Citation
Public funding of abortion by states

Material Information

Title:
Public funding of abortion by states
Creator:
Ruby-Tenbrink, Susan Judith
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
45 leaves : ; 28 cm

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Abortion services -- States -- Finance -- United States ( lcsh )
Abortion -- States -- Finance -- United States ( lcsh )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 43-45).
General Note:
Department of Sociology
Statement of Responsibility:
Susan Judith Ruby-Tenbrink.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Colorado Denver
Holding Location:
Auraria Library
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
61134222 ( OCLC )
ocm61134222
Classification:
LD1190.L66 1995m R82 ( lcc )

Full Text
PUBLIC FUNDING OF ABORTION BY STATES
by
Susan Judith Ruby-Tenbrink
B.S., Metropolitan State College of Denver, 1992
A thesis submitted to the
Faculty of the Graduate School of the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
Sociology
1995
m


This thesis for the Master of Sociology
degree by
Susan Judith Ruby-Tenbrink
has been approved for the
Graduate School


Ruby-Tenbrink, Susan Judith (M.A., Sociology)
Public Funding of Abortion by States
Thesis directed by Professor Richard Anderson
ABSTRACT
This study of public funding of abortion by states estimates what accounts for
the variations in state abortion policy. Religious, political, and economic variables
in each state are taken into consideration to account for the differences in abortion
policies. States are the unit of analysis for this study.
The abortion issue has generally been approached from an individual and
moralistic point of view which has been associated with impassioned debates and
even physical violence directed against women seeking abortions and doctors who
provide this service. This research approaches the abortion issue from a more
pragmatic point of view and attempts to remove the abortion issue from the intense
emotionalism associated with this issue.
The changing structure of the economy is important to this analysis. The theoiy
associated with this study is therefore structural/conflict theoiy which assumes that
structural forces are dominant in shaping the social environment and conflicts will
arise when groups with differing ideologies and vested interests interact with each
other within in a political, economic, and social context.
The focus of interest in this study is very poor women and children who are
often living on Aid to Families with Dependent Children. The very poor lack
influence in the political power structure and find it extremely difficult to provide
for their needs which may include access to abortion. Although very poor people
lack control over their own destiny, they are still capable of exerting a negative
influence on society through increased welfare benefits to support often-times
unwanted children and through the severe problems often associated with these
children who are at high risk of neglect.
This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidates thesis. I
recommend its publication.
Signed
Richard Anderson


CONTENTS
CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION 1
Purpose of the Study 1
General Research Questions 1
The Research Model
Background for This Study 2
Rationale for This Study 3
2. RELATED LITERATURE 5
Previously Researched Attitudes
and Determinants of Abortion Policy 6
Religious Conservatism 6
Political and Socio-Economic Determinants 7
Economic Variables 8
The Political Arena 10
Purpose of the Study 12
General Research Questions 12
3. HYPOTHESES 13
Religious Conservatism 14
Political Variables 14
Economic Variables 15
Women in the Workforce 15
Unemployment 16
Aid to Families with Dependent Children 17


4. METHODOLOGY
18
Data Sources 18
Measurement 19
Dependent Variable 19
Intervening Variable 19
Independent Variables 20
Statistical Analyses 22
Limitations of this Approach 23
5. FINDINGS 24
Tests of Hypotheses 24
Religious Variables 24
Political Variables 25
Economic Variables 26
Multiple Regression 32
Step-wise Regression 33
6. DISCUSSION 34
Religious Conservatism 34
Political Variables 35
Economic Variables 35
Women in the Workforce 36
Women and Children on AFDC, 37
Unemployment, and Poverty


7. CONCLUSION
39
APPENDIX
A. Correlation Matrix of Independent Variables 41
B. Standardized Correlation Coefficients for the Regression of 42
the Independent Variables on Public Funding of Abortion
BIBLIOGRAPHY
43


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Purpose of the Study
Despite the concern with the costs of supporting women and children on
A.F.D.C., most states refuse to support public funding of abortion unless it is clearly
demonstrated that the woman's health or life is in danger. At this time, only twelve
states allow public funding for abortion in all or most circumstances. The remaining
states severely restrict public funding of abortion to cases of rape, incest, severe fetal
deformity or, in the most restrictive, to cases where it is clearly demonstrated by
qualified medical professionals that pregnancy and childbirth would put die mother's
life in danger.
The purpose of the research is to identify and examine the relationships among
the religious, political, and economic variables related to public funding of abortion
to gain a greater understanding of what determines these policies. What accounts for
the different states' restrictions on public funding of abortion? What is the
relationship among the religious, political, and economic variables on public funding
of abortion?
The theoretical perspective of the study is that of structural/conflict theory which
sees the reality of present societies as one of structural inequality, of competition
between elites and nonelites, between masses and dominant classes who hold power.
Those who hold power and wealth are able to exert control over conditions to
arrange society in a way that is advantageous to their interests (Perdue, 1986:290).
General Research Questions
1. What accounts for the variability in abortion policy specifically, the availability
of public funding of abortion from state to state?
2. Is public funding of abortion more strongly related to religious, ideological and
political values, or is this issue more strongly rooted in economic imperatives?
1



Religious
conservatism
Political
affiliation of
governors and
legislators
--------------N
Economic-
factors
Per capita
income
Women and
children on
AFDC
Abortion
ratio
Public funding
of abortion
FIGURE 1: The research model


Background for This Study
Women and children are disproportionately represented in the nation's poverty
population, which includes 32 million Americans or 13.1 percent of the population.
(Komblum 1991). The "feminization of poverty" is a term that has been coined to
describe poverty experienced by families headed by single women (Ellwood 1988).
Although there were significant improvements made in reducing the incidence of
poverty in female-headed households during the period from 1960 to 1980, these
figures have worsened dramatically in recent years. In 1986, more than half of all
the poor people lived in female-headed households with no husband present. By
1987, 51.5 percent of all poor families were female headed (Winnick 1989:79).
Women maintained 54 percent of all poor families in 1991. In 1991 women
represented 63 percent of all persons 18 years and older who were living below the
poverty level (World Almanac, 1993:133).
The poverty of women can be compounded by the addition of unwanted
children. The number of unwanted children can be reduced by effective use of birth
control or abortion. Several studies suggest that poor women are more likely to rely
on abortion than non-poor women. Of women obtaining abortions in 1987, about
one-mira naa nimuy mcomes or less man i 1,000 (cook, i?09). omer nnamgs
suggest that the 77 percent of women barely under or above the official poverty line
who obtained abortions did so because they felt they could not afford to have a child
(Strickland and Whicker, 1992).
For very poor women, the option of abortion is not available in the majority of
the states of the United States. Mothers of reproductive age from families at or
below the federally designated poverty level living in the United States are three
times more likely than nonpoor mothers to have had one or more unwanted births
during their lives (The Alan Guttmacher Institute, 1979). National fertility studies
show that poor women have more unwanted pregnancies both because they want
somewhat fewer children than do nonpoor women and because they are more likely
than nonpoor women to experience contraceptive failure while trying to prevent an
unwanted pregnancy (Guttmacher 1979:20).
Access to abortion seems necessary so that people can plan their lives and
families in a rational manner, thereby ensuring enough money for emotional and
financial stability; but in many states, access to abortion is limited to those that can
afford it. Roe v. Wade (1973) prohibits state governments from interfering with a
woman's decision to abort during the first trimester of pregnancy, but permits states
to enact laws necessary to protect the health of the woman during the second
trimester and to protect the life of the fetus during the third trimester. The federal
government first prohibited the use of federal Medicaid funds for public funding of
abortion in 1977, thereby severely limiting uCccss to st/OrttOH for "very poor woiiiwii^
including those living on Aid to Families with Dependent children.


The cost of an abortion is an impossible investment for many women living on
Aid to Families with Dependent children. The average estimated cost of an abortion
in the United States is equivalent to an average welfare family's (a mother with two
children) budget allocation for food for three months, or their clothing budget for
nine months (Guttmacher 1979:28). Many Medicaid-eligible women denied
governmental help in paying for their abortions are carrying their unwanted
pregnancies to term. At the present time, restrictions on public funding for abortion
serve to severely limit abortion on demand for only poor women, while nonpoor
women have this option of abortion on demand for at least the first trimester of
pregnancy.
The failure to offer poor women the opportunity to obtain abortions is seen most
immediately in high medical and welfare costs. Some of these women and children
will need such support for many years to come. The long-term effects of such
unwanted births for the mothers, the fathers, and their children are too often seen as
statistics of child neglect, drug abuse, crime, illiteracy, and continuing poverty. Poor
women and their families are unduly affected by restrictions on public funding for
abortion, but the detrimental effects extend to the whole society.
Rationale for This Study
Due to the rather recent severe recession and the huge federal deficit, Americans
have been concerned with societal and economic costs of welfare and the growing
number of female-headed households, many of whom live in poverty. Attempts to
cap the expansion of the welfare state have dominated trends in government
spending throughout the 80s (Komblum,1991; Blackburn, 1992).
It is the contention of some researchers that economic changes drive the social
and political ideologies. The imperatives of economic survival may preceede the
ideological rationales. Those researchers (Beechey and Perkins, 1987; Eisenstein,
1979; and McIntosh, 1978) have generally utilized a qualitative, theoretical approach.
There is a need for empirical research to demonstrate whether reality substantiates
structural/conflict theory which claims the primacy of the economic base in shaping
the social structure. The structural reality of our present economic system requires
that women participate in the workforce. Women's participation in the workforce
brings about social changes in gender relations, in laws, and in policies.
Capitalism is the way economic production is organized. The owners of the
means of production control the wealth and therefore, the power. Non-owners must
accumulate money to live by competing with others at selling their labor in the
market-place. Society, which includes the legal, educational, religious and political
3


institutions, reflects the interests of that class which owns and controls the means of
production. Owners want to maximize profits and workers want higher wages. A
certain amount of conflict, or at least interaction among opposing elements, is
representative of the conflicting needs or demands of workers and owners.
The female-dominated service sector is the fastest growing part of our economy.
Women are needed as mothers of future citizens, as caretakers of husbands and
children, as consumers, and also as workers themselves. The two income family has
increasingly become a necessity in harsh economic times. With the decline in
manufacturing and the increase of jobs in the retail trade and service industries, it is
now often easier for women than for men to find work.
The increased participation of women in the work force and the role of the state
are two influences on abortion policy. The state can initiate changes in abortion
policy to coincide with the economy's need for labor power and the families' need for
a dual income. Contradictions between womens domestic role and economic role
result in a number of conflicting principles and needs within state policy, and
contradictions foster change (McIntosh, 1978:285 ).
The materialistic approach has been given short shrift by Americans because we
have been bred on a philosophy of individualism and like to think that individuals are
free agents. Therefore, my research will riot only take into account religious,
ideological and political factors, but will focus on economic factors related to
abortion policy, specifically public funding of abortion by the states. It will asses the
validity of structural/conflict theory which claims that economics is the primary
determinant from which other variables develop (Perdue, 1986:331).
4


CHAPTER 2
RELATED LITERATURE
Much of the previous research on abortion has dealt with individual beliefs and
attitudes, or sociodemographic determinants limited to individual-level data, or values
and moral positions within religious and legal contexts (Luker, 1984; Powell-Giiner
and Trent, 1987; Fried, 1988; Scott and Schuman, 1988; Tribe, 1992). Religious
affiliation and denominational differences associated with social attitudes concerning
family values and sexuality has been researched by Hertel and Hughes, 1987. The
inclusion of socio-economic variables related to public funding of abortion by the
states and how these variables have influenced the states' political processes is the
focus of limited previous research (Strickland and Whicker, 1992; Meier and
McFarlane, 1993).
Policies regarding funding abortions for low-income women have devolved to
state governments as a result of several decisions called "Hyde Amendments" (1977-
1980). In these amendments, the Supreme Court upheld state government decisions
to provide needy women with money or public services to cover the expense of
childbirth but not to fund the less expensive choice of abortion. For example, in
1977, the Supreme Court upheld a Connecticut regulation that denied state Medicaid
funding from being used in non-therapeutic abortions (mother's life was not in
danger).
The Court extended the reasoning of these cases in 1980 to the denial of federal
Medicaid funds even for some medically necessary abortions as in the case of Harris
v. McRae. Additionally, by upholding the constitutionality of a Missouri law that
restricted publicly funded abortions and required doctors to perform viability tests on
fetuses that are twenty weeks old, the Supreme Court in Webster v. Reproductive
Health Services (1989) gave the state legislatures further flexibility in regulating
access to abortion than was allowed in Roe v. Wade which stipulated state
interference in the second trimester only to protect the mother's health. The question
of public funding for abortion has been primary in the abortion dispute since 1976
(Tribe, 1992:16). The variation in state policies toward funding abortions has
produced wide differences in access to abortion in the United States.
5


Previously Researched Attitudes and Determinants of Abortion Policy
Meier and McFarlane (1993) examine the determinants of state policies toward
funding abortions and analyze differences in the consequences of these policies.
These authors characterize public funding of abortion as both a redistributive issue
and a morality issue. Although the Democratic party has consistently endorsed a
pro-choice position and the Republican party has adopted a pro-life position,
abortion has become a major cross-cutting electoral issue. Meier and McFarlane
measure the percentage of Democrats in both houses of the state legislature and find
that the percentage of Democrats in the legislature is unrelated to abortion funding
policy.
As a measure of pro-life strength, Meier and McFarlane use the percentage of the
state population that is Catholic and the percentage of the population that belongs to
Christian Fundamentalist churches. Both groups are associated with right-to-life
policies. Meier and McFarlane conclude that the single stongest impact on abortion
policy for both 1985 and 1987 is the percentage of Catholic population residing in
the state. The percentage of Protestant fundamentalists in the state is also negatively
related to abortion funding (p.92).
Religious Conservatism
The religious ideological aspect has been evaluated by studies of denominational
identification and attitudes toward family life and sexuality (Hertel and Hughes,
1987). In their investigation of the relationship of denominational indentification to
attitudes about family life and sexuality, Hertel arid Hughes construct a
conservative/liberal ranking of Christian denominations based on previous research
by Glock and Stark (1965), Carroll, Johnson, and Marty (1979), and Hargrove
(1983).
Hertel and Hughes expect to find the Christian groups to rank from liberal to
conservative in responses to these issues in this order: Episcopalian, Presbyterian,
Methodist, Lutheran, Baptist and Catholic, and Protestant fundamentalists (Hertel
and Hughes, 1987:862). They proceed to test this liberal/conservative
denominational ranking by means of scales measuring attitudes of religious adherents
toward sex information restriction, morality of nonmarital sexual behavior, anti-
abortion opinion in both extreme and non-extreme circumstances, belief that divorce
should be harder to get, pornography, and sexism.
6


Hertel and Hughes find support for their first hypothesis, that attitudes concerning
family values are correlated with denominational identification but do not support
their second hypothesis that church attendance is associated with conservative family
values regardless of denomination. Regarding abortion, respondents tend to be
favorably disposed toward abortion if there are compelling reasons and to oppose it
to some degree if it is sought for the convenience of the mother. Protestant
Fundamentalists are most inclined to disapprove of abortion for convenience and
under extreme conditions such as life endangerment of the mother. Next in strength
of opposition to abortion for convenience and under extreme circumstances are
Catholics and Baptists. "Though they are about equally opposed to abortion for
convenience, Catholics are appreciably more opposed to abortion under extreme
circumstances than are Baptists" (Hertel and Hughes, 1987:867).
Regarding attitudes about married women participating in the workforce, or in
politics, or remaining in their home, the denominational groups continue to sort out
in the same rank order on a conservative-liberal continuum. Fundamentalists were
found to be most conservative, Baptists again are second most conservative, and
Catholics, Presbyterians, Lutherans, and Methodists are similar in their middle-
ground values. Jews, Episcopalians, and those with no religious affiliation are the
most liberal groups even after controls for sex, social class, etc. have been taken into
account (Hertel and Hughes, 1987:868).
Although the above-mentioned research does not examine public funding of
abortion and focuses on the correlation between attitudes concerning family values
and religious denominations, its primary value for my research is the conservative/
liberal classification for religious denominations and the listing of religious bodies in
the appendix coded as Protestant Fundamentalists. The following research examines
whether states having a large percentage of the population belonging to conservative
religious denominations have fewer cases in which public funding of abortion is
allowed compared to states with a small percentage of conservative religious
denominations.
Political and Socio-Economic Determinants
In addition to religious ideological variables, there is also a need to examine the
socio-economic and political characteristics of the state as these characteristics relate
to public funding of abortion by the state. "Previous studies examining the
relationship between demographics and abortion have focused primarily upon
women who have received abortions, not upon states as units of public policy toward
abortion" (Strickland and Whicker, 1992: 604). Strickland and Whicker compare
the relative impacts of political and socioeconomic factors on state restrictiveness
toward abortion during the liberal era of the 1970s and during the conservative era of
the late 1980s.
7


Strickland and Whicker test the value of cycle theory where shifting periods
dominated either by conservatism or liberalism affect the political variables which
shape policy. State political attitudes of liberalism/conservatism were measured as the
average of each state's two U.S. Senators' ratings from Americans for Democratic
Action. Additionally, partisanship was measured by the party of each state's
governor, the proportion of Republicans in both state legislative houses, and the
proportion of Republicans in congressional state delegations. The time frame used
for this analysis is pre-Roe (1972) and post-Webster (1988).
Strickland and Whicker also test the explanatory value of public opinion theory
which holds that complex issues that cut across party lines accentuate the role of
socioeconomic variables in shaping policy. Among the socioeconomic factors
examined by Strickland and Whicker for potential relationships with state
restrictiveness toward abortion were the proportion of the population professing a
socially conservative religion, the ethnic composition of the state, the proportion of
state population that is urban, and state affluence measured by per capita income
(604).
Strickland and Whicker conclude that "when socioeconomic independent
variables are regressed against our dichotomous measures of state restrictiveness
toward abortion, they explain more variance than political independent variables"
(598). However, only one socioeconomic variable, per capita income, is significant
for all time periods studied. The proportion of rural populations by state, the
proportion of conservative religious adherents, and black/Hispanic proportions by
state did not appear to be significantly related to state policy restrictiveness. But per
capita income impacted on likelihood of abortion restrictiveness no matter what the
ideological character of the era.
According to Strickland and Whicker, more affluent states adopt more liberal
policies toward abortion. Therefore, my research has also included the variables of
per capita personal income by state and the poverty rate by state to examine the
relationship of these variables with state policy regarding public funding of abortion.
Economic Variables
The economic factors relevant to public funding of abortion have not been
studied as thoroughly as the social and ideological aspects because abortion has
usually been perceived as a personal, individual, and private issue. The Supreme
Court in Roe v. Wade, 1973 held that a woman's right to choose abortion was
constitutionally protected as a part of her fundamental right to privacy. A
fundamental right may not be abridged by the state without demonstrating a
compelling objective for interference.
The state does have a compelling interest in ensuring that enough citizens are
reproduced in order to provide taxpayers, consumers, and workers to participate in
8


and contribute to the economy. Women are functioning in all these areas and are
continuina to increase their nresence in the workforce. In 1964. less than 50 oercent
of women were in the workforce. These figures began to rise rapidly, so that by
1983, roughly 70 percent of all women were working or looking for work
(Ellwood, 1988:47). Women accounted for 60 percent of the labor force growth
from 1982 to 1992. By 1992, women represented 45 percent of all people in the
civilian labor force. Women are expected to comprise 47 percent of the labor force
by the year 2005 (The World Almanac, 1993:132).
Large numbers of women are employed in the retail sales industry and the service
industry. Employment in the retail sales and service industries has been steadily
increasing at the expense of the manufacturing sector, and is projected by the Bureau
of Labor to continue to do so (Winnick, 1989:41). Although it is true that retail sales
and service industry occupations are expanding in numbers and providing much
employment, those occupations which employ high numbers of women are
associated with low wages (The World Almanac,1993:132).
The service industry includes a wide variety of ocupations. The major
occupations in the service industry are classified as follows: 1) hotel, rooming
houses, camps, and other lodging places 2) personal services 3) business services
4) automotive repair, services, and parking 5) miscellaneous repair services
6) health services 7) legal services 8) educational services 9) social services and
10) engineering, accounting, research, management, and related services (Census of
Service Industries, 1987).
Changes in percent of women in the workforce are linked to the structural
changes in the economy. There has been a decline in the relative proportion, and in
some regions, in the absolute number of reasonably well paid, good fringe-benefit
granting, typically unionized jobs in the goods-producing industries, while
simultaneously there has been a significant increase in low paying, poor fringe-
benefit granting, typically non-unionized service industry jobs, as well as in jobs in
the also non-unionized high-tech area (Bluestone and Harrison cited by
Winnick, 1989:39,40).
Employment in the manufacturing industries, which represents the bulk of
employment in the production of goods, has been rather stagnant since about 1965,
certainty since 1970. The relative size of the manufacturing sector has steadily
decreased from 37.7 percent of total employment in 1960 to only 24.2 percent in
1987. On the other hand, employment throughout the service sector has rapidly
increased, especially in the retail sales and general services areas, by 139 percent.
The impact of this was that of the 31.4 million new jobs created since 1970, 25.9
million or 82.5 percent were in the service sector (Winnick, 1989: 40).
Another indication of the trend toward a service providing economy is that the
part of the gross national product resulting from goods production declined from
39.9 percent to 32.2 percent while the share derived from the private service
producing sector expanded from 46.2 percent in 1960 to 56.3 percent in 1986.
Finally, the Bureau of Labor Statistics recently completed a projection of the United
9


States economy to the year 2000 which indicated that goods-producing industries are
projected to experience almost no change in employment over the 1986-2000 period.
Service-producing industries; therefore, will account for nearly all of the
projected growth of 21 million new jobs. Eveiy one of the major industrial groups in
the service-producing sector are seen as likely to experience substantial growth, with
the retail trade industry growing by 27.2 percent, wholesale trade by 26.6 percent,
finance, insurance, and real estate by 25.7 percent, and other service categories by
44.4 percent (Winnick, 1989:41).
The patterns in the economy that we have experienced in recent years are likely to
continue and to create additional job opportunities that have been traditionally filled
by women. The growing need for women as workers and wage earners is relevant to
the formation of abortion policy by states because it is these women as workers that
will supply the necessary labor for economic growth and revenue in the state. When
women are needed in the workforce, the state might reflect this need by adopting
more liberal abortion policies. Women who need or want to work are therefore able
to choose the option of abortion.
The following research examines the relationship of the percent of women in the
workforce in each state, and more specifically, percent of women employed in each
state's retail sales and service industries with abortion ratios in that state. In addition,
this research examines the relationship between percent of revenues from the retail
sales and service industries in each state and its abortion ratios. The "abortion ratio"
is an intervening variable representing the need or demand for abortion which is
linked to "public funding" of abortion.
The Political Arena
Ideological, religious and economic concerns related to the abortion issue are
aired and decided within the political arena. The state is run primarily by upper and
middle-class people who have more access to family planning and abortion, if
deemed necessary, and more money to raise children and pay for childcare. The
concerns and situation of the poor are not readily appreciated by those not having
experienced the constraints of poverty. Many Americans, raised on the ideology of
individualism, have a tendency to blame the poof for their situation. The existence
of poverty, low income, and persistent unemployment may be more the result of
structural changes in the economy, and may actually serve a variety of economic
interests and political-economic groups or classes.
The Republican party has a constituency of social, religious and economic
conservatives who believe strongly in individual responsibility and a limited role for
social welfare programs initiated by the government. Poverty and unwanted
pregnancy are thought to be, in the conservative orientation, mainly due to individual
character or moral deficiencies. In 1988 the Republican national platform was
10


opposed to abortion and stated that the unborn child has a right to life which may not
be infringed upon. The Democratic platform guaranteed the right of reproductive
freedom regardless of the woman's ability to pay for an abortion and was
diametrically opposed to the Republican position (Strickland and
Whicker, 1992:601).
The presence of politically oriented citizen's groups are also strongly correlated
with state policies on abortion funding, according to Meier and McFarlane. They
point out that although citizen groups often play a major role in salient issues of low
complexity such as abortion issues, most low-income persons do not belong to
citizens' groups or otherwise participate in politics. Poor women do not usually have
the political power or influence to affect state legislatures. Therefore, the democratic
politics and policies are generally shaped by only the more affluent members of the
political community and may not represent the interests of all sectors of society
(Meier and McFarlane, 1993:87). Limiting public funding for abortions to those
circumstances defined by the government affects only low-income women, while
women that can afford to pay are entitled to abortion on demand for at least the first
trimester and usually through the second trimester of pregnancy.
The following study expands upon the ideas of the previously mentioned
researchers. I also examine the relationships among conservative religious
denominations and political party affiliations of state governors and legislators on
"public funding", but focus on selected economic variables related to structural
changes in the economy and the association of these variables with "abortion ratios"
and state policies on "public funding" of abortion.
As mentioned previously, many recent job opportunities in the service sector are
being filled by women while numbers of available blue-collar factory jobs jobs which
have been traditionally filled by men are declining. Therefore, the relationship of
unemployment rates (which are total rates including both men and women) to
"abortion ratios" and "public funding"of abortion is also examined. By regulating
abortion policy, states can provide either fewer or greater numbers of female
workers as the employment situation demands.
Very poor women are most affected by state policies on "public funding"
because lucrative employment and the cost of the abortion procedure, about $300,
are often beyond the reach of these people. Per capita personal income of states
and the poverty rate of states are used as broad economic indicators to examine the
relationship of affluence and poverty to "abortion ratios" and "public funding" of
abortion.
11


Purpose of the Study
Despite the concern with the costs of supporting women and children on
A.F.D.C., most states refuse to support public funding of abortion unless it is clearly
demonstrated that the woman's health or life is in danger. At this time, only twelve
states allow public funding for abortion in all or most circumstances. The remaining
states severely restrict public funding of abortion to cases of rape, incest, severe fetal
deformity or, in the most restrictive, to cases where it is clearly demonstrated by
qualified medical professionals that pregnancy and childbirth would put the mother's
life in danger.
The purpose of the study is to identify and examine the relationships among the
religious, political, and economic variables this researcher believes to be related to
"abortion ratios" and "public funding of abortion" to gain a greater understanding of
what determines these policies. What accounts for the different states' restrictions on
public funding of abortion? What are the effects of religious, political, and economic
variables on public funding of abortion?
General Research Questions
1. What accounts for the variability in abortion policy specifically, the availability
of public funding of abortion from state to state?
2. Is public funding of abortion more strongly related to religious, ideological and
political values, or is this issue more strongly rooted in economic imperatives ?
12


CHAPTER 3
HYPOTHESES
There are a number of contradictory factors involved in public funding of
abortion. Abortion, although ostensibly legal, is considered immoral and unethical
according to the teachings of many conservative religious denominations (Hertel and
Hughes 1987, Meier and McFarlane 1993). Conservative religious/social thinking
perceives woman as a "help-mate" to her husband and her primary responsibility lies
in caring for her husband and children. But as the economy exists today, many
women must work outside the home to bring in needed additional money.
Women who must work to support themselves and their families sometimes find
it necessary to resort to abortion so they can continue to work. Low-income wage-
earners do not have the money to pay for child-care and other expenses associated
with additional children. Low-income people and women and children living on
welfare often do not engage in participatory politics. As the policy which has been
formulated mostly by middle and upper-class people dictates in most of our states,
women need to be able to pay for the option of abortion, an option which has
become increasingly necessary for women to compete in the market place and
remain above the poverty level.
Social and political conservatives have long held that most problems should be
solved by individual initiative. Abortion rights have been predicated on the
fundamental right of privacy from governmental interference with reproductive
choice (Roe v. Wade, 1973). The right to privacy from government intrusion and
the belief that abortion is basically wrong inevitably sets up opposition to public
funding of abortion. Conservatives like to believe that personal freedom and
autonomy are rewards of hard work and sober living. People should be able to take
care of their own sexuality, birth control, and families without government
interference.
National fertility studies show that poor women have more unwanted pregnancies
both because they want somewhat fewer children than do nonpoor women and
because they are more likely than nonpoor women to experience contraceptive
failure while trying to prevent an unwanted pregnancy (Guttmacher 1979:20).
Without public funding of abortion, poor women and their children, already at a
distinct disadvantage in their ability to support themselves, are in an increasingly
weakened and dependent position. Therefore, the exercise of individual initiative
which might lead to self-sufficiency becomes even more difficult when poor women
are unable to afford the option of abortion. Unlike more well-to-do women, poor
women and their children can not escape die consequences of their behavior.
13


Religious Conservatism
Conservative religious denominations are thought to emphasize patriarchal
attitudes such as women's subordination to men's authority and the needs of
husbands and children. Women are primarily defined by their family and
reproductive functions and abortion is considered morally wrong. Access to
abortions gives women increased control over their bodies and alters the "natural"
balance of power between the sexes (Strickland and Whicker, 1992:599).
From a conservative religious point of view, abortion is morally wrong. A state
with a high proportion of conservative religious adherents may be more likely to
restrict access to abortion more seA'erely than states with low numbers of
conservative religious adherents. Conservative religious denominations are defined
as Protestant Fundamentalists, Baptists, and Catholics (Hertel and Hughes, 1987).
Hypothesis 1. States having a relatively large proportion of the population belonging
to conservative religious denominations relative to states having low numbers of
conservative religious adherents will have a greater number of cases in which public
funding for abortion is allowed. (Most restrictive states are coded "1" meaning that
public funding of abortion is allowed only in one situation, that is when the mother's
life is in danger.)
In addition to religious conservatism as a hypothesized influence on abortion
policy, it is thought that political party affiliation of governors and legislators may be
associated with abortion policy.
Political Variables
The Republican Party is associated with conservatism (Jarey and Jarey, 1991).
The social order ideally should be maintained by an elite leadership holding key
positions of political responsibility. "The state is seen as playing a central role in
guaranteeing the social order, authority, and the maintenance of social hierarchy.
Inequalities are seen as necessary elements of society" (79).
The Democratic party has consistently endorsed a pro-choice position while the
Republican party, whose core constituents are socially and politically conservative,
has consistently endorsed a pro-life position. "The 1988 Democratic national
platform guarenteed the right of reproductive ffeedon regardless of the woman's
ability to pay for an abortion, whereas the Republican national platform stated that
the unborn child has a right to life which may not be infringed upon" (Strickland and
Whicker, 1992:601).
14


Hypothesis 2. If the governor and majority of of state legislators are Republicans,
that state will severely restrict public funding of abortion; if the governor and the
majority of legislators are Democrats, that state will allow public funding of abortion
in more cases.
In addition to religious and political hypothesized influences on abortion policy,
this research also considers the economic context of particular importance to state
abortion policy.
Economic Variables
Women in the Workforce
The patterns in the economy that we have experienced in recent years are likely
to continue and to create additional job opportunities which have been traditionally
filled by women. By 1992, women represented 45 percent of all people in the
civilian labor. Women are expected to comprise 47 percent of the labor force by the
year 2005 (The World Almanac, 1993:132).
The Bureau of Labor Statistics reports that of the total numbers of women
employed for 1992, the overwhelming majority (over 90 percent) work in
administrative support, clerical, sales or other service occupations, exactly the
occupations that are rapidly expanding. According to projections of the United
States economy to the year 2000 by the Bureau of Labor statistics, goods-producing
industries will experience almost no change in employment over the 1986-2000
period while the service-producing sector, especially retail sales and general services,
will account for nearly all of the projected growth (Winnick, 1989:41).
It is reasonable to think that if a state depends on service and retail sales
industries for substantial portions of its revenue, that state would take measures to
protect these industries and those who work in them in order to ensure an adequate
workforce. The growing need for women as workers and wage earners is relevant to
the formation of abortion policy by states because these women will supply the
necessary labor for economic growth and revenue in the state. By adopting more
liberal abortion policies, the state enables many women who want or need to work
to choose the option of abortion. The general variable of women in the workforce in
Hypothesis 3.1 is made more specific in Hypothesis 3.2 which measures the
association between percent of women employed in service and retail sales industries
and abortion ratios.
Hypothesis 3.1 States with large percentages of women in the workforce will have
higher abortion ratios.
15


Hypothesis 3.2 States with large percentages of women in the service industry and in
the retail sales industry will have higher abortion ratios.
Hypothesis 3.3 States with high proportions of revenues coming from the service
and retail trade industries will have higher abortion ratios.
Hypothesis 3.4 In states with higher abortion ratios there will be more public
funding for abortion.
Unemployment
The unemployment rate has been inching up since the late 1980's. In 1988, it was
5.5 percent for all people 16 years and older. In 1992, it was 7.4 percent for all
people 16 years and older. However, in 1992, the unemployment rate for men was
7.8 percent and for women it was lower at 6.9 percent. In 1991, the unemployment
rate for men was 7.0 percent, for women it was 6.3 percent. In 1990, men's
unemployment rate was 5.6 percent and for women, 5.4 percent
(Statistical Abstract, 1993).
Thus, in recent years, we see a pattern emerging of greater employment
opportunities for women than for men. Unfortunately, the occupations in which
women are employed are low-paying. Women earn only 75 cents for every dollar
earned by men when comparing 1992 median weekly earnings of full-time workers.
Women with master's degrees earn nearly the same as men with associate's degrees.
In 1991, women represented 63 percent of all persons 18 years old and over who
were living below the poverty level and maintained 54 percent of all poor families
(The World Almanac, 1994:132).
Although "women's jobs" often don't pay very well, they are usually better than
no employment at all. When jobs in the goods-producing, blue-collar industries are
scarce, and employment opportunities in the female-dominated service and retail
sales industries are plentiful, women are encouraged to enter the workforce instead
of concentrating on their more traditional reproductive options.
Hypothesis 4.1 As state unemployment rates go up, the number of abortions
performed for eveiy one-thousand live births, or state abortion ratios, will also go up.
Hypothesis 4.2 States with higher unemployment rates will have less restrictive
policies toward public funding of abortion than states with low unemployment rates.
16


Aid to Families with Dependent Children
Poor women who become pregnant and can not afford abortions may be
doomed to years of financial dependency. Although at first glance it would appear to
be not in their best financial interests, the majority of states will provide the costs
associated with childbirth and continued welfare dependency rather than provide
money for abortion funding.
This inconsistency may be explained by the American creed of individualism and
morality which the following reasoning illustrates. Unwanted pregnancy is caused by
the individual's lack of responsibility or morality, and therefore the individual is
responsible for the consequences of her actions. The government can not be
expected to finance abortions which are considered morally wrong, thereby enabling
women to engage in extra-marital sexual behavior without fear of consequences.
Welfare dependency and poverty are usually the results of lack of character, and
hard work will be rewarded. Thus, a cycle of punishment, poverty, suffering, and
welfare dependency is set in motion. Many individuals are, in fact, powerless to
break this cycle. Since poor women unable to afford abortions do not maintain
stricter standards of morality than more affluent women, and if their state does not
provide public funding of abortion, the numbers of women and children on Aid to
Families with Dependent Children may be expected to increase.
However, in states with higher per capita incomes, more women are in the
workplace making money, and are therefore perceived as valued human-beings
entitled to the right to choose when to reproduce. A more affluent atmosphere
seems to breed generousity. Strickland and Whicker 1992 claim that per capita
income impacted on likelihood of abortion restrictiveness no matter what the
ideological character of the era. More affluent states have less restrictive policies on
public funding of abortion (613). Therefore this research will examine the effect of
per capita personal income from 1992 and also the poverty rate of 1989 on public
funding of abortion.
Hypothesis 5.1 States with large percentages of women and children on AFDC will
restrict public funding of abortion more severely than states with low numbers on
AFDC.
Hypothesis 5.2 States with higher poverty rates will have less cases in which public
funding of abortion is allowed.
Hvpothesis5.3 States with higher personal per capita incomes will allow public
funding of abortion in more cases than will less affluent states
17


CHAPTER 4
METHODOLOGY
The general strategy to be employed in this study is the use of secondaiy data as
measures of religious, political, and economic variables. This use of secpndary data
(see next section for more details) provides measures of variables relevant to a
macro-analysis of public funding of abortion by states. The time frame for this
analysis is from 1988 to 1992. Relevant measurements of variables are taken from
data on the most recent years available in the secondary data sources used in this
analysis.
The main dependent variable in this analysis is "public funding" of abortion
which is measured by a scale devised by The NARAL Foundation. The "abortion
ratio" or the number of abortions performed for every one-thousand live births will
be considered an intervening variable linked to "public funding" and will be used
both as an independent and dependent variable.
Data Sources
The secondary data will be drawn from the U.S.Bureau of Census, Bureau of
Labor statistics; Employment and Earnings, a journal published by the Bureau of
Labor Statistics; Statistical Abstracts of the U.S.: The World Almanac: and data
collected by The Centers for Disease Control, The National Abortion Federation, the
NARAL Foundation, and The Alan Guttmacher Institute.
The religious data were collected by the office of Research, Evaluation and
Planning of the National Council of the Churches of Christ in the U.S. A., the
Department of Records and Research of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion
Church, the Research Services Department of the Sunday School Board of the
Southern Baptist Convention, the Lutheran Council in the U.S. A., and the Glenmary
Research Center. This data was published by the Glenmary Research Center and co-
authored by Bernard Quin, Herman Anderson, Martin Bradley, Paul Goetting, and
Peggy Shriver in Churches and Church Membership in the U.S. 1982.
Data on Percentages of Catholics, Baptist, and Protestant Fundamentalists in each
state were published in 1982. The political party affiliation of governors is from the
most recent gubernatorial elections in 1990 or 1992. The political affiliation of
legislators is from 1992. Data on unemployment rates are from 1988, 1989, 1990,
1991, and 1992. Data on percent of women in the workforce are available for 1988
18


and 1992. Data on percentages of women employed in retail sales and service
industries are available from 1991 and 1992. Data on service industry revenues are
from 1987 and retail sales revenues are from 1990. The gross state product data are
from 1986.
Information about the number of abortion performed per eveiy 1000 live births is
available for the years of 1988, 1990, 1991 and 1992. The Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention and The Alan Guttmacher Institute compile abortion data
received from state health departments, hospitals, and other medical facilities.
Measurement
Dependent Variable
The dependent variable "public funding" of abortion represents cases in which
states allow public funding. Circumstances in which public funding for abortion is
allowed in each state are coded on a scale devised by NARAL (The National
Abortion Rights Action League Foundation), published in 1993. The least restrictive
is "4" which allows public funding of abortion in all or most circumstances, "3"
allows for public funding in cases of fetal deformity, rape and/or incest, and life
endangerment of the mother, "2" allows public funding in cases of rape and/or
incest, and life endangerment of the mother, and "1" allows for public funding only
in cases of life endangerment of the mother.
Intervening Variable
The "abortion ratio" or how many abortions take place for every one-thousand
live births will be used as an intervening variable linked to "public funding" as a more
immediate measure showing how many abortions are actually taking place among
women with the money to choose this option. The abortion ratio is used both as an
independent and dependent variable. The "abortion ratio" has remained relatively
stable since 1980, varying each year by 5 percent or less (Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, 1994:42). This is despite the fact that services and providers
have decreased considerably in recent years (Henshaw and Van Vort, 1994:100).
The Alan Guttmacher Institute estimates the need for abortion services by
applying the average abortion rates in the six states with the highest rates to the
United States as a whole, on the assumption that given equal availability and
19


United States as a whole, on the assumption that given equal availability and
accessibility, the rates in the other states would be about the same. (The abortion
rate is simply the number of abortions performed per one-thousand women and
does not take into account the number of live births.)
The "abortion ratio" for 1988 was obtained from Statistical Abstract 1993. The
"abortion ratio" for 1990 was obtained from the C. D.C. Surveillance Summaries,
1993. The "abortion rates" for 1991 and 1992, or the number of reported abortions
per one-thousand Women aged 15-44, were obtained from Family Planning
Perspectives. 1994, by Henshaw and Van Vort who are both researchers for The
Alan Guttmacher Institute. The number of live births in each state for 1991 and
1992 were obtained from The World Almanac. 1994. The state abortion ratios for
1991 and 1992 were then calculated by dividing the number of abortions in each
state by the number of births in each state.
Independent Variables
The independent variables included in this research on the determinants of state
public funding of abortion are operationalized as percentages of conservative
religious adherents from state to state, political party I.D. of governors and
legislators, revenues accrued by service and retail sales industries as percentages of
the gross state economy, unemployment rates, percentages of women in the
workforce, states percentages of women in the retail trade and service industry, per
capita personal income by state, each state's poverty rate, and percentages of women
and children on Aid to Families with Dependent Children.
Religious Variables. Religious variables were chosen on the basis of previous
literature: Hertel and Hughes 1987, Meier and McFarlane 1993, and Scott and
Schuman 1988, which point to each state's percentage of conservative religious
denominations of Catholics, Baptists, and Protestant Fundamentalists as being
instrumental in determining public funding of abortion policy. Hertel and Hughes list
religious bodies which have been coded as Protestant Fundamentalist (Hertel and
Hughes,1987:881).
Religious bodies coded as Protestant Fundamentalists are the following:
Evangelical Congregational; Assembly of God; Free Will Baptist; Eden Evangelist;
Holiness (Nazarene); Baptist (Northern); Brethren Church, Brethren; Witness
Holiness; Brethren, Plymouth; United Brethren, United Brethren in Christ; Church
of Christ, Evangelical; Church of Christ; Church of God (except with Christ and
Holiness); Church of God in Christ; Church of God in Christ Holiness; Church of
the Living God; Evangelical, Evangelist; Evangelical Reformed; Evangelist Free
Church; Holiness; Church of Holiness; Pilgrim Holiness; Jehovah's Witnesses;
20


Nazarene; Pentecostal Assembly of God; Pentecostal Church of God; Pentecostal;
Pentecostal Holiness, Holiness Pentecostal; Seventh Day Adventist; United Holiness;
Holiness Church of God; Evangelical Covenant; and Missionary Baptist.
The data for the religious variables were obtained from Quin, Anderson, Bradley,
Goetting, and Shriver's Churches and Church Membership in the United
States. 1982. Protestant Fundamentalist sects identified in Hertel and Hughes, 1987
were totalled for each state. Baptist denominations such as American Baptists
U.S.A. and Southern Baptist Convention were added together to find the total
number of Baptists as a percentage of the population for each state. Only
denominations with total adherents of over one-million were included in this analysis
as a percentage of the total population of each state.
Political Variables. Political variables including percent of Democrats in upper
and lower houses, percent of Republicans in upper and lower houses, and party
affiliation of governors were chosen on the basis of previous literature (Strickland
and Whicker, 1992 and Meier and McFarlane, 1993) which examines political
determinants of public funding of abortion. The official Democratic party platform
endorses abortion rights while the Republican party does not.
Party affiliation of governors was coded "1" for Republicans and "2" for
Democrats. Washington, D.C. is excluded from this analysis because it is not a state.
Data for the political variables were obtained from Statistical Abstract of the United
States. 1993.
Economic Variables. Economic variables including percent of women in the
workforce, percent of women in the service and retail trade industries, percent of
retail sales and service industies as part of the gross state product, and unemployment
rates are important in this analysis of public funding of abortion. As discussed
previously, in the last twenty years, employment in the service and retail trade sectors
has rapidly increased, while at the same time manufacturing has declined. States
need revenues from these growing industries and an adequate workforce for these
industries. Women are disproportinately represented in the service and retail sales
industries (Ellwood 1988, Winnick 1989).
Recent data (1991,1992) on percentages of women in retail trade and service
industries in each state were obtained from the U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau
of Labor Statistics. Percentage of women in the workforce for 1988 and 1992 were
obtained from Statistical Abstract of the U.S.. 1988 and 1993. Unemployment rates
were obtained for 1988, 1989, 1990, and 1992 from Statistical Abstract of the
U.S. .1993 and Employment and Earnings, a periodical published bv the U.S.
Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Sept. 1993.
Percent of the gross state product derived from the service and retail sales
industries were obtained by dividing receipts from service and retail sales
establishments by the gross state product. As discussed previously, service and retail
21


sales industries are among the fastest growing sources of state revenues and
employment opportunities. Receipts from service industries (1987) were obtained
from Census of Service Industries published by the U.S. Department of Commerce,
Bureau of the Census. Receipts from retail sales (1990) were obtained from
Statistical Abstract of the U.S. 1993. Gross state product for 1986 was used and
obtained from Statistical Abstract of the U.S. 1988.
Percent of Women and Children on Aid to Families with Dependent Children.
Percent of families receiving AFDC is an independent variable which is hypothesized
to have an inverse relationship to public funding for abortion. Percent of women and
children on AFDC is important to this analysis because it is this group of women
who would be eligible, if allowed, for public funding of abortion which is part of the
state's federal funds for medicaid. To obtain percent of families on AFDC, it was
necessary to divide number of recipients of AFDC in each state by the total
population of each state. Total population for each state and number of welfare
recipients were obtained from Statistical Abstract 1993.
This research will examine the relationship of per capita personal income from
1992 and fhe poverty rate of 1989 to public funding. These data are broad economic
indicators and were obtained from Statistical Abstract of the U.S. 1993.
Statistical Analyses
The relationships among the independent variables and the intervening variable
of the "abortion ratio" to "public funding" will be examined by statistical techniques
of correlation and multiple regressiion. The Pearson correlation coeffecient (r) and
the coefficient of mutiple determination (R squared) will be used as measures
describing the degree of association among the independent variables with the
intervening variable of "abortion ratios" and the dependent variable of "public
funding". States, the unit of analysis in this research, are arranged in alphabetical
order, and then coded numbering two through fifty-two.
22


Limitations of This Approach
One of the more severe limitations of using secondary data is the question of
relevance. Research, hypotheses and analyses must be confined to the available
data. However, secondary data is appropriate for a large-scale analysis such as this
research which uses 50 states as the unit of analysis. Data used in this study were
drawn largely from the Census Bureau, specifically the U.S. Department of Labor
and die U.S. Department of Commerce.
This research also uses data reported by church bodies and prepared by the
Glenmary Research Center as presented in Churches and Church Membership in the
United States 1982. The church data may not be as reliable as Census data because
figures collected by die various denominations as representative of numbers of
adherents may be inflated. The relevance of these data on number of religious
adherents in denominations may also be questionable because the most recent data
collection available is from 1982.
This research utilizes data collected and published by the NARAL foundation.
Who Decides? A State -bv-State Review of Abortion Riphts 1993, published by
NARAL, is strictly for informational puiposes and can not guarantee the accuracy of
the contents. Laws and state restrictions on public funding of abortion change often
quite rapidly, and interpretations of statutes may vary from court to court.
23


CHAPTER 5
FINDINGS
This research has examined the relationship of religious, political, and economic
variables to abortion ratios and to the main dependent variable of public funding for
abortion The first table in the appendix, Appendix A, shows the simple correlations
among the independent variables and the abortion ratio. Appendix B, the second
table in the appendix, shows the standardized regression coefficients for the
independent variables as they relate to public funding of abortion.
The alpha level chosen for this analysis is .05. The probability is equal to or less
than .05 percent that the observed data would occur by chance.
Tests of Hypotheses
Religious Conservatism
Conservative religious denominations consider abortion to be morally wrong. The
fetus is thought of as an unborn child being murdered. Conservative religious
denominations have been defined for the purposes of this study as "Catholics",
"Baptists," and "Protestant Fundamentalists".
According to Hvpothesisl. states having a relatively large proportion of the
population belonging to conservative religious denominations relative to states having
low numbers of conservative religious adherents will impose more restrictions on
"public funding" of abortion than states with low proportions of conservative
religious adherents.
Partial support was found for Hypothesis 1. This analysis has found a low but
significant negative correlation between "Percent of Baptists" in a state and public
funding of abortion. No other conservative religious denomination had a significant
correlation to public funding of abortion. This finding varies from that of Meier and
McFarlane (1993) who found that the most significant negative determinant on state
abortion policy for 1985 and 1987 is the percentage of Catholic population residing
in the state.
24


Table 1. Correlations among Percentages of Conservative Religious Denominations and Public Funding of Abortion
Percent Percent Catholic Baptist 1982 1982 Percent Protestant Fundamentalist 1982
Public Funding 1992 .175 -.293* -.137
N of cases: 50 p < .05
Political Variables
The Republican party has a constituency which believes in limited government
involvement in the lives of citizens who should be able to successfully exercise
individual responsibility and initiative to solve problems. The Republican national
platform in 1988 was opposed to abortion while the Democratic platform guaranteed
the right of reproductive freedom regardless of the woman's ability to pay for an
abortion. Limited role for government is considered a conservative orientation which
has been associated with the Republican party.
According to Hvpothesis2, if the governor and the majority of state legislators
are Republican, that state will oppose public funding of abortion; if the governor and
the majority of legislators are Democrats, that state will not oppose public funding of
abortion. Although the direction of the relationship was correct, no support was
found for this hypothesis. The state's percentage of Republican or Democratic
governors and legislators had no significant correlation to the state's policy on
"public funding" of abortion.
25


Table 2. Correlations among Percentages of Democratic or Republican Governors and Legislators and Public Funding of Abortion
Public Funding 1992
Republican or Democrat Governor 1990-1992 .227
Percent Democrat Upper House 1992 .119
Percent Republican Upper House 1992 -.024
Percent Democrat Lower House 1992 .254
Percent Republican Lower House 1992 -:042
N of cases: 50
Economic Variables
Women in the workforce. In recent years, there has been a steady increase in the
retail trade and service industries which employ large numbers of women.
According to projections by the Bureau of Labor, the service producing sector and
retail sales will account for nearly all the projected growth into the year 2000. The
third hypothesis examines the relationship between a state's percentages of women in
the workforce, percentages of females in the retail trade and service industres and the
abortion ratio in that state, and also the relationship between the state's revenues in
these industries and the abortion ratio of the state. Then, the relationship between
each state's abortion ratio and its policy on public funding is examined.
According to Hypothesis 3.1. states with large percentages of women in the
workforce will have higher abortion ratios than states with low percentages of
women in the workforce. No significant correlation was found between percent of
women in the workforce and the abortion ratio.
76


Table 3.1 Correlations among Percent of Women in the Workforce and Abortion Ratios
Percent of Women Percent of Women
in the Workforce 1988 in the Workforce 1992
Abortion Ratio 1988 .228 .113
Abortion Ratio 1990 .168 .066
Abortion Ratio 1991 .260 .125
Abortion Ratio 1992 .197 .057
N of cases: 50
According to Hvpothesis3.2, states with large percentages of women in the
service and retail trade industries will have higher abortion ratios. No support was
found for Hypothesis3.2. In fact, states with large percentages of women in service
and retail trade industries have significantly low abortion ratios.
Table 3.2. Correlations among Percentages of Women in Service and Retail Trade
Industries and Abortion Ratios
Percent Women Service 1991 Percent Women Service 1992 Percent Women Percent Women Retail Trade 1991 RetailTrade 1992
Abortion Ratio 1990 l 00 -.192 -.554** -.478**
Abortion Ratio 1991 -.338* -.379* -.519** -.498**
Abortion Ratio 1992 -.353* -.403* -.526** -.478**
N of cases: 50 * p < .01 **p<,001
27


According to Hvpothesis3.3 states with high proportions of revenues coming
from the service and retail trade industries will have high abortion ratios. Partial
support was found for hypothesis 3.3. States with high percentages of revenues as
part of the gross state product from retail trade industries have no significant
correlation to the abortion ratio in that state. However states with high percentages
of revenues from service industries have a significantly higher abortion ratios for
1988, 1990, 1991, and 1992.
Table 3.3. Correlations among Percent of State Revenues from the Service Industry, Percent of
Revenues from the Retail Trade Industry, and Abortion Ratios.
Percent of Revenues Service Industry 1987 Percent of Revenues Retail Trade Industry 1990
Abortion Ratio 1988 .642* .211
Abortion Ratio 1990 .450* .199
Abortion Ratio 1991 .683* .238
Abortion Ratio 1992 .667* .260
N of cases: 50 *p<.001
oo


According to Hypothesis 3.4. in states with higher abortion ratios there will be
more public funding of abortion. Hypothesis 3.4 was supported. It was found that
states with high abortion ratios for 1988, 1990, 1991, and 1992 do provide public
funding for abortion.
Table 3.4. Correlations among Abortion Ratios and Public Funding
Public Funding 1992
Abortion Ratio 1988 .458**
Abortion Ratio 1990 .343*
Abortion Ratio 1991 .392*
Abortion Ratio 1992 .362*
N of cases: 50 *p<.01 **p<.001
Unemployment. According to Hypothesis 4.1. as "unemployment rates" in states
go up, the number of abortions performed for every one thousand live births or the
"abortion ratio" for that states will also go up. The "abortion ratio" is used as the
dependent variable in Hypothesis 4.1 to measure the relationship of unemployment
rates to the abortion ratio regardless of whether abortions are privately or publicly
funded.
Partial support was found for Hypothesis 4.1. State's unemployment rates for
the year of 1988 have a significant negative correlation with the "abortion ratio" for
1988. As unemployment goes up, the abortion ratio goes down. In 1991, the
direction of the relationship between "unemployment" and the "abortion ratio"
becomes positive but is not yet significant. By 1992, the state's "unemployment
rates" have a positive significant correlation to state's "abortion ratios".
29


Table 4.1. Correlations among Unemployment Rates and Abortion Ratios
Unemploy- Unemploy- Unemploy- Unemploy- Unemploy-
ment 1988 ment 1989 ment 1990 ment 1991 ment 1992
Abortion Ratio 1988 -.418** -.372** -.159 .065 .318*
Abortion Ratio 1990 -.443*** -.344** -.059 .190 .339*
Abortion Ratio 1991 -.431*** -.371** -.149 .043 .281*
Abortion Ratio 1992 -.372** -.322 -.128 .054 .286*
N of cases: 50 *p < .05 **p < .01 ***p < .001
Note: abortion ratios can only be logically correlated to unemployment in the same year or to the
years immediately preceeding or following that abortion ratio.
According to Hypothesis 4.2. states with higher unemployment rates will have
fewer restrictions on "public funding" of abortion than stales with low unemployment
rates. Partial support was found for this hypothesis. Prior to 1991, states with
higher "unemployment rates" had a negative insignificant correlation to "public
funding". After 1991, the relationship of states with higher "unemployment rates"
and "public funding" are in the hypothesized direction. By 1992, the relationship
between "unemployment" and "public funding" is significant at .348. In 1992,
states' with higher unemployment rates have fewer restrictions on "public funding" of
abortion.
Table 4.2. Correlations among Unemployment Rates and Public Funding
Unemployment 1991 Unemployment 1992
Public Funding 1992 .123 .348*
N of cases: 50 *p<.01
30


Women and children on AFDC. The last hypothesis deals with the relationship
between women and children on welfare, poverty, and public funding. The
American ideology of individualism is based on individual initiative. The individual
should be able to cope with problems of poverty and certainly unwanted pregnancy
without help or interference from the government.
According to Hypothesis 5.1. states with large percentages of women and
children on AFDC compared to other states will have greater restrictions on public
funding of abortion. Hypothesis 5.1 is not supported.
Table 5.1. Correlations among Percent of Women and Children on AFDC
and Public Funding
Percent on AFDC 91
Public Funding 1992 .192
N of cases: 50
According to Hypothesis 5.2. states with higher poverty rates will have more
restrictions on public funding of abortion. Hypothesis 5.2 was supported. States
with higher poverty rates do not provide public funding for abortion.
Table 5.2. Correlation for the Poverty Rate and Public Funding
Poverty Rate 1989
Public Funding 1992 -.388*
N of cases: 50 *p<.01
31


According to Hypothesis 5.3. states with higher personal per capita incomes will
provide public funding for abortion. Hypothesis 5.3 was confirmed. States with
higher personal per capita incomes do provide public funding of abortion.
Table 5.3. Correlation between Per capita Personal Income and Public Funding
Per capita Personal Income 1992
Public Funding 1992 .479**
N of cases: 50 **p<.001
Multiple Regression
To help in describing the degree of the association of the independent variables
with "public funding", a series of multiple regressions were performed. According
to the results of the multiple regression, 85 percent of the variation in public funding
of abortion in states is explained by the independent variables used in this analysis.
Appendix B lists the standardized correlation coefficients for the independent
variables.
Table 6.1. Multiple Regression
Multiple R .92372
R Square .85326
Adjusted R Square .65762
Standard Error .75148
Analysis of Variance
DF Sum of Squares Mean Square
Regression 28 68.96083 2.46289
Residual 21 11.85917 .56472
F= 4.36123 SignifF = .0005
32


Step-wise Multiple Regression
It is likely that the variables used in this analysis share correlations. In order to
further describe the relationship of the independent variables to the dependent
variable of "public funding of abortion", a step-wise multiple regression was
performed with the independent variables of conservative religious denominations,
political party affiliations of governors and legislators, and the economic variables of
"percent of women in the workforce", "percent of women in service and retail trade
industries", state revenues from retail sales and service industries, "percent of
women and children on AFDC", the "poverty rate", "percapita personal income",
and "unemployment rates" for 1988, 1989, 1990, 1991, and 1992.
According to the results of the step-wise multiple regression, unemployment rates
for the years 1990 and 1992 were the only independent variables not removed from
the equation. In this analysis of public funding of abortion, the broad economic
indicator of unemployment rates, which affect so many other variables, have the
greatest impact.
Table 6.2. Step-wise Multiple Regression
Multiple R .60806
R Square .36973
Adjusted R Square .34291
Standard Error 1.04105
Analysis of Variance
DF Sum of Squares Mean Square
Regression 2 29.88177 14.94089
Residual 47 50.93823 1.08379
F = 13.78575 SignifF= .0000
Variables in the Equation
Variable B SE B Beta T SigT
UNEMP92 .714374 .137636 .872141 5.190 .0000
UNEMP90 -.836798 .194204 -.724025 -4.309 .0001
(Constant) 1.779638 .744938 2.389 .0210
33


CHAPTER 6
DISCUSSION
According to the findings of the hypotheses, public funding of abortion is related
to the state's percentage of Baptists, abortion ratios for 1988, 1990, 1991, and 1992,
unemployment rates for 1992, the poverty rate for 1989, and per capita personal
income for 1992.
This research has found that when unemployment rates are relatively high, and
the economy is stagnating, states will provide public funding of abortion. A state's
percentage of women and children on AFDC has no correlation to that state's policy
regarding public funding, although state's with large percentages on AFDC have
significantly higher unemployment rates for all years included in this analysis.
Even when unemployment rates are not especially high, millions of people are
still unemployed. Generally speaking, women and children on AFDC are adversely
affected when unemployment is high, and their fortunes improve as unemployment
rates drop. But even when the economy is expanding, there is still a semi-permanent
underclass which is isolated from the general prosperity. Women and children living
on welfare compose a large part of this underclass. This group, already destitue, is
most affected by state policies which disallow public funding of abortion.
One of the consequences of restricting this group's access to abortion is to create
longer periods of welfare dependency. One variable which has been associated with
restrictiveness toward public funding is the proportion of the state population
belonging to conservative religious denominations.
Religious Conservatism
States with large proportions of Baptist adherents have a mildly negative
association to "public funding" of abortion. The correlation between these two
variables is -.293. The direction of the relationship between states with large
proportions of Protestant Fundamentalists and state restrictions on "public funding"
is in the hypothesized direction but is not statistically significant.
This analysis found that states with large proportion of Catholics have a positive
but not significant correlation to "public funding". Contrary to the position taken by
the Catholic Church, states with large percentages of Catholics have
34


significantly higher "abortion ratios" for 1988,1990, 1991, and 1992, all the years
included in this analysis.
Apparently, although conservative religious influences do have some relationship
to "public funding", it is not as strong as we have been led to believe. Conservative
political influences were found to have even less of an association with "public
funding" of abortion.
Political Variables
Although states with large proportions of Baptists have low support for "public
funding" of abortion, these states have lost their political impact on the abortion issue
because these states are likely to vote Democrats into the upper house and are not
likely to vote Republicans into the upper or lower houses. States with large
proportions of Republicans in the upper and lower houses have a correlation in the
negative direction to the "public funding", while states "percent of Democrats in the
upper and lower house" have a correlation in a positive direction to "public funding".
This indicates that the abortion issue is indeed a cross-over political issue as
Meier and McFarlane (1993) have stated, or that Southern states with large Baptist
populations traditionally vote Democratic, or that the abortion issue is not as
important to most voters as other considerations such as the performance of the
economy. However, financial well-being or the ability to pursue "the American
Dream has always been a high priority for most citizens.
Economic Variables
The association between states with large percentages of Catholics and per capita
personal income is positive and significant at .586. As mentioned previously, states
with large Catholic populations have positive and highly significant associations to
abortion ratios for all years. The association between the abortion ratio for 1991 and
1992 and per capita personal income for 1992 is positive and highly significant at
.607. The association between the abortion ratio for 1988 and the poverty rate for
1989 is negative and significant at -.492.
On the other hand, states with large percentages of Baptists have lower abortion
ratios, do not provide public funding, have significant negative correlations to
personal percapita income of -.481 and highly significant positive correlations to the
poverty rate at .647. States with large percentages of Baptists have low numbers of
women in the workforce for 1988 and 1992 at correlations of -.448 and -.453
35


respectively. States with large proportions of Baptists also have significantly higher
uneployment rates for 1988, 1989 and 1990.
Past studies indicate that the abortion issue is symbolic of larger issues related to
family values and appropriate sex roles for men and women in the home and in the
workplace (Hertel and Hughes, 1987; Fried, 1988; Scott and Schuman, 1988).
At present, the expansion of the service sector and of clerical work is drawing more
women into the paid labor force. Economic opportunities for women in the
workforce conflict with a conservative ideological orientation that envisions women
within the domestic sphere as caretaker and nuturer of the male provider and
children.
The contradictions between the varying need for women in the worforce, in
conjunction with perceived roles for women in the domestic sphere and accepted
standards of morality, provides a number of conflicting principles which become
articulated in state policy (McIntosh, 1978). In the final analysis, it appears that if
states and citizens are interested in financial well-being, and employment
opportunities for women are necessary and available, the option of abortion will be
pursued despite conflicting moral and ideological convictions.
Women in the Workforce
Women are entering the workforce in increasing numbers and often finding
employment in the service and retail sales industries where many recent job
opportunities are found. States with higjh percentages of revenues derived from
service industries have higher abortion ratios, higher levels of personal per capita
incomes, and lower levels of poverty. States with higher poverty rates have greater
restrictions on public funding, and states with higher personal per capita incomes
have fewer restrictions on public funding.
The service industry includes a wide variety of ocupations. Although it is true that
the service industries are growing rapidly, those occupations in the service industry
which are associated with women are not associated with high wages. States with
high percentages of revenues from service industries have higher per capita personal
incomes, but when large percentages of women are employed in service industries
these states have lower personal per capita incomes. In 1991 and 1992 the direction
of the relationship of states with high percentages of women in service industries was
negative to personal per capita income and positive to the poverty rate. The
correlation between a state's "percent of females in the service industry" for 1991
and 1992 and a state's "percent of revenues from service industry" is -.617 and
-.637 respectively.
Therefore, although women are needed in the workforce, generally speaking,
their labor is not rewarded greatly enough to provide them with a sufficient source of
36


income. As mentioned previously, in 1991, women represented 63 percent of all
persons over the age of 18 who live below the poverty level. The poverty rate for
families maintained by women with no husband present was 6 times higher than for
married-couple families at 35.6 percent for couples and 6.0 percent for families
headed by women (The World Almanac. 1994:1321.
Women and Children on AFDC. Unemployment, and Poverty
By definition, women and children on AFDC have no husband present. States
with higher unemployment rates have higher numbers of women and children living
on Aid to Families with Dependent Children. The correlation between
unemployment rates for 1990 and 1991 and percentages of women and children on
AFDC in 1991 is .492 and .596. States with higher unemployment rates in 1989 had
higher poverty rates in 1989. The correlation between unemployment in states in
1989 and that state's poverty rate in 1989 is .703. With an alpha level of .05, the
correlation between states' percentages of women and children on AFDC and the
poverty rate in states is only mildly significant at .054.
Percent of women on AFDC in the state has no correlation with state policy on
public funding of abortion although this group certainly suffers from unemployment
and unemployment rates are an important factor in public funding policies. This
indicates that Women and children on AFDC have little affect or influence on the
economy or in their personal lives in regard to their ability to obtain abortion services
or jobs. Although the economy may improve, many people, women and children in
particular, are becoming poorer and more desperate.
We have already noted that women are underpaid. When women already have
difficulty in making a decent living, and are responsible for the care and support of
children, what purpose could be served by not allowing destitute women on welfare
the option of abortion and at least a chance of imroving their financial situation? The
reduction of welfare rolls is supposedly a primary objective of politicians and
citizens. We have already seen that religious and ideological convictions play a
relativele minor role compared with economic necessity in actual decsions regarding
abortion. Is it possible that the rhetoric regarding the immorality and laziness of
welfare recepients is merely a diversionary tactic of the "elite" in religious, political,
and economic circles?
Hostility among different segments of society, competition for valued resources,
confusion and disunity create a climate in which the cooperation needed to create
rational and constructive policies is not forthcoming. Those in power usually want to
remain in power and are influenced by corporate interests. A certain amount of
desperation and competition among the working class is advantageous to employers
37


interested in keeping wages low. There are never enough good jobs to go around
and unemployment is a permanent structural feature of our economic system.
Poverty and exploitation go hand in hand and are the foundations of the capitalistic
system concerned with the maximization of profits at the expense of the social
welfare.
The "Industrial Reserve Army" is a Marxist concept which seems to describe
women and children on welfare who compose a large portion of the semi-permanent
"underclass". It provides a dynamic account of ways in which the working class is
structured in the course of capital accumulation. The surplus population composing
the industrial reserve army provides a reserve source of labor which is brought into
production when required and disposed of when conditions change and it is no
longer needed.
The labouring population therefore produces, along with the accumulation of
capital produced by it, the means by which itself is made relatively superfluous,
is turned into a relative surplus population; and it does this to an always
increasing extent. This is a law of population peculiar to the capitalist mode of
production; in fact every historic mode of production has its own special laws of
population, historically valid within its limits alone (Marx cited in
McIntosh, 1978:270).
The course characteristic of modem industry... depends on the constant
formation, the greater or less absorption, and the re-formation, of the industrial
reserve army of surplus population, hi their turn, the varyinging phases of die
industrial cycle recruit the surplus population, and become one of the most
energetic agents of its reproduction (Marx cited in Beechey,1987:188).
These quotations provide the hidden rationale for restrictions on public funding of
abortion for women living on Aid to Families with Dependent Children.
38


CHAPTER 7
CONCLUSION
Whether economic times are good or bad, structural inequality and
unemployment are permanent features of our society. Economists have adjusted
their assumptions to unavoidable unemployment of 6 to 7 percent (Dahrendorf,
1988:149). Women and children are especially at risk of sinking into poverty and
remaining poor largely due to two facts: when women are employed it is known that
they generally earn less than men, and the addition of unwanted children supported
by single mothers can worsen an already desperate situation.
According to the results of this study, economic options and necessities are most
related to state policy on public funding of abortion. The step-wise multiple
regression showed that state unemployment rates in 1990 and 1992 were the
variables most related to public funding of abortion. States with large percentages of
women in die workforce have significantly higher levels of prosperity and lower
levels of poverty. States with higher levels of prosperity are associated with higher
abortion ratios and public funding of abortion.
Women and children on Aid to Families with Dependent Children who are
denied access to public funding of abortion are not being given the same
opportunities as others at self-determination. If public funding of abortion is not
provided, the result will be to increase the numbers of disadvantaged women and
children who will most likely be excluded from the possibility of achieving an
adequate standard of living. The poverty and discontent of one group of people can
not be isolated from the rest of society.
I would like to discuss more fully the "underclass" which has been rediscovered
and renamed by researchers studying social stratification and inequality. One brave
researcher has written that the underclass is is not a major new social class to trumpet
about or to blame on welfare institutions. "There is instead a significant growth in
old-style misery, due in some part to industrial restructuring and in another and more
evil part to the cupidity of the nation's elite" (Komblum, 1991:211).
Although difficult to estimate the size of this group which suffers from constant
unemployment and poverty, it includes approximately 5 percent of the population.
Descriptions vary in detail, but focus on many of the same characteristics such as the
absence of skills and subsequent unemployment, inner-city residence, drug and
alcohol abuse, out-of-wedlock birth, long-term welfare dependency, and, among
men at least, a tendency toward criminal behaviour (Dahrendorf, 1988:151).


In summary, we need to reconsider the economic and social costs of denying
public funding of abortion to our poorest women, whose children will certainly be at
high risk of neglect. In his dissenting opinion to the Hyde Amendment (1977) which
allowed states to restrict public funding of abortion, Thurgood Marshall said to the
Supreme Court:
As the Court well knows, these regulations will have the practical effect of
preventing nearly all poor women from obtaining safe and legal abortions...The
enactments challenged here brutally coerce poor women to bear children whom
society will scom for every day of their lives...I fear that the Court's decision will
be an invitation to public officials, already under extraordinary pressure from
well-financed and carefully orchestrated lobbying campaigns to approve more
such restrictions. The effect will be to relegate millions of people to lives of
poverty and despair (The Alan Guttmacher Institute, 1979:6).
As a society, perhaps we would like to condemn and isolate the people, mostly
women and children who compose the "underclass", but directly or indirectly, then-
poverty and desperation affect everyone.
Despite appearances to the contrary, we all live in one country and a strong but
rarely discussed connection exists between the rich and the poor. For instance, our
present service-oriented economy requires a certain amount of low-paid, unskilled
labor. Not surprisingly, it is difficult for employers to find people willing and able to
work for a minimum wage of $4.25 per hour. An interesting area of further research
would be an analysis of state welfare payments and policies in relation to changes in
labor requirements for that state.
The conditions of state welfare provisions may be used as an instrument to
regulate the flow of labor in and Out of the workforce. A limited welfare provision
with strict requirements regarding the length of time allowed on welfare could force
women on AFDC to find employment at whatever wages are being offered. I
believe that welfare policies are indeed being used to coerce the poor into taking low-
paying jobs. I would like to examine this connection between welfare provisions and
labor requirements within a comparative historical framework dating from the end of
the Depression to the present time.
The purpose of research from a materialistic point of view, which takes into
account actual conditions, is to expose hidden relationships and remove issues such
as public funding of abortion and welfare policy from the emotionalism and even
fanaticism which have been surrounding them. Rather then blaming the victim,
Americans must start dealing with real issues in a spirit of cooperation. We are all
entitled to share in the benefits of society.
40


APPENDIX


Appendix A: Correlation Matrix of All Independent Variables
Vault 0) (V 0) (9) (5) (0) fl) (1) (9) (10)
(1) PertaCtefc ITU 1000
(2) Pond Cgg lfC3 343 i m
0) Puma haiM - 310 -031 l.CQD
huiiaMikfi im
(4) Hip^ka f*"-1" 102 .Ml -099 ion
Cuiuar 1990-1992
(3) PmsSCmm* -.ou 401 -20) 010 i on
UjfvHoi ITU (0) Pmal .003 -40 .230 -.130 SJ8 ion
Upps Hnt 1992 (7) PotaDnu* 020 .103 223 2<7 .090 779 i on
lotHm im
(1) hum RijwUm DM 172 .292 -201 423 M9 439 1.000
Lover Hate 1992
(9) hraasrVna 197 -441 022 -on -123 239 138 203 ion
Vattnc im
(10) Pena of Won III 431 000 103 330 211 189 .240 .931 i on
Wokfecc 1992
(II) PstaFonaka 091 029 130 211 071 - IM -M3 M6 023 102
Srat totsry |99| (12) PetCBl Foafca IM 000 110 102 023 177 IU 012 000 .172
Sm liAwiy 1992 (11) PoeetFcmdn 212 230 .121 040 197 197 on 114 137 m
Rrtai Trade 1991
(14) PoeaFonafci III 219 to 111 134 201 -M7 -089 190 103
Rebd Trade 1992
(1$) Pena* Reran 131 III an 131 -009 077 .110 in 233 019
Snu tOa? 1917
(10) PacaRjfaai -Oil 077 097 110 220 129 -M2 097 103 009
Rd4S* Mac? 1990 (17) Uuui^fcijua im 210 407 on .on 234 1)1 320 JAJ 391 3M
(11) Uoa^loyna 1919 -.297 421 019 -on 232 M3 245 071 -014 0)1
(19) Uaoiffcjjma 1990 -.019 140 072 -012 4U -029 411 -072 5$) 318
(20) Uum^iujuja 1991 147 201 133 039 190 079 444 177 313 520
(21) UBaftoyoa 1992 191 031 -130 041 m .003 421 no -476 - 34)
(22) Poca AFDC 1991 249 .097 1 1 073 ni 197 460 297 492 -403
(21) Pom? fta 1919 -no 047 029 OH J7D 120 170 284 097 011
(24) PataulPm^B* 310 411 -.320 134 189 19) 019 092 197 311
Inn 1992
(23) Abate Rte 1999 497 279 110 no W9 014 107 100 228 113
(20) Abate Ran 1990 426 163 in 109 098 090 110 - 187 108 000
(77) Abate Rn 1991 W 239 -toe 191 067 019 192 -310 200 123
(21) Abate Rte 1992 no 239 112 199 084 on 2M 219 197 057
do da) (ii) no (is) (13) (in (id (>) (; (ii) Hi)
i no
878 ion
.331 Ml i an
397 382 111 ion
017 077 -778 477 i on
083 100 on 093 290 1 000
173 0F3 277 173 277 410 i ax
193 110 141 093 201 201 193 i an
130 000 071 OH 109 197 062 810 i on
-040 040 007 048 029 031 4)3 393 888 1000
-.321 -291 240 239 177 OM 3M 3 21 723 in 000
090 00! 141 091 093 -216 372 172 492 390 397
043 087 200 231 293 - 102 730 703 469 237 128
128 130 3tt 973 393 016 342 461 20) 030 200
341 -411 STD 300 642 211 418 372 159 003 316
178 192 334 -471 490 199 443 144 019 190 319
3)8 379 119 498 01) 2)8 431 371 - 149 Ml III
333 -40) 320 471 087 200 772 322 128 034 216
nss i3i


Appendix B.
Standardized Coefficients for the Regression of Religious,
Political, and Economic Variables on Public Funding
Independent Variable Beta Independent Variable Beta Independent Variable Beta
Percent Catholic 1982 -.478 (.019) Percent women service industry 1991 -.591 (.073) Unemployment 1992 .568 (.212)
Percent Baptist 1982 -.542 (.026) Percent women service industry 1992 .110 (.062) Percent AEDC 1991 .101 (.187)
Percent 1982 Protestant Fundamentalist -.136 (.017) Percent women retail trade 1991 .555 (.066) Poverty Rate 1989 .270 (.124)
Democrat or Republican 1990- Govemor 1992 .121 (.325) Percent women retail trade 1992 -.506 (.072) Personal per capita income 1992 .055 (.0001)
Percent Democrat Upper House 1992 .483 (.024) Percent revenue service industry 1987 -.613 (.045) Abortion Ratio 1988 .286 (.005)
Percent Democrat Lower House 1992 -.148 (.021) Percent revenue retail tradel990 -.320 (.031) Abortion Ratio 1990 -.420 (.003)
Percent Republican Upper House 1992 .020 (.031) Unemployment 1988 -.807 (-253) Abortion Ratio 1991 .381 (.007)
Percent Republican Lower House 1992 -.119 (.031) Unemployment 1989 .058 (.317) Abortion Ratio 1992 -.146 (.006)
Percent Women Workforce 1988 -.130 (.120) Unemployment 1990 -.773 (.436)
Percent Women Workforce 1992 .236 (.115) Unemployment .612 (.291)
Note: Numbers in parentheses are standard errors.
Multiple R .92372
R Square .83326


BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abortion Surveillance : Preliminary Data United States, 1991. Morbidity and
1994 Mortality Weekly Report 43: 42-44. Atlanta, Georgia:
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Abortion Surveillance, United States, 1990. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly
1993 Report 42: 29-57. Atlanta, Georgia: Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention.
The Alan Guttmacher Institute
1979 Abortions and the Poor: Private Morality. Public Responsibility.
The Alan Guttmacher Institute, New York.
Beechey, Veronica and Tessa Perkins
1987 A Matter of Hours. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press.
Blackburn, Robin (Ed. )
1992 "The cost of stability : the advanced capitalist countries in the
1980s." The New Left Review 195: 71-95.
Bonacich, Edna
1989 "Racism in advanced capitalist society." Journal of Sociology
and Social Welfare 16: 41-55.
Census of Service Industries 1987: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the
Census.
Cook, Arm Thompson
1989 "Women who have abortions" in The Truth About Abortion.
Washington, D.C. : the National Abortion Federation.
Dahrendorf, Ralph
1988 The Modem Social Conflict. New York: Weidenfeld &
Nicolson.
Eisenstein, Zillah
1979 Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism. New
York and London: Monthly Review Press.
43


Ellwood, David T.
1988 Poor Support. New York: Basic Books, Inc.
Employment and Earnings 1993. 40.9: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor
Statistics.
Fried, Amy 1988 "Abortion politics as symbolic politics: an investigation into belief systems." Social Science Quarterly 69:137-154.
Henshaw, Stanley K., and Jennifer Van Vort
1994 "Abortion services in the United States, 1991 and 1992."
Family Planning Perspectives. 26: 100-106 & 112.
Hertel, Bradley, and Michael Hughes
1987 "Religious affiliation, attendance, and support for 'pro-family'
issues in the United States." Social Forces 63.3: 858-882
Jarey, David, and Julia Jarey
1991 The Harper Collins Dictionary of Sociology. New York:
HaiperCollins Publishers, Ltd.
Komblum, William
1991 "Who is the underclass?" Dissent/Sprine : 202-211.
Luker, Kristin 1984 Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood. Berkeley.California: University of California Press, Ltd.
McIntosh, Mary
1978 "The state and the oppression of women." Pp.254-290 in
Annette Kuhn and AnnMarie Wolpe ( eds.) Feminism and
Materialism London, Henley and Boston : Routledge and
Kegan Paul.
Meier, Kenneth J. and Deborah R. McFarlane
1993 "The politics of funding abortion." American Politics Quarterly
2L1: 81-101.
44


Perdue, William
1986
Sociological Theory. Palo Alto, California: Mayfield.
Powell-Griner, Eve, and Katherine Trent
1987 "Sociodemographic determinants of abortion in the United
States." Demography 24: 553-561.
Quinn, Bernard, Herman Anderson, Martin Bradley, Paul Goetting, and Peggy
Shriver
1982 Churches and Church Membership in die United States. Atlanta
Georgia: Glenmary Research Center.
Scott, Jacqueline, and Howard Schuman
1988 "Attitude strength and social action in the abortion dispute".
American Sociological Review 53: 785-793.
Statistical Abstract of the United States 1988 and 1993 U.S. Department of
Commerce, Economics and Statistics Administration, Bureau of the Census.
Strickland, Ruth Ann, and Marcia Lynn Whicker
1992 "Political and socioeconomic indicators of state restrictiveness
toward abortion." Policy Studies Journal 20.4: 598-617.
Tribe, Laurence H. Tribe
1992 The Clash of Absolutes. W.W. Norton: New York and London.
United States Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Local Area
1994 Unemployment Statistics, Washington, D.C.
Winnick, Andrew J.
1989 Toward Two Societies: The Changing Distributions of Income
and Wealth in the U.S. since I960. New York Westport,
Connecticut, London: Praeger.
Who Decides? A State-bv-State Review of Abortion Rights. 1993: The NARAL
Foundation ( The National Abortion Rights Action League Foundation).
The World Almanac and Book of Facts. New Jersey: Funk and Wagnalls
1994 Corporation.
45