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Leadership and power in black gangster disciple organizations

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Leadership and power in black gangster disciple organizations
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Grebenik, Debi A
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English
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xvi, 246 leaves : ; 28 cm

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Subjects / Keywords:
Gangs -- Social life and customs -- Colorado ( lcsh )
African American criminals -- Colorado ( lcsh )
Leadership ( lcsh )
Power (Social sciences) ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 236-246).
General Note:
School of Education and Human Development
Statement of Responsibility:
by Debi A. Grebenik.

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|University of Colorado Denver
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|Auraria Library
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All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
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47058552 ( OCLC )
ocm47058552
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LD1190.E3 2000d .G73 ( lcc )

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Full Text
LEADERSHIP AND POWER
IN BLACK GANGSTER DISCIPLE ORGANIZATIONS
by
Debi A. Grebenik
B.A., Kansas State University, 1977
M.A., Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1979
M.S.W., University of Denver, 1993
A thesis submitted to the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Educational Leadership and Innovation
2000


2000
BY Debi A. Grebenik
All rights reserved.


thesis for the Doctor of Philosophy-
degree by
Debi A. Grebenik
has been approved


Grebenik, Debi, A. (Ph.D., Educational Leadership and
Innovation)
Leadership and Power in Black Gangster Disciple
Organizations
Thesis directed by Professor Rodney Muth
ABSTRACT
Gangs vary in their organizational and leadership
structures. They also use different methods to
motivate their members. Some gangs do not refer to
themselves as gangs, rather as organizations or
nations. The Black Gangster Disciples (BGDs) is one of
the gangs that identifies itself as an organization,
replete with a hierarchical structure and clearly
defined leadership.
The BGDs are best known for their size, about
seventy thousand members, and their business acumen,
with income in the millions of dollars. Based on
these factors, the BGDs are considered successful by
other gang members, law enforcement, and community


i
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members. The intent of this research was to ascertain
how the BGDs motivate, lead, and discipline their members
to achieve their goals and be successful.
To access information about how the BGDs structured,
led, and disciplined their members, interviews with
incarcerated members of the BGDs were conducted. The
interviewees were incarcerated in the Colorado Department
of Corrections. Questions were designed to identify the
organization, leadership, power, and structure of the BGD
organization. The responses of those interviewed helped
formulate a model of the BGD organization.
This increased understanding of the BGDs may help
those who must address the outcomes of gang behavior.
Such insight also may benefit policy and program
development for gang prevention and intervention.
This abstract accurately represents
candidate's thesis. I recommend i
Signed
the content
.cation.
the
Rodney Mut
v
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DEDICATION
I dedicate this page to my family and their patience
with me during this research process that they thought
would never end. I also appreciate their many
sacrifices and their willingness to eat many fast food
dinners without complaint. Thank you to my husband,
Mike, my two sons, Dole and Tosh, and my daughter,
Kristen.


ACKNOWLE DGEMENT
My thanks to my advisor, Rod Muth, for his constant
patience, keen insight, and invaluable guidance during
these past five years. I also appreciate Nadyne
Guzman's direction and encouragement during the
process. In addition, I am grateful for Sharon
Littrell's friendship and commitment to this endeavor.
One other person, Annette Beck, lent me a tremendous
amount of technical support and help.


CONTENTS
Figures.........................................xv
Tables..........................................xvi
CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION.................................. 1
How Big Is the Gang Problem? ..................2
Why Do Youths Join Gangs?......................3
What Do Gangs Do?..............................4
How Are Gangs Organized?.......................6
What Roles Do Leaders Play?....................8
Purpose of the Study..........................10
Available Research on Gangs...................11
Research Questions............................12
Limitations...................................14
Summary.......................................15
2. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE......................18
Why Youths Join Gangs.........................18
Environmental Influences..................19
Developmental Needs.......................20
vm


Social Influences...........................22
Role of Gangs..................................24
Gangs Placed in Historical Time Frames.........25
Prior to the 20th Century................. 26
The 1920s .................................27
The 1930s and 1940s........................28
The 1950s and 1960s........................30
The 1970s and 1980s........................32
The 1990s...................................34
Significance of Gang Development............. 37
Definitions of a Gang .........................40
Black Gangster Disciples (BGDs) ...............47
History and Development of BGDs........... 4 9
The Organization of BGDs ...................51
Membership in BGDs........................ 53
Success of the BGD Organization.............54
Identifying features of BGD membership... 55
Revenue and Criminal Activity...............57
Discipline Practices and Codes .............58
Growth and Development .....................59
BGD leadership..............................61


Leadership, Power, and Authority
62
Leadership Theory .........................71
Role of Delinquency in Gang Organizations... 78
Rules ....................................8 0
Meetings...................................81
Income ....................................82
Why are Gangs Powerful?.......................83
What Roles do Gang Leaders Play in Gangs?....83
How Do Gangs Get Members to Do What They
Want Them To Do? ............................8 4
What Can Be Done to Stop the Influence
of Gangs?.....................................85
Comparisons of Legitimate Organizations
and Gangs....................................8 6
Levels of Gang Involvement...................8 9
Elements of Organizations.................... 91
Classical Theory..............................92
Bureaucracy Theory........................... 93
Functions of Bureaucracy.................. 95
Scientific Management Theory..................99
Principles of Scientific Management
Theory................................... 100
Neoclassical Theory..........................100
x


Principles of Neoclassical Theory........101
Modern Theory ...............................102
Principles of Modern Theory..............103
Groups in Organizational Theory..............104
Organizational Leadership ...................108
A Brief History of Leadership Styles ........112
The Role of Followers................... 118
Leader Characteristics...................119
The Role of Leadership...................121
METHODOLOGY..................................124
Choice of Sample Population..................125
Approval Process.............................126
Interview Techniques.........................129
Interview Questions..........................132
Relationship-Building Questions..........133
Power....................................134
Leadership...............................136
Success..................................137
Organization.............................138
Roles....................................139
Additional Information...................140


The Interviews..............................14 0
Profile of Interviewees.....................14 6
Interview Process...........................14 9
Data Analysis................................150
Possible Roadblocks..........................155
Limitations of the Study.....................157
4. DISCUSSION AND FINDINGS......................158
Organizational Structure ....................159
Structure of BGD Organization ...............164
Organization: Hierarchy...................166
Power: Coercion...........................169
Leadership: Fixed.........................171
Followers: Rank..........................17 3
Success: Recruitment.....................17 6
Function of Leaders in BGD Organization.....17 8
Organization: Sanctioned..................178
Power: Discipline.........................180
Leadership: Enforcement...................183
Followers: Absolute......................18 4
Success: Conformity.......................186
Followers in BGD Organization................189


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Organization: Roles.......................190
Power: Respect............................192
Leadership: Respect.......................194
Followers: Position.......................198
Success: Revenue..........................200
Power Bases..................................202
Coercive Power............................203
Reward Power..............................205
Information and Expert Power.............20 6
Affiliation Power.........................207
Legitimate Power..........................208
Referent Power............................209
5. CONCLUSION...................................212
Results Organized............................214
Leadership Styles of BGDs....................214
Questions Asked..............................218
How Big is the Gang Problem?..............218
What Roles Do Gang Leaders Play?..........219
What Do Gangs Do and How are They
Organized?.............................220
Why are Youths Joining Gangs?.............222
Implications for Further Study...............225
xm


What Can Be Done to Stop the Influence of
Gangs?....................................227
APPENDIX
A Letter for Approval for Research............230
B Confirmation of Approval for Research........231
C Interview Questions...........................232
D Informed Consent..............................234
REFERENCES...........................................236


FIGURES
1. Categories of Data..........................161
2. Structure, Leaders & Followers in the BGD
Organization...............................163
3. Structure of BGD Organizations...............164
4. Function of leaders in BGD Organization.....17 8
5. Ranks in the BGD Organization................185
6. Function of followers in the BGD Organization
...........................................190
7. BGD Responses................................203
xv


TABLES
1. Levels of Individual Gang Involvement


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Law enforcement officials, distraught parents, state
legislators, school staff, and community members ask the
same questions: How big is the gang problem? Why are
youths joining gangs? What do gangs do? How are gangs
organized? What roles do gang leaders play in making
gangs so powerful? How do gangs get youth to do the
things they want them to do? What can be done to stop the
influence of gangs? Answers to these pressing questions
are sought to formulate prevention and intervention
strategies to address the growing problem of gangs and
their anti-social influence and activities.
My dissertation contains three dimensions. First, I
draw on the research on organizations to formulate a
theoretical framework to understand the structures of
gangs and the roles of gang leaders. Second, I
interviewed those not often heard: the gang members
themselves. Third, based on the gang members'' replies, I
examine the organization, leadership, power, and
structure used by gang leaders. As these three
dimensions are woven together, they create a tapestry
that illustrates the roles that gangs play for today's
1


youth. It is expected that the questions addressed in
this dissertation will have implications for policies
about gang prevention and intervention. In the process
of finding the answers to the questions asked here,
additional questions for further research will surface.
How Big Is The Gang Problem?
Youth gangs today are in all fifty states (Spergel,
1995) and have increased their membership and violence
significantly within the last decade. As they grow, gangs
are considered successful enterprises, demonstrated by
their ability to recruit members, market goods (e.g.,
drugs), and intimidate others (i.e., outsiders).
The number of gang members increased steadily during
the 1990s. Between 1988 and 1992, the percentage of
cities reporting gang crime problems increased in all
cities surveyed. Survey results indicated that 4,881
gangs with 249,324 members existed in 1991 (Kinnear,
1996, p. 73). The National Institute of Justice reported
555,181 gang members in 16,643 gangs in 1993 (Fleisher,
1997). The hardest hit state, California, reported that
in 1993 their Department of Justice estimated the
possibility of 95,000 Hispanic gang members, 65,000
2


African-American gang members, 15,000 Asian gang members,
and 5,000 white gang members throughout the state (p.
74) A 1996 survey set the number of U.S. gangs at about
25,000, with an estimated membership of 650,000
(Fleisher, 1997).
Why Do Youths Join Gangs?
Identification of the characteristics that attract
youth to gangs is the starting point to understand the
roles that gangs play in the lives of today's youth.
These various characteristics are broad and historically
include self-protection, similar interests, peer
pressure, financial profits, and neighborhood influence.
Educational, cultural, and generational expectations
serve as additional contributing factors (Kinnear, 1996;
Spergel, 1990).
The reasons for joining are diverse, just as are the
members who join. The motivations for joining vary and
include wanting protection, desiring affiliation,
achieving loyalty, gaining income, and various other
individual reasons (Schneider, 1995). Many youths join
gangs due to lack of legitimate opportunities in their
communities and with the hope that gangs will provide
3


them with their desired goals of power, income, and
status.
What Do Gangs Do?
Gang members engage in a multitude of roles and
tasks. Within formal gangs, these roles and tasks
contribute to the gang's goals and further the success of
the gang. Successful gang leaders are identified by the
gang's reputation, member recruitment, and revenue
earned, often in opposition to societal norms (Schneider,
1995). To be successful, gang leaders must steer their
gangs toward these goals and earn their members' loyalty
in the process.
Reputation refers to one's status in the gang, which
is primarily established and maintained through
demonstration of the qualities such as toughness,
smartness, and autonomy, all behaviors that the gang
values (Shelden, Tracy, & Brown, 1997). To establish
their reputations, gang members often strive to put
themselves in the posture of fighting without actually
having to fight (Morash, 1983) in an effort to develop
their reputation of toughness. Reputation is of critical
concern to gang members. A reputation extends to each
4


individual gang member as well as to the gang as a whole
(Nawojczyk, 1997).
Participation in violent and delinquent activities
validates the feelings of masculinity and omnipotence of
gang members, thus increasing other gang members' fear of
them that results in a formidable reputation. Delinquent
contracultures such as gangs represent a rebellion
against conventional society, sometimes without a clearly
defined cause (Gerrard, 1964); however, the result is a
reputation built on the violence of gang members and
their use of weapons. Accomplishing acts of daring which
may include violence or illegal activities also increases
feelings of importance.
Revenue is measured by the gang's ability to earn
money through many different avenues, primarily
accomplished illegally through criminal activities such
as drug sales and burglaries (Schneider, 1995). Revenue
earned increases as gangs hone their business and
organizational skills to distribute stolen property and
illegal substances.
Recruitment as an indicator of success describes the
gang's ability to recruit young members to do the work of
the gang, specifically the criminal activities that the
gang requires to sustain its existence (Shelden et al.,
5


1997). Gangs grow as they recruit all types of
adolescents as members, including young and vulnerable
adolescents. Not only numbers determine the gang's
strength and reputation, but also by the loyalty and
dedication of the individual members to the gang and its
mission or goals (Shelden et al.).
How Are Gangs Organized?
Gangs can be compared to other organizations. I
examined the structure, hierarchy, and functions of gangs
and how these elements compare to traditional
organizations. As early as 1927, speculation surfaced
about how gangs were organized, and Thrasher defined the
gang by its structure:
an interstitial group originally formed
spontaneously, and then integrated through
conflict. The following types of behavior
characterize it: meeting face-to-face, milling,
movement through space as a unit, conflict, and
planning. The result of this collective
behavior is the development of tradition,
unreflective internal structure, esprit de
corps, solidarity, morale, group awareness, and
attachment to a local territory, (p. 46)
Gangs have a natural social structure, are well
stratified, and appear to undergo developmental sequences
not unlike other social groups or organizations (Fagan,
1989). Organization varies greatly among gangs and from
6


community to community, primarily based upon the formal
structure, hierarchy, and the level of control held by
the leadership (Petroff, 1995). Membership roles,
identifiable rules, and regular meetings are indicators
of a gang's level of formalization.
In an effort to understand gangs as organizations,
Fagan (1989) describes four types of gangs based on
individual gang members' reports about collective acts of
their gang. These range from type 1 (28 %) which are
social gangs where affiliation is the greatest need of
its members to type 2 (7 %) which are known as party
gangs which focus on social gatherings and support group
and individual drug use. Type 3 (37 %) includes serious
delinquents involved in delinquent acts who also
recreationally use drugs; and type 4 (28 %), are known as
organized gangs which are highly cohesive with drugs and
criminality linked, establishing them as formal criminal
organizations. Type 4 describes accurately the Black
Gangster Disciple gang, known for its organizational
structure, hierarchical leadership, and profitable drug
trade. Because of its well-known organizational
structure, hierarchical leadership, and well-documented
profitability, the Black Gangster Disciples gang is the
focus of this dissertation.
7


What Roles Do Leaders Play?
Morash (1983) states that gangs have well-defined
leadership roles. Within the BGD hierarchical model of
leadership, the leaders fulfill specific duties. This
type of leadership appears more prevalent in Caucasian
and African-American gangs (Petroff, 1995). Gang members
and gang leaders play very different roles within their
gangs. The gang members have common interests and
activities that force them to act collectively, creating
the need for control and discipline, spawning the
necessity for leadership (Schneider, 1995). The gang
leaders form plans, assign tasks, recruit members, and
initiate recruits. The primary role of the leaders is to
maintain the organizational structure and direct the
members to carry out assigned tasks that will accomplish
the leaders' identified goals of the gang, which are all
activities that support the BGD hierarchical model, such
as drug distribution, member recruitment, and other
antisocial activities.
Gangs have evolved to new levels of sophistication,
violence, and organization. Due to these new levels,
criminal youth gangs demand focused attention by
sociologists, criminologists, and policy makers to
counteract the damaging effects of gangs (Schneider,
8


}
1995). It is for this reason that I chose to study the
structure, leadership, and power of a very successful
gang organization, the Black Gangster Disciples.
The information about gangs is limited and does not
include knowledge about gang leaders and how they
contribute to the success of their gangs. Gang leaders
play a pivotal role in this success. Without knowledge
about gang leaders, a comprehensive understanding of
gangs that includes their structure, goals, power,
leadership, and success is not available.
Due to a lack of literature, other avenues are
needed to access information about gang leadership. This
dissertation examines gangs at a level not explored
easily. This information may be valuable to the various
agencies that interact with gang members on a consistent
basis. School staff members and law enforcement
officials will benefit from knowledge of how gangs are
organized, how they are led, and how they conduct
business. In addition, an improved understanding of a
gang's appeal, leadership, power, and structure may
assist law enforcement officials, distraught parents,
school staff, and community members in their efforts to
deter youths from joining gangs or to counteract the
negative and harmful effects of gang involvement. This
I
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information also may guide policy-makers in their
prevention and intervention efforts.
Purpose of the Study
Based on the negative impact gangs have on their
communities, combined with their increasing numbers and
revenues, I decided to study the factors that contribute
to a gang's success. The review of literature includes
many indicators such as reputation, recruitment, and
revenue (Knox, 1994; Schneider, 1995) that identify a
gang as successful. In addition, structured and formal
gangs exhibit even greater success than gangs that are
structured loosely. Formal gangs have leaders who are
established, powerful, and authoritative. Through my own
experience, combined with documented observations in my
literature review, I began to see connections between the
organization of gangs, combined with the roles of the
leaders, and the eventual success of gangs. Thus, I
selected the Black Gangster Disciples (BGDs) as a gang
considered successful by the previous indicators. Then,
to understand these connections, I interviewed the BGD
members.
10


Available Research on Gangs
Due to the increase in adolescent involvement in
deviant subcultures, considerable research about gangs
exists. One commonality in this literature is that gangs
are not a new phenomenon. Their tenure is well
documented throughout twentieth century literature
(Cloward & Ohlin, 1960; Cohen, 1955; Hagedorn, 1988;
Huff, 1989; Klein, 1971, Miller, 1980, Spergel, 1966;
Thrasher, 1927; Yablonsky, 1962).
While gangs have existed for many generations
(Petroff, 1995), accurate or "good" data on gangs is
lacking (Spergel, 1995). One of the major reasons for
this gap is the absence of a national center or agency to
collect gang data; therefore, one central source does not
exist for precise and uniform data (Office of Juvenile
Justice Delinquency Prevention Juvenile Justice
Clearinghouse, 1994).
Most of the public's information about gangs comes
from the police or media; however, neither source
presents complete or accurate research information
(Moore, 1993) Building on this inaccurate information,
communities construct stereotypes of gangs and gang
members based on ignorance and fear. To complicate the
11


issue further, an even greater void of information about
gang organization and leadership exists.
Research Questions
An understanding of traditional organizational
theories begins this research work. I examined the
principles of organizational theory and how they relate
to gangs. Through this comparison, several similarities
and differences were discovered. To build on this
framework, I decided that information needed to be
gathered from gang members and developed questions to
gather information.
Rather than write about the Black Gangster Disciples
based on others' observations, I decided to go to the
members as my direct source for information to determine
how and why their gang organization was successful. I
wanted to hear descriptions of their gang, leaders, and
structure in the members' own words. My intent was to
gather information and insight from Black Gangster
Disciple members and then assimilate the data so that
professionals who work with gang populations,
particularly successful and structured gang
organizations, could increase their understanding of gang
12


leadership and dynamics. An understanding of gang
leadership would result from increased knowledge about
the ingredients of a successful gang, the methods of a
successful leader, and the structure of a successful
gang.
Through this research process, I identify elements
of a successful gang. Based on my experience and
reading, I thought that reputation, recruitment, and
revenue would surface as theoretical indicators of a
successful gang. Interview questions were formulated to
ask Black Gangster Disciple members what they thought
about these elements.
Gang leadership is a difficult subject to learn
about since gang members insulate their leaders and
uphold a code of silence about their leadership.
Typically, for anyone other than their own gang members,
gang leaders are difficult to identify or find (Petroff,
1995) Because of the enforced code of silence, gang
members generally are reluctant to divulge any
information, particularly to someone whom they do not
know or trust. With this in mind, the prospect of
gaining access to this information appeared formidable.
To counter this seemingly formidable obstacle, I wrote
research questions designed to build trust. My intent was
13


to treat the interviewees respectfully so that they would
answer my questions candidly. The key to this strategy
was to ask questions that built on each other and created
a cadence that inspired trust and respect.
Limitations
While this research provides valuable information,
the limitations must be examined. First, the sample size
was small. This is due in part to the small number of
confirmed Black Gangster Disciple gang members in the
Colorado Department of Corrections system. The
Coordinators of Security Threat Groups in the two
facilities used for this study completed the selection of
those to be interviewed. The two coordinators set up
interviews with every confirmed Black Gangster Disciple
member. Out of those selected to be interviewed, several
declined to participate. Due to the small sample size,
it is impossible to make generalizations from the
findings.
Second, the information generated from the
interviews may be limited in its usefulness to other
geographic regions since the interviewees were from
14


various states. Gangs, their structures and leaders, may
vary between geographic locations.
Third, the accessibility to gang leaders was limited
in this work. Generally, no systematic research
pertaining to gang leaders is available (Schneider,
1995). To counteract this void in information, the Black
Gangster Disciple members were asked about their leaders
during the interviews; however, severe sanctions could be
enacted upon those members who divulged any information
about their leaders. Some members in leadership roles
were included in the interview process. Identified
leaders were difficult to access, some gang members
agreed to be interviewed, even with the threat of
retribution for breaking their code of silence (Knox,
1994). As described previously, precautionary measures
were taken to ensure the safety and confidentiality of
all participants.
Summary
This first chapter examined the significance of
gangs by addressing several questions. In addition, the
need for a theoretical framework, based in traditional
organizational theory, was established. Also found in
15


this chapter are the research questions used to interview
Black Gangster Disciple gang members who are incarcerated
in the Colorado Department of Corrections system at the
time of this study. The study's limitations end this
chapter.
The second chapter is designed to give the reader
information about the historical development of gangs,
the various definitions of gangs; the concepts of
leadership, power, and authority; and the historical
development of the Black Gangster Disciples. The
literature pertaining to gangs is introduced in
historical time frames. Following a historical
discussion of gang development, the significance of gang
development is addressed. Next, the related issue of how
to define a gang is discussed. Finally, the concepts of
leadership, power, and authority are reviewed in an
effort to position gangs within that context.
The third chapter identifies how this research
project was begun, structured, and designed. In
addition, an explanation is given about the methods used
to conduct this research.
The fourth chapter provides the analysis of the data
obtained from the interviews. Finally, chapter five
16


provides the conclusions developed from this research
work.
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CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
This review of the literature discusses gangs; tEneir
historical evolutions; conceptual frameworks of
organizational and leadership theories, gangs, power, and
authority; and functional definitions of gangs.
Additionally, the Black Gangster Disciples as a gang are
discussed.
Why Youths Join Gangs
Building on organizational leadership theories,
adolescent subcultures such as gangs become predictable
and less mysterious. An understanding of adolescent
subcultures provides a foundation on which to build.
This foundation demonstrates the needs of adolescents and
the attraction that peer groups hold for youth. With
this knowledge, the next step looks at the history,
definition, and structure of gangs, emphasizing how and
why youth are attracted to gangs. Once organizational
leadership is understood, combined with basic knowledge
about gangs, a more specific focus can be achieved, wkiich
looks at the power and authority of gang leaders.
18


i
Environmental Influences
Gangs tend to develop within the most impoverished
areas of a city, which often have high rates of other
social problems such as single-parent families, rampant
unemployment, welfare cases, and low education (Shelden
et al., 1997). The failure of traditional institutions
to control and direct youth is indicated by the
disintegration of family life, inefficiency of schools,
ineffectiveness of religion, corruption of politics, lack
of opportunity, void of wholesome recreation, and
deterioration of housing. Because these socially
disorganizing conditions exist, gangs serve to fill a gap
and provide an escape for adolescents who live in these
communities (Shelden et al., p. 29). The vast majority
of gang research maintains that gang behavior is a
consequence of poverty, economic marginality, lack of
legitimate opportunities, social disorganization, or
combinations of all of these factors (Decker & Van
Winkle, 1996; Fagan, 1989; Hagedorn, 1988; Huff, 1989;
Vigil, 1988). When communities do not offer legitimate
opportunities for youth to succeed, illegitimate
opportunities are initiated (Miller, 1975). Strong links
exist between gang membership and adolescent males,
ethnic minority status, and lack of parental influence.
I
19


Poor family relations and failure in school also serve as
indicators of a lack of bonding and increased potential
for delinquency (Dukes, Martinez, & Stein, 1997).
Developmental Needs
According to Maslow's theory (Maslow, 1998; Shelden
et al., 1997), all human beings have needs according to
their developmental stage, which includes gang members
and leaders. Without the ability to fulfill these needs
within the constraints of a positive environment,
adolescents will attempt to satisfy them by joining a
negative group or organization that can meet their needs.
These needs derive from what Hirschi (1969) calls social
bonds that consist of four elements: attachment,
involvement, commitment, and belief. The peer group is
most influential through the period of adolescence, with
particular importance for juvenile delinquents who turn
to their peer group for understanding and support
unavailable elsewhere (Sherer, 1983). Hirschi (1969)
contends that children who are attached to their parents,
committed to long-term goals, involved in conventional
activities, and committed to the morality of the law tend
to avoid delinquency. Thus, those youth with the weakest
20


bonds demonstrate a proclivity for gang involvement due
to weak internal controls, increasing the individuals'
susceptibility to their peer's delinquent influence. For
some gang members, the psychosocial need for peer
affirmation, convention, and support is met through gang
affiliation (Vigil, 1988). Affiliation with the gang
provides the adolescent male with a new reference group
(King, 1997) .
In an attempt to understand the reasons given for
joining gangs, Maslow's hierarchy of needs provides
insight (Shelden et al., 1997). Maslow's hierarchy of
needs includes physiological needs, safety/security
needs, social needs, self-esteem needs, and actualization
needs. The lower-order needs must first be met before
high-order needs appear. These needs serve as motivating
factors for individuals. Initially, the gang provides a
sense of belonging for the adolescent. Later on, when
youth move up the ranks and are chosen as the leader of a
gang, this process fulfills the self-esteem or self-
actualization needs by supplying the desired prominence
and influence (Petroff, 1995) The gang now rivals other
traditional institutions such as family and schools, to
guide and direct self-identification (Vigil, 1988).
21


Social Influences
According to social-bonding theory (Kinnear, 1996)
many adolescents miss out on the value of social
institutions that teach them socially acceptable
behavior. For example, family processes play an
important role in bonding. If a family spends minimal
time together, this provides less support and affection
for the adolescents that may result in their seeking for
bonding with negative peers such as in a gang. When
families are unavailable for their children, either
physically or emotionally, children will look elsewhere
to meet their needs.
Building on the effects of opportunity and strain
theory (Kinnear, 1996) suggests that the achievement of
wealth, social position, and personal goals are
attainable by everyone. Reality dictates that these
opportunities do not exist for many youth, resulting in
hopelessness. The sense of hopelessness can lead to
delinquent behavior. The blocked opportunities may lead
to a poor self-concept (Shelden et al., 1997) When
opportunities, generally illegitimate ones, increase for
these individuals, their self-concept improves,
particularly when they are successful.
22


The gang defines the youth's position in society,
which becomes her or his reference group (Stotland,
1959). The gangs give structure to the lives of youth
who feel hopeless, often helping them to feel important
and useful, while providing safety, again meeting their
needs, according to Maslow (Shelden et al., 1997).
The gang members' hopelessness illustrates Merton's
concept of anomie that refers to inconsistencies between
societal conditions and opportunities for growth,
fulfillment, and productivity within a society (Shelden
et al., 1997, p. 33). This theory suggests a lack of
integration between culturally defined goals,
particularly related to success, and the
institutionalized means to achieve these goals, which
creates strain within individuals, who respond deviantly
(Shelden et al.).
When these influences intermingle, the results
encourage adolescents to find opportunities to be
important, safe, and respected. Their journey often
leads them into gang membership. After joining a gang,
the adolescent further alienates herself or himself from
legitimate opportunities for success, which reinforces
their hopelessness.
23


Role of Gangs
Cross-culturally, adolescent peer groups serve
important functions in guiding youth identity crises
during their emotional, physical, and social changes
(Vigil, 1988). Adolescents join gangs because they offer
an instant "family"providing companionship, loyalty,
identity, and status (Clark, 1992). The urban gang
serves as an institution that aids adolescent passage to
adulthood. In Nelson's (1996) case study of two female
gang members, he states that their reasons for joining a
gang include respect that is defined as power over others
through fear and intimidation and the need to belong to a
group.
Reagan's (1996) study interviewed gang members and
asked each individual to write down the reasons that they
joined their gangs and all respondents gave multiple
reasons for joining their respective gangs. The results
indicate that 70% joined to gain a second or surrogate
family; 60% joined due to a need for power; 40% joined to
feel acceptance; 40% joined to experience excitement; 40%
joined to become involved in criminal activity; 30%
joined for protection; 30% joined because of family
members who belonged; 20% joined due to environmental
factors; 20% joined for monetary reasons; 20% joined
24


because of peer pressure; and 10% joined for revenge.
The initial decision to join a gang appears to stem from
a need to form relationships and to gain a sense of
belonging, forming a social, rather than antisocial
culture.
The excitement for members stems not only from
venting aggression and a sense of adventure, but also
from the emotional support that gang camaraderie
provides. The support received may be in the form of
toughness that is the gang behavior pattern most
accessible for those youth with distressing childhoods.
This behavioral characteristic uplifts the ego, enabling
them to appear successful. Acting tough affords pride to
many gang members, increasing their status, which may
give them leadership opportunities which further uplifts
their perception of ego, feelings of power, and sense of
success.
Gangs Placed in Historical Time Frames
The sociological and criminological inquiry on youth
gangs spans approximately eighty years (Schneider, 1995,
p. 10). Definitions of gangs vary throughout history and
remain elusive (Schneider). Literature about gangs as
25


organizations can be divided into historical time frames.
These time frames dictate the definition of gangs and
place them in their historical context. As this
evolution is traced through history, trends emerge,
showing how communities view gangs, how youths form
gangs, and how interventions with gangs develop. This
historical analysis shows that gang membership crosses
all racial and ethnic lines.
Prior to the Twentieth Century
The earliest research reports that youth gangs
existed in Eastern and Western societies for many
centuries. As early as the 1600s, London reported
organized gangs who called themselves the Mims, Hectors,
Bugles, and Dead Boys (Spergel, 1995). In the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, English gangs wore
belts and pins to identify their gang. Most of the data
during this period illuminate characteristics of gang
members and how they effect society. Few, if any,
resources documented the presence of gangs in the
nineteenth century.
26


The 1920s
The most notable research began with Thrasher's work
in 1927 that states that 1,313 gangs had been discovered
in Chicago at the time he wrote his book, The Gang.
Thrasher focused on the gang and its habitat, stating
that gangs grew out of disorganized, interstitial
neighborhoods.
In the context of the Chicago gangs studied,
Thrasher discusses the role and nature of leadership
within the various gangs. Traits of gang leadership
include unwavering bravery, physical prowess, and
powerful imaginations. He then describes the
individuality of gangs, outlining that social groups
become gangs when "the group as a whole . . . must meet
some hostile element which precipitates conflict"
(Thrasher, p. 43).
The world of gangs, as defined by Thrasher, has
changed dramatically. His research and social service
agencies that supported his views succeeded in presenting
the gangland to the larger community. He provided a
general picture of life in an area little understood by
the average citizen (Cummings & Monti, 1993).
27


The 1930s and 1940s
Tannebaum entered the gang scene in the late 1930s,
setting the stage for the development of cultural
deviance theory (Schneider, 1995). Tannebaum believed
American criminality results from the complexities of the
social environment. This theory began to address the
deficits of the community in which juveniles commit
crimes, suggesting that crime and criminal activities
grow in an environment of friction, conflict, and
disintegration.
Building on the theories of delinquency and cultural
deviance theory, Shaw and McKay served as forerunners in
the development of social policies that connected poverty
and social problems to juvenile delinquency (Schneider,
1995). They discovered a pattern that delinquents were
highly concentrated around Chicago's central business
districts and dispersed from the city's core. A related
finding suggests that the loss of elements of social
controls such as family, school, or religious controls,
often aids in the growth of street gangs. Based on this
research, social policies developed, supported by the
idea that poverty and the social conditions related to
poverty caused juvenile delinquency. One of the flaws of
this social disorganization perspective is its
28


deterministic nature. Shaw and McKay's theory begins to
infer that the influence the gang asserts on its members
proves to be more powerful than other societal
institutions (Schneider, p. 18).
As research progressed, Whyte introduced the concept
of a gang as a structure, while also studying gang
leadership (Whyte, 1943). His findings suggest that the
gang's structure arises out of continued and persistent
interaction over long periods of time. The group remains
intact due to numerous, intense social interactions,
building a system of mutual obligations, resulting in the
formation of gangs. For his study, Whyte selected an
Italian community, named Cornerville, because he thought
it looked like a gang community should (Curry & Thomas,
1992). His study looked at how the "big guys" control
the activities of the "little guys" (Whyte, 1943, p.
xxi). As a result of his study, he describes the leader
as more resourceful and independent than his followers,
in addition to being confident, fair, respected, and
skillful.
Researchers who studied gangs prior to the 1950s
attempted to generate a wide range of facts on this
emerging subject. Theoretical frameworks surfaced as
researchers began to look for trends and conceptual
29


Ideologies to explain gang formations and behaviors. The
next era provided a plethora of information about gangs.
The 1950s and 1960s
During the late 1950s and 1960s, most of our
knowledge about gangs developed. During this time,
theories of gang delinquency emerged. Popular theorists
such as Cohen (1955) and Cloward and Ohlin (1960) suggest
that lower-class youths turn to delinquent subcultures in
response to their contempt for not achieving the middle-
class value system that has been thrust upon them
(Schneider, 1995). Membership in the delinquent
subcultures, such as gangs, supplies group support. As
group support strengthens, delinquency behaviors
increase. These researchers do not place blame on
individuals who they describe as rational actors who
simply turn to illegitimate channels when legitimate ones
are closed (Schneider, p. 25).
The premise on which Cloward and Ohlin's (1960)
theory rests is that success is a basic value in American
society and all members of society adhere to this ethic,
regardless of their social position. Strain occurs when
opportunities are blocked. As a result, subcultures
30


develop. These subcultures are narrowly focused groups
that specialize in some activity. The members of these
subcultures do not see themselves as social failures, it
is the system that failed (Schneider, 1995, p. 26). When
the system fails, youths begin exploring illegitimate
means to fulfill their needs and desires. Within
delinquent subcultures, delinquent behaviors occur.
In contrast, Miller (1958) sees delinquency as youth
behaving consistently with the values of the community in
which the delinquent lives, independent of their
environment or socio-economic status. This standpoint
suggests a distinct lower-class value structure. Miller
further elaborates the focal concerns of the gang,
identifying these concerns as trouble, smartness,
toughness, fate, and autonomy. During this period, the
gang serves as a vehicle for youths to acquire those
things not provided through traditional social
institutions. For the first time, the gang became known
as a surrogate family, which furnishes the youth with a
sense of esteem or worth. The gang serves the functions
that the existing societal institutions failed to
provide.
In the mid-1950s, gangs in the Black community began
to resurface. The Black gangs at this time were
31
j


territorial, loosely organized, and had visible leaders.
By the mid-1960s, the Black gangs faded from their
communities as the organized political groups such as The
Black Panthers, surfaced. Many youth of this era, who
were too young to participate in groups such as the Black
Panthers, got together and formed street gangs, which are
now well known as different Crip gangs.
The 1970s and 1980s
In the period from the 1970s to the early 1980s,
very little was added to the knowledge base. The gang
problem did not disappear during this time; rather,
attention to gang research faded (Knox, 1994). From the
1980s on, a renewed interest in gangs surfaced. Research
during this time focused on "(a) the nature and type of
gang activity combined with structure, networks, and
organizational issues; (b) community related concerns;
(c) attitudinal studies of gang members; and (d)
ethnic/gender based gang activities" (Schneider, 1995, p.
31) .
One noted trend in the research of this era
describes the street gang as having low cohesion and
unstable leaders. According to contingency theory
32


(Schneider, 1995), drug dealing is best served by this
type of organizational structure because it is
nonvertical, decentralized, flexible, and loosely
organized (Hagedorn, 1988).
Another theme discusses the process of recruitment
of new members (Thornberry, Krohn, Lizotte, & Chard-
Wierschem, 1993) that is an important process for gangs
and can be considered an indicator of success. This
process appears to be voluntary and increases when the
youth's perceived chances of success diminish.
As the research progressed, trends included gang
members rewarding certain behaviors of their peers and
punishing others. This process parallels Bandura's social
learning theory that builds on the concept of
instrumental conditioning (Winfree, Backstrom., & Mays,
1994). Instrumental conditioning states that "behavior
is acquired or conditioned by the effects, outcomes, or
consequences it has on the person's environment" (Winfree
et al., 1994, p. 149). This learning process utilizes
reinforcement and punishment. An individual learns
through close, intimate interactions with others,
evaluating behaviors as appropriate or inappropriate,
good or bad. Delinquent conduct increases when youths
develop ideas and definitions favorable to delinquency.
33


For example, defending the neighborhood or the gang's
honor might be identified as favorable, resulting in
delinquent behaviors (Winfree et al.).
Until about the mid-1900s, the majority of gangs in
America were white. During the 1970s, about four-fifths
of gang members were either African American or Hispanic
(Howell, 1994).
Toward the end of the 1980s, the stage was set for
explosive growth of street gangs. The causal factors for
this growth included a faltering economy, declining job
opportunities, and the government's short-term success in
the drug war. With the government's successes in the
drug war, drug prices soared, creating an economic
opportunity for gangs to capitalize on. As "crack"
entered the market, gangs became even bigger players in
the drug distribution market (Parker, 1997).
The 1990s
Several themes in recent gang research have emerged:
(a) the number of gangs has increased rapidly, (b) gang
membership has diversified, (c) most gangs are not very
cohesive or stable in membership, (d) the ages of gang
34


members encompass a wide range, (e) gang violence has
become widespread and lethal (Huff, 1996).
In 1988, the Bureau of Justice Assistance, U. S.
Department of Justice (1995) identified gangs as a
distinct criminal element. Contributing to increased
acts of violence, one predictor of gang membership is a
"high proclivity for violence" (Clark, 1992, p. 287) .
Knowing the extent to which a youth possesses pro-gang
attitudes provides the single best method of
discriminating between gang and nongang youth (Winfree et
al., p. 162). In addition, defiance of parents proves to
be highly associated with gang affiliation. Fleisher
(1997) describes the Kansas City gang, the Fremont
Hustlers, as growing up in moral poverty surrounded by
deviant, delinquent, and criminal adults in an
environment conducive to criminal pursuits (p. 490).
These gang members were subjected to harsh and neglectful
socialization, without much of an opportunity to pursue
non-criminal activities considered normal in adolescent
development.
Once involved in gangs, member attributes include
truancy, substance abuse, and failure to experience guilt
(Clark, 1992). These attributes challenge the
established authority of social institutions, creating
35


bonds between gang members, as they defy societal norms.
Today's gangs resemble organized crime networks more
closely than loose bands of hooligans (Gibeaut, 1598).
Research remains foundational to understanding gangs
and planning intervention and prevention programs.
Familiarity with ttae territory is not enough. Systematic
and sustained research is necessary to understand gangs
or any aspect of huxman behavior. An additional corollary
is equally important. If they are to be successful,
efforts to prevent, intervene with, or suppress gangs
must be supported by local knowledge and research that is
systematic and up to date (Huff, 1996) Most law
enforcement agencies use some combination of the
following nine criteria in determining youth gang
membership (Office of Juvenile Justice Delinquency
Prevention, 1997, p. 1):
1. The individual freely admits membership.
2. The individual has gang tattoos.
3. The individual associates with gang members.
4. The individual wears gang colors or clothing
imprinted with gang names.
5. The individual has been photographed with known
gang members.
6. Others idemtify the individual as a gang member.
7. The individual writes or has written about
her/his grang affiliation.
8. The individual has family members or relatives
who are kznown gang members.
9. Official documentation from police, probation,
court records, or school records indicate the
individua.1 is a gang member.
36


Klein (1997) states that traditional gangs share
these characteristics: territoriality; versatility in
crime patterns; a preponderance of male members; higher
rates of racial or ethnic minority membership; ages
ranging from pre-teens to the thirties; location in the
inner city areas; and members who are generally oriented
toward criminal activity (p. 516-517). Traditional gangs
also have histories of several generations.
Reasons for joining gangs vary. Often youth join
gangs due to common factors such as: financial,
emotional, safety, and social needs. The individual
adolescent's knot of needs can be so pervasive and so
unmet that identifying the reasons for joining may be
difficult, if not impossible (Parker, 1997) Delinquency
can be attributed to low family cohesion, ineffective
parental monitoring/discipline, and lack of emotional
supports (Lyon, Henggeler, Hall, 1992) .
Significance of Gang Development
At the current population growth rate, in the year
2010, nearly half-a-million more adolescent boys will be
in gangs than in the latter 1990s. This means that, if
current delinquency trends continue, an additional 30,000
37


chronic juvenile delinquents may join gangs. If history
is a predictor, these male adolescents will be more
violent than the current delinquents (Maginnis, 1995) .
Gangs evolved from playgroups and street corner,
neighborhood, turf-oriented gangs to contemporary gangs
that may control shopping malls or schools and initiate
drug wars. Contributing to the impact of gangs, the
media portrays gang members as influential, rich, and
glamorous. Some theorists suggest that inner-city gang
members are growing progressively older and more violent
in response to decaying institutional controls and
inadequate opportunity structures within the lower class
(Lasley, 1992). Nelson (1996) identifies four conditions
that appear to be common among youth that join gangs that
include: significant hopelessness, racial discrimination,
generational poverty, and disorganized or violent
families.
Society benefits whenever groups of adolescents
gather together in establishment-sanctioned prosocial
activities such as sport competitions, academic
competitions, or service projects. When the criteria for
inclusion becomes too narrow, such as height, grades,
experience, or income, asocial "tribes" (Masters, 1991,
p. 6), better known as gangs, develop. If prosocial
38


activities are unavailable, alternative outlets can
provide the same kind of excitement. Rituals, not unlike
the establishment-sanctioned traditions, are created.
These rituals and behaviors include attire, activities,
language, music, risks, planning, tactics, and
competitions. Simply stated, gangs fill the affiliation
needs of the involved youths (Shelden et al., 1997).
The street gang surfaces as a competitor with other
institutions, such as family and schools, to guide and
direct self-identification. The gang shapes what its
members think about themselves and others while providing
models for how to look and act under various
circumstances. Thus, self-identity becomes a street-
based process with an emphasis on group norms. Gang
camaraderie also provides emotional support. For most
gang members, the concept of toughness is most accessible
for those youths with difficult childhoods. When they
display this toughness characteristic, they may appear
successful, affording them pride, with the knowledge that
their peers will support them if trouble occurs. For
many youths, the gang serves as an institution that aids
adolescent passage to adulthood (Vigil, 1988). Through
their involvement with gangs, members may experience a
numbing detachment from others and a self-destructive
39


disposition toward others while providing a sense of
identity, belonging, power, and protection (Maginnis
1995).
Definitions of a Gancr
Not only has gang research evolved through history,
definitions of gangs evolved also. Early renditions of
gang definitions were vague and lacked consensus. The
term gang is notoriously imprecise. The definition of
gang depends on the characteristics of the definer rather
than the defined (Ball & Curry, 1995). Horowitz (1990)
makes the argument that agreement on the definition of a
youth gang does not have to occur. He further states
that it is unlikely that social scientists will ever
agree on one definition. Conly (1993) maintains that the
word "gang" is a relatively meaningless label. Howell
(1994) agrees that an accepted definition of gangs does
not exist. He states that most state and local
jurisdictions tend to develop their own working
definitions. Due to the confusion connected with this
term, some advocate abandoning the term, since it can not
be standardized because it is not a term used by the
40


youth themselves (Conly, 1993). Because the word "gang"
is a recognized term, it is used in this study.
Thrasher (1927) said that a group of people does not
become a gang until it has a rival or an enemy. Thrasher
defines gangs in terms of the process in which they are
formed and their specific activities (Hagedorn, 1988).
Whyte (1943) defines gang as a system of mutual
obligations that developed out of habitual associations
of members over a long period of time. Cloward and Ohlin
(1960) identify gangs as delinquent subcultures where
delinquent acts are essential requirements to belong to
that subculture.
Yablonsky (1962) defines a gang as a "group of
psychopaths with few real ties to each other" (p. 149).
In addition, Yablonsky led the way in identifying three
major types of gangs: delinquent, violent, and social.
The function of the gang determines the classification.
The delinquent gang carries out various illegal
activities; the violent gang satisfies emotional needs
and desires; and the social gang serves as an outlet for
social interaction (Yablonsky, 1962) .
Another classification system based on commerce,
authored by Taylor (1990), identifies four different gang
types. Scavenger gangs, primarily comprised of lower
41


class youth, involve the first state of gang membership
and lack discipline or focus. Territorial gangs claim
ownership of a particular territory. Commercial gangs
focus on material gain. Corporate gangs also pursue
financial gain, through a well-organized structure,
without room for competition. African American gang
members account for a large proportion of drug sales,
part of their financial success (Howell & Gleason, 1999).
In a similar fashion, Parker (1997) categorizes
gangs into three different categories. Social groups or
hedonistic gangs focus on partying and getting high, with
minimal criminal activity involved. Instrumental gangs
tend to commit crimes against property, rather than
people. They may use drugs and deal them individually to
make money. Predatory gangs commit violent crimes. They
feed on the fear they inspire, to dominate and control
others. Predatory gangs often establish franchises far
from their home bases, cloning additional gang subsets
throughout the nation.
Spergel (1964) describes gangs as delinquent
subcultures with their own values, norms, and beliefs
that seriously violate pro-social modes of conduct
prescribed by the broader culture in which they live.
42


Delinquency is a group phenomenon (Baron & Tindall,
1993). Klein (1971) defines a gang as follows:
Any denotable adolescent group of youngsters
who are generally perceived as a distinct
aggregation of others in the neighborhood, who
recognize themselves as a denotable group and
have been involved in a sufficient number of
delinquent incidents to call forth a consistent
negative response from the neighborhood
residents and/or enforcement agencies, (p. 13)
Miller (1975) surveyed twelve U.S. cities asking their
definitions of a gang. The summary of the respondents'
views forms the following definition of a gang:
a group of recurrently associating individuals with
identifiable leadership and internal organization,
identifying with or claiming control over territory
in the community, and engaging either individually
or collectively in violent or other forms of illegal
behavior, (p. 82)
Horowitz (1982) and Spergel (1984) identify the gang
as a structured group that uses social control to
maintain group norms. Hagedorn (1989) describes the gang
as a friendship group of adolescents who share common
interests, with a more or less clearly defined territory,
in which most of the members live. They are committed to
defending one another, the territory, and the gang name
in the status-setting fights that occur in school and on
the street (p. 5). Goldstein and Huff (1996)
differentiate between a gang and an organized crime
group, defining the youth gang as:
43


A collectivity consisting primarily of
adolescents and young adults who (a) interact
frequently with one another; (b) are frequently
and deliberately involved in illegal
activities; (c) share a common collective
identity that is usually,, but not always,
expressed through a gang name; and (d)
typically express that identity by adopting
certain symbols and/or claiming control over
certain "turf" (persons, places, things, and/or
economic markets), (p. 4)
In contrast, an organized crime group is defined as:
A collectivity consisting primarily of adults
who (a) interact frequently with one another;
(b) are frequently and deliberately involved in
illegal activity directed toward economic gain,
primarily through the provision of illegal
goods and services; and (c) generally have
better defined leadership and organizational
structure than does the youth gang. (pp. 4-5)
In addition, Abadinsky (1990) states that law enforcement
officials and scholars found eight common characteristics
in organized crime groups. An organized crime group: is
nonideological, hierarchical, has limited or exclusive
membership, is perpetuitous, uses illegal violence and
bribery, demonstrates specialization or division of
labor, is monopolistic, and is governed by explicit rules
and regulations (p. 95).
Taylor (1993) categorizes gangs by motivation:
scavenger gangs with impulsive behavior and rotating
leadership; territorial gangs who organize for specific
purposes, have territorial turf, and clear leaders; and
organized/corporate gangs who are well-organized, have
44


managers rather than leaders, and their activities are
primarily motivated by profit. A characteristic of youth
gangs is that many of their members are in their early
teen years and identified as "wannabes, pee wees, or
midgets who are readily influenced by older gang members
who serve as role models (Orvis, 1996).
While a standard definition isn't accepted, many
criteria are widely used which include: formal
organization structures; identifiable leadership;
identified with a territory; recurrent interaction; and
engaging in serious or violent behavior (Howell, 1994) .
In addition, most juvenile delinquency, unlike adult
crime, is committed in groups.
Klein (1995) identifies a group as a gang when it
perceives itself as a gang, and this occurs when conflict
exists: conflict with a rival gang, a school, the police,
and the system. Conflict and violence are integral to
gang culture. In 1995, Huff defined gangs as "groups
whose members meet together with some regularity, over
time, on the basis of group-defined criteria or
membership and group-determined organizational structure,
usually with some sense of territoriality" (Huff, 1996,
xviii). Labeling youth as gang members may help solidify
45


their involvement in the gang, an unintended outcome
(Rutkowski, 1996).
In Part I of Title 18, United States Code (Title XV,
1997, p.l) criminal street gangs are defined as: "an
ongoing group, club, organization, or association of five
or more persons (a) that has of one of its primary-
purposes the commission of one or more of the criminal
offenses described in subsection (c); (b) the members of
which engage or have engaged within the past five years,
in a continuing series of offenses described in
subsection (c); and (c) the activities of which affect
interstate or foreign commerce."
Criminology texts and courts often begin the
definition process by consulting a dictionary. The term
gang tends to designate collectivities that are: (a)
marginal; (b) loosely organized; and (c) without a clear,
social purpose (Ball & Curry, 1995). Similar to other
forms of deviance, gangs generally are defined by what
they are not.
The Chicago Police Department (as cited by OJJDP,
1997) identifies gangs if they have the following
characteristics: a name and recognizable symbols, a
geographic territory, a regular meeting pattern, and an
organized and continuous course of criminality.
46


Parker (1997, p. 4) includes the FBI's definition of
a gang: a group of three or more individuals bonded
together by race, national origin, culture, or territory,
which associate on a continual basis for the purpose of
committing criminal acts.
Reaching consensus on gang definitions may not be
possible; however, a common understanding of the
parameters in which a gang operates may help develop
policy for prevention and intervention programs.
Research on gangs, their structures, leadership, and
membership impacts the definitions of gangs. As research
progresses, definitions further evolve.
This study uses Goldstein's (1993) description which
states that gangs are groups whose members meet
regularly, have group-defined criteria for membership and
leadership, a defined organizational structure, with
identifiable features such as territoriality, clothing,
signs, and names. The gang also is frequently and
deliberately involved in illegal behavior.
Black Gangster Disciples
Taylor (1993) classifies highly structured gangs as
corporate gangs that have specific objectives and goals.
47


Corporate gangs focus on financial gain through criminal
activity and tolerate no competition in the business they
select. This aptly describes the Black Gangster
Disciples.
The Black Gangster Disciples, believed to be the
nation's largest and best organized street gang are a
well-disciplined and chain-of-command organization that
boasts membership of about 30,000 gang members (Lindberg,
1997; Gibeaut, 1998). James Morgan (Tyson, 1996, p. 2),
special agent in charge of the US Drug Enforcement
Administration, says that, "The Gangster Disciples are
one of, if not the largest and most successful gang in
the history of the United States." Chicago-based US
Attorney James Burns told President Clinton (Tyson, 1996,
p. 2), the BGDs have "a very sophisticated battle plan
and a very sophisticated organization." The BGDs are
organized with flow charts, finance committees, and
boards of directors (American gangs, 1994). Attorney
Burns also states that over the last 25 years the BGDs
have evolved better than any other gang in the United
States (Tyson).
Knox (1996) identifies the Black Gangster Disciples
as one of the most successful, illegal, homegrown, and
highly centralized corporations in the modern American
48


underground economy. Professor Knox estimates that the
Disciples make more than $100 million per year in
narcotic drug sales and use, stretching into 35 states
(Macko, 1996) Another source estimates the revenue at
$300 million annually (American gangs, 1994) The Black
Gangster Disciples (BGD) uses a pledge of allegiance,
membership applications, and weekly dues. Their codes of
honor promote loyalty, sacrifice, and fidelity, similar
to the Moose Lodge, the Elks or churches (Lindberg,
1997) .
History and Development of Black
Gangster Disciples
The Black Gangster Disciples formed in 1971 under
the leadership of David Barksdale, known as King David
(HIDTA, 1997). David Barksdale came to Chicago from
Mississippi when his parents moved there in 1957. His
legal name was Donise David Barksdale and he was born May
24, 1947. He had no felony convictions on his rap sheet
and only minor offenses such as disorderly conduct,
intimidation, curfew, and burglary charges. Throughout
his life, he gained the status of a folk hero (Knox,
1996).
After Barksdale's death in 1974, Larry Hoover became
the leader. Although Hoover was sentenced to life
49


imprisonment for murder, he continues to control the
organization from prison. Larry Hoover, at 45 years of
age, has been in prison for almost half his life. In
addition to his control over the street gang, he
allegedly controls about 5,400 inmates in state prisons
(Macko, 1996). His parole has been denied ten times;
however, he recently enlisted some Chicago community
leaders to advocate for his release and was denied again.
By 1979, a treaty signed by the Black Gangster
Disciples and the Simon City Royals and twenty other area
gangs constituted the alliance known as the Folk Nation.
In response to the formation of the Folk Nation, the Vice
Lords and Latin Kings, both rivals of the BGD gang,
founded the People Nation. These two nations originated
in Chicago, and both attempt to control neighborhoods in
Chicago.
Federal prosecutors convicted Hoover and his
cohorts, which placed them in federal prison, thus
limiting their contact with the outside world. Federal
prosecutors (Cohen, 1996) report that Hoover's
incarceration enabled him to consolidate power and
develop unquestioning allegiance among the members of his
gang. This was accomplished through Hoover's
organizational skills that capitalized on the
50


I
opportunities within the prison system. Hoover promoted
solidarity and purpose for the inmates who followed him
(Knox, 1996). The chief state gang prosecutor in Chicago
states, "Larry Hoover is to street gangs what John Gotti
was to organized crime" (Gibeaut, 1998). Prosecutors
identify Hoover as the chairman of a hierarchical
organization, the Black Gangster Disciples, which
resembles both a Fortune 500 company and a branch of the
mob (Papajohn, 1993) .
The Organization of Black
Gangster Disciples
Hoover states that his BGD nation was modeled after
Chicago's Italian Mafia that emphasized discipline,
respect, and hierarchy. Similar to the Mafia, the BGDs
play an important role in Chicago politics and also
display discipline, respect, and hierarchy. As reported
in the Colorado Springs Gazette (Emery, Huspeni, Montoya
& Bell, 1996), BGDs are a quantum leap above other gangs
in terms of sophistication and organization. As
organizations become more formal, role differentiation
results. The presence of different roles or levels of
responsibility demonstrate increasing formalization
(Decker & Van Winkle, 1996) As the BGD nation develops,
tendencies for gang leaders to pursue careers in
j
51


organized drug sales increase (Hagedorn and Macon, 1988).
By the late 1970s, older African-American adult gang
members in Chicago demonstrated significant involvement
in drug dealing (Howell & Decker, 1999; Howell & Gleason,
1999) .
This street gang runs itself like a Fortune 500
company. Some liken it to the hamburger-selling might of
McDonald's (Gangsters' Tales, 1997). Currently, its
chairman and one member of the board of directors reside
in prison. On the streets, governors, regents,
treasurers, and enforcers run the day-to-day operations.
Federal wiretaps helped to identify the gang's hierarchy
with orders flowing from Hoover, the chairman, and then
board members (the policy makers) to governors, assistant
governors, and regents (business managers of drug trade)
to coordinators and soldiers (Cohen, 1996). A computer
file seized by the government describes the gang's staff
system with a list of 96 officials (Gangsters' Tales,
1997) .
At the top are two boards of directors who divide
their responsibilities: one controls street operations
and the other controls the imprisoned gang members.
Under the directors, governors oversee members in
specific territories. These territories are subdivided
52


between regents and coordinators who distribute drugs,
oversee operations, manage security, and collect monies
(Macko, 1996). The next level includes area coordinators
who collect revenues hourly for transfers to regents and
first or second chairs that control each drug-selling
location and the security squad. At the bottom of the
organization, enforcers mete out fines and violations
(punishments) to those members who cheat the gang or
disobey other rules while the "shorties" execute drug
deals and guard gang territory. Often the "shorties" are
only 13 or 14 year old males living in neighborhoods
dominated by the BGDs illicit narcotics network (Tyson,
1996).
Membership in the
Black Gangster Disciples
The BGD nation actively recruits young members from
poor and jobless communities with the lure of easy cash
and the possibilities of working security shifts with
powerful handguns. The gang leaders, primarily young
adults, often survive emotionally and economically from
the gang enterprises. The high level of violence present
in the BGD gang can be attributed to the male young adult
presence in their gang (Hagedorn & Macon, 1988).
53


As a national gang/drug trafficking organization,
the BGD has affiliates/chapters in twenty-seven states.
The Black Gangster Disciples lead in gang member
exportation (Macko,1996). Leaders in good standing may
expand, as though it were a business franchise, to a new
geographical area (Knox, 1996). The importance of drugs
to the gang lifestyle is well documented by Hagedorn
(1988) where 60% of those gang members interviewed
admitted they used drugs most or all of the time.
Approximately one third of those interviewed said they
used drugs every day.
Success of the BGD Organization
Indicators of the effectiveness of the Black
Gangster Disciples can be seen through the longevity of
its organization, the structure of its membership, the
authority of its leaders, and the obedience of its
members. On all of these measures, the BGD's self-
reported that they were successful and exceeded
expectations of their leaders.
54


Identifying Features of Black
Gangster Disciples Membership
In the BGD gang, the primary gender is male and the
primary race or ethnicity is AfricanAmerican. Leaders
in the BGD nation are all adults (Gibeaut, 1998). Gang
members typically range from about 12 to 25 years old.
The average age is around 17 years. Cities like Chicago,
with well-established gangs, report that up to 74% of
gang members are adults (OJJDP, 1994). Adolescents are
recruited with promises of pocket money, good times,
exciting opportunities, and social thrills. New recruits
are often about 12 years old and complete about six years
of "nation work" such as selling drugs before they are
eligible to hold any official position of rank in the
gang organization (Knox, 1996). If they live that long,
they usually accumulate an arrest record that hardened
and prepared them for an adult criminal career. Bradley,
a childhood friend of Hoover's, an ex-convict and an aide
to Cook County Commissioner Jerry Butler, states that
local gang members don't listen to their parents,
teachers, or preachers; however, they listen to the
leaders on the street (Papajohn, 1993).
In addition, it is estimated that between 80 and 90
% of the inmates in the Illinois system have some
affiliation with street gangs (Lane, 1989). The Gangster
55


Disciples are better organized in prison than on the
streets. Inmates are screened and checked for references
prior to joining (Cohen, 1996).
The BGD associate with specific professional sports
teams and their logos: Denver Broncos, Detroit Lions,
Georgetown Hoyas, and the L.A. Dodgers. They primarily
identify with the colors black, blue, white, and silver.
Their emblems include the pitchfork with the points up,
six-point star of David, heart with crown, devils' horns
with a tail and wings on each side, and their tattoos are
generally a pitchfork or a six-pointed star of David.
Each point of the star represents a tenet of the gang's
philosophy: love, life, loyalty, wisdom, knowledge, and
understanding (Emery et al., 1996); however, the creed
applies only to the members of the BGD nation.
Their alliances are with the gang sets: Folk Nation,
Spanish Cobras, Maniac Disciples, Brothers of the
Struggle, and Hoover Folk. Their rivals include: Dirty
Rotten Scoundrels, Crips, Latin Kings, Netas, Vice Lords,
Four Corner Hustlers, El Rukns, Insane Deuces, Nation of
Islam, and Spanish Lords.
!
i
56


Revenue and Criminal Activity
The primary sources of revenue result from illegal
trafficking of narcotics and extortion. Crack and crack
cocaine are the primary drugs distributed. As Knox
(1996) notes, the term "putting in Nation work" means
selling drugs for the organization while "getting new
work" means collecting a new batch of drugs for sale.
The majority of the illegal drug income travels up the
hierarchy of this leader-driven enterprise. Illegal drug
sales are identified as the primary activity of the BGDs.
Most of the organizational codes or rules provide
protection for the gang, particularly the leaders, from
criminal prosecution.
The gang members generally involve themselves in
additional criminal activity such as: drive-by shootings,
homicide, extortion, assaults, and money laundering
(HIDTA, 1997). Often BGDs state that their actions are
based on their need for survival (Hagedorn, 1988). Not
only do gang members commit crimes, they also run many
different businesses in an effort to control their entire
community. These businesses often include car washes,
paging services, taverns, and concert promotions. The
BGDs used their muscle, money, and manpower to impose
57


order and control over the neighborhoods in which they
reside (Tyson, 1996) .
Discipline Practices and Codes
Gang punishment rituals for failure to comply
include beatings, often with baseball bats, or worse for
infractions such as stealing drugs, missing meetings, not
showing proper respect, or not being able to identify the
area regent who is their supervisor. James Morgan,
special agent in charge of the US Drug Enforcement
Administration in Chicago states that "They [Black
Gangster Disciples] are incredibly well-disciplined and
trained" (Tyson, 1996, p. 2) Police in BGD territory
report many people shot in the leg or abdomen, a typical
punishment for insubordination (Tyson).
The behavioral code emphasized by members includes
prohibition from using addictive drugs, stealing from or
showing disrespect for other members, engaging in
homosexual rape, gambling on credit, attending school,
and being a bad sport. Exercise and cleanliness are also
required (Gangster Disciples, 1996; Tyson, 1996).
Black Gangster Disciple members promote an "All for
one, one for all" philosophy demonstrated through
58


demanding participation in assaultive behavior by all
members who are present during disturbances. The Code of
conduct also includes "Folk before family"; "All is one";
and "I will not let my brother fall to a knee".
Rules and codes of conduct must be followed, a sense
of cultic brainwashing is evident throughout the ranks
(Knox, 1996) Those members who do not participate are
subject to disciplinary action or "violations."
Violations can range from a beating to death (Street
GangsChicago Based or Influenced, 1998). The beatings
range from thirty seconds of punishment by gang members
while the member being punished is held, with his arms
behind his back to larger violations that may include a
five minute beating. Small violations may result from
missing a meeting or not paying dues while the more
serious violations relate to "nation work" or the
disrespect of a leader (Knox, 1996, pp. 46-47).
Growth and Development
Recently, Hoover stated that his gang underwent a
conversion and is now called Growth and Development with
its emphasis on community activism. At one of Hoover's
parole hearings he tried to convince the parole board
59


that his nation is used for the benefit of the youth
involved, particularly touting the importance of
education and the ability for members to effect good
(Papajohn, 1993). Hoover also tried to build political
support through a group called 21st Century VOTE (Voices
of Total Empowerment) that organized voter registration
drives and the support of certain political candidates
(Cohen, 1996) Hoover denies involvement with this
movement; however, both his common-law wife, Winndye
Jenkins, and enforcer, Wallace "Gator" Bradley, serve as
consultants to the group.
This movement also coordinates marches that address
social issues. Members of the VOTE also boycott business
they believe practice unfair policies. In addition, they
sponsored a peace summit to educate the public on the
positive elements of gangs, specifically their power to
mobilize the youth for the community's welfare.
Participants in the marches wear the colors and regalia
that identify them as members of the Gangster Disciples
(Trevizo, 1995) Hoover demonstrates significant ability
to mobilize the African-American youth of the urban
slums.
During the 1995 city council primary elections, the
BGDs promoted unsuccessfully Wallace "Gator" Bradley, one
60


of their own members, for Chicago's Third Ward city
council seat. Also part of this effort, the BGD tried to
patrol schools on Chicago's South Side as part of a "gang
deactivation program." This program received mixed
reviews. Their theory is that current and former gang
members might influence urban youth to rechannel their
energies (Maruna, 1997).
Black Gangster Disciple Leadership
One of the aspects of the Black Gangster Disciples
that continues to mystify observers is the leaders'
ability to mobilize followers. The key to America's most
powerful supergang is the top-down organization that
commands drug turf and dealers with an iron fist (Tyson,
1996). The young street leaders demonstrate widespread
influence over thousands of people (Trevizo, 1995). The
members of Gangster Disciples look to Hoover as a role
model, stronger in the African-American community of
Chicago than Michael Jordan. Partly due to this power,
partly due to his past criminal history, Hoover's request
for parole has been denied eleven times. For 25 years,
Larry "King" Hoover has reigned over the BGDs from inside
prison walls. Hoover's closest supporters believe that
61


Hoover is a political prisoner, denied freedom because of
his ability to organize the black youth. Ironically,
state prison walls shield gang leaders such as Hoover.
The BGDs have become so powerful and dominant in
neighborhoods that residents turn to them for protection
and support, giving the BGDs social and political
legitimacy (Tyson, 1996).
Leadership, Power, and Authority
Many similarities between corporate organizations
and gangs exist. Power does not necessarily emerge as
intrinsically good or bad; the distribution of power and
its use determines whether power has good or bad results.
Power is a variable within organizational systems and has
the potential to enter all relationships (Hall, 1972).
Power may be defined as the production of intended
effects (Cartwright, 1959). The most general use of the
word power is synonymous with capacity, skill, or talent
(Wrong, 1979). Power is the capacity to make others do
what they would not otherwise do, the ability to employ
force, and the ability to overcome resistance (Tjosvold,
Andrews, & Struthers, 1992; Cartwright, 1959). As a
starting point, it is possible to conceive of power as a
62


1
relationship between two people, not as an absolute
attribute of a single agent (Cartwright, 1959) Power
is also defined as the capacity for one social unit, such
as the leader, to determine the behavior of another and
is equated with potency (Wrong, 1979).
In 1964, Blau (as cited in Bacharach & Lawler, 1980)
stated that power is the ability of persons as groups to
impose their will on others despite resistance through
deterrence either in the form of withholding regularly
supplied rewards or in the form of punishment inasmuch as
the former, as well as the latter, constitutes in effect
negative sanction. In 1962, Mechanic (as cited in
Bacharach & Lawler, 1980) defined power as a force that
results in behavior that would not have occurred if the
forces had not been present. As early as 1950, Bierstedt
(as cited in Bacharach & Lawler, 1980) identified the
coerciveness of power in his definition that described
power as latent force, which makes the application of
force possible.
Power is potential influence (French & Raven, 195 9) .
Because of this ability to influence, the leader may
constitute a threat to the follower. The leaders'
ability to determine their followers' behavior builds on
the followers' dependency on leaders. Followers view
63


leaders as people from whom they seek approval
(Sankowsky, 1995), which is particularly evident in gangs
where gang members often view their gang as family
(Fagan, 1989). The typical gang leader often appears
prosperous to the youth of the community where the leader
resides. The gang leaders may appear benevolent by
sponsoring local sports teams or providing financial
support to those less fortunate. To impressionable
youth, the leaders serve as a successful role model to
emulate. This seemingly positive community leader also
teaches the use of weapons, how to smoke, shoot, sell, or
ingest drugs, and how to commit crimes (Maginnis, 1995).
French & Raven (1959) identify five power bases.
These bases describe the different types of power used.
The first power base is reward power. The strength of
reward power depends on the probability that the reward
is forthcoming, and the magnitude of the rewards
promised. Any attempt to utilize reward power outside
the parameters of the leader's ability to provide rewards
diminishes the effects of reward power. This power is
based upon the expectation of receiving praise,
recognition, or income for compliance with a leader's
request. One Kansas City gang identifies the influential
64


members as those who control the most "stuff" with the
greatest value (Fleisher, 1997, p. 489).
The second power base (French & Raven, 1959),
coercive power, stems from the expectation that followers
will be punished if they fail to conform. The strength
of coercive power depends on the magnitude of the
threatened punishment multiplied by the perception that
punishment can be avoided by conformity. This power is
based upon fear (Gibson, Ivancevich, & Donnelly, 1976)
and develops from the subordinates' perception that the
supervisor has the ability to enforce policies and
procedures and will enact consequences if unacceptable
behavior occurs (Bielous, 1995). Coercion, as defined by
Muth (1984), is the ability of one person to affect
another's behavior, regardless of that person's wishes
(p. 29) .
The third power base (French & Raven, 1959),
legitimate power that involves some sort of code or
standard, such as cultural values, social structures, and
a legitimizing agent. The subordinates believe that
their supervisors have the right to make decisions based
on their title and status (Bielous, 1995).
The fourth power base (French & Raven, 1959) is
referent power that is lodged in the follower's desire
65


for a close association with the leader. Reverent power
is evident when a follower avoids discomfort from
nonconformity or gains satisfaction by conformity through
identification with a group or leader. Referent power is
built on attractiveness and appeal, often referred to as
charisma that inspires and attracts followers (Gibson et
al., 1976). The subordinates' perception suggests that
the supervisor possesses personality characteristics
which effects productivity (Bielous, 1995).
Expert power (Cartwright, 1959) is the fifth power
base. Expert power refers to the leader's abilities in
relation to the follower's knowledge as well as against
an absolute standard. This type of power builds a new
cognitive structure that is dependent on the leader.
Expert power is limited to specific areas where the
leader has superior knowledge or ability that followers
believe exceed their own knowledge or ability. As
subordinates view their supervisor as an expert, their
motivation increases, thus improving their productivity
(Bielous, 1995).
The sixth and seventh power bases developed from
additional study of the interactions between workers and
their supervisors. These two additional power bases
66


describe how information and affiliation have become very-
powerful entities within professional positions.
The sixth power base, information, reflects
society's technological progress. Subordinates perceive
that their supervisors possess useful information and
that information is power. Possession of information can
also be linked to position in the hierarchy, thus those
with the most information fill the highest positions and
hold the most power. The ability to obtain information
is seen as a characteristic of this power base. Those
individuals who can gather important and useful
information that benefits the mission or cause of an
organization or business demonstrate the information
power base (Bielous, 1995).
Connection or affiliation power is the seventh power
base. Subordinates view their supervisors as having the
right affiliations or connections with influential
individuals to accomplish goals or complete tasks within
the organization (Bielous, 1995, p. 15). This power base
reflects an individual1's ability to network with others
who have something beneficial to offer the individual or
the organization to which she or he belongs. Those with
the ability to get the gang's goals or business tasks
67


accomplished are seen by the members as those with the
most power.
In a coercive organization, much like a gang, the
members have few activities outside the organization
itself. According to Raven and French's (Cartwright,
1959) power bases: conformity to group norms to gain
acceptance (reward power) differs from conformity to
forestall punishment or rejection (coercive power). The
first power base, reward power will eventually result in
an independent system since individuals begin by working
for rewards, which later become internalized. While the
second power base, coercive power tends to be dependent
since the motivation for working is rooted in fear of
punishment rather than to achieve rewards (French &
Raven, 1959) Because of the negative dynamics created
in a coercive environment, consensus is low.
Lower members of an organization become experts in
what they do, thus creating a dependency on them. This
is one type of power exhibited in both legitimate
organizations and gangs. In gangs, the lower level
members, often the youngest, or wannabes, do the main
work of the gang such as delivering drugs, committing
burglaries, and obeying orders (Fagan, 1989) in an effort
68


to gain, acceptance or approval, providing examples of
reward and coercive power bases (French & Raven, 1959).
The distribution of power varies, with those in
power remaining in power (Hall, 1972) : in gangs the
tenure of leadership serves as an indicator of power
(Schneider, 1995). In the absence of implied or ascribed
power, leaders have difficulties mobilizing their
subordinates; these subordinates express dissatisfaction
and disloyalty as a result (Palich & Horn, 1992, p. 281).
Followers want powerful leaders.
The effectiveness of a leader's work group may
suggest the amount of power possessed, suggesting a
correlation between the power of a leader and the
effectiveness of those they supervise. One way that
leaders reflect power is through emphasizing their
credentials and accomplishments, utilizing a legitimate
power base. Although power is not synonymous with
leadership, it is an essential leadership dimension, a
feature of leadership.
Power can be used to prevent individuals from
reaching their goals; thus, when individuals feel that
they have lost, are losing, or may lose their ability to
reach their goals, they feel threatened (Stotland, 1959).
Power can be threatening and may bring about a variety of
69


reactions including withdrawal, cooperation, and
aggression- In withdrawal, individuals give up their
goals, eliminating the opportunity to be threatened. In
aggression, individuals attempt to diminish the source of
the threat (power) and try to weaken their goal, become
independent of their goal, or eliminate their goal. In
cooperation, individuals attempt to attain their goal to
the extent the threatening person allows (Stotland, pp.
54-55).
External considerations also play an important role
in the power system of an organization (Hall, 1972). The
nature of the personnel of the organization, its task,
and environmental conditions are key determinants of the
forms of power for various kinds of organizations,
including gangs. The patterns of effective leadership
styles and skills differ according to the nature of the
organization (Tosi, 1991) Its mission and environment
shape a gang's power (Fagan, 1989).
"Power and conflict are major shapers of the state
of an organization. A given organizational state sets
the stage for the continuing power and conflict
processes, thus continually reshaping the organization"
(Tosi, 1991, p. 240). The conflict between gang members
often sets the stage for the roles those members play.
70


The primary goal of a gang is to be the roughest,
toughest, and most feared organization in the city. The
gang's hierarchical structure is sustained through fear,
respect, and group cohesion (Zeiler, n.d.). Gang leaders
dictate the behaviors of their members that negatively
effect their environment (Goldstein & Glick, 1994). Gaps
occur in the current research regarding the phenomenon of
gang leadership, although inferences can be drawn about
the role of gang leaders from the literature about gangs.
A lack of information exists on gang leaders' behaviors
and roles within the gang and how these affect the
overall structure, operations, and survival of the gang
(Schneider, 1995) .
Leadership theory
The theory of emergent leadership (Guastello, 1995)
states that the organizational group or gang may begin
leaderless, a leader emerges in the process and the group
or gang members gravitate toward roles that suit their
personalities. Gang leaders' high positions establish
their power base and role. The gang leader also uses
delinquent activities to mobilize the gang and sustain
71


group cohesion in an effort to increase the gangs'
reputation (Spergel, 1990).
Leaders are often said to be driven by the will to
exhibit power, or because of a positive commitment to a
cause, a sense of obligation, a need for approval and
esteem, the challenge of a position, and the need for
status and recognition (Winter, 1991). Leadership is the
use of influence to direct and coordinate subordinates
toward organizational goals (Palich & Horn, 1992, p. 280).
Leaders also have a propensity for destructiveness.
Abuse of leadership power can significantly undermine the
followers' psychological well being (Sankowsky, 1995).
The need for power and the tendency to view others as
tools for personal gain contribute strongly to the
destructive acts committed by leaders (O'Connor, Mumford,
Clifton, Gessner, & Connelly, 1995). Leaders who are in
competition with their followers often rely on coercion
to try to force compliance. In addition, leaders who are
very powerful are frequently tempted to use their power
coercively (Tjosvold et al., 1992). These tendencies of
organizational leadership also appear in gangs.
Leadership also plays an important role in gang
development. Success in an organization depends on
influencing other organizational members and leaders
72


often build alliances in the process. In gangs, success
is measured by the ability to influence others to join
(Schneider, 1995) .
Rost (1993) describes an essential element of
leadership as influence, the act of using persuasion to
have an impact on other people in a relationship. This
characteristic could be used to describe gang leadership:
however, as Rost further defines persuasion he states
that it is noncoercive, not based on authority, power, or
dictatorial actions (Rost, 1993, p. 107). How the leader
brings about compliance from followers depends on the
leadership style utilized. Effective leadership involves
power and acceptance by followers (Gibson, Ivancevich, &
Donnelly, 1976).
Initially, an understanding of the differences
between authority and leadership must be made. Authority
can be seen as coordinating efforts of members in an
organization, known as hierarchy of authority (Fayol,
1949). With a structure of authority in place,
management personnel possess legitimate power to direct
the activities of others. Authority involves the use of
positionally related power, not personal characteristics.
The ability to influence, persuade, and motivate others
73


is based on the perceived power of the leader (Gibson et
al., 1976).
Legitimate organizations utilize leadership as part
of their process (Schneider, 1995), realizing that
leadership's influence may extend beyond the realm of
their delegated authority with significant ramifications
resulting. Due to this informal influence, an
understanding of leadership is necessary. Many different
researchers have defined leadership. A few of these
definitions include:
(a) leadership over human beings is exercised
when persons with certain motives and purposes
mobilize, in competition or conflict with
others, institutional, political,
psychological, and other resources so as to
arouse, engage, and satisfy the motives of
followers (Burns, 1978, p. 18); (b) Rost's
(1993) description found in etymological
dictionaries describes the verb "to lead" as
"to make go," "to guide," or "to show the way,"
and also "to draw, drag, pull; to lead, guide,
conduct."; (c) the process of persuasion or
example by which an individual or leadership
team induces a group to pursue objectives help
by the leader of shared by the leader and his
or her followers" (Gardner, 1990, as cited in
Rost, 1993); (d) an influence relationship
among leaders and followers who intend real
changes that reflect their mutual purposes
(Rost, 1993); and (e) the ability to persuade
others to seek defined objectives
enthusiastically. It is the human factor that
binds a group together and motivates it toward
goals. (Davis, 1977, as cited in Rost, 1993, p.
100)
74


Building on these definitions, certain behavioral
expectations and roles exist for leaders.
Characteristics thought to be consistent among leaders
include charisma, achievement, knowledgeable, decision-
maker, manager, and verbal (Schneider, 1995). Other
identifiers of leaders includes their behaviors or
functions, such as creating structure, planning ahead,
defining goals, motivating workers, organizing resources,
controlling activities, influencing subordinates, and
evaluating outcomes.
Most of the leadership functions prevalent in
legitimate organizations appear within the structure of
youth gangs. An understanding of organization and
leadership theories provides the basis to evaluate gangs
and their leaders. If gangs function similarly to
traditional, legitimate organizations, then the study of
gang leaders provides understanding about how and why
gangs operate (Schneider, 1995).
For example, when a gang leader uses coercive power,
the relationship becomes asymmetric, with the gang leader
controlling most of the gang's resources, and demanding
specific behaviors from gang members (Homans, 1995). In
this model, the gang member must follow the directives of
the gang leader or be subjected to additional physical or
75


mental violence, perhaps even death. Gang leaders build
a strong reputation through their disciplinarian role
when members are noncompliant. The gang leaders maintain
their power positions by their ability to relate to,
manipulate, and intimidate others, thus gaining a
reputation and the respect of their followers (Petroff,
1995, p. 191).
Size and age are two primary criteria by which
leaders assume leadership roles (Decker & Van Winkle,
1996). The leader-member relationship depends on the
degree of confidence, trust, and respect followers have
in the leader. Another factor used in choosing leaders
is their ability to provide material advantages, thus
ascribing a functional characteristic to the leadership
role (Decker & Van Winkle, 1996) This perspective
suggests that leadership is not due to motivational or
personality attributes but rather emerges from the
ability to satisfy the on-going needs of the gang.
Fiedler (as cited in Gibson, et al., 1976) states
that practically all managers, supervisors, and
directors, have high position power. In addition,
Fiedler assumes that leaders in informal groups have low
position power. Therefore, leaders in the more formally
organized gangs hold high position power. Fiedler's
76


contingency leadership model further states that the
leader's power and influence are determined by whether
leader-member relations are good or poor; whether the
task is structured or unstructured; and if the position
power is strong or weak (Gibson et al., 1976, p. 207).
With gangs who have a specific focus on drug trafficking,
the leader's power and influence become established as
the tasks are achieved. The larger the gang the more
formal the structure and the more power gang leaders must
possess (Rutkowski, 1996). If leaders are also
narcissistic, they may abuse their symbolic status.
Yablonsky (1959) states that gang leaders often
manipulate gang members into forceful or violent actions
to satisfy their own emotional needs or maintain
discipline within the gang. These types of behaviors fit
French and Raven's (1959) description of coercive power.
Control issues drive much of gang activity through the
manipulation of others' fears (Walker, Colvin, & Ramsey,
1995) .
Another perspective asserts that gang leadership
must be seen as a widely distributed and often-shifting
phenomenon (Klein, 1989). This viewpoint identifies
leadership that may be assumed by various members at
different times (Petroff, 1995), dependent on the
77


situational demands and opportunities within the group.
Not all gangs report they have leaders, some express
hostility at the mention of having leaders (Decker & Van
Winkle, 1996); however, most gangs report some form of
leadership.
Different forms of leadership are related to
organizational effectiveness (Hall, 1972). Factors that
help decide leadership include the group's cohesiveness,
assigned tasks, communication patterns, group goals,
leadership behavior, and group behaviors. Often, a leader
will emerge from the ranks to meet the need of the
situation and then remain as the group's leader
(Guastello, 1995). Those gang members actually
considered for leaders appear of average or above average
intelligence; exhibit athletic prowess, self-confidence,
fighting ability, and charismatic personality: and
demonstrate superiority and discriminating judgment
(Hagedorn, 1988; Petroff, 1995).
Role of Delinguency
in Gang Organizations
The extent to which a group of adolescents moves
from a mere group to a more formal gang seems positively
related to involvement in crime (Sheley, Zhang, Brody, &
78


Wright, 1995). Fagan (1989) suggests that gangs with the
most extensive involvement in substance use, drug sales,
and violent crimes are generally more formally organized
than the average gang that is a loosely affiliated group.
Jankowski (1991) states that the hierarchically
organized gangs tend to have greater involvement in
collective violence. In addition, the threat of violence
from a rival gang unites members of the gang against a
common enemy, thus increasing their cohesion (Decker &
Van Winkle, 1996).
Gangs are groups structured to some extent around
delinquent conduct (Thornberry, et al., 1993, p. 56). In
addition, the delinquent gang engages in group processes
that improve members' status, reputation, solidarity,
cohesion, and recruiting ability that increases their
level of delinquency and organizational structure. That
gangs have specific social structures that vary by gang
and locale has been well-validated (Klein & Maxson,
1989). Within their social structures, organizational
features such as gang name, designated leadership,
identifiable turf, prominent colors, and regular meetings
(Sheley et al., 1995) identify gang members.
Those gangs with corporate structures intend to make
money and will undertake whatever is necessary to achieve
79


their goal. They will make any and all deals that will
increase their revenue, whether from robbery, extortion,
or drug sales (Fagan, 1989). This type of gang uses
violence to further its profit-making objective. The
ability to generate revenue is an indicator of success
for gangs (Fagan).
Recruitment to corporate gangs relies on
intimidation and fear. Recruits may be threatened with
physical harm to themselves or family members if they do
not join (Sheley et al., 1995). Gangs use this method of
recruitment in an effort to reinforce gang loyalty,
power, and cohesion. The ability to recruit members is
an indicator of success for gangs (Sheley et al.).
To define further the organizational structure of
gangs, an understanding of the rules, meetings, and
income is needed. These concepts help clarify the
elements of gang structure.
Rules
Most gang members state that their gangs have rules;
however, the rules appear to be informal, the product of
shared understanding or experience. The rules evolved
out of practice, lore, or common sense. The rules
80


include five major categories such as injunctions
against: disrespecting their gang's colors, fighting
members of your own gang, turning in a member of your own
gang, running from a fight, and pretending to be a member
of a rival gang (Decker & Van Winkle, 1996, pp. 100-101).
As a gang's organizational structure evolves, its rules
solidify and are likely to be enforced with physical
punishment.
For example, the Black Gangster Disciples instituted
a code of behavior to which all members pledge and abide.
Not only must they abide by these rules they must
memorize them in their entirety. Violations of these
rules may result in sanctions ranging from a punch in the
face to death (Lindberg, 1997). The rules support the
mission and goals of the Black Gangster Disciples.
Meetings
Another measure of the formalization of gangs is
whether or not they hold meetings. In less structured
gangs, members state that they do not have meetings;
however, they "hang out" with each other, informally
making decisions. These informal meetings serve to
reinforce the cohesiveness of the gang. The bonds of
81


membership are reinforced daily by the steady pattern of
"hanging out" that the members engage in (Decker & Van
Winkle, 1996, p. 104). Organized gangs come together for
formalized meetings, addressing their drug trade, member
violations, and other business. Some gangs, such as the
Black Gangster Disciples, even utilize parliamentary
procedures in their meetings, which further formalizes
them. Some meeting structures can be compared to
fraternal organizations such as the Moose Lodge or the
Elks (Lindberg, 1997).
Income
In addition, gangs organize around income. The
gangs most involved in serious drug use and high rates of
drug sales are highly cohesive, organized, and appear to
reflect characteristics of a corporate or military
organization (Fagan, 1989) The successful gang provides
sufficiently for an individual's material needs and
social expectations. One of the motivations for joining
a gang is the lure of potential financial gains for its
members and their attendant status.
82


Why Are Gangs Powerful?
To achieve their goals, coercion is one tool gang
leaders may use. Superiors enforce discipline in gangs
with violence, to protect their business territories from
encroachment by other gangs through violence, and coerce
their members to participate in the gang's ventures
(Fagan, 1989). Gang leaders use coercion as a motivating
and disciplinary tool to gain control of a gang member's
behavior. The leader or other gang members also use
physical force to counter resistance.
What Roles Do Gang Leaders
Play in Gangs?
To understand how gangs are structured and how they
lead their members, I decided that I needed to examine
the characteristics of gang leaders. Research on gang
leaders cannot easily be found (Schneider, 1995). This
void in research findings may be due to the difficulties
involved in accessing gang leaders. Gang leaders
generally tend to be well hidden by gang members in an
effort to protect them and their identities. Many gang
leaders are incarcerated; however, they continue to
manage their gangs from inside prison walls. Because a
lack of knowledge exists about gang leaders'' behaviors
83


and roles within the organization, little is known about
how the gang leaders affect overall structure, business
operations, and organizational hierarchy (Schneider,
1995) .
Structures of gangs vary, with leadership taking
different roles. Gangs typically have recognizable inner
structures (Williams, 1992). The gangs' structure enacts
strict codes and violent consequences for rule
violations. Status and position establish lines of power
or coercion among gang members (Homans, 1995) The
internal organizational structure in a gang provides a
hierarchy of power, a method of operating which exercises
control over gang members and their activities.
Gangs with formalized structures have defined
leadership roles with clearly defined operating rules for
members. Gangs with more informal and changing
leadership roles tend to rely on the social skills of its
members in the decision-making process.
How Do Gangs Get Members To
Do What They Want Them To Do?
Power bases (French & Raven, 1959) that leaders use
and interviews with known gang members can help provide
this information. Depending on the structure and goals
84


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