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Gender stereotypes and the mismeasure of women

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Title:
Gender stereotypes and the mismeasure of women their childhood origins and effects on women's advancement to top corporate positions
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Kurzwell, Nancy Collom
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English
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vii, 106 leaves : ; 29 cm

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Women executives -- United States ( lcsh )
Sex discrimination in employment -- United States ( lcsh )
Success in business -- United States ( lcsh )
Sex discrimination in employment ( fast )
Success in business ( fast )
Women executives ( fast )
United States ( fast )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 94-106).
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Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree, Master of Arts, Communication and Theatre.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Nancy Collom Kurzweil.

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|University of Colorado Denver
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Auraria Library
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ocm32480720
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Full Text
GENDER STEREOTYPES AND THE MISMEASURE OF WOMEN
THEIR CHILDHOOD ORIGINS AND EFFECTS ON WOMEN'S
ADVANCEMENT TO TOP CORPORATE POSITIONS
by
Nancy Collom Kurzweil
i
B.A., University of Colorado, 1991
A thesis submitted to the
Faculty of the Graduate School of the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment,
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
Communication and Theatre
1994


This thesis for the Master of Arts
degree by
Nancy Colloro Kurzweil
has been approved for the
Graduate School
by
W. Michael Monsour
Date
ll-n-'W


Kurzweil, Nancy Collom (M.A., Communication and
Theatre)
Gender Stereotypes and the Mismeasure of Women: their
Childhood Origins and Effects on Women's
Advancement to Top Corporate Positions
Thesis directed by Associate Professor W.M. Monsour
ABSTRACT
This investigation focused on gender
stereotyping and how it is a barrier to womens
advancement to top level corporate positions. It was
hypothesized that due to an increase of women in
nontraditional occupations, traditional stereotypes
may be lessening. Because of the pervasiveness of
gender stereotypes across educational and occupational
spheres, it was important to study levels of
stereotyping in children aged 9-10. The instrument
used to measure levels of gender stereotypes was the
Sex Stereotype Measure II. Three research questions
were posed: 1) How prevalent are gender stereotypes
among elementary school children aged 9-10? 2) Are
there significant differences in the awareness of
gender stereotypes between males and females aged 9-
10? and 3) Does socio-economic status have a
significant effect on the awareness of gender


stereotypes by elementary school children aged 9-10?
Significant support was found for hypotheses
predicting that 1) gender stereotypes have lessened,
2) children of mothers who work stereotype less than
those whose mothers do not work, and 3) males
stereotype significantly more than females. No
significance was found between socio-economic status
and levels of gender stereotyping.
This abstract accurately represents the content
of the candidate's thesis. I recommend its
publication.
Signed
W. Michael Monsour


iv
To my husband, Eric
and
my children, Devon and Sean


CONTENTS
CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION. ........................1
Changes in Women's Roles...................5
Women's Position in Corporate America......6
Barriers to Women in Corporate America.....8
Gender Stereotypes........................10
Origins of Gender Stereotypes.............18
Acquisition of Gender Stereotypes:
Socialization and Role Models..........23
Effects of Gender Stereotypes on Girls
and Women..............................27
11. METHODOLOGY........................ 40
Subjects..................................41
Apparatus.................................41
Procedure.................................45
Scoring...................................46
Data Analyses.............................48
III. RESULTS...........................52
IV. DISCUSSION..........................69
Implications..............................71
Limitations of the Study..................81
Areas For Future Research.................88
Conclusion
91


VI
BIBLIOGRAPHY............................... 94
APPENDIX....................................107
A. Consent Form.........................107
B. Sex Stereotype Measure II............108


vii
TABLES
Table
3.1 Means and "F" Score Significance
of Independent Variables: Gender...61
3.2 Means and "F" Score Significance
of Independent Variable: Maternal
Employment Status................. 62
3.3 Means and "F" Score Significance
of Independent Variable:
Socio-Economic Status..............63
3.4 Means and "F" Score Significance
of Independent Variables: Gender
and Maternal Employment Status.....64
3.5 Critical "Z" Values...................65
3.6 Percentages of "both" and "neither"
choices ....................... 66
3.7 Occupation List.......................68


CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
There has been an explosion of serious interest
in gender research by scholars from diverse
disciplines; linguistics, speech communication,
anthropology, sociology and psychology (Aries, 1987}.
Various studies in the last ten to fifteen years have
documented attitudinal and behavioral changes in men
and women; particularly, changes in the attitudes men
and women hold regarding behaviors, characteristics,
and interests that are deemed appropriate for each
sex. Shifts have been made in attitudes and values
regarding work and family roles of women and men from
earlier traditional views to the present more
egalitarian ones (Aburdene & Naisbitt, 1992; Glezer,
1983; Helmreich, Spence & Gibson, 1982; Mason, Czajka,
& Arber, 1976).
Although these shifts in attitudes are
widesweeping and predominantly positive, women
continue to struggle in terms of advancement to top
level organizational positions. The trend toward more
egalitarian thinking has given a general impression
1


that women now reach high levels of management
quite regularly However, overall, they comprise
only 1% of Fortune 500 top level corporate positions
(Aburdene & Naisbitt, 1992). This false perception is
a good example of gender stereotyping using a few
visible people to make judgements about an entire
group such as gender.
Specifically, images of gender are based on
deeply rooted belief systems that often begin at a
young age (Williams & Best, 1977) and are held into
adulthood (Williams & Bergen, 1991). These belief
systems contain stereotypes of "gender appropriate
roles" that flavor one's perceptions of women and men
- known as gender stereotypes (Basow, 1980). For
example, the perception of the traditional female
gender stereotype does not match the perception of
"manager", "executive", or even "President" (Schein,
1975). Thus, those who ascribe to a traditional view
of female gender stereotypes will create barriers to
women's advancement to top level managerial positions.
Barriers impede progress. Progress at the upper
levels of business, where women can be most visible,
is important because it will translate to progress
throughout the workplace.
2


This thesis begins by investigating gender
stereotyping, and how it is a barrier to womens
advancement to top level corporate positions.
Specifically, those in positions to promote women who
believe in fairly traditional gender stereotypical
roles may be a prime barrier to their advancement.
For example, Schwartz (1992) cites examples of women
who are passed over for positions that require
excessive work hours or travel because bosses have
lower expectations for them. One boss, answering
requests for more meaty projects from a new mother who
recently returned to work said, "Well, I really think
you should be home with your baby because you really
aren't going to get any good projects. I don't want
to burden you, I don't want to pressure you."
Schwartz (1992) contends that some men believe that
women are uniquely equipped to stay at home and care
for children. They continue to think of the roles and
behaviors of individuals as inherently male or female
- gender stereotypes. Though some corporate men
accept the reality of women in the halls of business,
they still experience dissonance. Cognitively, they
know that women are as able intellectually as men.
But, their gut reaction is to doubt that a woman can
3


direct an enterprise as effectively, analyze a problem
as incisively, or negotiate a settlement as definitely
as a man. Often, a manager's preconceptions and
stereotypes blinds them to a female manager's promise.
By the time her talent is duly noted, she has invested
ten years into her career making it difficult to
catch-up.
Since gender stereotyping begins at a young age,
this thesis researches the current level of gender
stereotyping in 9-10 year old children to determine if
stereotypic attitudes have lessened compared to
studies in the late 1970's. The study hypothesizes
that due to an increase of women in nontraditional
occupations, attitudes of traditional stereotypes may
be lessening. This increase has caused a rippling
effect in terms of changing roles in society. More
women work which causes more sharing of domestic
chores and childcare duties by men and women. These
variables together should contribute to a lessening of
traditional gender stereotypical views among children.
The following review of the literature provides a
basis for the argument that women's roles are changing
and stereotypes are lessening.
4


Changes in Women's Roles
Current studies have shown significant changes in
women's participation in the workforce, educational
achievements, and occupational opportunities.
According to the U.S. Dept, of Education (1984) by
the 1980's the number of women college undergraduates
exceeded the number of men. In business and
management degrees, from 1965 to 1990 the proportion
of bachelor's degrees awarded women increased from
8% to 46.7% and the proportion of Master's degrees
increased from 2.6% to 33.6% (Bureau of Labor
Statistics, 1990). Women also have made sizeable
inroads into positions of higher status that were
traditionally male professions. Powell (1989) reports
that the proportion of women who hold management,
executive or administrative positions in organizations
has been rising consistently since 1970 and is
currently 42%; in fact, by 1987, one out of every
three managers was female. This increase has been
particularly dramatic among married women, especially
those with children (Bianchi and Spain, 1986) In
1990, 55.3% of mothers with children under the age of
one were in the labor force, up from 31% in 1975
(Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1990).
5


Women's Position in Corporate America
Because of these educational and occupational
achievements, it appears that women are nearing parity
with men in the workplace. Despite the increasing
numbers of women in the workplace, the proportion who
hold top management positions is very small, no more
than 5% according to most surveys. In a 1986 study at
the University of Southern California, only 1.7% of
corporate officers in Fortune 500 companies are women;
and of, that 1.7%, only one woman has attained the
status of CEO. A report published in 1991 by the
Feminist Majority Foundation, stated that of the
66,502 Fortune 500 corporate officers at the level of
vice president or above, only 175 were women
(Washington Post, 1991). The underrepresentation of
women in management is particularly significant given
the phenomenal rise in the proportion of women who
have become paid workers since the late 1940's
(Ashmore & DelBoca, 1986).
Not only are women trailing in top level
positions, wages are underrepresented as well.
Working women continue to be discriminated against in
terms of lower pay, lower status jobs, and less
opportunity for advancement (Hayshe, 1984). Women
6


earn only 74 cents for every dollar earned by men
(Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1991). Males in the same
occupations earn more than their female counterparts,
and male dominated occupations have higher pay scales
(Hackman & Johnson 1991). Baruch College researcher
June O'Neill concluded that women without children
earn 86% of the income of men without children.
Female MBA's from the top 20 schools averaged $54,749
one year after graduation according to a 1990 Business
Week survey; their male counterparts earned $61,400,
about 12% more.
The literature concerning "comparable worth" or
pay equity suggests that, all else being equal, the
simple femaleness of an occupation lowers the rewards
that accrue to it (see Acker 1987 for a review).
Given social definitions that devalue femaleness, when
a form of work is done largely by women, it will be
devalued on that basis (Reskin, 1988).
This scenario presents change in one respect and
not in others. True, some change has occurred. More
women are now in management, and pay scales have
slowly increased. What has not changed is that women
are still concentrated in the lower levels of
management and hold positions with less authority than
7


men; even in organizations in which large percentages
of the workers are women and in which the occupations
do not appear to be gender stereotyped (Bartol 1977;
Mennerick, 1975). Why does this gender gap exist and
what barrier is keeping women from advancing to top
level positions in corporate America?
Barriers to Women in Corporate America
There are many barriers that keep women out of
top positions. One common perception is that the
abilities and attitudes of males in management are
very different from those of females in management.
However, the studies show remarkably consistent
conclusions: that women are very similar to men in
their leadership/management style (Bartol, 1978;
Catalyst, 1987; Donnell & Hall, 1980; Ferber & Spitze,
1979; Morrison, White & Van Velsor, 1987; Reif,
Newstrom, & Monczka, 1975; Riger & Calligan, 1980;
Tkach, 1980; Wallace, 1982). The evidence makes a
compelling argument: if actual behaviors of women in
the workplace are the same as men, then their gender
should not be a barrier to upward mobility and should
not contribute to a gender gap.
Why, then, do people perceive that the sexes
8


differ in abilities and attitudes when actual
behaviors prove otherwise? The answer may be rooted
in invalid "perceptions" of women's behaviors in
management rather than actual abilities.
There is ample evidence that females are
perceived as less desirable candidates than males for
some types of organizational membership (Cecil, Paul,
Olins, 1973; Dipboye, Fromkin, & Wiback, 1975; Jencks,
Perman, & Rainwater, 1988; Rosen & Jerdee, 1974a;
Zikmund, Hitt, & Pickens, 1978). This is true
regardless of the fact that female corporate
executives appear to be much like their male
counterparts in behavior and personality. During job
interviews, women are only rated as more qualified
than men when they apply for traditionally female
jobs, and males receive more favorable evaluations
when they interview for "gender appropriate" careers
(U.S. Dept, of Commerce, 1992). The question that
arises is; "how do we arrive at perceptions of gender
appropriate roles?"
Gender appropriate roles derive from an ingrained
belief system that begins in youth (Williams & Best,
1975). Adults who believe in traditional gender
appropriate roles are more likely to incorporate
9


gender stereotypes into their belief systems and view
people in terms of those stereotypes (Bern, 1974,
1975a, 1975b, 1976, 1977; Bern & Lenney, 1976).
For example, a male rater who holds traditional gender
stereotypical views may be disinclined to promote
women into higher management. Schein's research
(1973, 1975), supports the "manager means male"
concept. If those in positions to promote women
believe in traditional gender stereotypes, then it
follows that they will create a barrier to women's
advancement.
Gender Stereotypes
Gender stereotypes are "the structured sets of
inferential relations that link personal attributes to
the social categories female and male" (Ashmore & Del
Boca, 1979, p. 225). Stereotypes, in general, tend
to prompt selective perception that focuses attention
on phenomena supporting the stereotype and that
screens out disconfirming evidence. Women are,
therefore, likely to be "seen" as that which they are
supposed to be (Ranter, 1977), thereby constantly
providing "evidence" that the stereotypes are true.
There is considerable experimental evidence to
10


support the existence of gender stereotypes in the
United States. Studies conducted in the late i960's
and early 1970's with nearly 1000 males and females
employing a variety of research procedures have
demonstrated strong agreement about the differing
characteristics of men and women (e.g. Bern, 1974;
Broverman & Stapp, 1974; Broverman, Vogel, Broverman,
Clarkson & Rosenkrantz, 1972; Rosenkrantz, Vogel, Bee,
Broverman & Broverman, 1968; Williams & Bennet,
1975). Consensus in these studies was found
regardless of the age, sex, religion, educational
level or marital status of the respondents. Other
studies found that both sexes view the typical man and
woman as distinctly different from each other on
masculine and feminine traits (Ashmore & Del Boca,
1979; Foushee, Helmreich, & Spence, 1979; Gilbert,
Deutsch, & Strathan, 1978; Tunnell, 1979; Williams &.
Best, 1982) In addition, cross-culturally, it has
been well documented that young adult subjects report
that certain psychological characteristics are more
frequently associated with men and others with women
(Williams & Best, 1993).
The research on gender stereotypes has clearly
documented that men are perceived as possessing more
11


agentic characteristics than women, whereas women are
perceived as possessing communal characteristics to a
greater degree than men (for review see Eagle &
Steffen, 1984). Women are most often characterized as
being warm, expressive, and people-oriented; men are
seen as active,-levelheaded, dominant, and achievement
oriented (Basow, 1980).
Williams & Best (1982) noted the congruence
between the qualities of the male and female
stereotypes and the traditional role assignments of
men as breadwinner and women as homemaker. They
suggested that there has been a recent reduction in
role differentiation regarding breadwinning more
women work and contribute to and/or provide their
familys income. Further, this reduction might lead
to qualitative changes in the nature of stereotypes
and perhaps, to an overall reduction in the degree to
which women and men are viewed as psychologically
different. However, their hypothesis was not
supported. Despite some qualitative changes in the
two stereotypes over time, there was no evidence that
the male and female stereotypes in the U.S. became
generally less differentiated across time (Williams &
Best, 1982).
12



Gender stereotyping surfaces quite frequently in
the literature as a possible barrier for women
advancing to the top of organizations (Ashmore & Del
Boca, 1986; Morrison, White, Van Velsor and The Center
for Creative Leadership, 1987; Wallace, 1982; Williams
& Bergen, 1991). Morrison et al., (1987) suggest'a
"glass ceiling" applies to women as a group who are
kept from advancing just because they are women. Once
women break through this barrier, they unexpectedly
encounter another barrier a wall of tradition and
stereotype that separates them from the top executive
level.
Virginia Schein (1973, 1975) initially identified
sex stereotyping as a major psychological block for
women in the workworld. She demonstrated empirically
that the managerial position was sex typed as a male
occupation. In separate studies with first a sample
of male managers and then secondly a sample of female
managers, she found that both sexes perceived that the
characteristics required of a successful middle
manager were viewed as more commonly held by men in
general than by women in general. Schein and Mueller
(1992) further investigated the relationship between
gender stereotypes and characteristics perceived as
13


necessary for management success cross culturally.
The results revealed that males in Germany, Britain,
and the U.S. perceived that successful middle managers
possess characteristics, attitudes and temperaments
more commonly ascribed to men in general than women in
general. The results of the women studied varied
across culture. German and British women sex type the
managerial position as male but U.S. women do not.
The association between gender stereotypes and
perceptions of requisite management characteristics
can be a factor in limiting the number of women in
management positions. While some of the female
responses in the Schein and Mueller study (1992) serve
as a barometer of change, the similarity in strength
of the male perceptions is somewhat disquieting.
Researchers found no difference between the attitudes
of U.S. corporate managers today and those held by
managers 15 years ago (Brenner, Tomkiewicz, & Schein,
1989). Regardless of the number of women in
managerial positions, males seem to persist in their
perception of the necessity of a masculine model of
success. Schein and Mueller (1992) suggest that
gender stereotyping of managerial work can result in
the view that women are less qualified than men for
14


managerial positions and negatively affects their
opportunities for entry or advancement in the field of
management.
Given gender social definitions, especially
gender stereotypes, some men and women are likely to
believe that women lack the personal traits required
to fill positions of responsibility, which are also
positions to which accrue substantial rewards.
Further, gender stereotypes encourage men to
presuppose that women do not want responsible
positions and thus are likely to question a woman's
level of commitment to work outside the home (Coser &
Rokoff, 1982). For example, investigators have found
that top executives, peers and subordinates of women
feel that women have less motivation, are less
committed to their careers (Schwartz, 1971), are not
as professional (Wallace, 1982), and are believed to
be more reticent and passive (Rosen & Jerdee, 1978;
Schein, 1973) than their male counterparts. These
perceptions serve only to reinforce the female
stereotype, that of a homemaker and not a breadwinner,
and create bias in terms of further advancement for
women who work.
Nieva and GUtek (1980) concluded that there is
15


considerable antifemale bias in the evaluation of
performance. This is especially true when the job is
traditionally male dominated (Kalin & Hodgins, 1984;
Ruble & Ruble, 1982, for reviews). Females are less
likely to be recommended for promotions, development
(Rosen & Jerdee, 1974a), and pay raises (Reif et al.,
1976; Terborg & Ilgen, 1975). Their accomplishments
are attributed to luck and simpleness of the task,
while male accomplishments are attributed to ability
and effort (Deaux & Emswiller, 1974). This tendency
may be more pronounced when evaluators, especially
males, hold relatively negative attitudes toward women
in management (Garland & Price, 1977). For example,
Dobbins, Truxillo, and Cardy (1988) investigated the
effects of purpose of appraisal and individual
differences in stereotypes of women on the evaluation
of male and female ratees. Analyses revealed that
female ratees were evaluated less accurately by raters
with traditional stereotypes of women than by raters
with nontraditional stereotypes of women. Hollander
(1985, p. 159) suggested, "One serious consequence of
entrenched stereotypes is that women...may need to be
occupied as much with overcoming negative attitudes as
with performing their jobs well."
16


These studies further support the view that
traditional gender stereotypes held by those in
positions to promote women can have negative
consequences on their career advancement. Sandra Bern
and her colleagues have demonstrated that individuals
who hold strongly to gender stereotypes have been
found to be markedly less flexible in their behaviors
than are individuals who are less strongly sex-typed
(1974, 1975a, 1975b, 1976, 1977; Bern & Lenney, 1976).
Therefore, raters who hold strongly to traditional
stereotypes of women can be a negative factor in their
advancement to top positions.
It should be clear that gender stereotypes
operate in the corporate environment and create
barriers to women's advancement. HoWver, one does not
join the workforce and learn gender stereotyping.
Stereotypical beliefs are in place at a much younger
age and are often carried into adulthood (Williams &
Best, 1975).
Origins of Gender Stereotypes
From the research that prevails, it can be
concluded that gender stereotypes play a large role as
a barrier to women's advancement to top corporate
17


positions. Why are stereotypes so pervasive even
though the numbers of women in the workplace should be
changing this perception? One reason may be found in
the origins of gender stereotyping. Studies have
shown gender stereotyping begins in youth, increases
with age and may be held on to throughout one's life
(Williams & Best, 1977, 1982, 1988; Tarrier & Gnomes,
1981; Neto, Williams, & Widner, 1991).
Myra and David Sadker (1994) believe that boys in
elementary school fit the male stereotype of being
active, dominant and achievement oriented. On the
playgound; they play mostly in groups, climb jungle
gyms, run bases while knocking into one another with
reckless abandon, and try to accumulate their boyhood
quota of scratches, scabs and stitches. In the
classrooms; they dominate by calling out answers out
of turn and interrupting at every chance. Girls, on
the other hand, play mostly in pairs and participate
in games that focus on equality in relationships. In
the classrooms, they speak tentatively and only when
they think their answer is correct.
Williams and Best (1982, 1988) studied the
development of gender stereotype knowledge among 5 and
8 year old middle class children in 24 countries.
18


They found the most dramatic increases in stereotype
knowledge appear to occur during the elementary school
years. At age 5, children are aware of only a few of
the more salient stereotype characteristics, while by
age 11, they know all but a few of the more subtle
ones.
Further research explored the development of
gender stereotype knowledge to age 11 and/or examined
the relationship of gender stereotype knowledge to
socio-economic status (SES). Williams and Best (1982)
report findings for 5, 8, and 11 year olds in Brazil,
Chile, Venezuela and the United States. In each
country there was further increase in gender
stereotype knowledge from the 8 year old to the 11
year old. In the same study, SES was examined in 5,
8 and 11 year olds in Venezuela. The findings suggest
that the high-SES children showed the greatest gain in
gender stereotyping from age 8 to 11. At age 11 the
high and middle class children's knowledge of gender
stereotypes was somewhat higher than that of lower
class children.
Combined effects of age and SES on gender
stereotype knowledge have been reported by Tarrier and
Gnomes (1981). The analysis of these findings
19


indicated several significant effects: 1) knowledge
of gender stereotypes increased regularly across the
three age levels? upper-class children generally
displayed more knowledge of gender stereotypes than
did lower-class children, and 2) items representing
female stereotype traits appeared to be known better
by the children than did items representing male
stereotype traits, with this effect being more
pronounced for the girl subjects than for the boy
subjects.
Finally, Neto et al, (1991) studied gender
stereotypes in children in Portugal. Joint effects of
age (5,8, & 11 year olds), SES (high, middle and low),
gender (boys and girls), and stereotype subscore (male
traits and female traits) were investigated. Results
were generally congruent with findings in other
countries where these age levels have been studied.
Knowledge of gender stereotypes was shown to be
influenced to a modest degree by SES; across all age
levels knowledge of gender stereotypes was greater
among the high-SES children, next highest among
middle-SES children and lowest among low-SES children.
Although these multicultural studies suggest a
positive correlation of knowledge of gender
20


stereotypes and SES, other variables may serve to
direct this relationship. First, there is a question
of the nature of the equivalence established when
groups are equated on a variable such as social class.
Social class is a relative concept within a particular
country or culture. In this respect, it is not easy
to compare cultures on even par. Williams and Best
(1990) made a point of identifying middle class as
those persons who occupy an intermediate position
between the least and most privileged persons in a
particular cultural or national group. In this sense,
their children's groups are equivalent in social
class. However, intermediate in a foreign country and
intermediate in the U.S. may not be the same.
Second, religious orientation, that may not apply
in the U.S., may influence a child's knowledge of
gender stereotypes. For example, in Portuguese,
Brazilian, Venezuelan, and Chilean studies (Neto,
Williams, Widner, 1991; Tarrier & Gnomes, 1981;
Williams & Best, 1982), the strong Latin/Catholic
cultural tradition tends to favor the female
stereotype over the male. This could be linked to the
children's earlier learning of the female stereotype
in that stereotype positive traits may be learned more
21


readily than negative traits.
Third and finally, status is not always
indicative of parity between countries. In some
foreign countries status is equated with number of
male offspring rather than number of cars or homes as
in the US. Therefore, researchers need to be very
cautious when equating groups based on SES when other
variables such as religion and status play a role as
well.
The conclusion is that, multiculturally,
children's knowledge of gender stereotypes increases
as SES increases due to factors such as social class,
religious orientation or status. However, the United
States may, on its own, show very different results.
It is not dominantly Latin/Catholic in culture or
tradition, and status can vary in terms of social
condition versus economic condition. In addition,
more US women, than in other countries, have advanced
to management positions. More women are being seen in
nontraditional occupations and sex roles. Children
are better educated especially in i higher socio-
economic status. Therefore, higher SES might be
related to less gender stereotyping due to increased
awareness of changes in the workplace. It might be
22


hypothesized that children in the U.S. will
stereotype less than children in foreign countries as
SES increases.
Another final point of interest is whether or not
an awareness of gender stereotypes is indicative of
the children actually using the stereotypes in
everyday life. None of the studies investigated posed
this question. Therefore, the correlation between
awareness and use has not been proven. Nonetheless,
the stereotypes persist in the research data.
Acquisition of Gender Stereotypes:
Socialization & Role Models
The existence of these well-established and
pervasive belief systems at the child and adult levels
naturally leads to questions concerning the
acquisition of such knowledge. Research has been
directed at assessing at what ages children know
various things about gender such as when do they
correctly label self and others in terms of gender
(Huston, 1983; Ruble & Ruble, 1982). There is also
work indicating that parents, teachers, pediatricians,
and other adults who interact with children have
different beliefs about boys and girls and treat boys
23


and girls differently (Block, 1976, 1979; Katz, 1986).
Finally, a large number of investigators have
documented that the cultural representations of the
sexes in books (Banner, 1977; Purcell & Stewart, 1990;
cf. Walstedt, 1975), commercials (cf. Pingree,
1978), magazine advertisements (cf. Goffman, 1977),
Sunday comics (Brabant, 1976, 1986) and prime time
television shows (cf. McNeil, 1975) are not the same
and that often men and women are portrayed in line
with traditional roles. Newer studies have shown
limited improvement in children's books. While more
females are included, representation is far from
equal, and starkly drawn stereotypes remain:
competitive, creative and active boys; dependent,
submissive, and passive girls (Allen et al. 1987).
From a socialization perspective (Kohlberg,
1966), children are active agents who are involved in
seeking information about who they are and what forms
of behavior are appropriate for them to exhibit.
Children gradually develop the capacity to sort out
the world according to gender, to identify self as
belonging to one category, and to take on the
attributes socially assigned to that gender. Children
derive sex-role schemas or gender stereotypes from the
24


observation of models appropriate for their sex, a
process that Maccoby (1988) called "cognitive
categorizing." In this way, their identity becomes
thoroughly gendered. Social learning theorists
(Kohlberg, 1966; Sears, 1965; Mischel, 1970) recommend
looking for the external forces that might lead a
child to imitate some individuals more than others.
They view personality characteristics in general and
sex-role identity as more flexible, less inevitable,
and more situationally dependent phenomena. Sex-role
acquisition depends on the imitation of sex-typed
behaviors.
The classic works on sex typing (Kagan, 1964;
Kohlberg, 1966; Mischel, 1970; Mussen, 1969; Sears,
Rau, & Alpert, 1965) all emphasize the role of
imitation and identification in the acquisition of the
child's sex-typed behavior. Three phenomena create
this process; 1) modeling, 2) positive sanctions
(rewards), and 3) negative sanctions (punishments).
Any of these can be experienced directly, or
vicariously as children observe responses positive
and negative to the behavior of others. To the
extent that children are around adults who are
strongly gender differentiated, modeling and positive
25


and negative sanctions are likely to induce
substantial engenderment in the younger generations.
The significance of the age at which young
children become aware of the differential
characteristics associated with men and women is
important. According to Williams and Best (1990, p.
147) ,
It is believed that the earlier such
beliefs develop, the more effect they are
likely to have on a female child's
perception of herself and other persons.
The earlier a female child learns to think
of men and women as psychologically
different, the more pervasive the impact
of these beliefs on her own developing
self-concept and on her perceptions of the
appropriateness of the assignment of
social roles on the basis of gender.
Related to the above, the extent to which the
adult generation is gender differentiated is the
extent of the gender division of labor. When men and
women perform sharply different work roles, they
provide models that suggest to children the kinds of
work they can and cannot do as adults, given their
gender. Research has shown that at an early age
children gender-type a wide range of work-tasks -
within and outside the home and express preference
for those associated with their own gender (e.g.,
Beuf, 1974; Siegel, 1973; Schlossberg & Goodman, 1971-
26


1972; Tremaine, Schau, & Busch, 1982). In the
occupational sphere, if managers believe that certain
types of work are more appropriate for men and other
types of work for women, then the employment
opportunities for the sexes may differ as a result.
Gender stereotypes may serve to provide a
justification for men and women doing different types
of work, and they may also have a conservative
influence with regard to persons of one sex entering
occupations that have been customarily associated with
the other sex. Therefore, adults who hold on to
traditional gender stereotypes, particularly for
women, will be less likely to role model changes in
women's occupational status.
Effects of Gender Stereotypes oh Girls and Women
The effect of gender stereotypes is apparent in
educational as well as occupational arenas. Teachers,
for instance, have a lifelong influence upon the sex-
role development of a child through the provision of
activities, modeling, reinforcement, and other, less
clear-cut means of communication (Basow, 1980). The
literature suggests that teachers are more comfortable
in dealing with girls and boys whose behaviors conform
27


to the sex stereotypes (Dweck & Bush, 1976; Dweck et
al., 1978, Guttentag & Bray, 1977). If this is true,
it would not be surprising to find that teachers and
counselors also tend to support educational and
occupational objectives for boys and girls which are
consistent with the characteristics represented in the
stereotypes.
Because of the pervasive influence of gender
stereotypes across educational and occupational
spheres, it is important to look at the current level
of gender stereotyping in elementary school children
to determine if it is still as pronounced as in past
U.S. studies (see e.g., Williams & Best, 1975). This
thesis intends to research gender stereotyping in
elementary school children, specifically third grade
students who are between 9 and 10 years of age. The
study will not replicate Williams and Best's 1975-77
work, but will compare their results of stereotyping
in children at same ages. The main research questions
are:
1. How prevalent are gender stereotypes among
elementary school children aged 9-10?
2. Are there significant differences in the use
of gender stereotypes between males and
females aged 9-10?
28


3. Does socio-economic status have a significant
effect on the use of gender stereotpyes by
elementary school children aged 9-10?
Though research presented in this chapter states
that gender stereotypes are still pervasive and women
are not advancing to executive levels, this researcher
believes that gender stereotypes are lessening.
Harris (1987) reports changes in public opinion on a
range of topics over the 15 years between 1970 and
1985. Perceptions of antifemale discrimination in the
labor force rose and 71% "favored social efforts to
strengthen women's status (1987, pp. 189-90).
Stereotypes about women's competence to perform
nondomestic work declined as well. One would think
that these adult opinions are filtering down to our
young children.
With the dramatic increase of women in the
workplace, boys and girls are being provided with more
female role models in nontraditional occupations from
"mom" to "Barbie." "Mom's" are seen in the White
House, the Governor's Mansion and the Principal's
office. "Barbie" works in an office, is a doctor at
the hospital, and fights on the battleground in
military "fatigues". In fact, Barbie is now running
for President and has an inaugural gown meant to be
29


worn to her own inaugural ball.
According to Basow (1980), one key source of
influence on children's future plans is the behavior
of sex role models. Differential treatment by primary
socializing agents and the observation of different
role models all add to information the child gathers
about appropriate sex role behaviors. Basow contends
that if children view men and women in a broad range
of occupations, they will vicariously internalize what
roles are appropriate for each gender. For example,
if both parents work, Mom has a nontraditional role,
and Dad equally participates in the childcare and
domestic chores, then this child will view male and
female roles with more parity. With the increase in
role models in nontraditional occupations (information
inconsistent with stereotypes), their outlook on
future plans for themselves should be less
stereotyped.
Studies have suggested that exposing children to
counter-stereotypical models (e.g., a woman behaving
in a masculine manner such as a "leader") can reduce
sex stereotyping (Huston, 1983). The results of
several experiments indicate that items of information
that are inconsistent with schematic expectancies are
30


more likely to be retained than are items of
information consistent with those expectancies
(Croker, Hannah, & Weber, 1983; Hastie, 1984; Hastie &
Kumar, 1979; Srull, 1981). Why would this be so?
Presumably, information that violates or contradicts a
schematic expectancy is surprising it does not fit
with what we know or what we believe to be true. As a
consequence, we spend more time processing the
inconsistent information and relating it to other
facts known about the stimulus person(s) (Brewer,
Dull, & Lui, 1981; Hemsley & Marmurek, 1982; Srull,
1981). Moreover, Lui and Brewer (1983) suggest the
interesting possibility that, when those expectancies
derive from stereotypic categories, information that
fits with one's group conception will be processed
categorically, whereas information inconsistent with
the stereotype will be processed in an individuated
manner.
The differential effect of stereotypically
consistent and inconsistent information is important
because information that contradicts a stereotypic
expectancy might lead the perceiver to question the
validity of that belief (Hamilton & Trolier, 1986).
Inconsistent information, then, might lead to belief
31


change.
To the extent that mothers are increasingly
employed, and that public attitudes concerning gender
have become less traditional in recent years, children
should be more androgynous or less gender
differentiated today than in previous generations
(Chafetz, 1991). Based on increased maternal
employment in nontraditional occupations, the
following hypothesis is presented:
Hypothesis #1: There will be a decrease in
gender stereotyping among children aged 9-10 as
compared to studies in the late 1970's.
There is some evidence suggesting that the
childhood engenderment process has been changing.
Research at an individual level has consistently
demonstrated a relationship between maternal
employment and/or nontraditional gender attitudes on
the one hand, and nontraditional attitudes toward
gender, work, and family by children espepially
daughters on the other (e.g., Herzog & Bachman,
1982; Simmons & Turner, 1976; Thornton, Alwin, &
Camburn, 1983; Wilkie, 1988). Based on more working
mothers in nontraditional occupations, the following
hypothesis is presented:
32


Hypothesis #2: There will be less gender
stereotyping among children aged 9-10 whose
mothers work than among those whose mothers do
not work.
Researchers have found that sons and daughters of
working women have a less stereotypic view of men and
women (Vogel, Broverman, Clarkson, & Rosenkrantz,
1970). Girls whose mothers work are, for instance,
more likely to view women as more active and less
restricted than are girls whose mothers remain at
home. When Ruth Hartley (1960) asked elementary
school girls who they thought could do things like use
a sewing machine, fire a gun, select home furnishings,
or climb a mountain, daughters of working women saw a
wider range of activities open to both men and women
than daughters of nonworking mothers. They held more
positive attitudes toward any activity, be it work or
play.
A host of studies of elementary school girls,
adolescent females, and college and professional women
suggest that daughters of working women want to work
(Gunn & Matthews, 1979). After the age of 7, there is
some indication that these are the girls with higher
achievement and aspirations. A working mother seems
to provide a stronger role model for the child than a
nonworking mother: when girls are asked what person
33


they would most like to be like, more daughters of
working than nonworking mothers name their mothers
(Douvan, 1963).
Daughters bf working mothers differ from daughters
of nonworking mothers not just in attitude but in
behavior. They are frequently seen as more self-
reliant, aggressive, dominant, and disobedient (Siegel
& Haas, 1963) and more independent, autonomous, and
active (Douvan, 1963).
A working woman's son's perceptions of men and
women in general differ from those of a nonworking
woman's son. Questioning young, male, middle-class
university students whose mothers had worked,
investigators found that not only did they perceive
smaller differences between men and women than the
young men whose mothers had not worked, but they had
higher estimation of their own sex as well (Vogel,
Broverman, Broverman, Clarkson, & Rosenkrantz, 1970).
Based on studies bf daughters and sons of working
mothers, the results are heavily weighted in favor of
the daughters. Although sons do benefit from having
working mothers, girls look naturally to their mother
for cues about how to live her life. If she sees a
woman with strong interests and a treasured vocation,
34


she can more easily imagine her own bright future.
According to Marie Wilson, president of the Ms.
Foundation for Women and coauthor of Mother/Daughter
Revolution, it doesn't matter what Mom is doing. What
her daughter needs to know is "Was this your choice?
and Are you happy with it?" Based on positive role
models and imitation, the following hypotheses are
presented:
Hypothesis #3: There will be less gender
stereotyping among girls than in boys age 9-10.
Hypothesis #4: Boys of working mothers will have
less gender stereotypic views of men and women
than boys of nonworking mothers.
Hypothesis #5: Girls of working mothers will
have less gender stereotypic views of men and
women than boys of working mothers.
A somewhat encouraging note was sounded by
Oullette and White (1978) in their study of the
occupational preferences of first, fifth, eighth, and
eleventh graders. They found that at each grade
level, the occupations chosen as appropriate for
females tended to be nontraditional that is, not
socially identified with women. On the other hand,
the occupations selected for males were almost
entirely traditional. Based on the age of this study
35


and the increase of working mothers in nontraditional
occupations, the following hypothesis is presented:
Hypothesis #6: A higher percentage of females
than males, aged 9-10, will choose a
nontraditional occupation.
Finally, as previously discussed, children's
knowledge of gender stereotypes have been shown to
increase as socio-economic status (SES) increases
multiculturally (Williams & Best, 1982; Tarrier &
Gnomes, 1981; Neto, Williams, & Widner, 1991). This
may be due to factors such as social class, religious
orientation, or status. However, this may not be the
case in the U.S. More U.S. women, than in other
countries, have advanced in management positions in
spite of strong stereotypic attitudes. The power of
the law in areas of sex discrimination and internal
corporate changes designed to implement these changes
have helped break down some of the barriers. Because
of this, higher SES may be related to less
stereotyping due to an increased awareness of female
role models in nontraditional occupations. Based on
this reasoning, the following hypothesis is presented
Hypothesis #7: Children of high SES will have
less gender stereotypic views of men and women
than will children of low SES.
36


The fact that there are currently strong gender
stereotypical perceptions (Williams, 1991) means that
they were learned at sometime along the way to
adulthood. These adults learned traditional gender
appropriate roles in youth. With the increase in
nontraditional roles for women, it is expected that
the children studied will theoretically be socialized
to view men and women in less stereotypic ways and,
upon entering the workforce, will have less
stereotypic views concerning gender and occupation*
In summary, this chapter researches the childhood
origins of gender stereotyping and how they may be a
barrier to women's advancement to top level corporate
positions. From a social learning perspective, it is
argued that children learn appropriate gender roles
from adult role models. Research supports that gender
stereotypes are in place by age 11 (Williams & Best,
1991). It is further argued that since female role
models of today are increasingly in more
nontraditional occupations, children will be more
likely to hold less stereotypical views of gender
roles for men and women. To test this argument,
elementary school children aged 9-10 will be surveyed
to answer the following research questions:
37


RQ #1. How prevalent are gender stereotypes among
elementary school children aged 9-10?
The following hypotheses test research question #1:
HI: There will be a decrease in gender
stereotyping among children aged 9-10 as
compared to Williams and Bests 1975 study.
H2: There will be less gender stereotyping among
children aged 9-10 whose mothers work than
among those whose mothers do not work.
H4: Males of working mothers will have less
gender stereotypic views of men and women
than males of nonworking mothers.
RQ #2: Are there significant differences in the use
of gender stereotypes between males and
females aged 9-10?
The following hypotheses test research question #2:
H3: There will be less gender stereotyping among
females than in males aged 9-10.
H5: Females of working mothers will have less
gender stereotypic views of men arid women
than males of working mothers.
H6: A higher percentage of females than males,
aged 9-10, will choose a nontraditional
occupation.
RQ #3: Does socio-economic status have a significant
effect on the awareness of gender stereotypes
by elementary school children aged 9-10?
38


The following hypothesis tests research question #3:
H7: Children aged 9-10 of high socio-economic
status will have less gender stereotypic
views of men and women than will children of
low socio-economic status.
39


CHAPTER II
METHODOLOGY
This study focuses on gender stereotyping and how
it is a barrier to women's advancement to top level
corporate positions. With the increase of women in
nontraditional occupations, attitudes of traditional
stereotypes may be lessening. According to Williams
and Best (1977), stereotypical attitudes are apparent
at a young age and are held into adulthood.
Therefore, this study will research levels of gender
stereotyping in 9-10 year old children to determine if
attitudes have changed.
The general question under study asks, "Have
gender stereotype attitudes of 9-10 year old children
lessened since studies by Williams and Best in the
1970's?" To examine this question, the Sex Stereotype
Measure II (Williams & Best, 1977 see Appendix B) is
utilized which permits access to their knowledge of
the same psychological characteristics adults use to
differentiate between men and women.
40


Subjects
There were 194 subjects, 87 male and 107 female
third grade students aged 9-10 years from four (4)
elementary schools in Denver, Colorado. Parental
approval was obtained via a parental consent form (see
Appendix 2) prior to the administration of the survey.
Students were surveyed during regularly scheduled
school hours with their teacher present.
Apparatus
The instrument chosen was the Sex Stereotype
Measure II (SSMII) developed by Williams and Best
(1975) from the Adjective Check List (ACL: Gough &
Heilbrun, 1965, 1980). This method, appropriate for
the vocabulary level and test-taking skills of young
children, permits access to their knowledge of the
same psychological characteristics adults use to
differentiate between women and men.
The SSM II is a picture-story technique that
represents the same traits contained in male and
female adult-defined stereotypes. It creates a
situation that is similar to when an adult, usually a
parent, reads a story to a child.
An example of a story question representing the
male gender stereotype would be as follows:
41


"One of these people is a bully. They are always
pushing people around and getting into fights.
Which person gets into fights?"
And, an example of a story question representing
the female gender stereotype would be as follows:
"One of these people is emotional. They cry when
something good happens as well as when
everything goes wrong. Which is the emotional
person?"
The Sex Stereotype Measure II contains a total of
32 stories with 16 stories representing each
stereotype. Next to each picture-story question are
silhouettes of a male and female figures The right-
left position of the figures was alternated in ABBA
order so that a child with either a position response
set or a simple alternative response set would obtain
a random score.
Williams and Best's (1977) method is a forced-
choice procedure that requires a child to choose
either the female figure or the male figure and does
not allow a "both" or "neither" option. This type of
procedure is designed to obtain a maximum amount of
information by requiring the child to respond even
when uncertain of the "correctness" of the
choice. Williams and Best argue that many young
children use a nonchoice option as a legitimate way to
42


escape a task that is puzzling. To lessen the
uncertainty, researchers sometimes devise methods in
which the child is not required to choose between
stimulus figures; for example, one might present a
silhouette of a man and ask the child to indicate
whether or not this person behaves in a certain way,
#
later presenting a silhouette of a woman paired with
the same behavior.
The difficulty with this approach is that when
young children are asked to respond yes or no to
puzzling questions, they tend to answer in the
affirmative (Williams & Morland, 1976). This strong
"yes-saying bias" provides another "out" for the child
that may obscure his or her true knowledge or feelings
about the item. Another problem with the forced-
choice method is the degree to which it constrains the
subjects response. Cowan and Stewart (1977) compared
open-ended and adjective checklist techniques and
concluded that the different assessment procedures
produced dramatically different results. Less
stereotyping was obtained with the open-ended format
than with the forced-choice methods. In general, it
appears that the more constraints placed on the
respondent, the more "stereotyped" the data obtained.
43


Because most gender stereotype research has used
methods that constrain subjects, it might be argued
that the pervasiveness of gender stereotypes that most
writers cite is artifactually inflated (Ashmore & Del
Boca, 1986). However, Williams and Best (1990),
nonetheless, feel the forced-choice method used in the
SSM II has more advantages than disadvantages.
Based upon arguments presented by Williams and
Morland (1976) an Cowan and Stewart (1977), the
procedure for the SSM II in this study was altered to
allow the children to choose either a male or female
silhouette, both the male and female silhouettes, or
neither the male or female silhouettes. The reasoning
for this was twofold. First, the research by Cowan
and Stewart suggests results obtained with an open
option method will provide a more accurate description
of the child's true feelings on the items. Second,
several 9-10 year olds were sampled using questions
from the SSM II. They clearly struggled with many
answers commenting "But, sometimes my mom and my dad
act like this" or "My mom or dad would never do that."
This showed the children certainly knew the attributes
of their parents but did not have an option for their
answer. Consequently, the "both" and "neither" were
44


added to the answer sheet.
Procedure
The test is administered in a classroom setting
with the teacher present. It involves a test booklet
in which the 32 SSM II items are presented in a
standard order and one inch male and female
silhouettes are shown to the right of each story (see
Appendix 1). The silhouettes are presented in a
standing posture, the male and female figures
alternating from left to right. The instructions to
the subjects are printed on the first page of the
booklet and are read aloud to them. Since the
procedure was modified, "it was further explained to
the children that they may, in addition, choose
"both" or "neither" as answers to the survey
questions.
After two practice items to familiarize the
subjects with the task, the examiner reads aloud each
of the 32 SSM II items with the children, allowing
sufficient time for the children to indicate their
responses to each item.
45


Scoring
The procedure was scored by counting one point
for the selection of the male figure in response to a
male stereotype item, one point for the selection of a
female figure in response to a female stereotype item
and "0" points for the selection of the both or
neither option. Points were only given if a child
chose a stereotyped answer. Thus, the possible range
for the 32 item total sex stereotype score was 0-32,
with high scores indicative of consistent stereotype
responses, low scores indicative of consistent non-
stereotype responses, and mid-range scores indicative
of chance or random responding.
The content and pervasiveness of gender
stereotypes will be affected by the criteria that the
researcher established for defining the stereotype.
These criteria have in practice been highly variable.
In some cases, investigators simply rely on inspection
of the data (Sherrriffs & McKee, 1957); more often
others establish a statistical criterion. Often,
frequency of attribution is the sole decision rule.
Frequencies required for inclusion of individual items
have ranged from 40% (Cowan & Stewart, 1977) to 75%
(Rosenkrantz et al., 1968). In some cases,
46


frequencies are computed for the entire sample of
respondents (Williams & Bennett, 1975). Clearly, the
less stringent.the criteria employed, the more
elaborated will be the stereotypes delineated (Ashmore
& Del Boca, 1986).
Ashmore and Del Boca (1986) urge development of
standard decision rules for defining stereotypes.
They suggest multiple cut-points of 33% to 50% of
respondents (a sizeable minority of the sample
endorsed the item), 50 to 67% (a simple majority
endorsed the item), and 67% to 100% ( a clear or
strong majority felt the descriptor was sex
stereotypic). These cut-points are utilized in this
study. Scores that range from 0-10.66 will fall in
the Sizeable minority, correlating to low scores
indicative of consistent non-stereotype responses.
Scores that range from 10.67-21.34 will fall in a
simple majority, correlating to mid-range scores
indicative of chance or random responding. Scores
that range from 21.34-32.00 will fall into the clear
or strong majority, correlating to high scores
indicative of consistent stereotype responses.
47


Data Analyses
In summary, elementary school children aged 9-10
will be surveyed to answer the following research
questions:
RQ #1. How prevalent are gender stereotypes among
elementary school children aged 9-10?
Hypotheses #1, 2 and 4 test research question #1.
Hypothesis #1; There will be a decrease in
gender stereotyping among children aged 9-10 as
compared to the Williams and Best studies of the
1970's.
Hypothesis #1 will be evaluated by a descriptive
comparison of mean scores of gender stereotyping in
the Williams and Best studies with the mean scores of
children used in this investigation.
Hypothesis #2: There will be less gender
stereotyping among children aged 9-10 whose
mothers work than among those whose mothers do
not work.
Hypothesis #2 will be tested by a one-way
analysis of variance. The independent variable is
maternal employment status, with two levels, mothers
who work and those who do not work. The dependent
variable is the score on the SSM II.
48


Hypothesis #4: Males of working mothers will
have less gender stereotypic views of men and
women than males of nonworking mothers.
Hypothesis #4 will be tested with a one-way
analysis of variance. The independent variable is
maternal employment with two levels, males whose
mothers work and males whose mothers do not work. The
dependent variable will be the score from the SSM II.
RQ #2: Are there significant differences in the
awareness of gender stereotypes between
males and females aged 9-10?
Hypotheses #3, 5 and 6 will test research question
#2.
Hypothesis #3: There will be less gender
stereotyping among females than males aged 9-10.
Hypothesis #3 will be tested by a one-way
analysis of variance. The independent variable is
gender with two levels, males and females. The
dependent variable is the score from the SSM II.
Hypothesis #5: Females of working mothers will
have less gender stereotypic views of men and
women than males of working mothers.
Hypothesis #5 will be tested with a two-way
analysis of variance. The independent variables are:
maternal employment with two levels, mothers who work
49


and mothers who do not work; and gender, with two
levels, females and males. The dependent variable is
the score from the SSM II.
Hypothesis #6; A higher percentage of females
than males, aged 9-10, will choose a
nontraditional occupation.
Hypothesis #6 will be tested by a Z-test for
proportional differences. Children are asked "What
would you like to be when you grow up?" Occupation
choices are listed in alphabetical order. A panel of
ten adults aged 25 to 50 years of age ranked the
children's choices as either traditional female
occupation, non-traditional female occupation,
traditional male occupation, non-traditional male
occupation or neutral occupation. The panel consisted
of friends, neighbors and acquaintances who all had
children of their own. (See Table 3 for list of
occupations)
RQ #3; Does socio-economic status have a
significant effect on the awareness of
gender stereotypes by elementary school
children aged 9-10?
Hypothesis #7 will test research question #3.
Hypothesis #7: Children aged 9-10 of high socio-
economic status will have less gender stereotypic
views of men and women than will Children of low
50


socio-economic status.
Hypothesis #7 will be tested by a one-way
analysis of variance. The independent variable is
socio-economic status, with two levels, high and low.
The dependent variable is the score on the SSM II.
SES was determined from a combination of the following
criteria: percentage of Caucasians, blacks, hispanics
and asian children in the school, number of children
receiving free and reduced school meals, transiency
percentage in and out of the school. These are the
criteria the school district uses to determine
individual school funding based on need (Cherry Creek
School System, 1994).
To test for interaction effects, a two-way and
three-way ANOVA will be performed. The independent
variables in the two-way ANOVA are gender and SES.
The independent variables in the three-way ANOVA are
gender, SES and maternal employment status. The
dependent variable for both is the score on the SSM
II.
No support has been found to suggest a
relationship between gender, SES and maternal
employment status. Therefore, there is no
corresponding hypothesis for the three-way ANOVA.
51


CHAPTER III
RESULTS
This investigation focused on gender stereotyping
and how it is a barrier to women's advancement to top
level corporate positions. It was hypothesized that
due to an increase of women in nontraditional
occupations, attitudes of traditional stereotypes may
be lessening. According to Williams and Best (1975),
gender stereotyping begins at a young age. Therefore,
this study researched levels of gender stereotyping in
9-10 year old children. This chapter presents the
results of the testing of several hypotheses
pertaining to gender stereotypes among children aged
9-10 years of age.
The data was analyzed in several ways.
Hypothesis one was evaluated descriptively from data
from the Williams and Best study (1975, 1977) and this
study. Hypotheses two, three, four, five, and seven
were analyzed by an analysis of variance (ANOVA).
Hypothesis six was analyzed by Z-test for proportional
differences. There were three independent
factors. The first factor, gender, had two levels
52


(male and female). The second factor, maternal
employment status, had two levels (working and non-
working) The third factor, socio-economic status
(SES), had two levels (high and low). There was one
dependent variable: score from the SSM II. Results
were considered statistically significant when the .05
level was reached. Means and F scores are found in
Tables 3.1 through 3.5.
There were three research questions under study.
Research question one asked, "How prevalent are gender
stereotypes among elementary school children aged 9-
10?" To investigate this question, there were three
hypotheses: 1, 2 and 4.
Hypothesis one predicted there would be a
decrease in gender stereotyping among children aged 9-
10 as compared to the Williams and Best studies of the
1970's. Generally, it appears that gender
stereotyping has lessened (Grand Mean = 10.07,
female X = 8.5, male X = 11.97; range 0-26).
Stereotype scores ranged from 0 to 26. Means scores
in the Williams and Best studies of similar aged
children were higher (Grand Mean X = 24.0, female X =
23.8, male x = 24.3, see Table 3.1).
However, a direct comparison between my results
53


and those of Williams and Best (1977) is unjustified
due to modifications made in the SSM II instrument for
this study. The Williams and Best studies used a
forced choice procedure that required the children to
choose either the female figure or the male figure and
did not allow them to use "both" or "neither." This
study did allow the children to use the "both" and
"neither" option in addition to the female and male
figures. Therefore, the following are percentages
relative to the children's choices of the "both" and
"neither" options.
Overall, one hundred percent (100%) of the
subjects, (107 females, 87 males) chose the "both"
option at least once in each question while sixty-two
percent (62%) of the males and seventy-nine percent
(79%) of the females chose the "neither" option at
least once in each question. Gender differences were
evident in the number of times a male or female used
the "both" or "neither" option. For example,
seventeen percent (17%) of the total subjects chose
the "both" option seventy-five percent (75%) of the
time or more. However, by gender, twenty-two percent
(22%) of females used "both" seventy-five percent
(75%) of the time, while only twelve percent (12%) of
54


the males did. Another example is the "neither"
option. None (0%) of the total subjects used
"neither" over 50% of the time. Instead, eighty-three
percent (83%) used it twenty-five percent (25%) or
less of the time. (See Table 3.6)
Hypothesis two predicted there would be less
gender stereotyping among children aged 9-10 years
whose mothers work than among those whose mothers do
not work. A one-way analysis of variance provided
support for hypothesis two (working mothers X = 9.40,
non-working mothers X = 12.17, F = 5.871, p < .016,
see Table 3.1).
Hypothesis four predicted males of working
mothers would have less gender stereotypic views of
men and women than males of nonworking mothers. A
one-way analysis of variance provided support for
hypothesis four (males of working mothers X = 10.23,
males of non-working mothers X = 16.23, F = 16.581, p
< .000, see Table 3.2).
The results of hypotheses one, two and four
provide answers to research question one concerning
the prevalence of gender stereotypes. Gender
stereotype scores are significantly less than in the
studies by Williams and Best (1977) Children of
55


working mothers stereotype significantly less than
children of non-working mothers. Males of working
mothers, in particular, stereotype less than males of
non-working mothers.
Research question two asked, "Are there
significant differences in the awareness of gender
stereotypes between males and females aged 9-10? To
investigate this question there were three hypotheses:
3, 5 and 6.
Recall that hypothesis three predicted there
would be less gender stereotyping among females than
males aged 9-10. A one-way analysis of variance
provided support for.hypothesis three (female X =
8.50, male X = 11.98, F = 12.74, p < .000, see Table
3.1) .
Hypothesis five predicted females of working
mothers would have less gender stereotypic views of
men and women than males of working mothers. A two-
way analysis of variance revealed a significant main
effect of males of working mothers (males X momwork =
10.23, males X mom no work = 16.83, F = 16.581, p <
.000). The analysis also revealed a interaction
between gender and maternal employment status (female
X mom work = 8.73, females X mom no work = 7.88, males
56


X mom work = 10.23, males X mom no work = 16.23, F =
11.785, p < .001). The significant interaction of
gender and maternal employment status seems most
easily understood in terms of the mean differences
between males whose mothers work (X = 16.83) and
females whose mothers work (X = 7.88). Males whose
mothers work have significantly higher stereotype
scores than females whose mothers work.
Hypothesis six predicted a higher percentage of
females than males would choose a nontraditional
occupation. Examples of nontraditional occupations
for females would be accountant, banker, engineer,
manager, or scientist. Whereas examples of
traditional female occupations would be dancer, flight
attendant, hairdresser, nurse, or teacher. A critical
z value provided support for this hypothesis (critical
z value = +6.9). In actual data, 46 of 107 females
(49.2%) chose a nontraditional occupation. None (0)
of the 87 males made a nontraditional choice. It is
interesting to look at the choices of traditional
occupations. Again the critical z value was 6.9
showing a significant proportional difference between
males and females. Of the 107 females, 45 (48.1%)
chose traditional occupations. Conversely, of the 87
57


males, 78 (67.8%) chose traditional occupations.
Males overwhelmingly choose traditional career
occupations while the decision for females is split.
(See Table 3.7 for list of occupations)
Results from hypotheses three, five and six
provide insight into research question two. There are
significant differences between males and females
aged 9-10 years in the awareness of gender
stereotypes. Females do stereotype less than males,
even more so if their mother is employed, and choose
more nontraditional occupations.
Research question three asked, "Does socio-
economic status have a significant effect on awareness
of gender stereotypes by elementary school children
aged 9-10?" To investigate this question, there was
one hypothesis: 7.
Hypothesis seven predicted children aged 9-10 of
high socio-economic status will have less gender
stereotypic views of men and women than will children
of low socio-economic status. Hypothesis seven was
not supported (High SES X = 10.62, Low SES X = 9.43, F
= 1.412, p < .236).
Although the interaction of socio-economic status
and maternal employment status did not reach
58


statistical significance (F = .228, p <.633), the
observed effect seemed sufficiently large enough to
warrant an examination. Children in high SES whose
mothers do not work scored higher ("X = 13.11) than
high SES children whose mothers do work (X = 9.28).
There was no observed effect in low SES.
Similarly, SES and gender did not reach
statistical significance (F = .045, p < .833), but it
is interesting to note that mean scores of high SES
males (X = 12.73) were observedly more than high SES
females (X = 8.26). However, this may just be due to
chance or sampling error.
Lastly, the three-way ANOVA found no significant
interaction between the factors 1) gender, 2) maternal
employment status, or 3) SES.
In answer to research question three, socio-
economic status does not have a significant effect on
the awareness of gender stereotypes in children aged
9-10 years.
In general, it can be concluded that gender
stereotypes have lessened. Means of male and female
stereotype scores are low, females stereotype
significantly less than males, and socio-economic
status does not significantly effect gender stereotype
59


awareness in children. The explanations and
implications of these results will be discussed in the
next chapter.
60


Table 3.1
Hypothesis
#3
Means and 'F' score/significance
of
Independent Variable: GENDER
Dependent Variable: Score
One-Way ANOVA
Grand
Cell Means Mean F
I 2
(females) (males)
8.50 11.98 10.07 12.74
(106) (87)
Siq.
.000
61


Table 3.2
Means and 'F' Score/significance
Independent Variable: Maternal Employment
Status
Dependent Variable: Score
One-Way ANOVA
Cell Means Grand Mean F Sicj.
1 2 (mom work) (mom no work)
Hypothesis #2 .40 (144) 12.17 (48) 10.09 (192) 5.871 .016
Hypothesis #4 10.23 16.83 (64) 11.98 (23) 16.581 (87) .000
62


Table 3.3
Means and 'F' score/significance
Independent Variable: Socio-Economic Status
Dependent Variable: Score
One-Way ANOVA
Grand
Cell Means Mean F
1 2
(females) (males)
Hypothesis
10.62 9.43 10.07 1.412
#7 (103) (90)
Sig.
.236
63


Table 3.4
Means and 'F' score/significance
Independent Variables: Gender and Maternal Employment
Status
Dependent Variable: Score
Two-Way ANOVA
Grand
Hypothesis Cell Means Mean F Sig,
#5
1 2
(females) (males)
(work) 1 8.73 10.23
yes (80) (64)
(work) 2 7.88 16.23
no (25) (23)
Maternal Employment Status 9.757 .000
Gender 6.022 .015
2-way interaction 11.785 .001
3-way interaction F Sig
Score by Gender, MES, SES 143 .706
64


Table 3.5
Critical Z' Values
Independent Variable: Gender
Dependent Variable: Score
'Z' Test for Proportional Differences
Males
(87)
Femalfes
(107)
Nontraditional
Occupation -0- 46
Choice
Traditional
Occupation 78 45
Choice
Critical 'Z' Value = +6.9
(Critical 'Z' Value over +1.96 is required to reject
null hypothesis
65


Table 3.6
Percentages of "both" and "neither" choices
Chose "both" option
TOTAL SUBJECTS MALES (87) FEMALES (107)
25% or less (15%) of time 47 (24%) 31 (35%) 16
Over 25% but not (39%) more than 50% of time 72 (37%) 30 (35%) 42
50% but not (24%) more than 75% of time 42 (22%) 16 (18%) 26
75% or more of 33 (17%) 10 (12%) 23
(22%)
the time
66


Chose "neither" option
TOTAL SUBJECTS MALES (87) FEMALES (107
25% or less (79%) of the time 161 (83%) 77 (89%) 84
Over 25% but not (21%) more than 50% of the time 33 (17%) 10 (11%) 23
50% but not more than 75% of the time 0 0 0
75% or more of the time 0 0 0
67


Table 3.7
Occupation List
Occupations chosen by third grade students when
asked "What do you want to be when you grow up?
Traditional
Female
Occupation
or
Non-Traditional
Male
Occupation
Non-Traditional
Female
Occupation
or
Traditional
Male
Occupation
Neutral
aerobic instructor accountant artist
bookkeeper counselor architect
cashier journalist astronaut
child care technician banker lab
dancer computer programmer marine
dental hygienist biologist doctor
flight attendant engineer mime
grocery clerk musician fire person
hairdresser horse trainer
paleontologist
manicurist personal hospital director
nurse trainer inventor
plant care zookeeper lawyer
secretary manager
teacher pilot
waitress police officer scientist sound technician
68


CHAPTER IV
DISCUSSION
This study examined gender stereotypes, their
childhood origins, and their potential effects on
women's advancement to top corporate positions. The
prevalence of gender stereotypes in children aged five
to eleven years of age has been investigated and
supported. Researchers have found that images of
gender stereotypes are based on deeply rooted belief
systems that begin at an early age and remain into
adulthood (Mischel, 1970; Williams & Best, 1977;
Williams & Bergen, 1991). Therefore, this study
specifically investigated the prevalence of gender
stereotypes in children aged 9-10 years.
The primary research question asked, "How
prevalent are gender stereotypes among elementary
school children aged 9-10?" Results from this study
would indicate the answer is yes. Significant support
was found for the hypotheses predicting that gender
stereotypes have lessened. Means are statistically
significant and in the direction predicted. These
69


findings indicated a sizeable decrease (more than 50%)
in the total mean population score for stereotyping
from the studies in the 1970's; significantly lower
stereotype scores in children whose mothers work
versus those whose mothers do not work; and
significantly lower stereotype scores in males whose
mothers work versus those whose mothers do not work.
The second research question asked, "Are there
significant differences in awareness of gender
stereotypes between males and females aged 9-10 years
of age?" Again, the answer is yes. Means are
statistically significant and in the direction
predicted. These findings include significantly lower
stereotype scores in females than in males;
significant interaction effects and lower stereotype
scores in females of working mothers versus males of
working mothers; and, a significantly higher
percentage of females' choices of nontraditional
occupations than males' choices of nontraditional
occupations.
The third and last research question asked, "Does
socio-economic (SES) status have a significant effect
on awareness of gender stereotypes in males and
females aged 9-10 years of age?" No significance was
70


found. Stereotype scores for children of high SES
were not significantly lower than children of low SES.
These findings are encouraging and have serious
implications for women's advancement to top level
corporate positions.
Implications
The results of this study suggest that male and
female children aged 9-10 stereotype significantly
less than similar children in the 1970's. In
addition, mothers who work positively effect their
children's view of stereotypes.
The significant interaction between gender and
maternal employment status is encouraging for women in
the workplace. Mothers who work can be a prime factor
in the attitude change of stereotypical views of their
children. Female children, through imitation of their
mother will see themselves capable of multiple roles.
Males will view their mother as equally able to be
homemaker as well as executive. Antill (1987) found
that parents who claim that opportunities for both
sexes should be equal in the adult world are more
likely to encourage their children to deviate from
gender stereotypes than parents who advocate separate
roles for women and men.
71


The argument that mothers who work can effect
attitude change in their children agrees with Maccoby
and Jacklin's (1974) assessment of the effectiveness
of parents as role models. They state that parents
have a special effect on child development since they
provide the opportunity for imitation of their own
behavior, and reinforcements for their children's
behavior. Children are more likely to imitate same-
sex models than opposite-sex models, although they
could presumably imitate any adult to whom they were
exposed. Because parents are highly available and
powerful, they are the models children are most likely
to copy (Maccoby & Jacklin, 1974).
Overall, my results indicate less gender
stereotyping among females aged 9-10 than their
opposite sex counterparts. The findings suggest that
males stereotype significantly more than females.
This is contrary to the Williams and Best studies
(1975,1977) which failed to indicate any substantial
difference in knowledge of sex stereotypes between
male and female children. This difference in results
may be due to several reasons, one of which is the
modification of the SSM II instrument in the present
study. Differences between the studies' results as
72


well as potential reasons for them will be discussed
later in the chapter.
Although male and female stereotype scores were
both low, males did stereotypes significantly more
than females. If males stereotype more than females,
the future implications for women in the workplace are
staggering. Males who grow up with traditional
stereotypic views of women will have an effect on a
range of evaluative and organizational situations.
Male recruiters and other organizational
representatives will evaluate the suitability of
female applicants for employment. Male managers will
evaluate the performance of their female subordinates,
who in turn evaluate the kind of leadership
demonstrated by their female managers. Promotional
decisions of females will be based on past performance
and future potential. In each of these situations,
others' evaluations of an individual materially affect
the effectiveness and progress of that individual in
an organization. These evaluations are based on
beliefs about what the individual is like, Which are
influenced by whether the individual is male or
female. Thus, stereotypical beliefs that women are
more nurturant or that men are better leaders have an
73


influence on evaluations far beyond what the actual
facts may dictate.
One study (Sharp & Post, 1980) found that
recruiters who were high in authoritarianism,
reflecting a tendency to stress roles of dominance and
submission in male-female relationships, preferred
male applicants over female applicants for an
administrative trainee positions; those who were
moderate or low in authoritarianism did not differ in
their evaluations of male and female applicants. A
separate study found that recruiters who tended to
believe in gender stereotypes were more likely to
discriminate against applicants of the sex seen to be
inappropriate for a job than recruiters who did not
endorse the stereotype (Simmas & McCarrey, 1979).
When judgements about individuals are based on
very little data, as is the case when organizations
make hiring decisions, these judgements are likely to
be influenced by gender stereotypes. Decision makers
with limited information about applicants tend to make
more biased decisions than those with more information
(Tosi & Einbender, 1985). The implication is that men
who hold true to traditional gender stereotypes will
be more prone to sex bias in the workplace (Baker &
74


Terpstra, 1986). Studies have shown that sex
stereotyping results in inequitable hiring, promotion,
and supervision decisions; (Dipboye, Fromkin, &
Wiback, 1975; Rosen & Jerdee, 1974) lower salaries for
women (Terborg & Ilgen, 1975) and less powerful
positions and more dead-end jobs for women (Ranter,
1977). Lack of career advancement translates into
less women in positions of authority at top levels of
organizations.
The question that arises is, "What reasons
explain why males in this study stereotype more than
females?" The answer may lie at the root of social
learning the mass media. Mass media influences
childhood development by providing opportunities for
modeling and information seeking outside family and
school. Stereotypical behavior by females and males
has persistently characterized both children's and
adult's television programming, magazine advertising,
newspaper comic strips as well as the retail toy
market. Despite dramatic changes in the outside
world, the world of television programming has been
remarkably stable in its portrayal of women and men
and in its underrepresentation of female characters
(McArthur & Eisen, 1989; Moore, 1992; Sexton &
75


Haberman, 1974). Several stereotypes of women's roles
occurred regularly in magazine advertising: 1) women's
place as in the home; 2) women as not making important
decisions; 3) women as dependent and in need of men's
protection; and 4) men regarding women as sex objects,
not as people (McArthur & Eisen, 1989; Sexton &
Haberman, 1974; Signorielli, 1989).
The depiction of sex roles in comic strips has
changed somewhat in recent years with the introduction
of strips featuring working women, such as "For Better
or For Worse" and "Sally Forth." However, not much
change has taken place in older comic strips such as
"Dennis the Menace" and "The Born Loser" (although
Blondie now owns a catering business. The image of
the career woman is far from positive. She is a
superwoman, cleaning the house, taking care of the
children, fixing the car and maintaining the career.
She suffers from stress and sleepless nights as a
result. She is often portrayed as hard, dominating,
and critical of her husband, never being satisfied
with anything he does. In sum, the message has been
described as "if you are a women and want a happy
home, do not have a career, and if you are a man,
never marry a career women" (Mooney & Brabant, 1987,
76


1986).
The ultimate effects of television and other
media portrayals of sex roles has been the subject of
considerable debate. Some theorists claim that
television cultivates conceptions of social reality.
The basic premise of cultivation theory is that "the
more time people spend watching television, the more
likely they are to perceive the real world in ways
that reflect the patterns found in television"
(Morgan, 1982). In support of cultivation theory,
studies have found that both children and adults who
watch more television are more aware of gender
stereotypes, see themselves in more stereotypical
terms, and hold more traditional attitudes toward
men's and women's roles (McGhee & Frueh, 1980; Morgan,
1982; Ross, Anderson, & Wisocki, 1982). Greenberg
(1982) concluded that higher amounts of watching
television are associated with more sex stereotyping.
Research supports the fact that males watch more
television than females (personal communication,
Dilley, 1994).
The mass media's portrayals of sex roles could
explain some of the reasons why males stereotype more.
However, it is arguable that females would stereotype
77


more as well. So, the questions might be asked, "why
might females in this study stereotype less?"
Answers may lie in the retail marketing strategies
aimed at female children.
Attempts to portray changing roles to girls have
been seen in the retail market. Books such as Women
In Science, History of Women Artists, or History of
Women (Epstein, 1994, 1988, 1984) demonstrate women
with qualities of strength, courage, and intelligence.
Toys, such as Mattel's Barbie dolls, are shown in a
variety of occupations from beauty queen, physician,
working executive, military soldier to presidential
candidate. In addition, Mattel named Jill Barad as
its first women president. While little girls can
thank Barad for dressing Barbie in a gown meant to be
worn to her own inaugural ball, the message is clearly
directed at girls and not boys (Working Woman, 1992).
Granted, not every girl owns a Barbie doll. This does
not mean she will adopt only stereotyped behaviors.
Books depicting women in nontraditional roles are
available in local libraries and classrooms. A recent
study by Purcell and Stewart (1990) found less
pronounced differences in the rate of portrayal for
males and females and in the variety of roles assigned
78


to each. Adult women appeared more often than
previously, but still not as often as men or in as
wide a range of occupations. Girls appeared just as
often as boys, and in a wider variety of roles than
previously.
There is no evidence of toys aimed at boys to
encourage female, or at the least, androgynous
behavior. Unless sex differences in the toys chosen
by children and their parents disappear, girls may be
more exposed to the Barbie dolls than boys. Thus, any
direct effect the Barbie dolls have on attitudes or
expectations about society will be seen primarily in
girls. As a result, girls could expect to see a more
sex-integrated workplace and military, whereas boys
could have reason to expect the same.
Attempts by the retail market to portray changing
roles to girls might explain why my results support
that female children stereotype less and chose a
significantly higher percentage of nontraditional
occupations (49.2%) than the males (0%). Female
children see less delineation between sex roles.
Baird (1976) suggests that females are permitted
feminine as well as masculine tomboy behavior while
males are only permitted masculine behaviors. The
79


fact that none of the males chose a nontraditional
occupation supports research by Marini & Brinton
(1984) who investigated occupational aspirations as to
whether they were male-intensive, female-intensive or
neutral occupations. They found that males were more
likely than females to prefer occupations dominated by
their own sex.
The significant interaction between gender and
maternal employment status coupled with the females'
significantly higher choice of nontraditional
occupations supports research on girls' aspirations
during childhood and adolescence. Investigators found
that "pioneers" who aspired to male-intensive
occupations were more likely to have working mothers
and highly educated parents than "nonpioneers",
demonstrating the importance of family
characteristics. In general, women who aspire to
male-intensive occupations tend to be fundamentally
different in experience and socialization from those
with more traditional aspirations (Murrell, Frieze, &
Frost, 1991; Sandberg, Ehrhardt, Mellins, Ince, &
Meyer-Bahlburg, 1987; Subich, Barrett, Doverspike, &
Alexander, 1989).
This study also explored the relationship between
80


socio-economic status (SES) and gender stereotyping.
No significance was found between the variables. This
is contrary to studies which found that high SES
children had a greater knowledge of gender stereotypes
than low SES children (Neto, Williams, & Widner, 1991;
Tarrier & Gnomes, 1981; Williams & Best, 1982). This
discrepancy may be due to the fact that the difference
in the socio-economic levels in this particular school
system were not large enough to produce a significant
effect.
Limitations of the Study
Several problems surfaced with respect to this
study; 1) survey instrument design; 2) the awareness
of gender stereotypes versus the use of gender
stereotypes; 3) problems with researching gender
stereotypes.
The first problem involves the first research
question of whether or not gender stereotypes have
lessened since the Williams and Best (1977) studies.
Although the present study found a significant
decrease in gender stereotyping over the Williams and
Best studies, a direct comparison of the studies is
unjustified because the SSM II assessment procedure
was modified in my study. Williams and Best used a
81


forced-choice procedure that required the children to
choose either the female figure or the male figure and
did not allow them to say "both" or "neither." This
study used an unforced-choice procedure and did allow
the children to choose "both" or "neither." The
major difference in the methodologies is the degree to
which they constrain the subject's response. A
forced-choice procedure places more constraints on its
subjects while an unforced-choice procedure does not.
Cowan and Stewart (1977) found that less stereotyping
was obtained with an unforced-choice procedure or
open-ended format than with a forced choice, adjective
checklist or rating scale procedure. In general, it
appears that the more constraints placed on the
respondent, the more "stereotyped" the data obtained.
Therefore, it might be argued that the pervasiveness
of gender stereotypes that some researchers cite is
artifactually inflated (Neto, Williams & Widner, 1991;
Williams & Bennett, 1975; Williams & Best, 1977).
Because of the change in assessment procedure, it
is difficult to know whether or not the results are
actual changes in gender stereotyping or just the
result of the children choosing the "both" or
"neither" option as a legitimate way to escape a task
82


that is puzzling. However, the results were
consistent across the total population, and the
subjects' consistent usage of the "both" or "neither"
option leads me to believe the conclusions are
accurate. One hundred percent (100%) of the subjects
chose the "both" or "neither" option at least once or
more; thirty-nine percent (39%) of the subjects chose
"both" between fifty (50) and one hundred (100)
percent of the time; and one hundred percent (100%) of
the subjects chose "neither" between zero (0) and
forty-nine (49) percent of the time. Additionally,
the results were consistent across all school
populations, high SES and low SES. It seems justified
to assume the results are accurate.
In addition to the assessment procedure itself,
the actual instrument is problematic. The individual
items are outdated, old-fashioned and lack face
validity. For example, one of the SSM II stories
says:
One of these people is a cruel person. They
sometimes hurt other people on purpose and make
them unhappy. They throw rocks at dogs when they
come into the yard. Which is the cruel person?
Several of the children were concerned with this
question. They had difficulty relating someone they
knew, either male or female, to this question.
83


Consequently, their only choice for an answer may have
been the "neither" option.
Another question may affect the self-esteem of
the child answering the question:
One of these people has such good manners, it
makes you sick. They always do everything just
right. Which person does everything just right?
Several teachers objected to this question as they
feared that the students who "always did things right"
would feel "made fun of" or "singled out" in the
classroom.
Further, many of the questions placed the
children in an awkward position having to choose one
gender over another. Children usually think of a
parent or significant other when answering the story
questions. They feel uncomfortable, for example,
saying that their father has a certain quality while
their mother does not. This is true if the children
are only allowed to answer with the male or.female
stereotype. For example:
When one of these people has a problem they sit
down and think carefully before deciding what is
the best thing to do. Which person solves their
problems carefully?
By having to choose one gender over the other, it
implies the other lacks the ability or skill being
asked about. Children may be reluctant to choose one
84


parent over the other or feel guilty in making the
underlying assumption that one parent is deficient.
These questions are antiquated and lack a 90's
focus. Several of the questions are leading and bias
the respondent toward particular answers. Others use
social desirability as a biasing factor in the wording
of the questions. They lead the respondent to feel
that a particular answer is expected or morally sound.
Clearly, a new instrument design is called for.
Another important aspect of the survey design and
potential problem involves the linguistic difficulty
of the items on the test. Some of the variability in
the responses could be due to differences in language
abilities required for various items. Williams and
Best argue that the general simplicity of the SSM II
language suggests that linguistic complexity is not a
major factor in these findings. However, this is
something the researcher will never know unless the
children are tested beforehand on their level of
language ability.
The second limitation of this research is whether
or not the researcher is investigating the awareness
of gender stereotypes or the use of them. In other
words, is an awareness of gender stereotypes
85


indicative of using them in everyday life? Williams
and Best (1977) chose to say the children "know" the
stereotypes rather than "use" them. They felt it was
a more conservative approach and was consistent with
their adult studies. In addition, they state that
their procedure is not assessing childrens
stereotypes, per se. If they were to do that, they
would begin by asking children in what ways they
believe males and females differ. This is an
important issue. It is one thing to be "aware" of
gender stereotypes and quite another to "use" them.
Children may be quite aware of gender stereotypes but
choose whether or not to use them. These same
children, as adults in the workplace, can make the
same decision. Awareness of gender stereotypes will
not always mean usage of gender stereotypes.
The third problem involves basic assumptions made
concerning gender differences in past research
studies. One basic assumption is that sex differences
can be attributed to either nature or nurture.
Clearly, the two factors interact. However, there
remains a paucity of work on stereotype acquisition
based on socialization. In addition, determining how
a belief is conveyed to a child, how the child decodes
86


that message, how the particular message interacts
with other information, and finally what the child
comes to believe is difficult at best. Longitudinal
research seems the design of choice, yet such work is
extremely complicated and time consuming under the
best of circumstances. Research is called for to
uncover the way the interaction of nature and nurture
occurs for particular behavior patterns for males and
females.
Another basic assumption in past research on
gender stereotypes is that sex differences exist and
that these differences are important. Many of the
studies focused on sex differences rather than
similarities. By asking a subject to describe the
typical woman and then describe the typical man
inherently contains a bias in the exercise itself.
This emphasis on sex differences is further
perpetuated by the policy of most journals to publish
only statistically significant findings. Findings
reflecting no difference usually do not get reported
in the literature. Since journals have limited space,
they have to reject a high percentage of submitted
articles, and they naturally tend to accept those with
positive findings. This may result in more chance
87


findings of differences being reported (Basow, 1980).
Areas for Future Research
Possible areas for future research might include
the following:
* The Williams and Best study (1977) should be
replicated in order to compare level of gender
stereotyping results with the present study.
In this way, the forced-choice procedure can be
compared to the unforced procedure.
* A new Sex Stereotype Measure should be designed
to eliminate the inherent bias in the questions
and increase the face validity. Questions
should address only the stereotype being
researched and not make a value judgement or
attack a child's self-esteem.
For example, the following story question may
attack a child's self-esteem. If the child is either
a perfectionist or very cooperative student, they may
feel ridiculed when hearing this story.
One of these people has such good manners,
it makes you sick. They always do
everything just right. Which person does
everything just right?
This story question could be revised to ask:
88


One of these people has such good manners.
They always do everything just right. Which
person always does everything just right?
A value judgement has been removed by eliminating
the "it makes you sick". However, the question still
tests the female stereotype of politeness.
Another example is a story question which might
scare or upset a young child. It asks:
One of these people is a cruel person. They
sometimes hurt other people on purpose and
make them unhappy. They throw rocks at dogs
when they come into the yard. Which is the
cruel person?
This story question could be revised to ask:
One of these people is a cruel person. They
sometimes hurt other people on purpose and
make them unhappy. They don't care if they
hurt someone's feeling. Which is the cruel
person?
In this revision, the scary thought of hurting
animals is removed yet the question still tests the
male stereotype of cruelty.
* Future studies should include variables to test
the effects of mass media, such as television
viewing, etc.
* The current study should be replicated to
determine if the "both" and "neither" options
are reliable and valid additions to the survey.
* The current study should be replicated with
89


four exceptions; 1) subjects should be surveyed
one on one by the examiner rather than surveyed
as a group. Subjects were able to talk to
their "neighbor" in the classroom which may
have biased their answers due to peer pressure.
2) survey should be administered by a male
examiner to determine if sex of examiner made
any difference. 3) A week prior to
administering the survey, subjects should be
given a vocabulary pre-test to determine
linguistic competency. 4) Prior to the survey
administration, a separate survey should be
sent home to parents to research parents
attitudes toward gender stereotypes and women
in the workplace.
* The subjects of the present study should be
followed into middle school, high school and
into college to longitudinally study gender
stereotyping from childhood into adulthood.
In summary, many changes should be made to
improve on the SSM II survey design as well as the
general method to investigate gender stereotypes.
Longitudinal studies would provide the most
information, however, they are time consuming,
90


difficult to administer and difficult. Researchers
might gain more insight by focusing on more
quantitative methods to study gender stereotypes.
Conclusion
Learned stereotypes, resulting from our
socialization, form the basis we use to judge others.
Stereotypes also help us to reduce uncertainty while
adding some predictability to our world. We also use
stereotypes to imply more than what is provided
regarding appropriate or inappropriate male and female
behavior. While stereotypes may reduce uncertainty,
they may increase our chances of incorrectly
perceiving a new situation by infringing on a full use
of available information. By attributing "certain
characteristics to all members of each group," we may
"create stability and meaning" in our world but we "do
it at the risk of inaccuracy" (Hastorf, Schneider, &
Poleka, 1970) .
Uncertainty is apparent in the workplace. As
females advance in predominantly male organizations,
males and females are faced with changing roles which
in turn decrease their predictability of the world
while increasing ambiguity. The more traditionally
stereotyped our viewpoint, the less favorably we will
91


respond to sex-incongruent behavior in the workplace
as well as attempts to promote equality between the
sexes. This viewpoint may be a prime barrier to
women's advancement to top level corporate positions.
Specifically, those who believe in traditional gender
stereotypical roles may be less likely to promote
women into high level positions in the organization.
Therefore, it is important for adults to provide
nontraditional role models to children for the
advancement of women in the workplace. Young boys
and girls who receive more similar messages about who
can and should work might develop less stereotypical
views of men and women. However, if that message is
contrary (i.e. that mother's work contributes less to
the family's total income than the fathers work as is
now the case in most families), the unspoken message
is that women's work is less essential than men's.
In addition, children are influenced by the
nature of their parents' occupations. For example,
compared to male managers, relatively few female
managers have children (Heidrick & Struggles, 1986).
The influence of parents on children's socialization
experiences will not change very much if the couples
who are most likely to have children remain those who
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Full Text

PAGE 1

GENDER STEREOTYPES AND THE MISMEASURE OF WOMEN: THEIR CHILDHOOD ORIGINS AND EFFECTS ON WOMEN'S ADVANCEMENT TO TOP CORPORATE POSITIONS by Nancy Collom Kurzweil I B.A., University of Colorado, 1991 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado at Deriver in partial fulfillment. of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Communication and Theatre 1994

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This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Nancy Collom Kurzweil has been approved for the Graduate School by W. Michael Monsour Date 11-ll-.qy

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Kurzweil, Nancy Collom {M.A., Communication and Theatre) Gender Stereotypes and the Mismeasure of Women: their Childhood Origins and Effects on Women's Advancement to Top Corporate Positions Thesis directed by Associate Professor W.M. Monsour ABSTRACT This investigation focused on gender stereotyping and how it is a barrier to women's advancement to top level corporate positions. It was hypothesized that due to an increase of women in nontraditional occupations, traditional stereotypes may be lessening. Because of the pervasiveness of gender stereotypes across educational and occupational spheres, it was important to study levels of stereotyping in children aged 9-10. The instrument used to measure levels of gender stereotypes was the Sex Stereotype Measure II. Three research questions were posed: 1) How prevalent are gender stereotypes among elementary school children aged 9-10? 2) Are there significant differences in the awareness of gender stereotypes between males and females aged 910? and 3) Does socio-economic status have a significant effect on the awareness of gender

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iii stereotypes by elementary school children aged 9-10? Significant support was found for hypotheses predicting that 1) gender stereotypes have lessened, 2) children of mothers who work stereotype less than those whose mothers do not work, and 3) males stereotype significantly more thah females. No significance was found between socio-economic status and levels of gender stereotyping. This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidate's thesis. I recommend its publication. Signed

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iv To my husband, Eric and my children, Devon and Sean

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CONTENTS CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION .............................. 1 Changes in Women's Roles .................. 5 Women's Position in Corporate America .... 6 Barriers to Women in Corporate America ... 8 Gender Stereotypes ................. 10 of Gender Stereotypes . .. 18 Acquisition of Gender Stereotypes: Socialization and Role Models ........ 23 Effects of Gender Stereotypes on Girls and Women ................... 2 7 I I METHODOLOGY ..... .......... 4 0 Subjects .................................. 41 Apparatus ................................. 41 Procedure ................................. 4 5 Scoring ................................... 46 Data Analyses .......................... 4 8 III. RESULTS . -52 IV. DISCUSSION .................................. 69 Implications ......................... 71 Limitations of the Study ................ 81 Areas For Future Research ............ 88 Conclusion .............................. 91

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vi BIBLIOGRAPHY ................ ............... 94 APPENDIX ................................. 107 A. Consent Form ................... l07 B. Sex Stereotype Measure !! ........... 108

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vii TABLES Table 3.1 Means and "F" Score Significance of Independent Variables: Gender ... Gl 3.2 Means and "F" Score Significance of Independent Variable: Maternal Employment Status ......... : ..... 62 3.3 Means and "F" Score Significance of Independent Variable: Socio-Economic Status .............. 63 3.4 and "F" Score.Significance of Independent Variables: Gender and Maternal Employment Status ..... 64 3.5 Critical "Z" Values .................. 65 3.6 Percentages of "both" and"neither" choices . .......................... 66 3.7 Occupation List ...................... 68

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CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION There has been an explosion of serious interest in gender research by scholars from diverse disciplines; linguistics, speech communication, anthropology, sociology and psychology (Aries, 1987}. Various in the last ten to years have documented attitudinal and behavioral changes in men and women; particularly, changes in the-attitudes men and women hold regarding.behaviors, characteristics, and interests that are deemed appropriate for each sex. Shifts have been made in attitudes and values regarding work and family roles of women and men from traditional views to the present more egalitarian ones (Aburdene &: Naisbitt, 1992; Glezer, 1983; Helmreich, Spence & Gibson, 1982; Mason, Czajka, &: Arber, 1976). Although these shifts in attitudes are widesweeping and predominantly positive, women continue to struggle in terms of advancement to top level qrganizational positions. The trend toward more egalitarian thinking has given a general impression 1

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that women .now reach high levels of management quite regularly However, overall, they comprise only 1% of Fortune 500 top level corporate positions (Aburdene & Naisbitt, 1992). This false perception is a good example of gender stereotyping -using a few visible people to make judgements about an entire group such as gender. Specifically, images of gender are based on deeply rooted belief systems that often begin at a young age (Williams & Best, 1977) and are held into adulthood (Williams & Bergen, 1991). These belief systems contain steieotypes of "gertder appropriate roles" that flavor one's perceptions of women and men -known as gender stereotypes (Basow, 1980). For example, the perception of the traditional female gender stereotype does not match the perception of "manager", "executive", or even "President" (Schein, 1975). Thus, those who ascribe to a traditional view of female gender stereotypes will create barriers to women's advancement to top level managerial positions. Barriers impede progress. Progress at the upper levels of business, where women can be most visible, is important because it will translate to progress throughout the workplace. 2

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This thesis begins by investigating gender stereotyping, and how it is a barrier to women's advancement to top level corporate positions. Specifically, those in positions to promote women who believe in fairly traditional gender stereotypical roles may be a prime barrier to their advancement. For example, Schwartz (1992) cites examples of women who are passed over for positions that require excessive work hours or travel because bosses have lower expectations for them. One boss, answering requests for more meaty projects from a new mother who recently returned to work said, "Well, I really think you should be home with your baby because you really aren't going to get any good projects. I don't want to burden you, I don't want to pressure you." Schwartz (1992) contends that some men believe that women are uniquely equipped to stay at home and care for children. They continue to think of the roles and behaviors of individuals as inherently male or female -gender stereotypes. Though some corporate men accept the reality of women in the halls of business, they still experience dissonance. Cognitively, they know that women are as able intellectually as men. But, their gut reaction is to doubt that a woman can 3

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direct an enterprise as effectively, analyze a problem as incisively, or negotiate a settlement as definitely as a man. Often, a manager's preconceptions and stereotypes blinds them to a female manager's promise. By the time her talent is duly noted, she has invested ten years into her career making it difficult to catch-up. Since gender stereotyping begins at a young age, this thesis researches the current level of gender stereotyping in 9-10 year old children to determine if stereotypic attitudes have lessened compared to studies in the late 1970's. The study hypothesizes that due to an increase of women in nontraditional occupations, of traditional stereotypes may be lesserting. This increase has caused a rippling effect in terms of changing roles in society. More women work which causes more sharing of domestic chores and childcare duties by men and women. These variables together should contribute to a lessening of traditional gender stereotypical views among children. The following review of the literature provides a basis for the argument that women's roles are changing and stereotypes are lessening. 4

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Changes in Women's Roles Current studies have shown significant changes in women's participation in the workforce, educational achievements, and occupational opportunities. According to the u.s. Dept. of Education (1984), by the 1980's the number of women college undergraduates exceeded the number of men. In business and management degrees, from 1965 to 1990 the proportion of bachelor's degrees awarded women increased from 8% to 46.7% and the proportion of Master's degrees increased from 2.6% 33.6% (Btireau of Labor Statistics, 1990). Women also have made sizeable inroads into positions of higher status that were traditionally male professions. Powell (1989) reports that the proportion of women who hold management, executive or administrative posi-tions in organizations has been rising consistently since 1970 and is currently 42%; in fact, by 1987, one out of every three managers was female. This increase has been particularly dramatic among married women, especially those with children (Bianchi and Spain, 1986). In 1990, 55.3% of mothers with children under the age of one were in the labor force, up from 31% in 1975 (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1990). 5

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Women's Position in Corporate America Because of these educational and occupational achievements, it appears that women are nearing with men in the workplace. Despite the increasing numbers of women in the workplace, the proportion who hold top management positions is very small, no more than 5% according to most surveys. In a 1986 study at the University of Southern California, only 1.7% of corporate officers in Fortune 500 companies are women; and of, that 1.7%, only one woman has attained.the status of CEO. A report published in by the Feminist Majority Foundation1 .stated that of the 66,502 Fortune 500 corporate officers at the level of vice president or above, only 175 were women (Washington Post, 1991). The underrepresentation of women in management is particularly significant given the phenomenal rise in the proportion of women who have become paid workers since the late 1940's (Ashmore & DelBoca, 1986). Not only are women trailing in top level positions, wages .are underrepresented as well. Working women continue to be discriminated against in terms of lower pay, lower status jobs, and less opportunity for advancement (Hayshe, 1984). Women 6

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earn only 74 cents for every dollar earned by men (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1991). Males in the same occupations earn more than their female counterparts, and male dominated occupations have higher pay scales (Hackman & Johnson 1991). Baruch College researcher June O'Neill concluded that women without children earn 86% of the income of men without children. Female MBA's from the top 20 schools averaged $54,749 one year after graduation according to a 1990 Business Week survey; their male counterparts earned $61,400, about 12% more. The literature concerning "comparable worth" or pay equity suggests that, all else being equal, the simple femaleness of. an occupation lowers the rewards that accrue to it (see Acker for a review) Given social that devalue a form of work is done largely by women, it will be devalued on that basis (Reskin, 1988). This scenario presents change in one respect and not in others. True, some change has occurred. More women are now in management, and pay scales have slowly increased. What has not changed is that women are still concentrated in the lower levels of management and hold positions with less authority than 7

PAGE 16

men; even in organizations in which large percentages of the workers are women and in which the occupations do not appear to be gender stereotyped {Bartol 1977; Mennerick, 1975). Why does this gender gap exist and what barrier is keeping women from advancing to top level positions in corporate America? Barriers to Woinen in Corporate America There are many barriers that keep women out of top positions. One common perception is that the abilities and of males in management are very different from those of females in management. However, the studies show remarkably consistent conclusions: that women are very similar to men in their leadership/management style {Bartol, 1978; Catalyst, 1987; Donnell & Hall, 1980; Ferber & Spitze, 1979; Morrison, White & Van Velsor, 1987; Reif, Newstrom, & Monczka, 1975; Riger & Calligan, 1980; Tkach, 1980; Wallace, 1982). The evidence makes a compelling argument: if actual behaviors of women in the workplace are the same as men, then their gender should not be a barrier to upward mobility and should not contribute to a gender gap. Why, then, do people perceive that the sexes 8

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differ in abilities and attitudes when actual behaviors prove otherwise? The answer may be rooted in invalid "perceptions" of women's behaviors in management rather than actual abilities. There is ample evidence that females are perceived as less desirable candidates than males for some types of organizational membership (Cecil, Paul, Olins, 1973; Dipboye, Fromkin, & Wiback, 1975; Jencks, Perman, & Rainwater, 1988; Rosen & Jerdee, 1974a; Zikmund, Hitt, & Pickens, 1978). This is true regardless of the fact that female corporate executives appear to be much like their male counterparts in behavior and personality. During job interviews, women are only rated as more qualified than men when they apply for traditionally female jobs, and males receive more favorable evaluations when they interview for "gender appropriate" careers (U.S. Dept. of Commerce, 1992) The question that arises is; "how do we arrive at perceptions of gender appropriate roles7" Gender appropriate roles derive from an ingrained belief system that begins in youth (Williams & Best, 1975). Adults who believe in traditional gender appropriate roles are more likely to incorporate 9

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gender stereotypes into their belief systems and view people in terms of those stereotypes (Bern, 1974, 1975a, 1975b,_ 1976, 1977; Bern & Lenney, 1976). For example, a male rater who holds traditional gender stereotypical views may be disinclined to promote women into higher management. Schein's research {1973, 1975), supports the "manager means male" concept. If those in positions to promote women believe in traditional gender stereotypes, then it follows that they will create a barrier to women's advancement. Gender Stereotypes Gender stereotypes are "the structured sets of inferential relations that link personal attributes to the social categories female and male" {Aspmore & Del Boca, 1979, p. 225). Stereotypes, in general, tend to prompt selective perception that focuses attention on phenomena supporting the stereotype and that screens out disconfirming evidence. Women are, therefore, likely to be "seen" as that which they are supposed to be {Kanter, 1977), thereby constantly providing "evidence" that the are true. There is considerable experimental evidence to 10

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support the existence of gender stereotypes in the United States. Studies conducted in the late 1960's and early 1970's with nearly 1000 males and females employing a variety of research procedures have demonstrated strong agreemerit about the characteristics of men and women (e.g. Bern, 1974; Braverman & Stapp, 1974; Clarkson & Rosenkrantz, 1972; Rosenkrantz, Vogel, Bee, Braverman & Braverman, 1968; wi-lliams & Bennet, 1975). Consensus in these studies was found regardless of the age, sex, religion, educational level or marital status of the respondents. Other studies found that both sexes view the typical man and woman as distin6tly different from each on masculine and feminine traits & Del Boca, 1979; Foushee, Helmreich, & Spence, 1979; Gilbert, Deutsch, & Strathan, 1978; Tunnell, 197.9; Williams &. Best, In addition; cross-culturally, it has been well documented that young adult subjects report that certain psychological characteristics are more frequently associated with men and others with women (Williams & Best, 1993). The research on gender stereotypes has clearly documented that are perceived as possessing more 11

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agentic characteristics than women, whereas women are perceived as possessing communal characteristics to a greater degree than men (for review see Eagle & Steffen, 1984). Women are most often characterized as being warm, expressive, and people-oriented; men are seen as active,-levelheaded, dominant, and achievement oriented (Basow, 1980). Williams & Best (1982) noted the congruence between the qualities of the male and stereotypes and the traditional assignments of men as breadwinner and womeri as homemaker. They suggested that there has been a recent reduction in role differentiation regarding breadwinning more women work and dontribute to and/or provide their family's income. Further, this reduction might lead to qualitative changes in the nature of stereotypes and perhaps, t6 an overall reduction in .the degree to which women and men are viewed as psychologically different. However, their hypothesis was not supported. Despite some qualitative changes in the two stereotypes over time, there was no evidence that the male and female stereotypes in the U.S. became generally less differentiated across time (Williams & Best, 1982) 12

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Gender stereotyping surfaces quite frequentlyin the literature as a possible barrier for women advancing to the top of organizations (Ashmore & Del Boca, 1986: Morrison, White, Van Velsor and The Center for Creative Leadership, 1987: Wallace, 1982; Williams & Bergen, 1991). Morrison et al., (1987) suggesta "glass ceiling" applies to women as a group who are kept from advancing just because they are women. Once women break through this barrier, they unexpectedly encounter another barrier -a wall of tradition and stereotype that separatesthem from the top executive level. Schein (1973, 1975) initially identified sex stereotyping as a major psychological block for women in the workworld. She demonstrated empirically that the managerial position was sex typed as a male occupation. In separate studies first a of male arid then secondly a sample of female managers, found that both perceived that the characteristics required of asuccessful middle manager were viewed as more commonly held by men in general than by women in general. Schein and Mueller (1992) further investigated the relationship between gender stereotypes and characteristics perceived as 13

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necessary for management success cross culturally. The results revealed that males in Germany, Britain, and the u.s. perceived that successful middle managers possess characteristics, attitudes and temperaments more commonly ascribed to men in general than women in general. The results of the women studied varied across German -and British women sex type the managerial position as male but u.s. wofuen do not. The association between gender stereotypes and perceptions_of requisite management characteristics can be a factor in limiting the number of women in management positions. While some of the female in the Schein and Mueller study (1992) serve as a barometer of change, the in strength of the male perceptions is somewhat disquieting. Researchers found no difference -between the attitudes of U.S. corporate managers today and those held by managrs 15 years ago (Brenner, & Schein, 1989}. Regardless the number of women in managerial positions, males seem to persist in their perception of the necessity of a masculine model of success. Schein and Mueller (1992) suggest that gender stereotyping of managerial work can result in the view that women are less qualified than men for 14

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managerial positions and negatively affects their opportunities for entry or advancement in the field of management. Given gender social definitions, especially gender stereotypes, some men and women are likely to believe that women lack the personal traits required to fill positions of responsibility, which are also positions to which.accrue substantial rewards. Further, gender stere6types men to presuppose that women do not want responsible positions and thus are likely to question a w6mart's level of commitment to work outside the home (toser & Rokoff, 1982). For example, investigators have found that top executives, peers and subordinates of women feel that women have less are less committed to their careers (Schwartz, 1971), are not as professional (Wallace, 1982), and are believed to . . be more reticent and passive (Rosen & Jerdee, 1978; Schein, 1973) than their male These perceptions serve only to reinforce the female stereotype, that of a homemakerand not a breadwinner, and create bias in terms of further advancement for women who work. Nieva and Gutek (1980) concluded that there is 15

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considerable antifemale bias in the evaluation of performance. This is especially true when the job is traditionally male dominated (Kalin & Hodgins, 1984; Ruble & Ruble, 1982, for reviews). Females are less likely to be recommended for promotions, development (Rosen & Jerdee, 1974a), and pay raises (Reif et al., 1976; Terborg & Ilgen, 1975). Their accomplishments are attributed to luck and simpleness of the task, while male accomplishments are attributed to ability and effort (Deaux & Emswiller, 1974). This tendency may be more pronounced when evaluators, especially males, hold relatively negative attitudes toward women in management (Garland & Price, 1977). For example, Dobbins, Truxillo, and Cardy (1988) investigated the effects of purpose of appraisal and individual differences in'stereotpes of women on the evaluation of male and ratees. Analyses revealed that female ratees were evaluated less accurately by raters with traditional stereotypes of women than by raters with nontraditional stereotypes. of women. Hollander (1985, p. 159) suggested, "One serious consequence of entrenched stereotypes is that women :may need to be occupied as much with overcoming negative attitudes as with performing their jobs well." 16

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These studies further support the view that traditional gender stereotypes held by those in positions to promote women can have negative consequences on their career advancement. -sandra Bem and her colleagues have demonstrated that individuals who hold strongly to stereotypes have been found to be markedly less flexible in their behaviors than are individuals who are less stron.gly sex-typed (1974, 1975a, 1975b, 1976, 1977; Bem & Lenney, 1976). Therefore, iaters who hold strongly to traditional stereotypes of women can be a negative .factor in their advancement to top positions. It should be clear that gender stereotypes operate in the corporate environment and create barriers to women's advancement. Howver, one does not join the workforce and learn gender stereotyping. Stereotypical beliefs are in place at a much younger age and are often carried int6 adulthood (Williams & Best, 1975). Origins of Gender Stereotypes From the research that prevails, it can be concluded that gender stereotypes play a large role as a barrier to women's advancement to top corporate 17

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positions. Why are stereotypes so pervasive even though the numbers of women in the workplace should be changing this perception? One reason may be found in the origins of gender stereotyping. Studies have shown gender stereotyping begins in youth, with age and may be held on to throughout one's life (Williams & Best, 1977, 1982, 1988; Tarrier&. Gnomes, 1981; Neto, Williams, & Widner, 1991). Myra and David Sadker (1994) believe that boys in school fit th' male stereotype of being active, dominant and achievement oriented. On the playgound; they play mostly in groups, climb jungle gyms, run bases while knocking irito one another with reckless abandon, and try to accumulate their boyhood quota of scratches, scabs and stitches. In the classrooms; they dominate by calling out answers out of turn and interrupting at every chance. Girls, on the other hand, play mostly in pairs and participate in games that focus on equality in relationships. In the classrooms, they speak tentatively and only when they think their answer is correct. Williams and Best (1982, 1988) studied the development of gender stereotype knowledge amorig 5 and 8 year old middle class children in 24 countries. 18

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They found the most dramatic increases in stereotype knowledge appear to occur during the elementary school years. At age 5, children are aware of only a few of the more salient stereotype characteristics, while by age 11, they know all but a few of the more subtle ones. research explored the deve16pment of gender stereotype knowledge to age 11 and/or examined the relationship of gender stereotype knowledge to socio-economic status {SES). Williams and Best {1982) report findings for 5, 8, and 11 year olds in Brazil, Chile, Venezuela arid the United States. In each country there was further increase in. gender stereotype knowledge from the 8 year old to the 11 year old. In the same sttidy, SES examined in 5, 8 and 11 year olds in Venezuela. The findings suggest that the high-SES showed the gain in gender stereotyping from age 8 to 11. At age 11 the high and middle class children's knQwledge of gender stereotypes was somewhat higher than that of lower class children. Combined effects of age and SES on gender stereotype knowledge have been reported by Tarrier and Gnomes {1981). The analysis of these findings 19

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indicated several significant effects: 1) knowledge of gender stereotypes increased regularly across the three age levels; upper-class children generally displayed more knowledge of gender stereotypes than did lower-class children, and.2) items representing female stereotype traits appeared to be known better by the children than did items male stereotype traits, with this effect being more pronounced for girl subjects than t6r the boy subjects. Finally, Neto et al, (1991) studied gender stereotypes in children in Portugal. Joint effects of age (5,8, & 11 year olds), SES (high, middle and low), gender (boys and girls), and stereotype subscore (male traits and female traits) were Results were generally congruent with findings in other countries where these age levels have been studied. Knowledge of gender stereotypes was shown to be influenced to a modest degree by SES; across all age levels knowledge of gender stereotypes was greater among the high-SES children, next highest among middle-SES children and lowest among low-SES children. Although these multicultural studies suggest a positive correlation of knowledge of gender 20

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stereotypes and SES, other variables may serve to direct this relationship. First, there is a question _of the nature of the equivalence established when _groups are equated on a variable such as social class. Social class is a relative concept within a particular country or In this it is not easy to compare cultures on even par. Williams and Best (1990) made a point of identifying middle class as those persons who occupy an intermediate position between the least and most privileged persons in a particular dultural or national group. In this sense, their children's groups are equiva1ent in social class. intermediate in a foreign country and intermediate in the u.s. may not be the Second, reli_gious orientation, tha_t may not apply in the u.s., may influence a child's knowledge of gender stereotypes. For example, in Portuguese, Brazilian, Venezuelan, and Chilean (Neto, Williams, Widner, 1991; Tarrier & Gnomes, 1981; Williams & Best, 1982), the strong Latin/Catholic cultural tradition tends to favor the female stereotype over the male. This could be linked to the children's learning of the female stereotype in that stereotype positive traits may be learned more 21

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readily than negative traits. Third and finally, status is not always indicative of parity between countries. In some foreign.countries status is equated with number of male offspring rather than number of cars homes as in the US. need to be very cautious when equating groups based on SES when other variables such as religion and status play a role as well. The conclusion is that, multiculturally, children's knowledge of gender stereotypes increases as SES increases due to factors such as social class, religious orientation or status. However, the United States may, on its own, show very different results. It is not dominantly Latin/Catholic in culture or tradition, and status can vary in terms of social condition versus condition. In addition, more us women, than in other countries, have advanced to managementpositions. More women are being seen in nontraditional occupations and sex roles. Children are better educated especially in i higher socioeconomic status. Therefore, higher SES might be related to less gender stereotyping due to increased awareness of.changes in the workplace. It might be 22

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hypothesized that children in the U.S. will stereotype less than children in foreign countries as SES increases. Another final point of interest is whether or not an awareness of gender stereotypes is indicative of the children actually using the stereotypes in everyday life. None of the studies investigated posed this question. Therefore, the correlation between awareness and use has not been proven. Nonetheless, the stereotypes persist in the research data. Acquisition of Gender Stereotypes: & Role Models The of these well-established and pervasive belief systems at the child and adult levels naturally leads to questions concerning the acquisition of such knowledge. has been directed at assessing at what ages children know various things about gender such as when do they correctly label self and others in terms of gender (Huston, 1983; Ruble & Ruble, 1982). There is also work indicating that parents, teachers, pediatricians, and other adults who interact with children have different beliefs.about boys and girls and treat boys 23

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and girls differently (Block, 1976, 1979; Katz, 1986). Finally, a large number of investigators have documented that the cultural representations of the sexes in books (Banner, 1977; Purcell & Stewart, 1990; cf. Walstedt, 1975), commercials (cf .. Pingree, 1978), magazine advertisements (cf. Goffman, 1977), Sunday comics (Brabant, 1976, 1986) and prime time television shows (cf. McNeil, 1975) are not the same and that often men and women are portrayed in line with traditional roles. Newer have shown limited improvement in books. While more females are included, representation.is far from equal, and starkly drawn stereotypes remain: competitive, creative and active boys; dependent, submissive, and passive girls al. 1987). From a socialization perspective 1966), children are active agents who are involved in seeking intormation about who they are and what forms of behavior are appropriate for them to exhibit. Children gradually develop the capacity to sort out the world according to gender, to identify self as belonging to one category, and to take on the attributes socially assigned to that gender. Children derive sex-role schemas or from the 24

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observation of models appropriate for their sex, a process that Maccoby (1988) called "cognitive categorizing." In this way, their identity becomes thoroughly gendered. Social learning theorists (Kohlberg, 1966; Sears, 1965; Mischel, 1970) recommend looking for the external forces that might lead a child to imitate some individuals more than others. They view personality characteristics in general and sex-role identity as more flexible, less inevitable, and more situationally dependent phenomena. Sex-role acquisition depends on the imitation of sex-typed behaviors. The classic works on sex typing (Kagan, 1964; Kohlberg, 1966; Mischel, 1970; Mussen, 1969; Sears, Rau, & Alpert, 1965) all emphasize the role of imitation and identificatiori in the acquisition of the child's sex-typed behavior. Three phenomena create this process: 1) modeling, 2) positive sanctions (rewards), and 3) negative sanctions (punishments). Any of these can be experienced directly, or vicariously as children observe responses -positive and negative -to the behavior of others. To the extent that children are around adults who are strongly gender differentiated, modeling and positive 25

PAGE 34

, I and negative sanctions are likely to induce substantial engenderment in the younger generations. The significance of the age at which young children become aware of the differential . associated with men and women is important. According to Williams and Best (1990, p. 147) It_is believed the such beliefs develop, the more effect they are likely to have on a .female child's perception of herself arid persons. The earlier a female child learns to think of men and women as.psychologically different, the more perVa$.i Ve the impact of these-beliefs on herown devel6ping and on her perceptions of the a-ppropriateness of the assignment of social roles on of gender. Related to the above, the extent to which the adult generation is gender differentiated is the extent of the gender divisioh 6f When men and women performsharplydifferent work roles, they provide models that to children the kinds of work they can and cannot do as adults, given their gender. Research has shown that at an early age children gender-type a wide range of work-tasks -within and outside the home-and express preference for those associated with their own gender (e.g., Beuf, 1974; Siegel, 1973; Schlossberg & Goodman, 1971-26

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1972; Schau, & Busch, 1982). In the occupational sphere, if managers believe that certain types of work are more appropriate for men and other types of work for women, then the employment opportunities for the sexes may differ as a result. Gender stereotypes may serve to provide a justification for men and women_doingdifferent types of work, and they may also have a conservative influence with regaid to persons of one sex entering occupations that have been customarily associated with the other sex. adults wh6 hold ori to traditional gender stereotypes, particularly for women, will be less likely to role model changes in women's occupational status. Effects of Gender Stereotypes oh Giils and Women The effect of gender itereotypes is apparent in as well as occupational arenas. Teacheis, tor instance, have a lifelong influence upon the sexrole development of a child through the provision of activities, modeling, reinforcement, and other, less clear-cut means of communication (Basow; 1980). The literature suggests that teachers are more comfortable in dealing with girls and boys whose behaviors conform 27

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to the sex stereotypes (Dweck & Bush, 1976; Dweck et al.,. 1978, Guttentag & Bray, 1977). If this is true, it would not be surprising to find that teachers and counselors also tend to support educational and occupational objectives for boys and girls which are consistent with the char&cteristics represented in the stereotypes. Because of the pervasive. influence of gender stereotypes across-educational and occupational spheres, it is important to look at the-current of gender stereotyping in elementary school children to determine it is-still as proriounced_ as in past u.s. studies (see e.g., Williams & Best, 1975). This thesis intends to research gender stereotyping in elementary school children, specifically third grade students who are between 9 and 10 years of age. The study will not replicate_ Williams arid Best's 1975-77 work, but will compare their results of.stereotyping in children at same ages. The main research questions are: 1. How prevalent are gender stereotypes among elementary school children aged 9-10? 2. Are there significant differences in the use of gender stereotypes between males and females aged 9-10? 28

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3. Does socio-economic status have a significant effect on the use of gender stereotpyes by elementary school children aged,9-10? Though research presented in this chapter states that gender stereotypes are still pervasive and women are not advancing to executive levels, this researcher believes that gender are Harris ( 1987) reports cha.nges in public opinion on a range of topics over the 15 years between 1970 and 1985. Perceptions of antifemale discrimination in the labor force rose and 71% "favored social efforts to strengthen women's status (1987, pp. 189-90). Stereotypes about women's competence. to perform nondomestic work declined.as well. One would think that these adult opinions are filtering down to our young children. With the dramatic increase of women in the workplace, boys and girls are provided with more female role models in nontraditional occupations from "mom" to "Barbie." "Mom's" are seeri in the White the Mansion and the Principal's office. "Barbie" works in an office, is a doctor at the hospital, and fights on the battleground in military "fatigues''. In. fact, Barbie is now running for President and has an inaugural gown meant to be 29

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worn to her rum. inaugural ball. According to Basow-(1980), one key source of influence ori children's plans is the behavior of sex role models. Differential treatment by primary socializing agents and the observation of different role models all add to the child gathers about appropriate sex role behaviors. Basow contends that if children view men and women in a broad range of occupations, they will vicariously internalize what roles are appropriate for each gender. For example, if both parents work, Mom has a riontraditional role, and Dad equally participates in the childcare and domestic chores, then this child will view male and female roles with more parity. With the increase in role models in-nontraditional occupations (information inconsistent with their outlook on future plans for themselves be less stereotyped. Studies have suggested that exposing children to counter-stereotypical models (e.g., a woman behaving in a masculine manner such as "leader") can reduce sex stereotyping (Huston, 1983). The results of several experiments indicate that items of information that are inconsistent with schematic expectancies are 30

PAGE 39

more likely to be retained than are items of information consistent with those expectancies {Croker, Hannah, & Weber, 1983; Hastie, 1984; Hastie & Ktimar, Srull, 1981). Why would this be so? information that violates or contradicts a schematic expectancy issurprising -it does not fit with what we know or what we believe to be true. As a consequence, we spend more time processing the inconsistent information and relating it to other facts known about the stimulus person(s) (Brewer, Dull, & Lui, 1981; Hemsley & Marmurek, 1982; Srull, 1981). Moreover, Lui and Brewer (1983) suggest the intetesting possibility that, when those expectancies derive from. categories, information that fits group conception will be processed categorically, whereas information inconsistent with the stereotype wili be processed in an individuated manner. The differential effect of stereotypically consistent and inconsistent information is important because infrirmation that contradicts a stereotypic expectancy might lead the perceiver to question the validity of that belief (Hamilton & Trolier, 1986). Inconsistent information, then, might lead to belief 31

PAGE 40

change. To the extent that mothers are increasingly employed, and that public attitudes conceining gender have become less traditional in recent years, children should be more androgynous or less gender differentiated today than in previous generations {Chafetz, 1991). Based on increased maternal employment in nontraditional occupations, the following hypothesis is presented: Hypothesis ll.;_ There will be a decrease in gender stereotyping among children aged as compared to studies in the late 1970's . There is some evidence suggesting that the childhood engenderment process has been changing. Research at an individual level has consistently demonstrated a relationship between maternal employment and/or.nontraditional gender attitudes on the one hand, and nontraditional attitudes toward gender, work, and family by children espepially daughters-on the other Herzog & Bachman, 1982; Simmons & Turner, 1976; Thornton, Alwin, & Camburn, 1983; Wilkie, 1988). Based on more working mothers in nontraditional occupations, the following hypothesis is presented: 32

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Hypothesis There will be less gender stereotyping among children aged 9-10 whose mothers work than among those whose mothers do not work. Researchers have found that sons and daughters of working women have a less stereotypic view of and women (Vogel, Broverman, Clarkson, & Rosenkrantz, 1970). Girls whose mothers work are, for instance, more likely to view women as more active and less restricted than are girls whose mothers remain at home. When Ruth Hartley (1960) asked elementary school girls who they thought could do things like use a sewing machine, fire a gun, select home furnishings, or climb a mountain, daughters of working women saw a wider range of activities open to both men and women than daughters of nonworking mothers. They held more positive attitudes toward any activity, be it work or play. A host of studies of elementary school girls, adolescent females, and college and professional women suggest that daughters of working women want to work (Gunn & Matthews, 1979). After the age of 7, there is some indication that these are the girls with higher achievement and aspirations. A working mother seems to provide a stronger role model for the child than a nonworking mother: when girls are asked what person 33

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they would most like to be like, more daughters of working than nonworking mothers name their mothers (Douvan, 1963). Daughters bf working mothers differ from daughters of nonworking mothers not _just in attitude but in behavior. They are frequently seen as more self-reliant, aggressive_, dominant, and disobedient (Siegel & Haas, 1963) and more independent, autonomous, and active (Douvan, 1963). A working woman's son's perceptions of men women in general differ from those of a nonworking . woman's son. Questioning young, male, middle-class I university students whose mothers had worked, investigators found that not only did they perceive smaller differences between and than the young men whose mothers had not worked, but they had higher estimation of their own sex as well (Vogel, Broverman, Broverman, Clarkson, & Rosenkrantz, 1970). Based on studies of daughters and sons of working mothers, the results are heavily weighted in favor of the daughters. Although sons do benefit from having working mothers, girls look naturally to their mother for cues about how to live her life. If she sees a woman with strong interests and a treasured vocation, 34

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she can more easily imagine her own bright future. According to Marie Wilson, president of the Ms. Foundation for Women and coauthor of Mother/Daughter Revolution, it doesn't matter what Morn is doing. What her daughter .needs to know is "Was this your choice? and Are. you happy with it?" Based on positive role models and imitation, the following hypotheses are presented: Hvoothesis #3: There will be less gender stereotyping among girls than in boys age 9-10. Hypothesis lli-Boys of working mothers will. have less views of men and :women than boys of mothers. Hypothesis #5: Girls of mothers will have less gender stereotypic views of men and women than boys of working mothers. A somewhat encouraging note was sounded by Oullette and White (1978) in their study of the occupational preferences .of ffrst, fifth, eighth, and eleventh graders. They found that at each grade level, the occupations chosen as appropriate for females tended to be nontraditional -that is, not socially identified with women. On the other hand, the occupations for males were almost entirely Based on the age of this study 35

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and the increase of working mothers in nontraditional occupations, the following hypothesis is presented: Hypothesis A higher percentage of females than males, aged 9-10, will choose a nontraditional occupation. Finally, as previously discussed, children's knowledge of gender stereotypes have been shown to increase as socio-economic status (SES) increases multiculturally (Williams & Best, 1982; Tarrier & Gnomes, 1981; Neto, Williams, & Widner, 1991). This may be due to factors such as social class, religious orientation, or status. However, this may not be the case in the u.s. More .u.s. women, than in other countries; have advanced in management positions in spite of strong stereotypic attitudes. The power of the law in areas of sex discrimination and internal corporate changes designed to implement these changes have helped break down some of the barriers. Because of this, higher SES may be relat.ed to less stereotyping due to an increased awareness of female role models in nontraditional occupations. Based on this reasoning, the following hypothesis is presented: Hypothesis Children of high SES will have less gender stereotypic views of men and women than will children of low SES. 36

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The fact that there are currently strong stereotypical perceptions (Williams, means that they were learned at sometime along the way to adulthood. These adults learned traditional gender appropriate roles in youth. With the increase in nontraditional roles for women, it is expected that the children studied will thedretically be to view men and women in less stereotypic ways and, upon entering the workforce, will have less stareotypic:views concerning gender and In summary, this chapter researches the childhood origins of gender stereotyping and how they may be a barrier to women's to top level corporate From a social learning perspective, it is argued that children learn appropriate gender roles from adult role models. Research supports that gender stereotypes are in place by age 11 (Williams& Best, 1991). It is further argued that female role models of today are increasingly in more nontraditional occupations, children will be more likely to hold less stereotypical views of gender roles for men and women. To test this argument, elementary school children aged 9-10 will be surveyed to answer the following research questions: 37

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RQ #1. How prevalent are gender stereotypes among elementary school children aged 9-10? The following hypotheses test research question #1: H1: There will be a decrease in gender stereotyping among children aged-10 as compared to Williams and Best's 1975 study. H2: There will be less gender.stereotyping among children aged 9-10 whose mothers work than among those whose mothers do not work. H4: Males of working mothers will have less gender stereotypic views of men and women than males of nonworking mothers. RQ #2: Are there significant differences in the use of gender stereotypes between males and females aged 9-10? The following. hypotheses test research question #2: H3: There will be less gender stereotyping among females than in males aged 9-10. H5: Females of working mothers will have less gender stereotypic views of men and women than males of working mothers. H6: A higher percentage of females than males, aged 9-10, will choose a nontraditional occupation. RQ #3: Does socio-economic status have a significant effect on the awareness of gender stereotypes by elementary school children aged 9-10? 38

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The following hypothesis tests research question #3: H7: Children aged 9-10 of high socio-economic status will have less gender stereotypic views of men and women than will children of lowsocio-economic status. 39

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CHAPTER II METHODOLOGY This study focuses on gender stereotyping and how it is a barrier to women's advancement to top level corporate positions. With increase of in nontraditional occupations, attitudes traditional stereotypes may be lessening. According to Williams and Best (1977}, stereotypical attitudes are apparent at a young age and are held into adulthood. Therefore, this study will research levels of gender stereotyping in 9-10 year old children to determine if attitudes have changed. The general question under asks, "Have gender stereotype attitudes of 9-10 year old children lessened since studies by Williams and Best in the 1970's?'' To examine this question, the Sex Stereotype Measure II (Williams & Best, 1977 see Appendix B) is utilized which permits access to their knowledge of the same psychological characteristics adults use to differentiate between men and women. 40

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Subjects There were 194 subjects, 87 male and 107 female third grade students aged 9-10 years from four (4) elementary schools in Denver, Colorado. Parental approval was obtained via a parental consent form {see Appendix 2) prior to the administration of survey. Students were surveyed during regularly scheduled school hours with their teacher present. Apparatus The instrument chosen was the Sex Stereotype Measure II {SSMII) developed by Williams and Best (1975) from the Adjective Check List (ACL: Gough & Heilbrun, 1965, 1980). This method, appropriate for the vocabulary level and test-taking skills of young children, permits access to their knowledge of the same psychological characteristics adults use to differentiate between women and men. The SSM II is a picture-story technique that represents the same traits contained in male and female adult-defined stereotypes. It creates a situation that is similar to when an adult, usually a parent, reads a story to a child. An example ot a story question representing the male gender stereotype would be as follows: 41

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., "One of these people is a(bully. They are always pushing people around and getting into fights. Which person gets into fights?" And, an of a story question representing the female gender stereotype would be as follows: "One of these people is something good happens everything goes wrong. person?" emotional. They cry when as well as when Which is the emotional The Sex Stereotype Measur& II contains a total of 32 stories with 16 stories tepresenting each stereotype. Next to each picture-story question are silhouettes of a male and female The right-left position of the figures was alternated in ABBA order so that a child with either a position response set or a simple alternative response set would obtain a random score. Williams and Best's (1977) method is a forced-choice procedure that requires a child to choose either the female or the male and does not allow a "both" or "neither" option. This type of procedure is designed to obtain a maximum amount of information.by requiring the child to respond even when uncertain of the "correctness" of the choice. Williams and Best argue that many young children use a nonchoice option as a legitimate way to 42

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escape a task that is puzzling. To lessen the uncertainty, researchers sometimes devise methods in which the child is not required to choose between stimulus figures; for example, one might present a silhouette of a man and ask the child to indicate whether or not this person behaves in a certain way, later presenting a silhouette of a woman paired with the same behavior. The difficulty with this approach is that when young children are asked to respond yes orno to puzzling questions, they tend to answer in the affirmative (Williams & Morland, 1976). This strong ''yes-saying provides another "out" for the child that may obscure his or her true knowledge or feelings about the item. Another problem with the forcedchoice method is the degree to which it constrains the subject's response. Cowan and Stewart (1977) compared open-ended and adjective checklist techniques and concluded that the different assessment procedures produced dramatically different results. Less stereotyping was obtained with.the open-ended format than with the forced-choice methods. In general, it appears that the more constraints placed on the respondent, the more ''stereotyped" the data obtained. 43

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Because most gender stereotype research has used methods that constrain subjects, it might be argued that the pervasiveness of gender stereotypes that most writers cite is artifactually inflated (Ashmore & Del Boca, 1986). However, Williams and Best (1990), nonetheless, feel the forced-choice method used in the SSM II has more advantages than disadvantages. Based upon arguments presented by Williams and Morland (1976) an Cowan arid Stewart (1977), the procedure for the SSM II in this study was altered to allow the children to choose either a or female silhouette, both the male and female silhouettes, or neither the male or female silhouettes. The reasoning for this was twofold. First, the research by Cowan and Stewart suggests results obtained with an open option method will provide a more accurate description of the child's true feelings on the items. Second, several 9-10 year olds were sampled using questions from the SSM II. They clearly struggled with many answers commenting "But, sometimes my mom and my dad act like this" or "My mom or dad would never do that." This showed the children certainly knew the attributes of their parents but did not have an option for their answer. Consequently, the "both" and "neither" were 44

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added to the answer sheet. Procedure The test is administered in a classroom setting with the teacher present. It involves a test booklet in which the 32 SSM II items are presented in a standard order and one inch male and female silhouettes are shown to the right of each story (see Appendix 1). The silhouettes are presented in a standing posture, the male and female figures alternating from left to right. The instructions to the subjects are printed on the page of the booklet and are read aloud to them. Since the procedure was modified, was further explained to the children that they may, in addition, choose "both" or "neither" as answers to the survey questions. After two practice items to familiarize the subjects with the task, the examiner reads aloud each of the 32 SSM II items with the children, allowing sufficient time for the to indicate their responses to each item. 45

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Scoring The procedure was scored by counting one point for the selection of the male figure in response to a male stereotype item, one point for the selection of a female figure in response to a female stereotype item and "0" points for the selection of the bbth or neither option. Points were only given if a child chose a stereotyped answer. Thus, .the possible range for the 32 item total sex stereotype score was 0-32, with high scores indicative of consistent stereotype responses, low scores indicative of consistent nonstereotype responses, and mid-range scores indicative of chance or random responding. The content and pervasiveness of.gender stereotypes will be by the criteria that the researcher established foi defining tha stereotype. These criteria have in practice been highly variable. In some cases., investigators simply rely on inspection of the data (Sherrriffs & McKee, 1957); more often others establish a statistical criterion. Often, frequency of attribution is the sole decision rule. Frequencies required for inclusion of individual items have ranged from 40% (Cowan & Stewart, 1977) to 75% (Rosenkrantz et al., 1968). In some cases, 46

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frequencies are computed for the entire sample of respondents (Williams & Bennett, 1975). Clearly, the less stringent.the criteria employed, the more elaborated will be the stereotypes delineated (Ashmore & Del Boca, 1986). Ashmore and Pel Boca (1986) urge development of standard decision rules for defining stereotypes. They suggest multiple cut-points of 33% to 50% of respondents (a sizeable minority of the sample endorsed the i tern) 50 to 67% (a simple majority endorsed the item), and 67% to 100% ( a clear or strong majority felt the descriptor was sex stereotypic) These cut-points are utilized in this study. Scores that range from 0-10.66 in the Sizeable minority, correlating to low scores indicative of consistent non-stereotype responses. Scores that range from 10.67-21.34 will fall in a simple majority, correlating to mid-range scores indicative of chance or random responding. Scores that range from 21.34-32.00 will fall into the clear or strong majority, correlating to high scores indicative of consistent stereotype responses. 47

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Data Analyses In summary, elementary school children aged 9-10 will be surveyed to answer the following research questions: RQ #1. How prevalent are gender stereotypes among elementary school children 9-10? Hypotheses #1, 2 and 4 test research.question #1. Hypothesis Ill There will be a decrease in gender stereotyping amotig children aged 9-10 as compared to the Williams and Best of the 1970's. #1 will be by a descriptive comparison of mean scores of gender stereotyping in the Williams and Best studies with the mean scores of children used in this investigation. Hypothesis .ta..;_ There will be less gender stereotyping among 9-10 whose mothers work than among those whose mothers do not work. Hypothesis #2 will be tested by a one-way analysis of variance. The independent variable is maternal employment status, with two levels, mothers who work and those who do not work. The dependent variable is the score on the SSM II. 48

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Hypothesis Males of working mothers will have less gender stereotypic views of men and women than males of nonworking mothers. Hypothesis #4 will be tested with a one-way analysis of The independent variable is maternal employment with two levels, males whose mothers work and males whose mothers do not work. The dependent variable will be the score from the SSM II. RQ #2: there in fhe awar.eness of gender stereotypes between males and females aged 9-10? Hypotheses #3, 5 and 6 will test research question #2. Hypothesis #3: There will be less gender stereotypirig fema1es than males aged 9-10. Hypothesis #3 will be tested by a one-way analysis of variance. The independent variable is gender with two levels, males and females. The dependent variable is the score from the SSM II. Hypothesis Females of working mothers will have less gender stereotypic views of men and women than males of working mothers. Hypothesis #5 will be tested with a two-way analysis of variance. The independent variables are: maternal employment with two mothers who work 49

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and mothers who do not work; and gender, with two levels, females and males. .The dependent variable is the score from the SSM II. Hypothesis A higher percentage of females than males, aged 9-10, will choose a nontraditional occupation. Hypothesis #6 will be tested by a Z-test for prciportional differences. Chiidren are asked "What would you like to be when you grow up?" Occupation choices are listed in alphabetical order. A panel of ten adults aged 25 to 50. years of age ranked the children's choices as either traditional female occupation, non-traditional female occupation, male occupation, male occupation or neutral occupation. The panel c6nsisted of friends, neighbors and acquaintances who all had children of their own. (See Table 3 for list of occupations) RQ #3: Does socio-economic status have a significant effect on the awareness of gender stereotypes by elementary school children aged 9-10? Hypothesis #7 will test research question #3. Children aged 9-10 of high econom1c status will have less gender stereotypic views bf men and women than will bhildren of low 50

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socio-economic status. Hypothesis #7 will be tested by a analysis of variance. The independent variable is socio-economic status, with two levels, high and low. The dependent variable is the score on the SSM II. SES was determined from a .combination of the following criteria: of caucasians, blacks, hispanics and asian children in the school, of children receiving and reduced school meals, transiency percentage in and out of the school. These the criteria scihotil district tises to determine individual .school funding basedon need {Cherry Creek School System, 1994). To test for interaction effects, .a two-way and three-way ANOVA will be performed. The independent variables in the two-way ANOVA are gender and SES. The independent variables in the three-way ANOVA are gender, SES and maternal employment status. The dependent variable for both is the score on the SSM II. No support has been found to suggest a relationship between gender, SES and maternal employment status. Therefore, there is no hypothesis for the three-way ANOVA.

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CHAPTER III RESULTS This.investigation focused on gender stereotyping and how it is a barrier to women's advancement to to);> level corporate positions. It was hypothesized that due to an increase of women in nontraditional occupations, attitudes of traditional stereotypes may be lessening. Aqcording to Williams and Best (1975), gender stereotyping begins at a young age. Therefore, this study researched levels of gender stereotyping in 9-10 year old children. This chapter presents the results of the testing of several hypotheses pertaining to gender stereotypes among children aged 9-10 years of age. The data was analyzed in several ways. Hypothesis one was evaluated descriptively from data from the Williams and Best study (1975, 1977) and this study. Hypotheses two, three, four, five, and seven were analyzed by an analysis of variance (ANOVA) Hypothesis six was analyzed by Z-test for proportional differences. There were three independent factors. The first factor, gender, had two levels 52

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(male and female). The second factor, maternal employment status, had two levels (working and nonworking). The third factor, socio-economic status (SES), had two levels (high and low). There was one dependent variable: score from the SSM II. Results were considered statistically significant when the .05 level-was reached. Means artd F scores are found in Tables 3.1 through 3.5. There were three research questions under study. Research question one asked, "How prevalent are gender stereotypes among elementary school children aged 9-10?" To investigate this question, there were three hypotheses: 1, 2 and 4. Hypothesis one there would be a decrease in gender stereotyping among children aged 910 as compared to the Williams and Best studies of the 1970's. Gerierally, it appears that gender Stereotyping has lessened (Grand Mean = 10.07, female X = 8.5, male X = 11.97; range 0-26). scores ranged from 0 to 26. Means scores in the Williams and Best studies of similar aged children were higher (Grand Mean X= 24.0, female X= 23.8, male x = 24.3, see Table 3.1). However, a direct comparison between my results 53

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and those of Williams and Best (1977). is unjustified due to modifications made in the SSM II instrument for this study. The Williams and Best studies used a forced choice procedure that required the children to choose either the female figure or the male figure and did not allow them to use "both" or "neither." This study did allow the children to use the "both" and "neither" option in addition to the female and male figures. Therefore, the following are percentages relative to the children's choices of the "both" and "neither" options. Overall, one hundred percent (100%) of the subjects, (107 87 chose the "both" option at least once in each question while sixty-two percent (62%) of the males and seventy-nine percent (79%) of the females chose the "neither" option at least once in each question. Gender differences were evident in the number of times a male or female used the "both" or "neither" option. For example, seventeen percent (17%) of the total subjects chose the "both" option seventy-five percent (75%) of the time or more. However, by gender, twenty-two percent (22%) of females used "both" seventy-five percent (75%) of the time, while only twelve percent (12%) of 54

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the males did. Another example is the "neither" option. None (0%) of the total subjects used "neither" over 50% of the time. Instead, eighty-three percent (83%) used it twenty-five percent (25%) or less of the time. (See Table 3.6) Hypothesis two predicted there would be less gender stereotyping among children aged 9-10 years whose mothers work than among those whose. mothers do not work. A one-way analysis of variance provided support for two (working mothers X = 9.40, X = 12.17, F = 5.871, p < .016, see Table 3.1). Hypothesis four predicted males of working mothers would have less gender stereotypic views of men and women than males of nonworking A one-way analysis of variance provided support for hypothesis four (males of working X = 10.23, non-wrirkirig mothers X= 16.23, F = 16.581, p < .000, see Table 3.2). The results of hypotheses one, two and four provide answers to research question one concerning the prevalence of gender stereotypes. Gender stereotype scores are significantly less than in the studies by Williams and Best (1977). Children of 55

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working mothers stereotype significantly less than children of non-working mothers. Males of working mothers, in particular, stereotype less than males of non-working mothers. Research question two asked, "Are there significant in the awareness of gender stereotypes between males and females. aged 9-10? To investigate this question there were three hypotheses: 3, 5 and 6. Recall that hypothesis three predicted there would be less gender stereotyping among females males aged 9-10. A one-way analysis of variance provided support for.hypothesis three (female X= 8.50, male X = 11.98, F 12.74, p < .006, see Table 3 .1) Hypothesis five predicted females of working mothers would have less gender stereotypic views of men and women than males of working mothers. A two-way analysis of variance revealed a significant main effect of males of working mothers (males X momwork = 10.23, males X mom no work = 16.83, F = 16.581, p < .000). The analysis also revealed a interaction between gender and maternal employment status (female X mom work = 8.73, females X mom no work = 7.88, males 56

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X mom work = 10.23, males X mom no work = 16.23, F = 11.785, p < .001). The significant interaction of gender and maternal employment status seems most easily understood in terms of the mean differences between whose mothers work (X = and females whose mothers work (X= 7.88) .. Males whose mothers work have significantly higher stereotype scores than temales whose mothers work. Hypothesis six predicted a higher percentage of females than males would choose a nontraditional .. occupation. .Examples of nontraditional occupations for females would engineer, manager, or_ scientist. Whereas examples of traditional female occupations would be dancer, flight .attendant, hairdresser, nurse, or teacher. A critica1 z value provided support for this hypothesis (critical z value = +6.9f. In actual data, 46 of 107 females (49.2%) chose a nontraditional occupation. None (0) of the 87 males made a nontraditional choice. It is interesting to at -the choices of traditional occupations. Again the critical z value was 6.9 a significant proportional difference between males and females. Of the 107 females, 45 (48.1%) chose traditional occupations. Conversely, of the 87 57

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males, 78 (67.8%) chose traditional occupations. Males overwhelmingly choose traditional career occupations while the decision for females is split. (See Table 3.7 for list of occupations) Results from hypotheses three, five and six provide insight into research question two. There are significant differences between males and females aged 9-10 years in the awareness of gender stereotypes. Females do stereotype less than males, even more so if their mother is employed, and choose more nontraditional occupations. Research three asked, "Does socioeconomic status have a significant effect on awareness of gender stereotypes by elementary school children aged 9-10?" To investigate this question, there was one hypothesis: 7. Hypothesis seven children aged 9-10 of high status will have less gender stereotypic views of men and women than will children of low socio-economic stattis. Hypothesis seven was not supported (High SES X = 10.62, Low SES X = 9.43, F = 1.412, p < .236). Although the interaction of socio-economic status and maternal employment status did not reach 58

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statistical significance (F = .228, p <.633), the observed effect seemed sufficiently large enough to warrant an examination. Children in high SES whose mothers do not work scored higher (X = 13.11) than high SES children whose mothers do work (X= 9.28). There was no observed effect in low SES. Similarly, SES and gender did not reach statistical significance (F .045, p < .833), but it is interesting to note that mean scores of high SES males (X= 12.73) were observedly more than high.SES females (X = 8.26). However, this may be due to chance or sampling error. Lastly, the. .three-way ANOVA found no significant interaction between the factors 1). gender, 2) maternal employment status, or 3) SES. In answer to research question three, socioeconomic status not have a significant on the awareness of gender stereotypes in children aged 9-10 years. In general, it can be concluded .that gender stereotypes have lessened. Means of male and female stereotype scores are low, females stereotype significantly less than males, andsocio-economic status does not significantly effect gender stereotype 59

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awareness in children. The explanations and implications of these results will be discussed in the next chapter. 60

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Table 3.1 Means and 'F' score/significance of Independent Variable: GENDER Dependent Variable: Score One-Way ANOVA Grand Cell Means Mean f. Sig. 1 (females) (males) Hypothesis-#3 8.50 11.9a 10.07 12.74 .000 (106) (87) 61

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Table 3.2 Means and 'F' Score/significance Independent Variable: Maternal Employment Status Hypothesis #2 Hypothesis #4 Variable: Score One-Way ANOVA Grand Cell Means Mean r !. (mom work) (mom no .40 (144) 10.23 12.17 (48) 16.83 (64) 62 work) 10.09 5.871 (192) 11.98 16.581 (23) (87) .016 .000

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Table 3.3 Means and 'F' score/significance I Independent Variable: Socio-Economic Status Hypothesis #7 Dependent Variable: Score One-Way ANOVA Cell Means 1 (females) 10.62 (103) 2 (males) 9.43 (90) 63 Grand Mean 10.07 1.412 .236

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Table 3.4 Means and 'F' score/significance Independent Variables: Gender and Maternal Employment Status Dependent Variable: Score Two-Way ANOVA Hypothesis Cell Means #5 1 2 (females) (males) (work) 1 8.73 10.23 yes (80) (64) (work) 2 7.88 16.23 no (25) (23) Maternal Employment Status Gender 2-:-way interaction 3-way interaction Score by Gender, MES, SES 64 Grand Mean r 10.09 (192) 9.757 6.022 11.785 F 143 Siq. .000 .015 .001 Sig. .706

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Table 3.5 Critical 'Z' Values Independent Variable: Gender Dependent Variable: Score 'Z' Test for Proportional Differences Males Females (87) (107) Nontraditional Occupation -046 Choice Traditional. Occupation 78 45 Choice Critical 'Z' Value = +6.9 (Critical 'Z' Value over +1.96 is required to reject null hypothesis 65

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Table 3.6 Percentages of "both" and "neither" choices Chose "both" option TOTAL SUBJECTS MALES FEMALES (87) (107) 25% or less 47 (24%) 31 (35%) 16 ( 15%) of time over % but not 72 (37%) 30 (35%) 42 (39%) more than 50% of time 50% but not 42 (22%) 16 (18%) 26 (24%) more than 75% of time 75% or more of 33 (17%) 10 (12%) 23 (22%) the time 66

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Chose "neither" option TOTAL SUBJECTS MALES FEMALES (87) (107) 25% or less 161 (83%) 77 (89%) 84 (79%) of the time Over 25% but not 33 (17%) 10 (11%) 23 (21%) more than 50% of the time 50% but not more 0 0 0 than 75% of the time 75% or more of 0 0 0 the time 67

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Table 3.7 Occupation List Occupations chosen by_ third grade students when asked "What do you want to be when you grow up? Traditional Female Occupation or Non-Traditional Male Occupation aerobic instructor bookkeeper counselor cashier journalist child care technician dancer dental hygienist biologist flight attendant grocery clerk musician hairdresser paleontologist manicurist personal nurse trainer plant care zookeeper secretary teacher waitress Non:-Traditional Female Occupation or Traditional Male Occupation accountant architect astronaut banker comput.er programmer doctor engineer fire person horse trainer hospital director inventor lawyer manager pilot police officer scientist sound technician 68 Neutral artist lab. marine mime

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CHAPTER IV DISCUSSION This study examined gender stereotypes, their childhood origins, and their potential effects on women's advancement to top corporate positions. The prevalence of gender stereotypes in children aged five to eleven years of age has been investigated and supported. have found that images of .gender stereotypes are based on deeply rooted belief systems that begin at an early age and remain into adulthood (Mischel, 1970; Williams & Best, 1977; Williams & Bergen, 1991). Therefore, this study specifically investigated the prevalence of gender stereotypes in children aged 9-10 years. The primary resear6h question asked, "How prevalent are gender stereotypes among elementary school children aged 9-10?" Results from this study would indicate the answer is yes. Significant support was found for the hypotheses predicting that gender stereotypes have lessened. Means are statistically significant and in the direction predicted. These 69

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findings indicated a sizeable decrease (more than 50%) in the total mean population score for stereotyping from the studies in the 1970's: significantly lower stereotype scores in children whose mothers work versus those whose mothers do not work: and significantly lower stereotype scores in males whose mothers work versus those whose mothers do not work. The second research question asked, "Are significant differences in awareness of gender stereotypes between males and females aged 9-10 years of age?" Again, the answer yes. Means are statistically significant and in the direction predicted. These findings include significantly lower stereotype scores in females than in males: significant interaction effects and lower stereotype scores in females of working mothers versus males of working mothers: and, a significantly higher percentage of females' choices of nontraditional occupations than males' choices of nontraditional occupations. The third and last research question asked, "Does socio-economic (SES) status have a significant effect on awareness of gender stereotypes in males and females aged 9-10 years of age?" No significanca was 70

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found. Stereotype scores for children of high SES were not significantly lower than of low SES. These findingi are encouraging and have serious implications for women's advancement to top level corporate positions. Implications The results of this study suggest that.male and female children aged 9-10 stereotype significantly less than similar children in the 1970's. In addition, mothers who work positively effect their children's view of stereotypes. The interaction between gender and maternal employment status is encouraging for women in the Mothers who work can be a prime factor in the change of steteotypical of their children. children, through imitation of their mother will see themselves capable of multiple roles. Males will view their mother as equally able to be homemaker as well as executive. Antill (1987) found that parents who claim that opportunities for both sexes should be equal in the adult world are more likely to encourage their children to deviate from gender stereotypes than parents who advocate separate roles for women and men. 71

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The argument that mothers who work can effect attitude change in their children agrees with Maccoby and Jacklin's (1974) assessment of the effectiveness of as role models. They state that parents have a special effect on child development since they provide the opportunity for imitation of their own behavior, and reinforcements for their children's behavior. Children are more likely to imitate samesex models than opposite-sex models, although they could presumably imitate any adult to whom they were Because parents are highly avaiiable and powerful, they are the mddels children are most likely to copy (Maccoby & Jacklin, 1974). Overall, my results indicate less gender stereotyping among females aged 9-10 than their opposite sex counterparts. The suggest that males stereotype signifidantly more than females. This is contrary to the Williams and Best studies (1975,1977) which failed to indicate any difference in knowledge of sex stereotypes between male and female children. This difference in results may be due to several reasons, one of which is the modification of the SSM II instrument in the present study. Differences between the studies' results as 72

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well as potential reasons for them will be discussed later in the chapter. Although male and female stereotype scores were both low, males did stereotypes significantly more than females. If stereotype more than females, the future implications for women in the workplace are staggering. Males who grow up with traditional stereotypic views of women will have an effect on a range of evaluative and organiiational Male recruiters and other.organizational representatives will evaluate the stiitability of female applicants for employment. Male managers will evaluate the performance of their female subordinates, who in turn evaluate the kind ot leadership demonstrated by their female managers. Promotional decisions of females will be based on past performance and future potential. In each of these situations, others' evaluations of an individual materially the effectiveness and progress of that individual in an organization. These evaluations are based on beliefs about what the individual is like, which are influenced by whether the individual is male or female. Thus, stereotypical beliefs that women. are more nurturant or that men are better leaders have an 73

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influence on evaluations far beyond what the actual tacts may dictate. One study (Sharp & Post, 1980) found that recruiters who were high in authoritarianism, reflecting a tendency to stress roles of dominance submission in male-female relationships, preferred male applicants over female applicants for an administrative trainee positions; who were moderate or low in authoritariariism did not differ in their evaluations of male and female applicants. A study found that recruiters who tended t6 believe in gender stereotypes were more likely to against applicants of the sex seen to be inappropriate for a job than recruiters who did not endorse the stereotype (Simmas & 1979). When judgements about individuals are based on little data, as is the case when organizations make hiring decisions, these judgements are likely to be influenced by gender stereotypes. Decision makers with limited information about applicants to make more biased decisions than those with more information (Tosi & Einbender, 1985). The implication is that meri who hold true to traditional gerider stereotypes will be more prone to sex bias in the workplace (Baker & 74

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Terpstra, 1986). Studies have shown that sex stereotyping results in inequitable hiring, promotion, and supervision decisions; (Dipboye, Fromkin, & Wiback, 1975; Rosen & Jerdee, 1974) lower salaries for (Terborg & Ilgen, 1975) and less powerful positions and more jobs for women (Kanter, 1977). of. career advancement translates into less women in positions of authority at top levels of organizations. The question that arises is, "What reasons explain why males in this study stereotype more than females?" The may lie at the root of social learning -the mass media. Mass media influences childhood development by providing opportunities for modeling and information seeking outside family and school. Stereotypical .behavior by females and males has persistently characterized both and adult's television programming, magazine advertising, newspaper comic strips as well as the retail toy market. Despite dramatic changes in the outside world, the world of television programming has been remarkably stable in its portrayal of women and men and in its underrepresentation of female characters (McArthur & Eisen, 1989: Moore, 1992: Sexton & 75

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Haberman, 1974). Several stereotypes of women's roles occurred regularly in magazine advertising: 1) women's place as in the 2) women as not important 3) women as dependent and in need of men's protection: and 4) men regarding women as sex objects, not as people (McArthur & Eisen, Sexton & Haberman, Signorielli, 1989). The depiction of sex roles in comic strips has changed somewhat in recent years with the intr6duction of strips featuring working women, such as "ForBetter or For Worse" and "Sally However, not much change has taken place. in older comic strips such as "Dennis the Menace" and "The .Born Loser'; (although Blondie now owns a catering business. of the career woman is far from positive. She is a superwoman, cleaning the house, taking care of the children, fixing the car and maintairiing the She suffers from stress and sleepless nights as a result. She is often portrayed as hard, dominating, and critical of her husband, never being satisfied with anything he does. In sum, the message has been described as "if you are a women and want a happy home, do not have a career, and if you are a man, never marry a career women" (Moohey & Brabant, 1987, 76

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1986} 0 The ultimate effects of television and other media portrayals of sex roles has beeri the subject of considerable debate. Some theorists claim that television cultivates conceptions of social reality. The basic premise of cultivatiori theory is that "the more time people spend watching television, the more likely they are to perceive the real world in ways that reflect the patterns found in television" (Morgan, 1982}. In support of cultivation theory, studies have found .that both.children and adults who watch more television are more aware of gender stereotypes, see themselves in more stereotypical terms, hold more traditional attitudes toward men's and women's roles (McGhee & Frueh, Morgan, Ross; Anderson, & Wisocki, 1982}. Greenberg (1982} concluded that higher amounts of watching television are associated with more sex stereotyping. Research supports the fact that males watch more television than females .
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more as well. So, the questions might be asked, "why might females in this study stereotype less?" Answers may lie in the retail marketing strategies aimed at female children. Attempts to roles to_girls have been seen in the retail market. Books such as Women In Science, History of Women Artists, or History of Women (Epstein, 1994; 1988, 1984) demonstrate women with qualities of strength, courage, and intelligence. Toys, such as Mattel's Barbie dolls, are shown in a variety of occupations from beauty queen, physician, working executive, military to presidential candidate. In addition, Mattel named Jill Baradas its first women president. While little girls can thank Barad for dressing Barbie in a gown meant to be worn to herown inaugural ball, the message is clearly directed at girls and Q.Ot boys (Working Woman, 1992). Granted, not every girl owns a Barbie doll. This does not mean she will adopt only stereotyped behaviors. Books depicting women in nontraditional roles are available in local libraries and classrooms. A recent study by Purcell and Stewart (1990) found less pronounced difterences in the rate of portrayal for males and females and in the variety of roles assigned 78

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to each. Adult women appeared more often than previously, but still not as often as men or in as wide a range of occupations. Girls appeared just as often as boys, and in a wider variety of roles than previously. There is no evidence of toys aimed at boys to encourage female, or at the least, androgynous behavior. Unless sex differences in the toys chosen by children and their parents disappear, girls may be more exposed to the Barbie.dolls than boys. Thus, any direct effect the Barbie dolls have on attitudes or expectations about society will be seen primarily in girls. As a girls could expect to see a more sex-integrated workplace and military, whereas boys could have reason to expect the same. Attempts by the market to portray changing roles to girls might explain why my results support that female children stereotype less and chose a significantly higher percentage of nontraditional occupations (49.2%) than the males (0%). Female children see less delineation between sex roles. Baird (1976) suggests that females are permitted feminine as well as masculine tomboy behavior while males are only permitted masculine behaviors. The 79

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fact that none of the males chose a nontraditional occupation supports research by Marini & Brinton (1984) who investigated occupational aspirations as to whether they were male-intensive, female-intensive or neutral occupations. They found that males were more likely than females to prefer occupations dominated by their own sex. The significant interaction between gender and maternal employment status coupled with the females significantly higher choice of nontraditional occupations supports research on girls aspirations during childhood and adolescence. Investigators found that "pioneers" who aspired to male-intensive occupations were more likely to have working mothers and highly educated parents than "nonpioneers .. demonstrating the importance of family characteristics. In general, women who aspire to male-intensive occupations tend to be fundamentally different in experience and socialization from those with more traditional aspirations (Murrell, Frieze, & Frost, 1991: .Sandberg., Ehrhardt, Mellins, !nee, & Meyer-Bahlburg, 1987: Subich, Barrett, Doverspike, & Alexander, 1989). This study also explored the relationship between 80

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socio-economic status (SES} and gender stereotyping. No significance was found between the variables. This is contrary to studies which found that high SES children had a greater knowledge of gender stereotypes than low SES children (Neto, Williams, & Widner, 1991; Tarrier & Gnomes, 1981; Williams & Best, 1982}. This discrepancy may be due to the fact that the difference in the socio-economic levels in this particular school system were not large enough to produce a significant Limitations of the Study Several problems surfaced with respect to this study: 1} survey instrument design; 2) the awareness of gender stereotypes versus .the use of gender stereotypes; 3) problems with researching gender stereotypes. The first problem involves the first research of whether or not gender stereotypes have lessened since the Williams and Best (1977) studies. Although the present study found a significant decrease in gender stereotyping over the Williams and Best studies, a direct comparison of the studies is unjustified because the SSM II assessment procedure was modified in my study. Williams and Best used a 81

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forced-choice procedure that required the children to choose either the female figure or the male figure and did not allow them to say "both" or "neither." This study used an unforced-choice procedure and did allow the children to choose "both" or "neither." The major difference in the methodologies is the degree to which they constrain the subject's response. A forced-choice procedure places more constraints on its subjects while an unforced-choice procedure does not. Cowan and.Stewart (1977) found that less stereotyping was obtained with an procedure or open-ended format than with a forced choice, adjective checklist or rating scale procedure. In general, it appears that the more constraints placed on the respondent, the more "stereotyped" the data obtained. Therefore, it might be argued that the pervasiveness of gender stereotypes that some researchers cite is artifactually inflated (Neto, Williams & Widner, 1991; Williams & Bennett, 1975; Williams & Best, 1977). Because of the change in assessment procedure, it is difficult to know whether or not the results are actual changes in gender stereotyping or just the result of the children choosing the "both" or "neither" option as a legitimate way to escape a task 82

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that is puzzling. However, the results were consistent across the total population, and the subjects' consistent usage of the "both" or "neither" option leads me to believe the conclusions are accurate. One hundred percent (100%) of the subjects chose the "both" or "neither" option at least once or more; thirty-nine percent (39%) of the subjects chose "both" between fifty (50) and one hundred (100) percent of the time; and one hundred percent (100%) of the subjects chose "neither" between zero (0) and forty-nine (49) percent of the time. Additionally, the results were consistent across al-l school populations, high SES and low SES. It seems justified to assume the results are accurate. In addition to the assessment procedure itself, the actual instrument is problematic. The individual items are outdated, old-fashioned and lack face For example, one of the SSM II stories says: One of these people is a cruel person. They sometimes hurt other people on purpose and make them unhappy. They throw rocks at dogs when they come into the yard. Which is the cruel person? Several of the'children were concerned with this question. They had difficulty relating someone they knew; either male or female, to this question. 83

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Consequently, their only choice for an answer may have been the "neither" option. Another .question may affect the self-esteem of the child answering the question: One of these people has such good manners, it makes you sick. They always do everything just right. Which person does everything just right? Several teachers objected to this question as they feared that the students who "always did things right" would feel "made fun of" or "singled out" in the classroom. Further, many of the questions placed the children in an awkward position having to choose one gender over another. Children usually think of a parent or significant other when answering the story questions. They feel uncomfortable, for example, saying that their father has a certain quality while their mother does not. This is if the children are only allowed to answer with the male or.female stereotype. For example: When one of these people has a problem they sit down and think carefully before deciding what is the best thing to do. Which person solves their problems carefully? By having to choose one gender over the other, it implies the other lacks the ability or skill being asked about. Children may be reluctant to choose one 84

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parent over the other or feel guilty in making the underlying that one parent is deficient. These questions are antiquated and lack a 90's focus. Several of questions are leading and bias the respondent toward particular answers. Others use social desirability as a biasing factor in the wording of the questions. They lead the respondent to feel that a particular answer is expected or morally sound. Clearly, a new instrument design is called for. Another important aspect of the survey design potential involves the linguistic difficulty of the items on the _test. Some of the variability in the responses could be due differences in language abilities required for various items. Williams and Best argue that the general simplicity of the SSM II language suggests that linguistic complexity is not a major factor in these findings. However, this is something the will never know unless the children are tested beforehand on their level of language ability. The second limitation of this research is whether or not the researcher is investigating the awareness of gender stereotypes or the use of them. In other words, is an awareness of gender stereotypes 85

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indicative of using them in everyday life? Williams and Best (1977) chose to say the children "know" the stereotypes rather than "use" them. They felt it was a more conservative approach and was consistent with their adult studies. In addition, they state that their procedure is not assessing children's stereotypes, per se. If they were to do that, they would begin by asking children in what ways they believe males and females differ. This is an important issue. It is one thing to be "aware" of gender stereotypes and quite another to "use" them. Children may be quite aware of gender stereotypes but choose whether or not to use them. These same children, as adults in the workplace, can make the same deci-sion. Awareness of gender stereotypes will not always mean usage of gender stereotypes. The third problem inv6lves basic.assumptions made concerning gender differences in past research studies. One basic assumption is that sex differences can be attributed to either nature or nurture. Clearly, the two factors interact. However, there remains a paucity of work on stereotype acquisition based on socialization. In addition, determining how a belief is conveyed to a child, how the child decodes 86

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that message, how the particular message interacts with other information, and finally what the child comes to believe is difficult at best. Longitudinal research seems the design of choice, yet such work is extremely complicated and time consuming under the best of circumstances. Research is called for to uncover the way the interaction of nature and nurture occurs for particular behavior patterns for males and females. Another basic assumption in past research on gender is that sex exist and that these differences are importarit. Many of the studies focused on sex differences rather than similarities. By asking a subject to describe the typical woman and then describe the typibalman inherently a bias in the exercise itself. This emphasis on sex differences is further perpetuated by the policy of most journals to publish only statistically significant findings. Findings reflecting no difference usually do not get reported in the literature. Since journals have limited _space, they have to reject a high percentage of submitted articles, and they naturally tend to accept those with positive findings. This may result in more chance 87

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findings of differences being reported (Basow, 1980). Areas for Future Research Possible areas for future research might include the following: The Williams and Best study (1977) should be replicated in order to compare level of gender steiebtyping results with the presertt study. In this way, the forced-choice can be compared to the unforced procedure. A new Sex Measure should be designed to eliminate the inherent bias in the questions and increase the face validity. Questions should address only the stereotype being researched and not make a value judgement or attack a child's self-esteem. For example, the following story question may attack a child's self-esteem. If the child is either a perfectionist or very cooperative student, they may feel ridiculed when hearing this story. One of these people has such good manners, it makes you sick. They always do everything just right. Which person does everything just right? This story question could be revised to ask: 88

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One of these people has such.good manners. They always do everything just right. Which person always does everything just right? A value judgement has been removed by eliminating the "it makes you sick". However, the question still tests the female stereotype of politeness. Another example is a story question which might scare or upset a young child. It asks: One of these people is a cruel sometimes hurt other people on make them unhappy. They throw when they come into the yard. cruel person? person. They purpose and rocks at dogs Which is the This story question could be revised to ask: One of these people is a cruel person. They sometimes hurt other people on purpose and make them They care if they hurt someone's feeling. Which is the cruel person? In this revision, the scary thqught of hurting animals is removed yet the question still teits the male stereotype of cruelty. Future studies should include variables to test the effects of mass media, such as television viewing, etc. The current study should be replicated to determine if the "both" and "neither" options are reliable and valid additions to the survey. The current study should be replicated with 89

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four exceptions; 1) subjects should be surveyed one on one by the examiner rather than surveyed as a_group. Subjects were able to talk to their "neighbor" the classroom which may have biased their answers due to peer pressure. 2) survey should be administered by a male examiner to determine if sex of examiner made any difference. 3) A week prior to administeringthe survey, subjects should be given a vocabulary pre-test to determine competency. 4) Prior to the survey administration, a separate survey should be sent home to to research parents attitudes toward gender stereotypes and women in the workplace. The subjects .of the present study should be followed into middle school, high school and into college to longitudinally study gender stereotyping from childhood into adulthood. In summary, many changes should be made to improve on the SSM II survey design as well as the general method to investigate gender stereotypes. Longitudinal studies would provide the most information, however, they are time consuming, 90

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difficult to administer and difficult. Researchers might gain more insight by focusing on more quantitative methods to study gender stereotypes. Conclusion Learned stereotypes, resulting from our socialization, form the basis we use to judge others. Stereotypes also help us to reduce uncertainty while adding some predictability to our world. We also use stereotypes to imply more than what is provided regarding appropriate or inappropriate male and female behavior. stereotypes may reduce uncertainty, they may increase our chances of incorrectly perceiving a new situation by infringing on a full use of available information. By attributing "certain characteristics to all members of each group," we may "create stability and meaning" in our world but we "do it at the risk of inaccuracy" (Hastorf, Schneider, & Poleka, 1970). Uncertainty is apparent in the workplace. As females advance in predominantly male organizations, males and females are faced with changing roles which in turn decrease their predictability of the world while increasing ambiguity. The more traditionally stereotyped our viewpoint, the less favorably we will 91

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respond to sex-incongruent behavior in the workplace as well as attempts to promote equality between the sexes. This viewpoint may be a prime barrier to women's advancement to top level corporate positions. Specifically, those who believe in traditional gender stereotypical roles may be less likely to promote women irito high level positions in the organization. Therefore, it is important for adults to provide nontraditional role models to children for the advancement of women in the workplace. Young boys and girls who receive more similar messages about who can and should work might develop less stereotypical views of men and women. However, if that message is contrary (i.e. that mother's work contributes less to the family's total income than the father's work as is now the case in most families), the message is that women's work is less essential than men's. In addition, children are influenced by the nature of their parents' occupations. For example, compared to male managers, relatively few female managers have children (Heidrick & Struggles, 1986). The influence of parents on children's socialization experiences will not change very much if the couples who are most likely to have children remain those who 92

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have more traditional occupations. Finally, individuals' choices about if, where, and when they will work are influenced by the parental messages they have received about work while growing up, as well as by the existing distribution of men and women across occupations. Sex segregation is reduced, however, only if the occupational choices of males and females become more alike and men and women are admitted to occupations in more similar proportions. The sex imbalance in occupational choices will be reduced if women continue to seek more entry-level positions in male-dominated occupations and if the success of female "pioneers" lets other women believe they can achieve their aspirations. However, unless men feel a corresponding desire to enter dominated occupations, some sex imbalance in occupational choices will remain. 93

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Antill, J.K. (1987). Parent's beliefs and values about sex rbles, sex differences, and sexuality: their sources and implications, in Sex and Gender, vol. 7, Shaver, P., & Hendrick, c. (Eds.), Newbury Park, Calif: Sage Publications. Aries, E. (1987). Gender and communication. In Shaver, P. & Hendrick, c., (Eds.), Sex and Gender, vol. 7, Newbury Park, Calif: Sage Publications. Ashmore, R.D., & Del Boca, F.K. (1979). Sex stereotypes and implicit personality theory; a cognitive-social conceptualization. Sex Roles, 219-248. Auburdene, P., & Naisbitt, J. (1992). Megatrends for Women. New York: Villard Books. Baird, J.E. (1976). Sex differences in group communication: a review of relevant research. Quarterly Journal of Speech, lli_ 179-192. Baker, D.D. & Terpstra, D.E. (1986). Locus of control and versus demographic factors as predictors of attitudes toward women. Basic and Applied Social PsychologY, L_163-172. Bandura, A. (1969). Principles of Behavior Modification. Stanford, Ca.: Stanford University Press. Bandura, A., & Walters, R.H. (1963). Social Learning and Personality Development. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Bartol, K.M. (1978). The sex structuring of organizations: A search possible causes, Academy of Management Review, October, cited in Marshall, J. Basow, S.A. (1980). Sex-role stereotvoes: Traditions and alternatives. Monterey, Ca: Brooks/Cole. 94

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Bern, S.L. (1979). Theory and measurement of androgyny: A reply to the Pedhazur-Tetenbaum and. Locksley-Colton critiques. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1047-1054. Bern, S.L. (1977). On the utility of alternative procedures for assessing psychological androgyny. Journal of Consul ting and Clinical Psychology, ,ih 196-205. Bern, S.L. (1976). Probing the promise of androgyny. In A. Kaplan & J. Bean :(Eds.), Beyond Sex Role Stereotypes: Readings Toward Psychology Of Androgyny. Boston: Little and Brown, 47-62. Bern, B.L. (1975a) Andiogytiy versus the tight little lives of fluffy women and men. Psychology Today, h 58-59ff. Bern, S.L. (1975b). Sex role adaptability: one consequence of psychological androgyny. Journal of. Personality and Social Psychology, .li..L_ 634-643. Bern, S.L. (1974). The measurement of psychological androgyny. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 155-162. Bern, S.L. & Lenney, E. (1976). Sex typing and the of cross-sax Journal of Personalit-y and Social Psychology, 33, 48-54. . Bergen, D.J., Williams, J .E.,. & Best, D.L. (1991). Sex stereotypes in the United States of America revisited: 1972-1988. Beuf, A. (1974). Doctor, Lawyer, Household Drudge. Journal of Communications, 142-145. Bianchi, S.M. & Spain, D. (1986). American Women in Transition. New York: Sage Foundation. Block, J.H. (1976). Issues, problems and pitfalls in assessing sex differences: A critical review of The Psychology of Sex Differences. Merrill Palmer Quarterly, 283-308. 95

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Block, J.H. (.1979, influences on and females. Convention of September). Socialization personality development in males Paper presented at the 87th the American Psychological Association, New York. Brabant, S., & Mooney, L. (1986). Sex role .stereotyping in the Sunday comics: ten years later. Sex Roles, 14, 141-149. Brewer, M.B., Dull, V., & Lui, L. (1981). Perceptions of the elderly: Stereotypes as prototypes. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, ilL 656670. Broverman, I., Vogel, S.R., Broverman, D.M., Clarkson, F.E., & R6senkrantz, P.S. (1972). Sex role stereotypes: a current appraisal. Journal of Social Issues, 34(1), 5-15. Catalyst (1986). Female Management Style: Myth and Reality, York: Catalyst. Cecil, E.A., Paul, R., & R.A. (1973). Perceived importance of variables used to evaluate male and female job applicants. Personnel Psychology, 397-404. Cherry Creek Schools (1994). Kevin Matter, Office of Assessment, Englewood, Colo. Cicone, M.N. & Ruble, D.N. (1978). Beliefs about males. Journal of Social Issues, 34(1), 5-16. Coser, R. L. & Rokoff, J. (1982). Women in the occupational world: Social disruption and conflict. Pp. 39-53 in Women and Work, edited by R. Kahn-Hut, A. Kaplan Daniels, and R. Colvard. New York: Oxford University Press. Cowan, M.L., & Stewart, B.J. (1977). A methodological study of sex stereotypes. Sex Roles, lL 205-216. Crocker, J., D.B., & Weber, R. (1983). Personal memory and causal attributions. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 441-452. 96

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Deaux, K. (1974). Women in management causal explanations of performance. Paper presented at the meeting of the American Psychological Association in Montreal, September, 1974. Deaux, (1976). The Behavior of Women and Men. Monterey, Ca.: Brooks/Cole. Dilley, B. (1994). Personal communication on November 11; 1994. Associate Professor, University of Colorado at Denver. Dipboye, R.L., Fromkin, H.L., & Wiback, K. (1975). Relative.importance of applicant sex, attractiyeness and scholastic standing in evaluation of job resumes. Journal of Applied Psychology, 39-45. Dobbins, Truxillo, D.M., & Cardy, R.L. (1988). The effects of purpose of appraisal and individual differences in .stereotypes of women on sex differences in performance a laboratory and field study. Journal of Applied Psychology, IlL 551-558. Donnell, S.M. & -Hall, J. (1980). Men and women as managers: A significant case Qf no significance. Organizational Dynamics, 8, p. In Hackman, M.Z. & Johnson, C.E. Leadership: A Perspective. Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland, Press. Douvan, E. (1963). Employment and the adolescent. In F.I. Nye & L.W. Hoffman The employed mother in America. Chicago: Rand McNally. Dweck, C.S., Davidson, w., Nelson, S., & Enna, B. (1978). Sex differences in learned helplessness: II.-The contingencies of evaluative feedback in the classroom. III. An experimental analysis. Developmental Psychology, liL 268-276. Dweck, c.s., & Bush, E.S. (1976). Sex.differences in learned helplessness: I. Differential debilitation with peer and adult evaluators. Developmental Psychology, 14, 268-276. 97

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Eagly, A.H., Steffen, V.J. (1984). Gender stereotypes stem from the distribution of women and men into social roles. Journal of Personality and Social Psychol6gy, 46, 735-754. Epstein, Vivian Sheldon (1994). Women In Science. Ferber, F., J., and Spitze, G. (1979). Preferences for men as bosses and professionals. Social Forces, 2. Foushea, H.C., Helmreich,' R.L., & Spence, J.T. (1979) Implicit theories of masculinity and femininity: Dualistic or bipolar? Psychology of women Quarterly, 259-269. Gilbert, L.A., Deutsch, C.J., & Strahan, R.F. (1978). Feminine and masculine dimensions of the typical, desirable, and ideal woman and man. Sex Roles, .L_ 767-778. Glezer, H. (1983). Changes in marriage and sex-role attitudes among young married women: 1971-1982. Paper at Australian Family Research Conference, ANU. Goffman, I. The arrangement between the sexes. Theory and Society, 4(3), 301-31. Goffman, (1977). Genderisms. Psychology Today, August, 60-63. Greenberg, B.S. (1982). Television and role socialization: An overview. In D. Pearl, L. Bothilet, Lazar (eds.), Television and Behavior: .Ten Years of Scientific Progress and Implications for the 80's (Vol. II). Washington, D.C.: U.S. G6vernment Printing Office. Gunn, J., & Matthews, w. (1979). He and She: How children develop their sex-role identity. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc. Guttentag, M., & Bray, H. (1977). Teachers as mediators of sex-role standards. In A. Sargent (Ed.), Beyond sex roles. St. Paul, MN: West. 98

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Hackman, Michael Z. & Johnson, Craig E. (1991). Leadership: Communication Perspective. Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland, Press. Hamilton, D.L., & Trolier, T.K. (1986). Stereotypes and stereotyping: An overview of the cognitive approach. In J. F. Dovidio & S.L. Gaertner (Eds.), Prejudice, Discrimmination, and Racism. Orlando: Academic Press, Inc. Harris, Louis (1987). Inside America. New York: Vintage. Hartley, R. (1960). female roles. 91. Childen's concepts of male and Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 83-Hastie, R. (1984) Causes and effects of causal attribution. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, !2...t._ 44-56. Hastie, R., & Kumar, P.A. (1979). Person memory: Personality traits as organizing principles in memory for-behaviors. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, llL 25-38. Hayshe, H. (1984). Working mothers reach record number in 1984. Monthly Labor Review, 107, 31-34. Heidrick and Struggles. (1986). The Corporate Woman Officer. Helmreich, R.L., Spence, J.T., & Gibson, R.H. (1982). Sex role attitudes: 1972-1980. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 656-663. Herzog, A. R., & Bachman, J.G. (1982). Sex Role Attitudes Among High School Seniors: Views About Work And Family Roles. Ann Arbor, Mi.: Institute for Social Research. Hollander, E.P. (1985). Leadership and Power. In G. Lindzey & E. Aronson, (Eds.), The handbook of social psychology, 3rd ed. New York: Random House. 99

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Huston, A. (1983). Sex typing. In Hetherington, & E .. M., Mussen, P., (Eds.), Handbook of Child Psychology (Vol. IV): Socialization, personality, and social development. New York: Wiley. Jencks, c., Perman, L., & Rairiwater, L. (1988). What is a gooo job? A new measure of labor market success. American Journal of Sociology, 93(May):1322-57. Kagan, J. (1964). The child's sex role classification of school objects. Child Development, 105156. In.E.E. Maccoby and C.N. Jacklin, The Psychology of Sex Differences, (1974), Stanford Ca.: Stanford University Press. Kanter, Rosabeth M. (1977). Men and Women of the Corporation. New York: Basic Books. Karre, I. (1976). Stereotypes sex roles and selfconcept: strategies for liberating the sexes. Communication Education, 43-52. Katz, P.A. (1986). gender identity: Development and consequences. In R.D. Ashmore &.F.K. Del Boca (Eds.), .The social psychology of female-male relations. orlando, Fl: Academic Press. Kohlberg, L.A. A analysis of children's rioncepts and attitudes. In E.E. Maccoby (Ed.), The Development of Sex Differences. Stanford, ca.: Stanford University Press. Pp. 82-173. Lui, L., & Brewer, M.B. (1983}. Recognition accuracy as evidence of category-consistency effects in person memory. Social Cognition, 89-107. McArthur & Eisen. (1989). Television artd sex role stereotyping. Sex Roles, 341-360. McGhee, P.E. & Frueh, T. (1980). Television viewing and the learning of sex role stereotypes. Sex Roles, 179-188. McKee, J.P. & Sheriffs, A.C. (1957). The differential evaluation of males and females. Journal of Personality, 356-371. 100

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McNeil, J.C .. (1975). Feminism, femininity, and the television series: A content analysis. Journal of Broadcasting, 259-269. Maccoby, E.E. (1966). Sex differences in intellectual functioning. In E.E. Maccoby (Ed.), The Development of Sex Differences. Stanford, Ca.: Stanford University Press, Pp. 25-55. Maccoby, E.E., & Jacklin, C.M. (1974). The Psychology of Sex Differences. Stanford, ca.: Stanford University Press. Marini, M.M. & Brinton, M.C. (1984). Sex typing in occupational socialization, in Sex Segregation in the Workplace: Trends, Explanations, Remedies, ed. B. F. Res kin. Washington, DC: National Academy Press. Mason, K.O., Czajka, J.L-., & Arber, S. (1976). Changes in women's sex role attitudes, 1964-i974. American Sociological Review, 41, 573-596. Mischel, W.A. (1966). A social learning view of sex difference in behavior. In E.E. Maccoby (Ed.) The Development of Sex Stanford, Ca.: Stanford University Press, Pp. 56-81. Mischel, W.A. (1970). Sex typing and socialization. In P. H. Mussen (Ed.), Carmichael's manual of child psychology .. New York: Wiley. Mooney, L., & Brabant, S. (1987). Two martinis and a rested woman: liberation in the Sunday comics. Sex Roles, lL... 419. Moore, M.L. (1992). The family as portrayed on primetime television, 1947-1990: structure and characteristics. Sex Roles, 26, 41-61. Morgan, M. (1982). Television and adolescents' role stereotypes: a longitudinal study. Journal of Personality and .Social Psychology, ilL 948. Morrison, A.M., White, R., P., Van Velsor, E. & The Center for creative Leadership (1987). Breaking The Glass Ceiling. Reading, Mass.: AddisonWesley Publishing Co., Inc. 101

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Murrell, A.J., Frieze, I.H., & Frost, J.L. (1991). to careers in male and female dominated professions: a study of black and white college women. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 103-126. Mussen. P.H. (1969). Early In D.A. Goslin (Ed.), Handbook of socialization theory and research. Chicago, Ill: Rand McNally. Neto, F., Williams, J.E.,-& Widner, S.C. {1991). Portuguese children's knowledge of sex stereotypes. Journal of Cross Cultural Psychology, 376-388. Nieva, V.F., & Gutek, B.A. (1981). Factors affecting women's decision to work, in Women and Work: A psychological perspective {New York: Praeger). Ouellette, p.L. & White, K.M. (1978). preferences: Children's projections for self and opposite sex. Paper presented at the eastern Psychological Association Convention, Washington, D.C., March, 1978. Powell, Gary N. (1989). Women and Men in Management. Beverly Hills, Ca.: Purcell, P. & Stewart, L. (1990). Dick and Jane in 1989. Sex Roles, 177-185. Reif, W.E.i Newstrom, J.W., and R.M. (1975). some myths women-managers, California Management Review, 17., 4. Reskin, B. {1988). Bringing men back in: Sex differentiation and the of work. Gender and Society, 2(1), 58-81. Riger, s., and P. (1980). Women in _management: An explanation of competing paradigms. American Psychologist, 10. Rosen, B., & Jerdee, T.H. (1973). The influence of sex-role stereotypes on evaluation of male and female supervisory behavior. Journal of Applied Psychology, ._,_ 44-48. 102

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Rosenkrantz, P., Vogel, S.R., Bee, H., Braverman, I.K., & Braverman, D.M. (1968). Sex role stereotypes and self concepts in college students. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 287-295. Ross, L., Anderson, D.R., & Wisocki, P.A. (1982). Television viewing and adult sex role attitudes. Sex Roles, h 589-592. Ruble, T.E. (1983); Sex stereotypes: issues of changes in the 1970's .. Sex Roles, Ruble, D.N., & Ruble, T.L. (1982). Sex Stereotypes in In the Eye of the Beholder: Contemporary Issues in Stereotyping, ed. A. G. Miller (New York:Praeger, 1982) Sadker, M. & Sadker, D.(1994). Failing At Fairness: How America's Schools Cheat Girls. New )"ork: Charles Scribner's Sons. Sandberg, D.E., Ehrhardt, A.A., Melling, C.A., Ince, S.E., & H.F.L. (1987). The influence of individuai and family upon career of girls during childhood and adolescence. Sex Roles, 649-668. Schein, V. E. (1973). role stereotypes characteristics, 57. The relationship between sex and requisitemanagement Journal of Applied Psychology, Schein, V. E. The r'lationship between sex role stereotypes and requisite management among female Journal of Applied Psycholofy, 340-344. Schein, v., E. (1976). "Think Manager-Think Male", The Atlanta Economic Review, March-April. Schein, V.E., 7 Mueller, R. (1992). Sex role stereotyping and requisite management characteristics: a cross cultural look. Journal of Organizational Behavior, llL 439-447. 103

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Schlossberg, N. & Goodman, J. (1971-72). A woman's place: children's sex stereotyping of occupations, Vocational Guidance Quarterly, 266-70. Schwartz, F.N. (1992). Breaking With Tradition: Women and Work< The New Facts of Life. New York: Warner Books, Inc. Sears, R.R. (1965). Development of gender role. In F. A. Beach (Ed. ) Sex and Behavior. New York: Wiley. Sears, R.R. Rau, L, & Alpert, R. (1965) .. Identification and child rearing. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press. Sexton, D.E. & P. (1974). Women in magazine advertisements.. Journal of Advertising Research, liL No. 4, 41-46. Sharp, c. & Post, R. (1980). Evaluation of males and female applicants for sex-congruent_and sexincongruent jobs. Sex Roles, 2L 391-401. Siegel, C.L.F. (1973). Sex differences in occupational cho:i,.ce of second graders, Journal of Vocational behavior, h 15_.19. Siegel, & haas, M.B. (1963). The working mother: A rev,iew of research, Child Development, 513.-42. Signorelli, N. (1989). Television and conceptions about sex roles: maintaining conventionality and the status quo. Sex Roles, Simas,' i<. & McCarrey, M. (1979). Impact of recruiter authoritarianism and applicant sex on evaluation arid selection decisions in a recruitment interview analogue study. Journal of Applied Psychology, 483-491. Simmons, A. B. & Turner, J. E. (1976). The socialization of sex roles and fertility ideas: A study of two generations in Toronto. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, lL 255-71. 104

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Smith, M. J. (1988). Contemporary Communication Research Methods. Belmont, Calif: Wadsworth Publishing Company. Spence, J.T., Helmreich, R., and Stapp, J. (1975). Ratings of self and peers on sex attributes and their relation to self-esteem and conceptions of masculinity and femininity, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 29-39. Spence, J. T. & Helmreich, R. (1978). Masculinity and femininity: The psychological dimensions, correlates and antecedents. Austin: University of Texas Press. Srull, T.K. (1981). Person memory: Some tests of associative storage and retrieval models. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Learning and Memory, 7, 440-463. Subich, L.M., Barrett, G.V., Doverspike, D., & Alexander, R.A. (1989). The effects of sex-rolerelated factors on occupational choice and salary. in Equity: Empirical Inquiries, ed. R.T. Michael, H.I. Hartmann, and B. O'Farrell (Washington, D.C.: national Academy Press). Tarrier, N., & Gnomes, L. (1981). Knowledge of sext-rait stereotypes: effects of age, sex, and social class on Brazilian children. Journal of Cross CulturalPsychology, .!.h 81-93. Thornton, A., Alwin, D., & Camburn, Donald. (1983). Causes and consequences of sex-role attitudes and attitude change. American Sociological Review, 48, (April), 211-27. Tkach, H. (1980). The female executive. Managing, No. 1. Tosi, H.L. & Einbender, S.W. (1985). The effects of the type and amount of information in sex discrimination research. Academy of Management Journal, 712-723. Tremaine, L., Schau, C.G., and Busch, J.W. (1982). Children's occupational sex-typing. Sex Roles, 8(7) 1 691-710. 105

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U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Educational Statistics. (1984). The condition of 1984. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Employment and Earnings, (1990, 1991, 1992). Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. Wallace, Phyllis A. (1982). Women in the Workplace. Boston, Mass.: Auburn House Publishing Inc. Wilkie, J. R. (1988). Marriage, life, and women's employment, Pp. in Working Women: Theories and Facts in Perspective, edited by A.H. Stromberg and s. Harkness. 2nd edition, Mountain ca.: Mayfield. Williams, J.E. & Bennett, S.M. (1975). The definition 6f sex via the Adjective List, Sex Roles, 1, 327-337. Williams, J.E., Bennett, S.M., & Best, D.L. (1975). Awareness and expression of stereotypes in young Developmental Psychology, 11,. 635-642. Williams, J.E., & Best, D.L. (1977). Sex stereotypes and trait favorability 6n the Adjective Check List. Educational and Psychological Measurement, 35, 3-18. Williams, J.E., &: Morland, J.K. (1976). and_the young child .. Chapel Hill: North Carolina Press. 106 Race, color, University of

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APPENDIX A CONSENT FORM On Nancy Kurzweil, Master's candidate in Communication at the University of Colorado, will be anonymously surveying students in the third grade concerning their beliefs in gender stereotypes. Children will be asked in story fashion questions such as: "One of these people is emotional. They cry when something good happens as well as when everything goes wrong. Which is the emotional person?" or, "One of these people is adventurous. They went on a safari to explore Africa. They saw lots of lions, elephants, and monkeys. Which person is adventurous?" Each story is with silhouette figures of a male and a female and the child is asked to select the pe_rson described in the story. The entire survey will take no longer than 30 minutes and has the approval of the Cherry Creek Office of Assessment and Evaluation. Results will be available by September, 1994. Please sign the form below indicating your approval for your child to participate in this research project. I, _______________________ (print name) grant my permission for my child, (print child's name) to participate in the above research project. Signature Date

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APPENDIX B SSM II INSTRUCTIONS The booklet which you have in front of you contains stories which I want to read to you. I want to see if you believe that men behave in one way and women behave in another, different way. But, I want to make sure that the stories tell about the way a man acts or the way a woman acts, and you can tell me this. Follow along as I read you these stories. Decide for yourself which stories tell about things a man would be more likely to do and which stories tell about things a woman would be more likely to do. Beside each !itory there are small pictUl'es of a man and of a woman. If the story tells about something you think a man would be more likely to do, draw a circle around the picture of the man. Let's read the example below: One of these people is a handsome person, and people like to look at this person. \'lhich person is handsome? Which picture would you draw a circle around? Draw your circle. If the story tells about something you think a woman would be more likely :o do, draw a circle arpund the picture of the woman. Let's read the example below: One of these .people is a pretty person and gets a lot of attention. Which is the pretty person? Which picture would you dnw a circle around? Draw your circle. There are no right'or wrong answers. So, please make your decisions all by yourself and don't discuss them with each Just mark one of the !!2!. both of them. Are there any questions? O.K. Let's begin.

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r I l. One of these people is emotional. They cry when something good happens as well as when ever)thing goes wrong. Which is the emotional person? 2. One of people is always pushing other people around and getting into fights. Which person gets into fights? 3. One of these people. is adventurcus. They went on a safari to explore Africa. They saw lots of lions, elephants, monkeys. Which person is 4. When you give one of these people a present, they appreciate it very much. They always say "thank you;" Which person says "thank you?" S. One of these people is a weak person. They need help to lift heavy things. Which is the weak person? 6. One of these people can get along by themself. They don't need someone to help them or to talk to them. Which person gets along by theuelf? 7. One of these people is messy. They never pic:lt up their things and are always leaving their clothes on the floor. Which is the messy person? 8. One of these people talks a lot. Sometimes it seems like they talk all the time. Which person talks a lot? 9. One of these people is always changin1 their mind. They might say "yes" now, and five minutes later say "no." Which person is always changing their

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SSM II 10. One of these people has always wanted to own a big store. They saved up all their money and were finally able to buy it. Which person owns a big store? 11. One of these peop1eis a jolly person. They like to lauah a lot and to tell funny stories that other people laugh. Which is the jolly person? 12. One of these people is a gentle person .. When they hold puppies, they are careful not to hurt them. Mlich is the gentle person? 13. One of these people spends money on silly things. They often buy thL,gs they do not really need. Which person buys silly things? 14. One of people is _a cruel person. They sometimes hun other people on purpose and make them unhappy. They threw rocks at dogs when they come into .the yard. Which is the cruel person? 15. One of these people is a steady person. They don't aet very excited about either aood thinas or bad thinas. Which is the steady person? 16. One of these people is always fussing at their children about the thinas they're supposed to do. They never stop fUssin1, even when you have finished what they say. Which person is always fussin1? 17. One of these people is a shy person. They are quiet and afraid to :talk to others. Which is is the shy person?

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18. One of these people boasts all the time. They are always brag,ing about the things they have done. Which person is always br&iiini about the things they have done! SSM II 19. One of these people has bad. manners and they often say bad words. Which person says bad words? 20. One of these people is a whiny person. They are always complaining no matter what they do. Which is the compllinini person? 21. One of these people flirts. When they want to iet attention from someone they wink and smile. Which person flirts a lot? 22. One of these people is a stern person. They frown when someone does something wrong and want them to be punished. Which is the stern person? 23. One of these people talks so loudly, you.can hear them all over the house. In fact, if they're talkint in the living room, youcan.hear them across the street. Which person talks loudly? 24. One of these people Jets excited easily. When somethinJ happens suddenly, they are often suprhed. They even jump when they hear a dcor slaa. Which person Jets excited easily? 25. One of these people is a very affectionate person. When they like someone they hug and kiss them a lot. Which perscn likes to hug and kiss a lot?

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26. One of these people makes most of the rules. When they tell you what to do, you have to do it. Which person malces most of the rules? 27. One of these people is very sure of themself. They know they will do well in their job. M1ich person is sure of themself? SSM II 28. One of these people is soft-hearted. They feel sorry when they see a lti tten get hurt. Which person is soft-hearted? 29. One of these people depends on other people a lot .. They like to have other people around who can help them decide what to do, and to make the rules. WhiCh person depencls on someone else to make the rules? 30. When one of these people has a proble!ll they sit down and think carefully before deciding what is the best thing to do. Which person solves their carefUlly? 31. One of these people is a stron1 person. They can lift heavy thiDJS by themself. Which is the strong persou? 32. One of these people has such aood 1 t makes you sick. They always do everything richt. Whic:h person does everythinl right?