated standards and assessments requirements for all
public schools in Colorado. The Goals 2000: Educate America Act also
required districts and schools to adopt content knowledge standards.
Systemic school reform. Seeks to reform public education across the entire
system of education rather than by categorical and piecemeal efforts. The
goal of this reform, high achievement for all diverse learners, has been
analyzed as shifting the focus from the federal and state level to that of the
local level for designing new educational strategies.
Officials are high ranking members of the Colorado Department of Education
and the United States Department of Education, including the Secretary, the
Commissioner and Assistant Commissioner.
15


Managers are supervisors and directors within the Office of Special Services
(OSS).
Staff are consultant staff and support staff within the Office of Special
Services (OSS).
Research Question
To be successful, systemic school reform will require a realignment of
the entire state school system in order to promote bottom-up local discretion
and flexibility by parents, teachers, principals and local school employees in
partnerships to improve the level of achievement for all students. This reform
is reflective of reinvention values. The fundamental question this research
seeks to address is whether there a relationship between changes in policy
and the changes in the structure, working relationships, and the manner in
which the work is accomplished by a public organization within its policy
system. Or phrased conversely, does a public agency's attempt to redesign
its structure have any relationship to the changes in the policy which it is
implementing?
The purpose of this research is to advance the developing theories of
systemic school reform in the context of the reinvention movement, in
particular, the study of the SDE subsequent to the enactment of the recent
federal education reform legislation. From an initial examination of the
16


Colorado education system in January 1996, the research traces the
developing policy implementation and the concomitant changes to the work,
relationships, values and structure of OSS one year later. The studys
findings are designed to explain how the changing policy has affected the
structure and work of the organization.
Focus of the Study
While there have been studies of SDEs in the past several years
(Campbell, Stroufe, 1967; Friedman, 1971; Lusi, 1994), the implementation of
reinvention reforms by the NPR in 1993 and the more recent federal education
reform legislation and initiatives in 1995 and 1996 has generated a need for
further research into how those policy initiatives have affected a state
department. This study examines the intersection of the reinvention
movement with the education reform movement, thereby contributing to the
literature of both. The present road map on which the OSS vehicle relies has
few clear landmarks or unbroken routes to provide direction along the way
toward improving the learning of all children in Colorado. This dissertation
attempts to improve the detail and accuracy of this map.
It was expected at the outset of this research that the reorganization
effort undertaken by OSS would result either in cosmetic changes and/or
short-term redesign that, during the course of data collection, might revert to
17


the original way of doing the work, or even worse, result in paralysis. The
far-reaching changes" in the internal and external relationships of OSS, which
Lusi (1994) predicted for successful systemic change, appeared unlikely. The
literature on public organization change and development suggests that a
much longer period of time is required to achieve longer lasting, more
permanent change (Osborne, Plastrik 1997). Therefore, this research was
undertaken with the assumption that during the twelve-month period of data
collection, any change in the organization's structure and design of its work
would be at the edges, and cosmetic.
Moreover, Lusi points out that systemic school reform requires much
deeper reforms than most bureaucracies allow. This type of reform requires
support from a number of political institutions and players. Changes in
leadership at the Commissioner's office (there was a change of Commissioner
during the data collection), the School Board (there were two new school
board members elected), or the Governor's office can create an environment
hostile to the fundamental change that is required (Louis and Corwin 1984). If
Lusi is correct as to the necessary environment for systemic change, the
structure that organizes the working relationships, the dynamics that mold the
relationships, and the norms and values of the relationships of OSS will all be
required to change, in effect, the DNA, the code that orders its operations,
will have to change (Osborne, Plastrik 1997).
18


The dissertation is organized in six chapters. Chapter 2 reviews the
recent history and programs of the Colorado Department of Education and the
Colorado public school system. Specific attention is given to the programs
that are developing out of the state and federal initiatives that impact the work
of CDE. Also included will be a preliminary discussion of the chronology of
the revisioning events at OSS during the period of data collection.
Chapter 3 reviews the literature relevant to this discussion: education
reform, reinvention, and organization systems theory. Particular attention is
given to the common values in the reinvention and education reform literature.
Chapter 3 begins with a discussion of the geography of the landscape for the
study: the rise of the bureaucratic model, its characteristics and work
designs. This is followed by efforts at excavation, theories of bureaucratic
reform such as reinvention, reengineering and continuous improvement
(TQM). This sets up the roadmap for the study, the different highways
undergoing construction, repair and landscaping which intersect on the study
road map. The OSS vehicle on this highway is, at the outset, a direct
descendent of the Max Weber Model T, a bureaucracy steeped in
constitutional and public law traditions. As it travels down the studies
highways, it attempts to steer over bridges, through tunnels and through
construction zones. It drives on to an intersection of the routes of reinvention,
systemic school reform and organization systems theory. At that intersection,
19


it is reconditioned and rebuilt as an educational vehicle (the revisioning
process) and attempts to undertake the transformation of its work design,
structure, and working relationships to become a vehicle designed for modem
travel. The dissertation examines this transformation at that intersection.
Chapter 4 is the description of the methodology for the study, the
conceptual framework and design of the study, and the process of collecting
data from redesign meetings, team meetings, office meetings and individual
interviews.
Chapter 5 reviews the data collected from all points of contact,
presenting extensive data discussion and analysis.
Chapter 6 presents conclusions and propositions, several mile
markers, and the road signs that point toward the future. It discusses the
outcomes of the revisioning" process and the developments in Colorados
efforts at systemic school reform during the term of the study. Questions for
future research are raised. In the minds of OSS staff, however, the most
important question of this study- whether any or all of these reform efforts are
resulting in higher achievement for all of Colorados students,-will be
answered in the classrooms around the state in the years to come.
20


CHAPTER 2
OVERVIEW OF EDUCATION REFORM IN COLORADO
Historical Background of Reform
The State of Colorado is diverse in its geographic features, from gentle
rolling eastern farmlands, to the majestic snow-capped Rocky Mountains of
the central and western region, to the swirling desert and arid region in the
south and southwest. This marked geographic diversity underscores the
differences in the demographics of the Colorado population and in the states
communities and families. Children growing up in a Denver or other front
range suburbs are exposed to markedly different cultural influences from
those in a community in the mountain areas or on the western slope. While
technological advances have closed this cultural disparity, CDE is challenged
along many dimensions to provide quality education to all its diverse learners.
The state is divided into 176 school districts, with 448 public schools
and over five thousand school buildings, housing classrooms for children in
kindergarten through the 12th grade. In the fail of 1995 there were 656,279
students attending Colorados public schools. Of those students, 53.6 percent
attended school in one of the 15 Denver metro districts, while less than 5
percent attended school in one of the 86 rural school districts (State Report
Card, 1996). This apportionment of students in the state has also increased
21


the challenges CDE faces in the delivery of educational policy as required by
federal and state legislation. These challenges have been magnified as the
demand for quality education and higher student performance has become a
greater priority in recent years for parents, teachers, and educators.
There is general agreement by Colorado education officials that
education reform efforts, while ongoing and pervasive over the last several
years, took a significant turn in 1993 with the passage by the Colorado
General Assembly of House Bill 93-1313 (HB 93-1313). This legislation
mandated the development of state contents standards and called for a
process of community-based reforms designed to promote local involvement
and discussion on the formation of those standards in subject areas such as
reading, writing, mathematics, science, history, and geography. The statutory
framework also provided that Colorado's local school districts be required to
adopt their own local content standards, which had to meet or exceed the
state standards, and that assessment of the achievement of those standards
be completed by January 1998. This legislation, supplementing the Colorado
Constitutional provision for local control of education, is viewed by Colorados
education officials as dramatically shifting both the responsibility and
accountability for Colorado education policy implementation from a top down
to a bottom up approach. Standards education places accountability for the
success or failure of student achievement at the community level. If the
22


community has set the standard, has designed the strategy and programs to
achieve it, and has designed the method for assessing progress of students,
the failure to achieve those standards can only be redressed by those
responsible, the local school personnel, teachers and parents. The education
officials can not be blamed as they have been historically, but by the same
token, those officials (because they are actors bearing responsibility in the
system) do continue to play a role, albeit a different one. The shift to
standards-based education is also viewed by these officials as the genesis of
the revisioning process which CDE began in the early 1990s.
Prior to the enactment of the standards legislation, the quality of
education reform had been measured by inputs the number of books in the
school library, the availability of specialized technological equipment to
students, the numbers of teachers per child in the classroom. One CDE
official summed it up: We measured the quality of education by inputs, not by
achievement or learning. This input measure of education quality was easily
quantifiable and more easily delivered by bureaucratic management practice.
The shift to standards as a measure of student achievement began to force
education officials at CDE to rethink the process by which the department did
its work.
To advance these efforts toward improving education policy, the state
was awarded (also in 1993) a $10 million five-year grant by the National
23


Science Foundation pursuant to the statewide systemic initiative (CONNECT)
to improve student achievements in the subject areas of math, science and
technology. At the same time, teachers were required by the Licensure Bill to
become more proficient in the delivery of standards-based education.
Effective in July 1994, Colorado enacted a major shift in its educator licensing
process. Candidates for a license were required to successfully complete a
series of assessments called the Program for Licensing Assessments for
Colorado Educators(PLACE). These assessments require demonstrated
competency in basic skills and subject areas that are aligned with the content
standards for the students.
In 1995 the Governor's Office instituted a School to Work Program
which combined academic and vocational education along the lines of the Carl
D. Perkins Vocational and Applied Technology Acts Amendments of 1986
and 1990 as adopted by Congress. This program was designed to strengthen
vocational education programs for students who do not intend to go on to
college. Moreover, other groups of students began to be identified as learners
who had special needs which, if not properly addressed, would not be able to
meet the state standards.
In 1994, soon after the standards bill was enacted, education officials in
conjunction with over 2100 parents and citizens across the state developed
the Opportunities for Success guidelines through local focus groups. The
24


guidelines included measures and strategies for addressing the special needs
of at-risk students in the state. Each focus groups attendees were
encouraged to condense all of the information they had about the needs of
such special learners as migrant, limited English proficiency (LEP) and
learning and physically-disabled students. One method for doing so was to
encourage participants to think of their tasks thus: If you knew you and
everyone in this discipline were going to be beamed to Mars, and you had
time to leave just one thought in a telephone message to the educational
community about the needs of these students, what would you say?
(Opportunities for Success, 1996) The information that was collected from all
of the focus groups was cross-referenced by special population or program,
as well as by general principles applicable to all students. This process in
essence operated to break out the thinking of educators and parents from
the categorical command and control type of instruction and policy
implementation that had been practiced in the past and began to inspire
creative thinking to develop new strategies for collaborative and cross-
categorical instruction and service delivery.
Following that process, Governor Roy Romer and former
Commissioner Randall in 1995 appointed a panel of citizens from around the
state to discuss and attempt to design steps for communities to assist
students in reaching content standards. The panel identified various practices
25


that were successful in certain localities, with a view toward seeking ways of
implementing those practices in a systemic manner statewide. One significant
component of the panels work was to promote partnerships among citizens,
programs and state agencies, including CDE, in order to better implement
local and state strategies to improve education. More relevant to this
research, the panels work set the stage for establishing a new role for the
federally funded education programs. That role was to integrate the federal
education reform initiatives with ongoing local strategies that had been
identified as successful (Consolidated Plan Application, 1996).
The ultimate result of the Colorado Education Goals Panels work was
to develop a state planning framework entitled Partnerships For Education -
Educating Colorados Students (1996). The Panel developed a mission
statement and goals and distributed over $4 million in grants to support
schools and districts in implementing standards at the local level.
The eight goals that were developed are as follows:
1. Establish and maintain clear standards for what students must know
and be able to do.
2. Implement assessments to ensure that students are meeting high
academic standards.
3. Align curriculum and instruction to standards and assessments.
26


4. Prepare and support educators to enable students to reach high
standards.
5. Begin education early to ensure students are ready to learn when
they enter school.
6. Create safe, disciplined and drug-free learning environments.
7. Promote partnerships and establish links among the education (Pre-
K through 16), parent and business communities to support children
and schools.
8. Share responsibility and be accountable for results.
(Continuing the commitment Colorado Education Goals Panel,
1996).
Each of these initiatives, underscored by the standards movement,
contributed to fundamental changes in education policy and set the stage for
COE to begin to question seriously how it could improve the delivery of its
service.
Colorado Department of Education
William Randall became the Commissioner of CDE in 1988, some five
years prior to the passage of the Colorado standards legislation. The late
1980s was a period of increasing awareness across the nation that education
was a growing priority. Numerous national reports on the need for reform had
27


been published throughout the 1980s, including the previously mentioned A
Nation at Risk: The Imperative for Education Reform, which electrified the
country in 1984. This report diagnosed the condition of public education in the
United States as mediocre compared to other countries, and it became the
wake-up call for reform. Education reform efforts swept the country.
Governors like Lamar Alexander, Richard Riley and Bill Clinton advanced
reform initiatives in their respective states. As a result many education
officials, including Commissioner Randall, became convinced that reforming
education in Colorado needed to take on a greater priority and that a part of
that reform was to change the way the department accomplished its work.
The standards bill (HB-93-1313) had grown out of prior efforts to
support education improvement. In 1985 the Colorado State Board of
Education had created accreditation standards that rewarded local school
districts that achieved student performance goals. In 1988 the School Finance
Act called for a learning environment based on higher expectations for both
students and staff. In 1991 the Colorado Commission on Achievement in
Education was impaneled to recommend goals and standards to be reached
by the year 2000. This legislative commission also took part in drafting the
1993 statute. The Colorado Legislature also established the Standards in
Assessments Development and Implementation Council (Standards Council),
whose members were appointed by the Governor. This Council coordinated
28


the setting of standards and identifying assessments to measure their
attainment.
At the same time CDE began to evaluate how it could respond to the
changing policy initiatives. It articulated its goals by adopting the following
statement: To lead, to serve and to promote quality education for all. The
Department also drafted and approved a mission statement:
Our mission is to provide leadership and service to Colorados
educational community and through collaboration with this
community, to promote high quality learning environments,
high performance standards and equitable learning
opportunities for all Colorados diverse learners.
With these two statements, the stage was set for CDEs attempt to
realign how it operated. In the months leading up to January 1995, the
Commissioner determined to redesign the departments process and
structure. I believed that with all the changes going on around us we needed
to change our approach for doing our work. The department at this time was
operating according to Beach & Gibbs (1957) classification as a leadership
agency, providing advice and consultation to local school districts. According
to these scholars, at the turn of the century, an SDE merely collected,
compiled and published statistical information. That era was followed in the
1930s by the enforcement-of-standards era, wherein state departments,
having new coercive powers vested by law and regulations, began forcing
non-complying districts to comply with state regulations (Layton, 1967). The
29


final era, leadership, occurred when state departments, while performing their
regulatory and inspection responsibilities, came to view leadership activities
as their most important role. Departments came to realize that they could be
most effective if they were to provide expertise and technical assistance to
advance the work of the local districts.
Beach (1950) also developed a classification system based on three
categories of functions of SDEs. These included operational functions in
which the department directly administered schools and services (for example,
in Colorado, CDE administers the Colorado School for the Deaf and Blind);
regulatory functions, arising from the specifications of federal and state
statutes, which involve distributing and monitoring funds from federal and
state programs; and leadership functions, which include advising and
consulting to ensure compliance and other public relations activities such as
training, research, planning, staffing and evaluating district personnel (Layton,
1967).
All three functions were being performed at CDE prior to 1995 in a
loosely joined hierarchical bureaucratic structure of about 250 staff and
employees. At the top of this organization stood the Commissioner, then a
Deputy Commissioner, then five Assistant Commissioners for the various
offices within the Department, beneath which were managers and directors of
units, beneath which were consultants, beneath which were support staff.
30


While structurally organized as a traditional bureaucratic hierarchy, even prior
to 1995 the department did not operate exclusively according to bureaucratic
procedure. According to one Assistant Commissioner, the department
operated and attracted its employees primarily according to the nature of the
work we do, the programs that we work in and how we do our work. Prior to
1995, CDE was already showing signs of breaking out of the box of a typical
hierarchical bureaucracy.
In early 1995, the Commissioner and his Policy Council convened what
was referred to as the Revisioning Work Group, which was designed to
analyze and report recommendations regarding the restructuring of the
department. The membership included the Deputy Commissioner and
Assistant Commissioners and consultants from units and offices across the
department. In the preamble to its report, the work group determined that it
was making recommendations for a mission-driven organization which
provides educational innovation and development as well as ongoing program
maintenance and administration (Recommendations from Revisioning Work
Group, 1995). The work group developed three principles that guided the
process for gathering information that was used in formulating their
reorganization recommendations: all staff at CDE would have input, the
recommendations were to be grounded in a comprehensive systems design
and the resources expertise and knowledge base exists within CDE to make
31


significant systemic change" (Recommendations from the Revisioning Work
Group, 1995).
The work group developed its own process to arrive at its
recommendations, which included weekly meetings, the distribution of a
survey instrument with the theme Imagine a great Department of Education,"
discussion and analysis of the data collected from the survey, brown-bag
lunch discussions around certain topics, and a two day meeting to consolidate
information and develop the revisioning systems design. The
recommendations of the work group were submitted to the Commissioners
Policy Council on May 15, 1996. The report contained many suggestions for
the realignment of the department, with two major components: (1) that high
overarching priorities affecting all units, offices and projects drive the
organization, and (2) that all traditional programs continue to function and be
maintained. The report recommended what was termed a double matrix
design, which was intended to create a process for leadership across the
office according to the principles of the identified mission statement, while
maintaining traditional program operations. The recommendations included
the maintenance of top-down chain-of-command practice to continue the
traditional program functions in the department.
The work groups recommendations did include one measure in its
report that foreshadowed the future. The report called for Priority Teams,
32


teams that would meet monthly and address priorities that emerged from the
data collected by the revisioning work group, such as cutting red tape and
streamlining record keeping (Recommendations from the Revisioning Work
Group, 1995). In addition, Issue Priority Teams were recommended to
respond and react to issues that arose outside the departments planning
process. Development Priority Teams were also recommended to respond to
priorities developed from a department proactive planning process.
The establishment of these teams was designed to complement and to
integrate the changes to the departments work brought on by the Colorado
standards bill, the new federal legislation including Goals 2000: Educate
America Act, School to Work Act, and amendments to the ESEA. The
perception in the department at the time was that cross-disciplinary expertise
was required to accommodate the work of the new reform initiatives and that a
team approach was the most appropriate model. We believed that the team
approach was the best way to make use of the skills and knowledge in the
department. Teams just seemed appropriate. According to former
Commissioner Randall, the work groups recommendations were well received
by the Commissioner's Policy Council.
Participants in the work group process and CDE staff held conflicting
ideas concerning what would happen to the groups recommendation, I
wasnt sure that any of this work would lead anywhere. I think it was a
33


waste of resources. I felt good about the work, I just thought that nothing
major would come out of it.
There are differing opinions as to whether the departments revisioning
process has had any fasting effect on the work and structure of CDE. Former
Commissioner Randall and Acting Commissioner Laughlin have maintained
the Priority Team model for addressing special issues arising from the
departments work. However, the double matrix approach and many of the
structural changes recommended by the work groups report were not
implemented. The reasons articulated by staff for this are also differing. Top
management failed to follow through," and the timing was not right were
some of the comments by those who observed the process. Others felt that
the department was too big to follow through with such a massive change.
These reasons, while instructive, may not be accurate. Some believe that the
departments effort is being continued by the OSS revisioning process. Acting
Commissioner Laughlin indicated that Brian's [ Brian McNulty, head of OSS ]
Offices effort was the next step in the process [of structural change]."
Others believe that the OSS effort was initiated because the
departments revisioning process was a failure. We were forced to start our
effort because the CDE attempt was a failure. A recurring observation at the
beginning of the OSS effort was that upper management within the
department was not enthusiastically willing to follow through on putting all of
34


the recommendations into place. They just wrote another report that ended
up on a shelf. It is interesting to note that the work groups recommendations
attempted to combine a hierarchical and a team-based design in the
restructuring of the department. One OSS staff member believes the
outcome of the COE revisioning effort makes the process undertaken by OSS
even more remarkable. We started off with a bad taste in our mouth, and yet
we went ahead. The one incontrovertible outcome of the CDE effort was that
it set the stage for the OSS revisioning, the focus of this research. Moreover,
in addition to the team concept, the COE effort contributed the idea of systems
redesign, which would also reappear in the OSS revisioning effort. It also set
the precedent that hierarchical management practice could coexist with
teams.
Office of Special Services
OSS is an administrative office within CDE with a staff of 70 employees
and managers and an annual budget of around $200 million from state,
federal and some private sources. The office administers federal grant
programs including Migrant Education, Title I (the program for poor and
disadvantaged children), Early Childhood Education, Special Education and
several other programs for at-risk youth including drug-free and HIV
programs. Prior to the redesign process, the OSS had two directors with
35


management and supervisory authority, several mid-level supervisors, senior
and staff consultants, and clerical and support staff. Some units within OSS
at the onset of the revisioning process were operating in a traditional
bureaucratic mode, while others were managed by a team -based approach.
The size of the units ranged from one or two staff to over 25 staff members.
The administrative head of the office was an Assistant Commissioner, Brian
McNulty, who has direct reporting authority to the Policy Council and to the
Commissioner. The office was loosely structured in a hierarchical pyramid
with chain-of-command authority from the Assistant Commissioner to
managers, down to consultants and support staff. While housed in a
bureaucratic structure, the work was accomplished both by chain-of-command
and by informal collaboration and the ad hoc approach of doing whatever it
takes to get the job done.
By the late spring of 1995 several staff at OSS, including Assistant
Commissioner Brian McNulty, realized that while the CDE revisioning process
had enjoyed some success, it was not moving far enough and fast enough.
The Republican majority in the 104th Congress, whose leadership since
January and February 1995 had been introducing legislation to slash or
eliminate funding for many federal programs over which the OSS had
oversight, had also introduced legislation to eliminate USDOE. OSS staff
believed that these measures, if enacted, would eliminate staff positions,
36


greatly curtail the programs effectiveness and dramatically inhibit the ongoing
work in the office. We believed that the potential for serious impact on the
work of the office was high. Brian McNulty believed that irrespective of the
votes in Congress, it was clear that we needed to explore different ways of
doing our work.
Throughout the summer of 1995 informal and formal discussions within
OSS were ongoing as to how to address both the rapidly changing initiatives
of education reform in Colorado, including the standards movement, and also
the immediate threat of fewer resources. Office-wide meetings were held and
discussions across the office were convened to brainstorm ideas and to try to
get a handle on what we could do about what was going on." Interest was
relatively high and attendance at discussion groups was strong. People think
their jobs are at risk and are interested in saving their positions and their
work." By late summer, OSS voted to undertake a revisioning process to
explore work redesign and an office restructuring. The office also determined
that it would contract with an outside facilitator to serve as an impartial change
agent.
Rita Schweitz, the facilitator selected, was known by and had worked
with several OSS consultants in conducting community focus groups or
search conferences in collaboration with the CONNECT Project. While her
background was primarily devoted to working with reengineering and redesign
37


process in the private sector, she was a practitioner of the process called
participative design, a process developed originally in the Norwegian Industrial
Democracy Program between 1962 and 1969.
In 1939 laboratory studies had concluded that democratically designed
organizations resulted in greater creativity, cooperation and commitment to its
work (Cabana, 1995). Experiments conducted within the British coal industry
in the early 1950s, building on those earlier experiments, tested an alternative
form of work structure based on semi-autonomous work groups, which
resulted in a 25 percent higher productivity rate at 40 percent lower cost.
Fred Emery, a leading researcher in the Norwegian and British studies,
developed a democratic process he termed participative design, which he
believed overcame the limitations of the social and technical systems design
(STSD), which was the fundamental outcome of the Norwegian studies
(Cabana, 1995).
Schweitz was trained by Emery in the techniques of implementing
workshops designed to facilitate employee participation in the redesign
process; these were termed participative design workshops (PDW). Those
staff at OSS who had worked with Schweitz requested that she make a
presentation to the entire office. In September 1995 she appeared in an
office-wide meeting and introduced the staff to the nature and design of the
PDW. Subsequent to that presentation, the office determined to contract with
38


her to facilitate their redesign process.
Thereafter, in the fall of 1995, members of the office self-selected into
several teams to prepare for the PDW. A Traffic Control Team was
organized to coordinate this work. The PDW process assumes that the
organization has a previously established mission statement and a statement
of critical minimums." The critical minimums are work that is absolutely
required by law or regulation. The OSS Traffic Control Team coordinated the
other teams that were organized: benchmarking, adult development, issues,
education and internal research. In addition to establishing these critical
minimums for the office and arriving at the office mission statement, these
teams began a conversation concerning what they wanted the office to look
like. Attendance at the team meetings was sporadic, and as the PDW dates
approached, there was growing concern across the office that commitment to
the process was faltering. To address this problem, Brian McNulty sent out a
memorandum strongly encouraging all staff to participate. There is data
suggesting that even before the process formally began, interest was ebbing.
I have a lot of other stuff to do. This had better work.
Comments from staff indicated support for the revisioning process was
mixed: Id say about 30 percent of the staff supported going forward, 30
percent definitely opposed it and about 30 percent were ambivalent. Im not
believing were wasting this time, I have so much work to do. This process
39


I
is the only way we have a chance to survive at all in the face of all the
changes. Despite the ongoing conflict about the process, the teams did
reach consensus on the mission statement and the critical minimums of the
entire office. By the end of 1995, OSS was poised to commence the redesign
process which is the subject of this dissertation.
Overview of the Revisionina Process
The Participatory Design Workshop (PDW), as previously noted, grew
out of the work initiated in the Norwegian Industrial Democracy Program in the
1960s, which in turn was based on the work initiated in the British coal
industry in the 1950s. The latter explored efforts to create more democratic
organizations in order to improve their vitality, creativity, and efficiency
(Cabana, 1995). Those efforts were design process experiments imposed by
management in an effort to increase participation and productivity in these
organizations. Emery developed the PDW as a democratic process, whereby
members of organizations themselves, participate directly in the
implementation of a redesign process leading to self-management. In the
executive briefing that Schweitz presented to the OSS staff, a partial
statement of the benefits of this process were articulated as follows:
It is fast and effective. It takes no more than two days for people to
redesign their own section.
40


It is economical in that there is no ongoing consultation.
It is enduring; it builds skills that staff can utilize to respond to new
conditions.
Because it is not imposed, resistance is minimal.
Senior managements positions will also shift.
Staff will feel accountable, responsible and committed to group
goals.
Productivity, quality and service will improve.
The goal of the PDW is to develop a new framework for an
organization, which operates to shift both the structure of the agency
(relationships between employees) and the values and approach to the work.
The shift is depicted as being from an old paradigm with the following
characteristics:
People as redundant replaceable parts
External coordination and control
Bureaucratic structure
Maximum task breakdown with narrow skills
Building blocks of one person/one task with rote repetition
And the shift is to a new paradigm characterized by:
Internal coordination and control
41


Democratic participation at least within each unit
Organizational design based on minimal critical specifications with
room for modification
Building blocks consisting of self-managing systems
High involvement and commitment toward goals
It is instructive to note that the old paradigm articulated in this process
was adopted from the work of Frederick Taylor and is demonstrative of the
classical bureaucratic model of Max Weber (Cabana, 1995). It is also
instructive to note that many staff believed that changing the structure of the
office was a precondition to doing their work differently. This belief regarding
the link between the structure and the method of performing the work will be
explored in Chapter 5.
On January 24, 1996, the first day of the two-day PDW was held by
OSS. On May 6, 1996 in the board room of the CDE Office Building, the OSS
met to install the new permanent management team and to officially and
symbolically mark the transfer of power to self-management. More detailed
discussion of the steps in the revisioning process will be presented in Chapter
5. In the four months between the first PDW and the installation of its new
management team, OSS went through a change process that some
organizations never finish and that many abandon. OSS overcame
considerable odds to orchestrate this outcome.
42


Other outcomes from the decision by OSS in the late summer and early
fall of 1995 to attempt a change process or revisioning to be better able to
help all kids continues. This research evaluates and analyzes the part of the
process that took place between January 1996 and January 1997. The
significance and results of the Colorado revolution, as the Acting
Commissioner termed it, may take years to appreciate fully.
A review of the relevant literature is presented in the next chapter.
43


CHAPTER 3
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Introduction
The bureaucratic paradigm has been the dominant model of
government for the United States. From Wilsons call for the application of
business principles to the practice of public administration ~ in order to
promote the efficient operation of government based on the assumption that
the administration should be grounded in centralized authority to Webers
declaration that the reason for the popularity of bureaucratic organizations
was their purely technical superiority, to Osborne and Gaebleris admission
that bureaucratic organizations continue to work today in some circumstances,
it is clear that the bureaucratic structure is deeply ingrained in the discipline
and practice of public administration. At the same time, in particular over the
last five years, Americans have demonstrated ambivalence toward a highly
centralized public administration for fear that its power, if unchecked or
unreformed, would remain repressive and inefficient.
The goal of this dissertation is to increase the understanding of
bureaucratic reform efforts of public organizations by examining the redesign
process of the Colorado Department of Education, Office of Special Services.
This literature review, therefore, relates principles of bureaucratic reform, in
44


particular the reinvention movement, to the nature of the work of OSS and
the public education policy system in which it operates. This research
explores theoretical developments at the intersection of the reinvention
movement and the education reform movement.
The staff at OSS see their office as a vehicle for delivering educational
programs. They saw their vehicle as being outdated, unable to take them
where they needed to go. Their effort at revisioning was the attempt both to
redesign the structure or body of their vehicle, as well as to open the hood
and rework its engine. The metaphor of an automobile on a highway will be
employed to chronicle this redesign journey. This dissertation is the effort to
describe or to map this journey. The landscape will be pointed out and
described as this vehicle makes its way toward its destination, serving the
needs of all children.
This chapter outlines the rise of the bureaucratic model, its
advantages and strategic strong points for public management practice. At
the same time that it was becoming the model for organizational structure, it
became the target for reform. Initiatives such as reinvention, reengineering
and continuous improvement attempt to refine and revise the bureaucratic
model to reflect changes and advances in society.
The rise and growth of organization change and development practice,
designed to align the interests of the employee with the organization, began to
45


affect the bureaucratic structure. The alignment of the values of individual
employees with those of the organization has come to be viewed as a process
to reform the bureaucratic structure to become more efficient. The
bureaucratic structure also has had to respond to the interests of its
stakeholders, the actors within its policy systems. The goals of making the
public organization more responsive and efficient has required changes both
inside and outside the administrative agency.
Finally, the bureaucratic reform movement has had an impact upon and
been influenced by the ongoing reforms in public education. Legislative
initiatives designed to decentralize authority to promote local participation in
education decisions is having an impact on the public school system
bureaucracy. Each of these areas will be explored in this chapter to provide
the context for this study.
John Dewey (1976) argued at the turn of the last century that the
advent of the industrial age, while creating more opportunities, increasingly
placed work and education under more bureaucratic organization. The
bureaucracy for Dewey undercuts the peoples ability to govern democratically
because it eliminates the need for problem solving and engaging in discourse.
For Dewey, the paradox between efficiency and a democracy required new
approaches for public education in view of industrializations creation of
improved communication and economic networks. These advancements
46


created greater opportunities for interdependence and collaboration which,
Dewey argued, allowed more democratic-style participation and socialization
than the rugged individualist behavior of the 18th and 19th centuries (Skrtic,
Sailor, & Gee, 1996). Those new opportunities required new strategies for
public education including collaborative thinking and reflective discourse which
continue to be played out in the reform movement in todays post-industrial
era.
Kina Bureaucracy *
The principles of management that the contemporary reform
movement, including the reinvention of government, seek to amend and
improve upon, have roots in a scientific management practice of the late 19th
and early 20th Centuries. That crusade called for professionalism,
specialization, faith in rational thinking, and the application of scientific
principles to government operations. It also arose in response to the
separation and fragmentation of responsibilities, lack of leadership, and
political corruption that characterized the early stages of American
government (Mosher, 1981). These developments set the stage for Wilsons
distinction between politics and administration and his prescription that
business principles be applied to public administration practice in an effort to
improve government operations (Wilson, 1887). The idea that administration
47


should be subordinate to politics gave legitimacy to the view that a science of
administration should attempt to make government more businesslike,
because the values of democratic principles were preserved in the operations
and practice of politics (Goodnow, 1900).
As the country became more industrialized, and as the work became
more specialized, the application of scientific principles to cure inefficiencies
and increase productivity in factories and other organizational systems
became more widespread. Frederick Taylor called for the substitution of
science for judgment and for the reduction of certain work to its simplest and
most basic tasks in order that it could be measured easily and learned quickly
by someone with little education (Taylor, 1923). Taylors time and motion
studies had a significant impact on the nature of management and the
organization of work, and his ideas influenced managers in the public and
private sectors.
With their emphasis on efficiency, Taylors theories developed into
management practices that changed the nature of American work life. The
division of labor, specialization, rigid control, and the separation of line and
staff became basic principles of management. Henry Fayol argued that the
changing emphasis of work from craftsmanship toward the mass production of
the factory required many practices such as planning, organizing, unity of
command, coordination, centralization and higher hierarchical structures
48


I
(Fayol, 1949). These management practices gained acceptance, and by the
time Leonard White wrote the first text on public administration in 1926, the
impact of the industrial revolution on management principles permeated
Whites theory that administration was the heart of modem government and
that it could be transformed from an art to a science by the adoption of
scientific management principles borrowed from the private sector (White,
1926).
Luther Gulick's (1937) theories on management, reduced to his
infamous acronym POSDCORB, are indicative of the degree to which
scientific principles affected theories of organizational management and
administration, and specialization of work required coordination through unity
of command. Gulick argued that the challenge of the government
organization was to design a structure by which the manager could control the
actions of specialized units in order to promote efficiency. Both Gulick and
White gave the value of efficiency a high priority for government management
practices, and by the time Max Weber(1947) wrote his essays on bureaucratic
structure, the hierarchical authority pyramid was viewed as the most efficient
method for the coordination of highly specialized labor in both public and
private organizations.
Webers discussion is the classic treatise on bureaucratic
organizations. While his ideas have served as models for modem
49


administrative organizations, it is important to note that he employed the
ideal-type as his analytic tool, selectively extrapolating from the real world
his view of the basic characteristics of an ideal, functioning bureaucracy
(Weber, 1947). A key idea for Weber was that any model of authority must
necessarily establish its own legitimacy. The bureaucratic organization
achieved its legitimacy through legal authority, in which the right of those in
positions of authority to issue commands is premised upon agreement by the
groups members to be controlled by that system, enabling the group to
function in a coordinated way (Weber, 1947). The members of the
administrative staff of the bureaucracy exercised legal authority by carrying
out the commands of those agreed to be in control. One of the strongest
arguments in opposition to bureaucratic reform efforts such as the reinvention
movement is that those initiatives fail to accommodate the legal authority and
tradition on which the bureaucratic model rests.
Weber also argued that knowledge was the basis for the exercise of
control in a bureaucracy, which rendered it rational and therefore preferable to
older, more autocratic models. Weber predicted that the application of
bureaucratic systems in a wide range of contexts would be a major
development of the modem era. That prediction has been proven true. The
bureaucratic model has withstood the test of time, has thrived as the
conventional wisdom in public administration, and has become what Dubnick
50


terms King Bureaucracy(l 994). This has occurred, according to Dubnick,
because it lived up to Weber's billing for pervasiveness because of its purely
technical superiority over any other form of organization (Weber, 1978).
The application of scientific management principles to public
organizations, culminating in the rise, application and acceptance of the
bureaucratic model, did not occur without criticism. Mary Parker Follett (1940)
argued for a constructive use of conflict in response to issues arising from the
organization rather than obedience to orders from the chain of command. She
advocated integration, a practice that required the invention of win-win
solutions, similar to the mediation process or thinking out of the box" to solve
issues in management. Paul Appleby (1945) argued that political influence in
administration has value because it acts as a check on the arbitrary exercise
of bureaucratic power. His ideas attempted to shatter the politics-
administration dichotomy, and he argued that administration is largely a
political process. These ideas foreshadowed the attack on bureaucratic
administration by raising the contradictions between the values inherent in the
scientific management movement and democratic values.
Kina Bureaucracy Under Sieoe
As America moved into the post-war era, the critics of scientific
management became more vocal. Herbert Simon (1957) criticized the various
51


principles of scientific management as being unrealistic and superficial but
supported the high value those principles placed on efficiency. His focus on
the individual and complex organizations and the value of aligning the interest
of the individual with those of the organization, albeit to enhance productivity
and efficiency, was a forerunner of contemporary efforts at placing value on
the individual within the organization. These ideas are relevant to this
research in that OSS's team management model attempts to allow the
individual more autonomy in the effort to work smarter. Similarly, Robert
Dahl (1947) argued that the priority placed on efficiency by management
practices in public administration was itself a value that necessarily competed
with other values such as individual participation and responsibility. The
behavior of individuals, for Dahl, was the critical component of management
practice in public organizations (Dahl, 1947).
As scientific managements principles increasingly were challenged,
greater emphasis was placed on democratic values, with the focus on
individual autonomy and responsibility. Robert Merton (1980) argued that the
bureaucratic structure was dysfunctional, because it operated to eliminate
personalized relationships, promoted unusual degrees of conformity, and was
inflexible in response to changing conditions. Theorists, including Dwight
Waldo (1948), expressed the view that the exclusive reliance on scientific
principles and public management practice operated to subvert basic
52


democratic principles. Waldo also offered solutions such as models of client-
centered bureaucracy and representative bureaucracy as methods for
reconciling that conflict (Waldo, 1948).
It should be noted that while the bureaucratic model has come under
critical discussion throughout the modem era with detractors pointing out its
drawbacks and weaknesses, many theorists continue to argue for its
domination. Scholars such as Thompson (1983) and Downs (1967) even
argue that components of a bureaucratic structure could be compatible with
democratic principles. Thompson theorized that the professionalism of civil
servants within the bureaucracy could achieve some degree of
responsiveness to employee interests, while promoting efficiency. Harlan
Cleveland (1985) continued the attack, however, arguing that because
information is the most central resource, organizational structure based on
control is inappropriate for the modem information society. This continuing
debate over the nature and structure of public institutions underscores the
ever-changing and evolutionary nature of the theoretical foundations of public
administration discipline and practice.
Contemporary Reform
The tension between the values of efficiency and the democratic
values of accountability, participation and equality have remained at the center
l
53


of this theoretical debate. The principles that provide the foundation for the
reinvention reform movement have roots in the debate over whether
government should be run like a business. Osborne and Gaebler (1992),
the reinvention pioneers, argue for a business-like, entrepreneurial approach
to public management, founded on market-based principles, which
emphasizes responsiveness to the customers of government, the citizens in
the community. This has the effect of giving citizens more opportunity to
participate in government operations by providing incentives for competition
through such practices as privatizing and outsourcing. Government, for
Osborne and Gaebler, should be mission-driven rather than turf-driven, as
practiced in the bureaucracy.
A mission orientation includes placing the emphasis on performance
and the outcomes of programs and services rather than on the inputs, or on
following rules and regulations. Moreover, they argue, as market principles
are practiced, government operations shift from the bureaucratic chain of
command to participative team work, promoting flexibility and innovation, and
decentralization and participation, which can result in the flattening of the
organizational hierarchy. These principles of team work, flexibility and
innovation are particularly relevant to this research.
Barzelay (1992) acknowledges the contributions of the reform
movement, but he also argues that the core issue for the bureaucratic model
54


is its conflict with the democratic value of accountability. He also
acknowledges the deeply ingrained nature of the bureaucratic structure, and
borrowing Thomas Kuhns (1962) usage of the term paradigm articulates a
new post-bureaucratic paradigm, based on the new market ideas of
customer-driven and service-driven government operations. He contends
that while previous scholars and theorists sought methods to reform or
improve government and bureaucratic structure and reconcile it with
democratic principles, those ideas did not challenge directly the bureaucratic
paradigms basic principles of administration, organization and accountability.
For Barzelay the post-bureaucratic model emphasizes quality and value
rather than efficiency, production rather than administration, accountability
rather than enforcement, and uses norms which operate to solve problems
rather than following rules and regulations. These goals are among those
which OSS is pursuing in its redesign process.
The breaking through or the transformation of the bureaucratic
paradigm has become the latest generation of the legacy of reform.
Moreover, the NPR and the reinvention movement, according to Fredrickson,
has enjoyed the highest visibility among modem reform movements
(Fredrickson, 1996). He suggests that there are common characteristics and
perhaps links between the reinvention movement and previous reform
methods such as the new public administration movement of the 1960s. Both
55


regard the bureaucratic paradigm as their target for reform. Both advocate
decentralization, flatter hierarchy, and public-private partnerships based on
entrepreneurial principles (Fredrickson, 1996). This dissertation explores the
process which reorganizes the hierarchy of OSS as well as the shift to a
collaborative, problem solving style of educational policy implementation
based on networks of community partnerships.
Fredrickson also points out that the reinvention movement is currently
the subject of a critical debate regarding its strengths and weaknesses and
the values that it promotes (Kettl, 1994; Dilulio, Garvey, and Kettl, 1993; Moe,
1993; Rosenbloom, 1994). Ronald Moe and Robert Gilmour (1995), argue
that the application of generic behavioral principles of managemenf can not
become substitutes for the public-law-based, constitution-based methods of
conducting the publics business. To do so would be to run the risk of eroding
away constitutionally protected measures such as the separation of powers,
rights of due process, equal protection, and over two hundred years of
statutory, regulatory, and judicial case law which has evolved to preserve our
republican form of government. They argue that public law is the cement
that binds the separated powers of the administrative state, that ensures legal
accountability of its officials and prevents abuse of discretion in administrative
institutions.
56


The four key principles of the NPR cutting red tape, promoting
customer satisfaction using market principles of competition and customer
choice, decentralization of authority, and working better and costing less
through entrepreneurial practice and advanced technologies represent for
Moe and Gilmour a fundamental clash of culture with the public law tradition.
The practices of the business management culture as embodied in the NPR
must not, they argue, take precedence over the legal foundations that have
been nurtured over the centuries. They warn against the blending of public
and private sector management practice and encourage the continued
distinctions which preserve the fundamental principles of each.
James Carroll (1995) argues that the NPR is both an administrative
and a political approach to rethinking public administration. Its administrative
goals are deregulating institutions of government by reducing red tape,
empowering employees to produce results, and promoting customer
satisfaction. The NPR political theory is a paradigm based upon a paradox
(Carroll, 1995, 302). The paradox is that the NPR revives the old politics-
administration dichotomy. On its face, it shifts decision making authority for
implementing policy to administration, or as Kettl suggests, from Congress to
the agencies of the executive branch. It does this in five ways:
1. Distinguishes between policy and management.
57


2. Extends the politics-administration dichotomy from inside the
government into the society.
3. Deregulates the administration by freeing it from political control or
red tape.
4. Redefines accountability in the constitutional system.
5. Redefines politics by taking congressional control out of public
management.
This resurrection of the dichotomy, for Carroll, only operates to open
old wounds. It also turns government into an enterprise more like a WalMart,
rather than a public institution grounded in the public law tradition (Carroll,
1995, 310).
The NPRs worst transgression, however, is that it ignores the realities
of the Federalist Papers, the Constitution and much of American history. Like
Moe and Gilmour, Carroll argues that the constitutional framework must take
precedence over business management practice. The primary purpose of the
government, as stated in the Preamble to the Constitution, is not to provide
services to customers, but to maintain an institutional framework grounded in
law that promotes the pursuit of the national values-values such as promoting
a more perfect union, ensuring domestic tranquillity and promoting the general
welfare, which are intended to be preserved by the Constitution.
58


In view of the criticism that the NPR has generated, the question
becomes: Can reinvention efforts and outcomes remain consistent with the
constitutional and legal framework, or is it an either/or choice?
One channel within the stream of reform literature having direct
relevance to and which casts a different light on this research, the
reengineering literature, has many similarities as well as differences with the
reinvention movement. The classic reengineering treatise, Hammer and
Champeys Reengineering the Corporation (1993). depicts the modem
corporate organization as not only faced with new pressures, but struggling for
its very existence. Hammer and Champey argue that business leaders, to
revive their organizations, should not tinker at the edges of reform, but rather
start over by putting everything on the table as targets. Meeting customers
expectations is the baseline for this type of reform, from which all successful
businesses are built. Reengineering practices also quickly found application
in the public sector. Kettl argues that despite the reengineers claim that their
ideas are new, their focus on efficiency dates back to the scientific
management movement (Kettl, 1995).
The reengineering literature, however, has provided a formula for
authentic bureaucratic reform. Hall, Rosenthal, and Wade (1993) argue that
true and long-term reform is possible only when the redesign efforts satisfy
two conditions: The reform must be broadly defined to improve performance
59


across the entire organization, and it must be deep enough to pull six depth
levers. The depth levers, elements of the organization that can produce
radical change, include roles and responsibilities, measurements and
incentives, organizational structure, information technology, shared values,
and skills.
Another channel in the stream of reinvention reform is the continuous
improvement movement literature, closely associated with total quality
management (TQM). W. Edwards Deming (1982) argues that the quality of
the product has the highest priority. TQM places a continuous effort to
achieve quality as the highest management priority. In the TQM process, staff
are considered the experts who know best how to serve customers, improve
work, and solve problems (Kettl, 1995). The principles of this movement have
been applied successfully to public organizations, and Kettl argues that the
continuous improvement movement drove the NPR more than any other set of
ideas. Former CDE Commissioner Randall instituted TQM workshops for
certain employees within the department several years prior to the OSS
revisioning effort in the attempt to address the changing nature of the
departments work.
Kettl also points out that there is a tremendous gap between all of
these reform theories and the day to day reality faced by public managers.
David Osborne and Peter Plastrik (1997) have provided a contemporary
60


discussion of how to close this gap. They employ a biological metaphor in
suggesting that public organizations and systems are shaped by their genetic
DNA," those codes that determine what type of organization they are. They
argue that the reinvention of government really involves the fundamental
transformation of public systems and organizations to create dramatic
increases in their effectiveness, efficiency, adaptability, and capacity to
innovate (Osborne and Plastrik, 1997,13-14). In order to accomplish this,
the DNA of systems and organizations- their purpose, incentives,
accountability, power structure and culture- must be changed. The building
blocks or bases of public organizations DNA contain the critical formulae
that guide the operations.
The process Osborne and Plastrik describe to achieve a genetic
transformation involves employing a strategy that addresses key leverage
points to make fundamental changes (Osborne and Plastrik, 1997, 28). The
reinventors' challenge is to be strategic by using available levers to transform
the underlying dynamics in the system. This in turn changes everything else
in the system. They term their strategies the Five C strategy for changing
the DNA of a public organization:
1. The core strategy which addresses the systems purpose lever.
2. The consequences" strategy which addresses the system's
incentive lever.
61


3. The customers" strategy which addresses the systems
accountability lever.
4. The control strategy which addresses the power lever.
5. The culture" strategy which addresses the culture lever.
Each of these strategies, they argue, has different approaches and
many tools. Their goal is to replace bureaucratic systems with entrepreneurial
self-renewing systems. Analysis of the significance of the self-renewing
systems will be addressed in greater detail below.
The literature reviewed suggests that ongoing efforts to reform the
bureaucratic paradigm have been influenced by ideas concerning the
separation of politics and administration, the application of business and
scientific practices and the applications of market-based constructs. The
most recent application of a biological nuclear metaphor attempts genetic
reengineering to reprogram the building blocks of the public organization.
Webers bureaucratic model became both the culmination of the demand for
efficiency and productivity and the target for polemics arguing for the
advancement of democratic principles and values.
While the bureaucratic model remains, despite these attacks and
efforts at reform, it should be noted that there are different types of
bureaucratic agencies which may be differentially affected by efforts at reform.
Theodore Lowi (1985) argues that the nature of the policy being implemented
62


by a government agency has particular significance. He contends that a
public organization can be classified based on the form of the state action
being advanced. The intention of the state, as expressed by its law or policy,
is the major factor in analyzing both the outcome of that policys
implementation and the structure and operation of the agency administering
that policy. Accordingly, he classifies policy and therefore the administrative
agency into four categories: regulatory, redistributive, distributive and
constituent.
This classification is important to this research because according to
Lowis analysis, OSS is classified as a constituent type agency. This type of
agency has minimal responsibility or authority to promulgate or implement
regulations that directly affect private citizen conduct. Rules or regulations
with which this agency is involved apply to other public organizations and
agencies. Networks of linkages to other agencies rather than a hierarchy
would be the expected structure for an organization doing this sort of work.
As will be seen, OSS was operating in part according to Lowis analysis of a
constituent agency, and the redesign efforts to change to management by
work teams must be evaluated within that frame of reference. Similarly,
Osborne and Plastrik (1997) argue that there are four basic types of public
organizations depending on the nature of their work-policy, regulatory,
service and complianceand that most organizations perform more than one,
63


if not all functions at the same time. Each function and type of agency, they
argue, requires the application of different genetic transformation strategies.
Organization Systems Theory
The reform movements of the reinventors, reengineers, and continuous
quality improvement advocates favor promoting values different from, and
organizational alternatives to, the bureaucratic hierarchy. The theories fueling
the debate over the values and structures to change or to replace the
hierarchy and by what process, arise in the organizational theory and systems
theory literature. Moreover, organization theory draws heavily from and is
related to the bureaucratic reform literature.
As previously discussed, Progressive era theorists of the late 19th and
early 20th centuries argued for the application of business principles to public
management practices, in order to promote efficient administrative machines.
Ideas such as the division of labor and specialization can be viewed as
fundamental pillars of early organizational theory. Classic theorists such as
Fayol (1949) and Taylor (1923) enlarged these ideas into organizational
concepts such as unity of command and the subordination of the individual
interests to the organizational interest. Webers (1947) ideal-type
bureaucratic structure was the classic statement, not only on organizational
structure, but also on patterns of behavior within the organization. These
64


ideas were compatible with the politics-administration dichotomy commonly
accepted at that time.
Post-Progressive theorists in the 1940s and 1950s agreed that
organizations should value efficiency, as argued by Gulick (1937), but that
there must be freedom within organizations for individuals to develop.
Scholars such as Merton (1957) explored the effects of division of labor,
specialization, and alienation on the individual, and believed that organizations
should be instrumental to human growth and actualization.
The neoclassical organizational theorists enlarged upon the ideas of
the potential for individual development within the organization. Talcott
Parsons (1956) defined the organization as a social system that attempts to
accomplish goals, while Cyert and March (1963) analyzed the effect power
and politics have on setting and achieving organizational goals. They
suggested that individuals have behavioral needs other than meeting the
economy and efficiency requirements of the organization in which they work; it
is these needs that provide motivation for work and production. These ideas
enlarged the mushrooming body of organizational theory and ushered in
widespread application of the social sciences to what was termed formal
organizational behavioral theory.
The acceptance of the power and value of the individual within the
organization gave impetus to the increase in research and study concerning
65


individuals and groups and their relationships to the structure of the
organization. Theorists, including Maslow(1962), McGregor (I960), and
Argyris (1970), conducted research on individual behavior and motivation and
on how the organizations environment might affect work and productivity.
The relationship between the organizations structure and employee
performance began attracting attention as motivational and behavioral
variables became more important in organizational theory. Theorists argued
over whether there is one best structure for any organization, given its
objectives, environment, the competition, and products or services. Warren
Bennis (1966) predicted the eventual extinction of the bureaucratic structure
because of its inability to respond to rapidly changing behavioral and
environmental stimuli. Similarly, Peter Drucker (1988) predicted that the rise
of mission-driven, information-based organizations in the information age
would tend to have a flatter structure and allow individuals more freedom.
The structure of the organization, therefore, has been linked to its
culture, the individual and collective behavior in the organization, and its
outside environment. Efforts to restructure the bureaucratic model should
take into account the research relating to the dynamics of the culture of
organizations. Chris Argyris (1970) argues for organizational consulting to
determine if a change in the organization is appropriate given the dynamics
within and the environment surrounding the organization. He proposed an
66


intervention theory, organization development, which assists the organization
in generating useful information that can provide the basis for change in
management practice leading to democratic outcomes.
In an earlier work, Personality and Organization (1957), Argyris
articulated the belief that formal organizational structures, including
bureaucratic models, tend to conflict with individual growth and development.
The traditional components of management practice (division of labor,
specialization of tasks, and the concentration of power in management hands)
operate to deny employees control over their work and render them alienated,
dependent, and limited in their behavior. For Argyris, this causes employee
frustrations and limits the participation and contribution of the employee to the
work of the organization. The better approach, he argues, is for the manager
to develop mechanisms whereby the individual employees growth can be
aligned with the demands of the organizations work. The alignment of the
ongoing changes in educational policy with the professional expertise and
interests of OSS' staff in a team configuration is an important component of
this research. A significant component of the new model of work at OSS
allows the staff to grow professionally in new emerging areas of work.
Robert Golembiewski has promoted the practice of organization
development in the public sector. He argues that the failure of formal theories
of organization to consider, much less address, the question of individual
67


freedom indicates a failure to appreciate the moral value of an individual
employee. He also argues that the values on which the traditional hierarchical
pyramid structure is based are dysfunctional and suggests a collaborative and
consensus- based management practice (1972). Many of Golembiewskis
ideas are based on his study and research into the dynamics of small group
behavior. His use of the group as a laboratory for the construction of
organization theory and development led him to construct techniques for
organization development such as team building. To Golembiewski, the team
reflected the values leading to personal and organizational change. Team-
based management as the replacement for a hierarchical model will be
evaluated in this research.
While Golembiewski has been criticized for imposing democratic values
on organizational development practice, his work on team development has
particular applicability to this research. The team approach, in particular the
self-managed work team (SMWT), has been termed a major productivity
breakthrough of the 1990s (Hoerr, 1989; Wellins et al., 1991). Increase in the
quality of performance is cited most often by managers as a reason to engage
in redesign efforts leading to self-managed work teams. Carol Sexton (1994)
points out that while the SMWT is a current organizational intervention
practice, it is not new. It was derived from the autonomous work group,
developed as an outcome of the sociotechnical systems theory of the 1960s.
68


Sexton, moreover, contends that there are three key design features
for an effective self-managed team. They are group task design, group
composition, and group norms. In the OSS revisioning process, a great deal
of attention was given to the changing nature and the concomitant tasks of the
work. For Sexton, the teams work and task design must be fashioned in a
way that motivates members and that depends on different skills (skill variety).
The advance toward multiskilled teams, Sexton argues, has the effect of
reducing job titles and descriptions, which can decrease the layers of
management. The design of self-managed teams at OSS took into account
the skills of the staff, as well as the work or passion that motivated them. The
emerging teams are staffed by individuals from diverse programs who are
attracted by the passion of the work.
Various streams of literature, including the sociotechnical literature,
have articulated six conditions necessary for the successful implementation of
self-managed work teams: proper training, shared vision, shared values,
shared benefits, managerial faith in employees, and an organization that
supports risk taking (Gandz, 1990). These conditions will be examined for
possible relationship to the work of the OSS redesign process.
As previously discussed, Fred Emerys work developed out of his
research in sociotechnical theory and is the basis for his development of the
PDW. This theorys premise is that work in group or teams is more likely to
69


be meaningful, develop true responsibility, and be more satisfying than work
which carries out top-down orders (Buchanan, 1979). Edward E. Lawler
(1986) argues that the research on the SMWT suggests that when work is
designed around "whole products or services, the need for hierarchical
structure and top-down supervision diminishes.
The redesign to self-managed work teams is another bureaucratic
reform practice promoting quality and productivity that has its roots in private
sector management practice. A recent survey of employee involvement
practices indicated that 47 percent of Fortune 1000 companies were
implementing self-managing work teams with some employees, and 60
percent of those companies report plans to increase that practice (Lawler,
Mohrman, and Ledford, 1992). Key components of the SMWT are:
1. Face to-face-interaction with team members.
2. Staff with interrelated tasks who are responsible for a product or
service.
3. Employee discretion over decisions of scheduling and work delivery
(Goodman, Ravlin, and Argote, 1988).
According to one study, self-managing team members typically have a
variety of skills relevant to the delivery of the teams tasks, and therefore the
work receives the benefit of collaboration, feedback and group problem
solving with cross-cutting expertise (Wall, Kemp, Jackson, and Clegg, 1986).
70


The resources required for the resolution of complex issues tends to be
multidisciplined and creative.
According to Cohen and Ledford (1994), the literature on SMWT
suggests that, while teams have a modest impact on performance, there is
direct and significant impact on quality. Most of the studies that have been
conducted exploring the outcomes of the self-managed work teams on
management practices have been performed in the private sector, primarily in
factories and plants.
A more recent application of organization theory, also derived from
management practice in the private sector, is the growing acceptance of
systems theorys application to the management of public organizations.
Since the late 1960s, the systems perspective has grown in significance and
credibility in organizational theory. While classical theorists viewed
organizations as static and one-dimensional, systems theorists view
organizations as dynamic, adaptive, and continuously adjusting to their
environments. The system is defined as any organized collection of parts,
having purposes of their own, united by prescribed interactions designed for
the accomplishment of specific goals (AckofF and Emery, 1972). One of the
laws of systems theory is that a change in any one element causes change in
another element in the system.
71


Robert Katz and Daniel Kahn (1966) argue that organizations are open
systems, which include the organizational entity and its operational
environment; they encourage the application of systems theory to both the
organization and to its environment. Osborne and Plastrik (1997) argue that
the reinvention of public organizations should include strategies for changing
the systems within which public organizations operate.
An extension or evolution of systems theory which also has relevance
is the new sciences body of literature. The term new sciences" derives
from research into physics, biology and chemistry and has as one of its major
construct the self organizing system, organized around core competencies
rather than individual products or units. Wheatley (1992) argues that systems
in nature can be likened to systems of organizations that respond quickly to
their fast-changing environments. These systems appear to be hopelessly
mired in erratic and chaotic behavior. From this behavior, complex
relationships come to operate in non-linear fashion.
Similarly, dissipative self-organization theory sets forth processes by
which order in a system is established in the middle of turbulent or chaotic
conditions through complete reorganization. The dissipative self-organizing
system first appeared in the research of Prigogine (Nicholis and Prigogine,
1977). A number of scholars have proposed that this new paradigm is
particularly relevant to organizations undergoing whole-system change (Leifer,
72


1989; Loye and Eisler, 1987). The application of non-linear analysis to
organizations and their environments has developed into a growing field of
study termed non-linear dynamics or chaos theory.
Douglas Kiel (1994) argues that there is a link between principles of
non-linear dynamics and public management practice. Just as non-linear
systems are characterized by changing relationships between constituent
parts producing instability and chaotic behavior, so too are public systems and
organizations as they attempt to address on-going rapid change. For Kiel,
chaos theory lays a foundation for creating organizations that are better able
to cope in a world of complexity and rapid change and also provides novel
methods for solving problems. Kiel argues that chaos theory can teach public
managers about unexpected results from seemingly simple work in an
organizational systems" (Kiel, 1994, 9). Efforts undertaken to redesign work
processes to respond to changes in the environment in hopes of improving
client service... can also in change employee performance and work team
output in strange ways (Kiel, 1994, 9).
Kiel points out several key directions for research in the areas of non-
linear systems to advance the efforts of improving public management
practice. They include: the focus on process in the organizations rather than
the structure of organizational charts, acceptance of and taking advantage of
uncertainty and risk, and the prospects and opportunities for improving the
73


delivery of series which are implied by the dynamics of instability. Kiels work
has started a discussion concerning the possible application of non-linear
systems theory to public organizations, though this work is still in its
preliminary stage.
The realization that systems theory, and possibly non-linear systems
theory, is relevant to education reform efforts underscores the pervasive
nature of the ongoing debate over public education and school reform.
The Excellence Movement In Education Reform
Efforts at improving public education have been ongoing over the last
50 years. Just as the post-World War II era brought dramatic structural and
operational changes in public institutions and public policy initiatives, public
education took on greater significance as the United States assumed its
leadership role on the global stage. The Cold War competition, especially
with the Soviet Union, intensified efforts to better educate American youth. By
the 1980s, however, Americans determined that their public schools were
failing them. Student test scores had been declining for nearly two decades,
suggesting that American young people trailed the youth of other democracies
in the mathematics and sciences (Chubb, 1988). The public slowly began
losing faith in its school systems and seriously questioned whether the United
States could remain competitive with the rising sophistication of the
74


educational advances of other modem countries.
As suggested earlier, the publication in 1984 of A Nation At Risk: The
Imperative For Educational Reform, which pointed to the serious inadequacies
of America's public schools (specifically that American school children were
far behind Japanese children), fanned the ongoing flames of education reform.
School reformers subscribing to what was called the excellence movement
sought to improve education by the further bureaucratization of schooling;
cracking down on student underachievement by increasing graduation
requirements, imposing sanctions for failing performance, getting tough with
teachers by strengthening certification requirements, and tightening the
evaluation and monitoring of educational spending.
Advocates of this approach did not challenge the bureaucratic structure
of school systems, as their passion was for making for those structures more
efficient (Cuban, 1989, 784). In the end, these efforts were
counterproductive since they turned the goals of higher achievement into
increasing the level of standardization, resulting in higher rationalization and
formalization. The outcomes of these efforts increased the degree of state
control, which increased the bureaucratic tendencies and attributes of the
public school systems. The major goal of improving educational performance
and promoting higher achievement and learning, however, remained
unrealized.
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These unsuccessful efforts underscore the fundamental conflict
between bureaucracy and autonomy in educational institutions (Chubb and
Moe, 1990). This conflict revolves around the inability of the key components
of the bureaucracy to administer effectively those educational policies that
have as their main goal higher student achievement. For Chubb and Moe, the
delivery of quality education is inherently difficult to measure in a quantifiable,
objective manner. Such measurement is a basic tool of a bureaucratic
structure. The question then becomes, what strategy should educational
institutions and systems employ to improve the levels of achievement and the
quality of education?
One strategy, the school restructuring movement, the second stage of
the excellence movement, seeks excellence by reducing standardization.
School restructuring advocates believe that educational achievement requires
an entirely new structure for schools, one premised on personalizing
instruction through collaborative problem solving among students, parents and
educators at local schools (Cuban, 1983,1989; Skrtic et al., 1996). This
strategy operates to break through the bureaucratic model of the public school
system by decentralizing authority, increasing discretion for local officials and
teachers to personalize educational programs, and putting the customers of
the system, the school children and parents, first. All of these strategies
exhibit principles of the reinvention movement and underscore the intersection
76


in this research of reinvention and education reform.
Osborne and Plastrik (1997) take issue, however, with the strategy of
devising a new structure to improve performance. Many public leaders
instinctively reorganize when they want to improve performance (Osborne
and Plastrik, 1997, 63). These efforts rarely succeed, according to these
theorists, because an organizations structure is not a "fundamental lever for
change(Osbome and Plastrik, 1997, 63). Lusis (1994) study of the state
department in Kentucky corroborates that analysis. Lusi found that structural
reform alone resulted in short-term cosmetic reorganization, not fundamental
and enduring change.
Teaming and collaboration have become major constructs of current
reform in educational policy, growing out of the special education environment
in the early 1980s (Skrtic et al., 1996). Studies showed that student
collaboration with family members, parents and local school officials was an
indicator of quality programs for individuals with disabilities (Halvorsen and
Sailor, 1990; Kagen and Neville, 1993) This collaboration, also referred to as
the inclusive education movement, developed from a long history of
integrating students with disabilities with regular students (Halvorsen and
Sailor, 1990). More recently, the inclusive school movement represents
school improvement along several dimensions for all students, not just the
placement of disabled students in the general classrooms. Educators began
77


to realize that the categorical philosophy of education programs was a
component of a categorical philosophy of community human assistance
supports, that increasingly came under attack.
Skrtic cites the example of the child needing a variety of educational
services who is denied access to multiple programs because of his/her being
assigned the prescriptive label autism. He/she then is segregated to receive
those supports and is denied access to receive less specialized services (non-
autism). Similarly, school administrators have been unable to coordinate
resources within schools to benefit students with multiple support needs (i.e.
Title I, bilingual, LEP, migrant) once those students were assigned a specific
designation (Skrtic etal., 1996).
The solution to this dilemma in special education has been to move to
inclusive models of service, to fashion instruction for the needs of the
classroom. This is also a strategy underlying the effort to collaborate and
coordinate education programs at the community level, and is demonstrated in
the federal reform initiatives.
Systemic School Reform
Traditionally, the implementation of education policy has included the
establishment and enforcement of rules of procedure imposed by the
bureaucratic hierarchy. Current education reform aims for accountability
78


centered on outputs, i.e., requiring compliance with content performance
standards. This allows professionals more discretion to decide their own
strategies for achieving performance and has come to be known as the shift
from input standards to performance output standards (Tucker, 1996).
Resnick and Wirt (1996) argue that drastic changes in the work place have
set the stage to develop the skills necessary to perform the requirements of
the rapidly evolving job market. The identification of these skills in choices of
curriculum, and ensuring their proper instruction through teacher certification
and licensing, has taken on new significance. The modem high-performance
information-based work place is producing a different set of requirements for
educators.
In the past ten years, the demands on educational policy have been
generated by pressures for economic productivity, democratic participation
and personal fulfillment. Resnick and Wirt (1996) argue that todays high
performance work place calls for employees to analyze a problem, make
reasoned judgments, communicate and engage with others in problem
solving, while operating tools and technologies. Educating workers who can
leam new skills over their entire working lives, who will be life long continuous
learners and workers, is the new mission of education policy.
A major vehicle for promoting education policy that advances output or
performance standards is the Goals 2000: Educate America Act of 1994. As
79


has been noted previously, this legislation both sets out educational goals at
the federal level as well as encourages and allows states and localities the
flexibility to develop their own goals and standards (Riley, 1995). Once those
standards are established, the states are requested to align virtually
everything else in their education system around helping their students
achieve their own goals and standards (Riley, 1995, 18). (The OSS efforts to
reinvent its structure and operations to self-managed work teams is in part
that effort to align the institution to the goals of flexibility and comprehensive
delivery of the reform education policy. This alignment has as its ultimate
objective the improvement of achievement for all diverse learners).
The Goals 2000 reform has not been without its chtics. John Boehner,
Republican congressman from Ohio, argues that Goals 2000 legislation was
designed to exert greater federal bureaucratic control over education. He
argues that it established three new federal bureaucracies: the National
Education Goals Panel, the National Education Standards and Improvement
Council and the National Skills Standard Board, which, instead of placing the
decision making in the states and local communities, creates more federal
bureaucratic control over education policy. He also characterizes this
legislation as merely trying to throw more money at our education problems
(Boehner, 1995, 54).
80


Jennifer O'Oay argues that Goals 2000 provides the basis for systemic
effort by the states to reform their educational programs and indicates a
significant shift in federal educational policies (ODay, 1995). For ODay, the
systemic policy reform underlying Goals 2000 focuses on improving student
learning through clear standards and integrated policy support for school-
based change. Central to the systemic reform is a unifying vision, a coherent
policy structure, and a redesigned structure for governing. At the heart of
systemic reform, ODay argues, is the opportunity for administrators, principals
and teachers to exercise discretion, to make decisions regarding content
standards and their achievement. She relies on the organizational theory
literature (Lawler, 1986) for the argument that control over work task and the
opportunity to participate increases productivity and effectiveness. She also
argues that these strategies, when applied to education systems, will improve
student performance. (These constructs of collaboration and flexibility are
also present as indicators in the inclusive school reform literature).
As previously discussed, Colorado adopted its version of standards-
based education in 1993 with the enactment of House Bill 1313. The move to
standards based education has had a profound impact on the way Colorados
educators think about the delivery of educational programs in the public
school system. Former Commissioner Randall admits that the standards bill
inspired him to think about team-based management and more collaborative
81


I
relationships within CDE. Acting Commissioner Laughlin confirms that
analysis. The standards bill was pivotal to where we are now.
The standards bill in Colorado, along with the Goals 2000 policies,
triggered an ongoing reform movement in Colorados public school system
similar and parallel to the standards movement nationally. While the literature
suggests that there may be consensus on the need for educational reform
(Rifkin, 1996), the debate continues over by what method. Some theorists
argue for more radical, wholesale surgery than the patient would willingly
undertake (Shreve and Liddel, 1992, 40), while others argue for more
incremental reform (Popham, 1988).
The key to the operation of all of the strategies for education reform is
the role of the SOE. While the President may advocate bold new initiatives,
the U.S. Department of Education may initiate numerous reforms, and
Congress may enact new legislation, the key to coordinating education policy
within each state has been traditionally the SDE. Whether allocating state or
federal funding, or providing technical assistance and consulting to local
school districts and classrooms, the SDE remains the fulcrum in the delivery
of educational policy. Therefore, systemic reform in public education may
have a significant relationship to the design and operation of a state
department of education.
82


Susan Lusi (1994) contends, as has been noted, that systemic school
reform necessarily will have an impact on SDE operations. She argues that
systemic reform presents unique challenges to the SDEs because successful
systemic school reform requires a fundamental change in the external and
internal working relationships of the state department. For Lusi, despite the
myriad attempts to improve student performance, the reform in the 1980s
maintained the status quo in teaching methods and strategies and therefore
did not achieve the improvements in student learning and achievement that
were its underlying purpose.
Systemic reform is distinguished from the previous reform efforts in two
ways. First, the target of reform is the education system as a whole (see
Osborne and Plastrik, (1997), requiring coherence and alignment across
component policies, rather than targeting one component for change. For
example, state assessments must be aligned with the content standards, and
teachers must be prepared to teach the skills and knowledge necessary for
achievement of those standards. Second, systemic reform attempts to shift to
the site of policy delivery, each classroom building, the development of
strategies for teaching and learning. In effect, this shift overturns the balance
of power from top-down bureaucratic standardization to bottom-up
collaboration and teamwork to deliver individual personalized learning
strategies (Lusi, 1994). This shift is indicative of the operation of reinvention
83


values, decentralization and empowering front line staff, intersecting with the
values of education reform, collaboration and inclusion.
Lusi also argues that SDEs will be leaders in managing this shift in
education policy and will be faced with complex, knowledge-intensive change.
The change is complex because of its effect on the entire policy system; the
change is knowledge-intensive because systemic reform seeks to promote
learning by all learners in all of their diversity ambitious content
knowledge as embodied in the federal, state, and local standards. One of
Lusis major theses is that the mission of an SDE engaged in systemic reform
will shift from focusing on regulatory compliance and monitoring to a
transformed focus on student learning and achievement. This will require
collaborative problem solving and planning by staff at the SOE.
A traditional regulatory compliance mission requires a regulatory
relationship with schools and districts, one that sets regulations, ensures
compliance and assists in the meeting of those regulations. State
departments, in this traditional relationship, also perform supervision functions
as required by law and enforce such programs as teacher licensing and
school accreditation (Stroufe, 1967). Incentives such as money and services
attempt to bring about certain outcomes and compliance in schools. All of
these functions are aimed at achieving the bureaucratic goals of compliance
with laws and regulations and not at improving learning. The effort to improve
84


the level of achievement of students in order to comply with standards
requires a completely different emphasis and strategy by the SDE. These are
the challenges which CDE/OSS have faced over the recent past.
Lusi also argues that the internal working relationships of the SDE
engaged in systemic reform should be affected as its mission changes. While
the traditional regulatory and compliance work is predictable and routine, the
new work of systemic reform may be uncertain and knowledge-intensive (Lusi,
1994). Performing such uncertain work requires ongoing collaboration and
team work, as staff will be required to learn from the expertise and experience
of each other. In order for this ongoing learning to occur, Lusi predicts the
internal working relationships will shift around three dimensions: the structure,
the mechanisms that shape the relationships, and the norms of the
relationships. Lusis research in Vermont suggests that the team-based
model may be a better structure for the innovative work of an SDE.
Summary and Conclusions
The bureaucratic paradigm is the pervasive model for the structure of
public organizations, even today. The bureaucracy was designed to promote
efficiency in accomplishing work that was specialized, repetitious, and
reduced to its most basic level. Units of workers could perform tasks in
standardized, uniform ways without the need to relate to or be aware of what
85


others were doing outside their work area. This gave rise to management by
command and control and one way supervision, with measures to assure
complete control over the job performance of the worker.
The rise of the information-based organization in business and the
public sector due to the explosion of information technology in society,
combined with the new global economy, has contributed to the shift in how
public and private organizations are presently operating. With declining public
revenues over the past 25 years, public managers have been forced to
become very strategic about carrying out the new operations of governance.
Efforts at reinvention, reengineering and continuous improvement recognized
the changing nature of the work of government agencies and attempted to
sculpt the bureaucratic monolith. As the literature discusses, these efforts
have met with mixed results.
The efforts to align organizations with the dimensions of society's
advancements demonstrate a connection between methods of work, the
product, and the consumer. Whereas the bureaucracy is designed to perfect a
process or product internally, the new organization is forced to collaborate
with members of society because it is required to create and invent to
accommodate a quickly changing and increasingly smaller world. Even when
possible, rapid change is onerous in the bureaucratic model.
86


The rise of organizational development practice has attempted to
provide a method for working smarter" in the new environment. Theorists
such as Golembiewski argue that public organizations should allow individuals
the freedom to develop critical thinking to shape their work and respond to the
issues on the job. This critical thinking fosters openness, discussion and
learning, rather than the silent compliance and compartmentalization of the
bureaucracy. Organizational development practice seeks to align the goals of
the organization with those of the individual in the belief that accommodating
both will improve the quality of the work and delivery of services.
Education reform is highly popular today. The effort to improve the
preparation of school children to enable them to enter the new work place of
information-based organizations operating in a global economy has high
priority on all agendas of government reform. The literature suggests that
learning today is better accomplished by participation and problem solving,
rather than by observation and repetition. Knowing that the bureaucratic
structure is becoming outdated in the workplace, the continuation by the
public school system of instructing students that instills bureaucratic values
through a bureaucratic process in a bureaucratic hierarchical system appears
disingenuous. Most importantly, as the literature has pointed out, that
approach has not worked to improve student achievement.
87


Improving student achievement, then, is a major destination for public
policy reform in education, and success in driving a vehicle of that policy
system to that destination might be instructive to other efforts of administrative
reform. In one area of education, special education, the model of inclusion
and community collaboration has achieved success in educating diverse
student populations. Recent federal legislation has promoted decentralization
of education policy implementation, with accountability for student
achievement returned to the community. This change in policy has just begun
to affect SDEs.
The purpose of this dissertation is to improve the accuracy and detail of
the bureaucratic reform road map. Efforts at reinvention of government and
reform of education in our public schools are crucial to how well the American
experiment will prosper in the years to come. Maps displaying outdated
information and inaccurate mile markers will not advance us toward the
challenges of the future.
The methodology for this research is presented in the following
chapter.
88


CHAPTER 4
METHODOLOGY
Introduction
This case study proposes a phenomenological framework, aimed at
gaining an interpretive understanding of the informants' experience during this
bureaucratic transformation. The design of the study confronts the
fundamental question of why the OSS undertook a redesign of its work and
office structure. An interpretive research framework is appropriate to the
study, because the research investigates not only the factual events of the
organizations redesign and transformation, but also the thoughts, feelings,
and motivations underlying the informants actions that relate to their working
relationships and to the culture of the organization.
The informants in this study are highly educated, many with advanced
degrees, many of whom are intuitive in their thinking and acting. While
quantitative methods may well capture relevant data, the true meaning of this
study lies in the perceptions and thinking of these informants and their culture
as they carry on the mission of revisioning. We seek to learn how they
perceive and define their work life during this process. Peter Senge contends
that the change required for organizational transformation not only includes
formal structural redesign, but also involves individual change and adaptation
89


(Senge, 1990). He argues that organizations operate, ultimately, because
individuals think and interact" (Senge, 1990, 400). Therefore, the nature of
the work of OSS and the skills and experience of the staff, as well as the aims
of this research, render a qualitative methodology particularly salient.
Even more importantly, the qualitative methodology was called for by
the data. During the course of data collection, in an interview with a key
informant, an incident was related that validated the appropriateness of this
method. The informant described an episode at a national conference where
individual schoolchildren were presented awards and their individual
educational history and accomplishments were recounted. Each childs
story was recited, including their feelings not only about their achievements,
but also about their learning process. In response to the researchers
question regarding the significance of these cases, the informant responded
...the real story is in those kids' personal stories, their thoughts and ideas
about their learning that statistics could not possibly capture. Thats what its
all about. Thats why Im here.
Finally, qualitative research methods are appropriate because they
propose to answer how" and why questions (Yin, 1994). Yin argues that a
case study is appropriate when: 1) the research studies a contemporary
phenomenon within its real life context, and 2) when the boundaries between
phenomenon and context are not clearly evident (Yin, 1994, 13). This
90


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