Citation
Preserving the intagible

Material Information

Title:
Preserving the intagible the importance of form and use in East Asian preservation and the need for a new authorized heritage discourse
Creator:
Pechota, Damion
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
1 electronic file : ;

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Historic preservation -- China -- Beijing ( lcsh )
Historic buildings -- Conservation and restoration ( lcsh )
Historic buildings -- Conservation and restoration ( fast )
Historic preservation ( fast )
China -- Beijing ( fast )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Review:
The current international heritage discourse, as developed by organizations such as UNESCO and ICOMOS, are founded on European principles of conservation and restoration. This discourse ignores local traditional practices of non-European communities, including in Beijing, China, where preservation is focused on the use and form of a site. East Asian preservation focuses on the intangible, in contrast to the tangible forms of European preservation practices. Although efforts are being made to include intangible aspects into the authorized heritage discourse, communities are often trapped between adhering to local and international ideologies while engaging in preservation work. Beijing, China, built to its current form in 1420, has retained much of its historic fabric and character through planning practices based upon a modern form of Chinese tradition. The Bell and Drum Tower hutong neighborhood, located in the northern section of the Old City, is a historically designed residential district that houses culturally significant courtyard houses connected by narrow lanes. Beijing's urban fabric, including the Drum and Bell Tower hutong neighborhood's historic form and use, is being threatened by demolition and reconstruction. Conflicting ideology on how to save and protect the neighborhood exemplifies the struggle between local tradition and the current authorized heritage discourse. Beijing and the Drum and Bell Tower hutong neighborhood are used in a case study to examine the effects of this intellectual conflict on the preservation of the built form, and how local traditional practices can be used to properly save local historic sites.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Damion Pechota.

Record Information

Source Institution:
|University of Colorado Denver
Holding Location:
|Auraria Library
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
858620821 ( OCLC )
ocn858620821

Auraria Membership

Aggregations:
Auraria Library
University of Colorado Denver

Downloads

This item has the following downloads:


Full Text
PRESERVING THE INTANGIBLE:
THE IMPORTANCE OF FORM AND USE IN EAST ASIAN PRESERVATION
AND THE NEED FOR A NEW AUTHORIZED HERITAGE DISCOURSE
by
Damion Pechota
A thesis submitted to the
Faculty of the Graduate School of the
University of Colorado in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Science
Historic Preservation
2012
1


This thesis for the Master of Science degree by
Damion Pechota
Has been approved for the
College of Architecture and Planning, Historic Preservation
by
Christopher Koziol, Co-Chair
Rudi Hartmann, Co-Chair
Ekaterini Vlahos, Advisor
Date
11


Damion Pechota, M.S., College of Architecture and Planning, Historic Preservation
Preserving the Intangible: The Importance of Form and Use in East Asian Preservation
and the Need for a New Authorized Heritage Discourse
Thesis directed by Christopher Koziol and Rudi Hartman
ABSTRACT
The current international heritage discourse, as developed by organizations such as
UNESCO and ICOMOS, are founded on European principles of conservation and
restoration. This discourse ignores local traditional practices of non-European
communities, including in Beijing, China, where preservation is focused on the use and
form of a site. East Asian preservation focuses on the intangible, in contrast to the
tangible forms of European preservation practices. Although efforts are being made to
include intangible aspects into the authorized heritage discourse, communities are often
trapped between adhering to local and international ideologies while engaging in
preservation work. Beijing, China, built to its current form in 1420, has retained much of
its historic fabric and character through planning practices based upon a modern form of
Chinese tradition. The Bell and Drum Tower hutong neighborhood, located in the
northern section of the Old City, is a historically designed residential district that houses
culturally significant courtyard houses connected by narrow lanes. Beijings urban
fabric, including the Drum and Bell Tower hutong neighborhoods historic form and use,
is being threatened by demolition and reconstruction. Conflicting ideology on how to
111


save and protect the neighborhood exemplifies the struggle between local tradition and
the current authorized heritage discourse. Beijing and the Drum and Bell Tower hutong
neighborhood are used in a case study to examine the effects of this intellectual conflict
on the preservation of the built form, and how local traditional practices can be used to
properly save local historic sites.
The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication.
Approved: Christopher Koziol


TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION...................................................1
II. AUTHORIZED HERITAGE DISCOURSE AND INTERNATIONAL
PRESERVATION CHARTERS..........................................9
Authorized Heritage Discourse..............................11
Athens and Venice Charters.................................15
The Burra Charter..........................................18
International Preservation in Relation to China............19
III. THEORETICAL LENS: NEO-IMPERIALISM.............................22
History of East Asia and Chinas Relationship with Foreign Theoretical
Influences.................................................24
Orientalism................................................26
World-System Analysis......................................27
Dependent Accumulation and Underdevelopment................29
Conclusion.................................................31
IV. EAST ASIAN PRESERVATION TRADITIONS............................32
Overview of East Asian Preservation Traditions.............32
Theoretical Significance in East Asian Preservation........34
Impact on Architectural Development........................39
V. PRESERVATION IN CHINA.........................................41
Original Configuration and City Planning Techniques Built Upon Chinese
Traditions.................................................41
v


Effects of Communism on the Development of Chinas Cities...44
Current State of Preservation within Chinas Cities.........47
VI. PRESERVATION IN BEIJING........................................52
Origins of Beijing as the National Capital of China.........53
Urban Planning and Historical Configuration of Beijing......55
Beijing as Example of East Asian and Chinese Urban Planning
Traditions..................................................74
Beijing Under Socialism.....................................76
Preservation in Beijing.....................................82
Current Changes and Pressures in Beijing in the New Century.96
VII. THE DRUM AND BELL TOWER HUTONG DISTRIC: A CASE
STUDY..........................................................99
Historic Forms of the Hutongs..............................102
Historic Use of the Hutongs................................106
Changes of Use Under the Peoples Republic of China........108
Demolition and Construction in the Hutongs.................110
Preservation Efforts in the Hutongs........................113
Challenges of Preservation.................................115
VIII. USE OF EAST ASIAN PRACTICES IN PRESERVATION OF THE DRUM AND
BELL TOWER HUTONG DISTRICT....................................120
IX. CONCLUSION....................................................130
REFERENCES............................................................132
vi


LIST OF FIGURES
Figure
VI.1 Beijings Central Axis...........................................57
VI.2 Height Restrictions in Beijing...................................85
VI. 3 Designated Historic Areas in Beijing.............................89
VII. 1 Street map of Drum and Bell Tower Hutongs......................103
vii


LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND TERMS
1) Authorized Heritage Discourse: Professional preservation discourse agreed upon
by a global community that dominates and
2) CHP oversees traditional practices of local heritage. Beijing Cultural Heritage Protection Center
3) Hutong Traditional and historic streets located in the Old City of Beijing and known for residential courtyards.
4) ICCROM International Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property.
5) ICOMOS International Council on Monuments and Sites heritage.
6) Si-He-Yuan Low height courtyard houses found in the hutong districts of Beijing.
7) UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization
vm


CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION
On May 26, 2010, an article in USA Today reported on plans to redevelop a historic
residential area of Beijing, China. The Drum and Bell Tower neighborhood is home to a
unique style of residential architecture, the si-he-yuan or courtyard house, which
corresponds with the larger historic fabric of the district organized along narrow lanes
known as hutongs. Located in the northern section of the Old City, the Drum and Bell
Tower hutong neighborhood stands as a cultural relic. Most of the hutong residences of
Beijing have been torn down in favor of redevelopment; in 1949, there were an estimated
3,000 hutongs within the Old City, today there are an estimated 1,000/ Despite the rapid
demolition, much of the Drum and Bell Tower neighborhood remained untouched by
redevelopment. But in 2010, developers chose the area to design the Beijing Time
Cultural City, with the aim to create a large public square, museum, shops and
underground car park in the neighborhood.1 2 Plans continued, despite existing legislation
aimed at protecting the historic built form; the district was chosen by the city, as early as
the 1990s, to be set-aside as a specially protected historic district.
1 Calum MacLeod. Beijing bulldozes its old neighborhoods. USA Today. May 26,
2010. http://www.usatodav.eom/news/world/2010-05-26-old-beijing_N.htm
(Accessed March 1, 2012).
2 MacLeod, "Beijing bulldozes its old neighborhoods.
1


A similar fate occurred in the Qianmen district, just south of Tiananmen Square,
which has been rebuilt as a commercial Chinatown.3 Similar to Qianmen, the Drum
and Bell Tower neighborhood is located along Beijings central axis, a highly desired
location for both developers and the state due to its geographic, political, and cultural
significance. In the efforts to preserve the historic areas, conflict has been rife among the
local residents: Wang Yi, a resident of the district, argues that the hutong courtyard
houses symbolize Beijing culture and the lifestyles of the common people. Another
hutong resident, Wang Weiguo, hopes the government will soon pay to rehouse his
family in a modem suburban apartment. A difference of opinion is also occurring
amongst officials: Beijing city officials argue that much of the area is too dilapidated,
too old and too dark, in addition to being too out of date with modern amenities of the
new lifestyles of Beijing. The Dongcheng Historic Appearance Protection Office, a
neighborhood organization within the Drum and Bell Tower district, insists that
renovations can be used to resolve chronic overcrowding by removing dangerous and
illegally built structures. Others want to see methods that can restore the areas historic
core while raising the standard of living for the occupants. He Shuzhong, founder of the
Beijing Cultural Heritage Protection Center, believes that because China lacks even a
single very successful case of protecting old city areas [...] Europes many examples
offer hope.4 The developer eventually removed the demolition plans, but the issue
reveals the ineffectual preservation standards present in Beijing.
3 MacLeod, "Beijing bulldozes its old neighborhoods.
4 MacLeod, "Beijing bulldozes its old neighborhoods.
2


The story of the Beijing Time Cultural City highlights the problems in current
preservation practices in Beijing, China: ineffectual and varying public opinion,
inefficient government oversight, strength of developers over existing legislation, and an
overreliance of non-governmental organizations on European standards for guidance.
With the current state of preservation in Beijing, it would not be difficult to assume that
China does not have a tradition of preservation practices. This, however, is completely
false. China, and East Asia, has a deeply rooted preservation tradition that is continually
ignored by the Chinese government in the contemporary state.
The focus of this research is on the Drum and Bell Tower hutong neighborhood in
Beijing, China. Specifically, the neighborhood and the city will be used to form a case
study to understand local traditional preservation practices in relation to the authorized
heritage discourse, which favors a European definition of preservation. This conflict, as
highlighted in the Beijing Time Cultural City, has left Beijing preservation efforts lacking
definition and direction. To understand the Drum and Bell Tower hutong neighborhood,
the research must first understand current international preservation practices that are
influencing the Beijing preservation conflict, define authorized heritage discourse and
how it relates to neo-imperialism as a focus, outline East Asian and Chinese preservation
traditions, and examine the urban configuration of Beijing. Understanding these areas
will contextualize and inform the Beijing and Drum and Bell Tower hutong
neighborhood case study.
Understanding Beijing is important to understand how, in Chinese traditional
planning, one part of the city is connected to the whole. The Drum and Bell Tower
neighborhood is part of the larger historical fabric of Beijing, and represents a
3


remaining thread of traditional planning practices. Despite the historical significance, its
location on the central axis has made it vulnerable to destruction. Throughout Chinas
modem and contemporary history, Beijings urban fabric was used to signify the political
and philosophical beliefs of the ruling government. Furthermore, traditional Chinese
practices and modern socialist ideology have been grafted onto Beijings urban
landscape.5 The current trend of demolition and redevelopment throughout the Old City
threaten the historic fabric of Beijing and sites like the Drum and Bell Tower hutong
neighborhood.
Preservation developments in China follow three main issues. First, the local
socialist government is ignoring the values and traditions found in Chinese preservation
practices. Second, the local government and non-governmental agencies are ineffective
in implementing preservation practice. And third, the adopted and applied preservation
and planning practices are based on European standards. These three problems are found
throughout China, and are the main issues facing Beijing and the Drum and Bell Tower
neighborhood.
This research is important because conservation and restoration, based on
European standards, have become the international standard for historic preservation,
therefore ignoring the locally held traditions and practices of individual cultures.
Examining Beijing, and one of its neighborhoods, the Drum and Bell Tower district,
shows how the local community interacts with the historic place, and how the district fits
in with the larger urban landscape. The loss of such a neighborhood would remove a
5 Victor Sit. Beijing: The Nature and Planning of a Chinese Capital City. (Chichester:
John Wiley and Sons, 1995). Page 249.
4


defining feature of Beijing that is in accordance with the practice of East Asian
preservation.
East Asia has a long-standing tradition of valuing the symbolism of a buildings
history and the ideology that generated its construction, rather than putting value on the
building as an architectural object. Preservation in East Asia emphasizes the use and form
of the site, intangible aspects, instead of conservation and restoration, tangible principles,
found in the current authorized heritage discourse.6 Therefore, in accordance with East
Asian philosophy, rebuilding the site is applicable in order to preserve the sites value. I
intend to examine the following questions: What philosophical approaches drive this way
of thinking about preservation in East Asia? How are these notions different than
practices found in the global authorized heritage discourses? How are external forces,
both positive and negative, affecting the development and progress of preservation in
East Asia?
For this research, I will be using the terms tangible and intangible to describe
current authorized heritage discourse of the international preservation community.
Tangible preservation practices are defined here by conservation and restoration,
and emphasize the importance of the original physical features of a building. This
tangible practice is found in European preservation and is currently at the root of
international preservation organizations and their legislation. Intangible has come
to mean a variety of things in recent years with the aim to change the discourse of
preservation away from conservation and restoration; this has often diluted the
definition of the intangible. For this research, I am defining intangible preservation
6 Na Li. Urban Landscapes as Public History: The Chinese Context. The Public
Historian, Vol. 32, No. 4 (Fall 2010). Page 59. 5


practices based on the East Asian discourse of use and form. Use is defined by the
continual occupancy of a site. For example, the Drum and Bell Tower hutong district
is defined by residential use. Furthermore, the area is connected to the larger ideals
of Beijing: the use of the Old City as a representation of Chinese political and cultural
philosophy. Form is defined by the transitional qualities of a site: the materiality of
the place changes, but the overall form remains. The hutongs must remain narrow
lanes with low-rise residential in order to stay to form. Because a site can be
destroyed and reconstructed in accordance with East Asian tradition, the original
materials are no longer being preserved. The form of the site starts to speak to the
ideas of the tangible, which is concerned with preserving the physical properties of
a site, whereas the use remains an intangible idea. However, for clarity purposes, I
will be using the term intangible to describe the East Asian preservation practices of
both use and form. The aim is to show the conflict of Beijing preservation with
current authorized heritage discourses tangible practices of conservation and
restoration.
Using the Drum and Bell Tower historic district within the urban fabric of Beijing
as a case study, I have developed six steps to use East Asian traditional, local practices in
the preservation of Beijings urban fabric: 1) buildings and districts must follow
traditional forms to be regulated by existing governmental legislation; 2) the hutong
district must conform to traditional uses, enforced by the local government and zoning
restrictions; 3) local craftsman should be used and supported in reconstruction efforts; 4)
reconstruction of buildings and districts is permitted as long as certain standards are
upheld to preserve the form and use of the area; 5) the local government must
6


sufficiently oversee, regulate, and enforce existing preservation laws and legislations; and
6) the local community must be part of the preservation process. To better understand
these six steps, I will review the research that brought me to these conclusions.
The current authorized heritage discourse, defined for this research as the
established standards and practices agreed upon by the global preservation community,
favors the practices of conservation and restoration through codes and charters. This
unilateral approach, developed by international bodies such as the United Nations
Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the International Council
on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS), and the International Centre for the Study of the
Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property (ICCROM) do not value and include
the traditional heritage techniques used in different cultures.7 This implementation does
not properly acknowledge the traditional practices of East Asia and are therefore
inappropriate in the regions preservation practices. However, the influx of globalization
over the past century has reinforced the authorized heritage discourse practices in place
of East Asian traditions, which has allowed internal conflicts to occur within local
preservation efforts.
I, therefore, argue that the current authorized heritage discourse is inadequate for
addressing the traditional practices of local cultures because they do not address local
beliefs and practices. Beijing and the Drum and Bell Tower hutong neighborhood
provide case studies to examine complex contemporary preservation practices on a local
level. To appropriately address the needs of Beijings urban fabric and protect the
historic value of the Drum and Bell Tower hutong district, Chinas historic preservation
7 Laurajane Smith. Uses of Heritage. (New York: Routledge, 2006).
7


practices must utilize the local preservation traditions of form and use. My research
examines six topics: 1) the foundations of international preservation charters which do
not properly address the cultural traditions of the regional communities; 2) Neo-
imperialism and global authorized heritage discourse as a theoretical lens to examine the
ideological imbalance inherent in international preservation codes and charters; 3) the
traditions and philosophical foundations of East Asian preservation; 4) the development
of preservation in China in relation to authorized heritage discourse; 5) the cultural and
philosophical foundations of Beijings cultural landscape as a case study and how
preservation practices are being utilized; and 6) the Drum and Bell Tower neighborhood
as a case study on a specific built fabric and how Chinese traditional practices can best
preserve the historic district.
8


CHAPTER II.
AUTHORIZED HERITAGE DISCOURSE AND INTERNATIONAL
PRESERVATION CHARTERS
Chinese preservation is influenced by international preservation practices.
Australia ICOMOS has partnered with China on a variety of efforts. The Getty Institute
has drafted recommendations for addressing historic sites. In Beijing, non-governmental
organizations, such as the Beijing Cultural Heritage Protection Center, often look towards
Europe as a model for dealing with built heritage. UNESCO charters establish an
authorized heritage discourse for sites that have value for the global cultural community;
China has forty-one World Heritage Sites, including six in Beijing.8 China works closely
with international preservation organizations, which follow a European discourse for
preservation practices.
This is not done out of malice or for global dominance. Furthermore, it does not
mean that these international organizations are not changing to adhere to local customs.
However, the historic trend of international codes and charters has established a
foundation rooted in European traditions. The first, the Athens Charter, was written in
1932 during European imperialism. The second, the Venice Charter, was during the Cold
War. In 2012, at the time of this research, the world has shifted. The internet, the
exchange of goods, the exchange of people, and the exchange of information has brought
much of the world closer together. Economic troubles have stalled the growth of 20th
century leaders, while developing nations have grown at increasing rates. The world is
8 UNESCO World Heritage Centre 1992-2012. World Heritage List. United Nations.
http://whc.unesco.org/en/list. (accessed Marchl, 2012).
9


not defined by imperialistic or Cold War mentalities. Instead, globalization has ushered
in closer international communication and exchange.
International organizations have done a lot to change the discourse to include a
broader range of ideas. A focus on preserving the intangible is taking on greater role in
organizations like UNESCO and ICOMOS; the Burra Charter formed by Australia
ICOMOS, the first of its kind to incorporate local indigenous traditions, is a great
example of this effort and will be discussed later. However, two important facts remain
that are important for this research: first, European preservation practices remain at the
heart of international efforts due to the charters at their foundations, and second, the
traditions of local communities, such as those represented in Beijing, are being ignored in
favor of defining a global authorized heritage discourse.
The devaluation of regional cultures is ultimately hurting local heritage. I argue
that international charters are outdated because they are not serving the diverse
international cultural traditions and insufficient for outlining preservation practices for
the global community. I have broken this section down into four parts: 1) authorized
heritage discourse, 2) an examination of the Athens Charter and Venice Charter, 3) the
Burra Charter as a step towards incorporating various cultural values, and 4)
international preservation practices in relation to China and East Asia. The aim is to
provide background into how and why the authorized heritage discourse is biased, and
how this is affecting traditional practices of varying cultures.
10


Authorized Heritage Discourse
Authorized heritage discourse is a professional discourse that privileges expert
values and knowledge about the past and its material manifestations, and dominates and
regulates professional heritage practices.9 The discourses of international preservation
are constructed through legislation and charters as agreed upon by a global community of
acting professionals: social meanings, forms of knowledge and expertise, power
relations and ideologies are embedded and reproduced via language.10 The local
interpretations of preservation unique to cultural experiences, such as China and East
Asia, are not valued in the current authorized heritage discourse.
The preservation concepts of conservation and restoration, the two principle
components of the current authorized heritage discourse, developed during the modern
era. The nineteenth century saw a rapid expansion in formulization of conceptual ideas
into decreed practices and laws. This is particularly true in Britain, France, Italy, and
Germany, where modernization and the industrial revolution established modem
conceptions of heritage.11 France had the idea of patrimoine, or the concept of
inheritance, which promotes the idea that the present has a duty.. .to receive and revere
what has been passed on and in turn pass this inheritance untouched to future
generations. This concept, from English art critic John Ruskin, states that the fabric of
9 Smith, Uses of Heritage, 4.
10 Smith, Uses of Heritage, 4.
11 Smith, Uses of Heritage, 17.
11


the building is what holds inherent value.12 This becomes a strong foundation for the
European perception of preservation. Championed by the French, the idea focused on
emphasizing the question of historic time and authenticity in relation to the original
object, and the impossibility to reproduce an object with the same significance in another
historical-cultural context.13 Authenticity becomes a central concern. In order to
maintain a sites value, the fabric must come from the appropriate time and the specific
place; to not be in accordance with this scheme is to be disingenuous. Therefore,
preservation must focus on preserving the fabric of the authentic.
British perspectives of heritage are similar to the French, but are focused more on
conservation repair in order to protect the structure.14 The English were influenced by
the late eighteenth-century antiquarian criticism against the restoration of mediaeval
churches in England.15 The concept of repair became an important part of the
development of English preservation principles in response to anti-restoration rhetoric.
This differentiates English practice from French concepts. Nonetheless, English
preservation practices still retain the idea that the value of a site is found within the
structural fabric. While varying ideas and traditions are present, English and French
interpretations establish two definitive preservation concepts: restoration and
12 Smith, Uses of Heritage, 19.
13 Jukka Jokilehto. The History of Architecture Conservation: The Contribution of
English, French, German, and Italian Thoughts towards an International
Approach to the Conservation of Cidtural Property. (York: The University of
York, England, 1986). Page 8.
14 Smith, Uses of Heritage, 20.
15 Jokilehto, The History of Architecture Conservation, 7.
12


conservation. Different countries used these concepts in a variety of ways, thus
establishing local preservation traditions.16 However, the constant in these local
traditions was both restoration and conservation, thus creating the foundation of the
contemporary authorized heritage discourse.
The preservation concepts of Britain and France came to influence and challenge
varying preservation traditions in the years during imperialism. Europeans, who, because
of modem laws and technologies, believed themselves to be representatives of the
highest achievements of human technical, cultural, and intellectual progress, came into
contact with cultures and traditions that conflicted with their own.17 In the role of
colonizer, the European nations influenced the colonized and semi-colonized cultures
they came into contact with. This included the spread of European notions of
preservation. The United States was directly influenced where European conservation
found synergy with the secular pietism that characterized the nineteenth century
American preservation movement.18 India was under the direction of British rule during
this time, and as a result, British principles for preservation were implemented; in 1863
British India adopted legislation for the protection and conservation of buildings. This
conservation repair principle follows the traditions of England, and makes no effort to
consider traditional practices inherent in Indian culture.
The trend of preservation influence continued into the creation and establishment
of international preservation codes and charters, first by the Athens Charter in 1932 and
16 Jokilehto, The History of Architecture Conservation, 8.
17 Smith, Uses of Heritage, 17.
18 Smith, Uses of Heritage, 21.
13


followed by the Venice Charter in 1964. Enacted by committees under the First
International Congress of Architects and Technicians of Historic Monuments and
UNESCO, these charters had a great level of credibility throughout their development.
These documents have created a foundation and framework in which international
preservation work has existed since.19 Thq Athens Charter and Venice Charter
represent a dominant form of discourse and one that tends to privilege European [...]
assumptions about the meaning and nature of heritage.20 Organizations such as
UNESCO, ICCROM, and ICOMOS continue these ideas in the contemporary drafting of
legislation and exchange of intellectual ideas. But because they are building on existing
documentation, international preservation charters do not represent international interests.
In Beijing, preservation is focused on the intangible: the form and use of the site.
Although efforts are being made to include preservation practices of the intangible, the
foundation of international charters is based on European traditions. The values of local
communities, such as those in Beijing, are being overlooked. The result is conflict that is
occurring in places like the Drum and Bell Tower neighborhood. Instead of applying
existing traditional approaches to the preservation efforts, the local government and
populace are trapped in the conflict between varying opinions.
19 Smith, Uses of Heritage, 21.
20 Smith, Uses of Heritage, 113.
14


Athens and Venice Charters
In 1932, the International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation met in Athens to
discuss international codes and practices aimed to protect and preserve the built fabric
that had potential global value. The committee, a division of the League of Nations
aimed at cultural work, visited archaeological sites in Greece to find inspiration in a
government which for many years past, has been itself responsible for extensive works
and, at the same time, has accepted the collaboration of archaeologists and experts from
every country.21 The members of the committee drafted the Athens Charter for the
Restoration of Historical Monuments, the first international charter on historic sites.
The Athens Charter focused on restoration in order to protect and preserve the
historic fabric of a site. This meant steps should be taken to reinstate any original
fragments that may be recovered when able.22 Furthermore, the site should remain
active within the society; it should not become a stagnate artifact. Therefore, the
occupation of buildings, which ensures the continuity of their life, should be maintained,
but that they should be used for a purpose, which respects their historic and artistic
character.23 The aim was to preserve not only the structure itself, but also what the
structure represented and its connection within the communal society. On the surface,
the acknowledgement that sites have a deeper meaning seems to be in line with regional
East Asian preservation practices. However, this practice is not meant to keep the
21 International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation. Athens Charter for the
Restoration of Historic Monuments. 1932. Page 3.
22 International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation. Athens Charter. Page 3.
23 International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation. Athens Charter. Page 1. 15


symbolism of the building alive, but rather maintain it as part of the communitys fabric
when applicable. For example, a house should be lived in and not set aside because it is
historic. The aim of the charter is to maintain and restore the structural fabric that
already exists. The focus is on the tangible. The intangible, often the focus of cultural
value in places like East Asia, is ignored.
In Section II of General Procedures, the committee aims to address the issues
related to administrative and legislative measures. The duty of protecting, preserving,
and accounting for the financial and legal tasks involved is the responsibility of the local
communities. Sites in dire conditions are the responsibility of the countrys authorities.
The measures should be in keeping with local circumstances and with the trend of public
opinion, so that the least possible opposition may be encountered.24 The idea is that by
working with the local community you ensure extended protection of the site as well as
following the specific legal and social protocols associated with land rights. However, in
1932 much of the world was still under Western European colonial rule. Under
imperialism decision makers were persons sent out by the colonizing power, not persons
of the local population maintaining the idea that colonies had lowest degree of real
autonomy and therefore maximally subject to exploitation by firms and persons from a
different country.25 It is therefore inaccurate to say that the local populations had any
direct control over the protection of historic sites. Instead, as we see in India, the
colonizers forced their interpretations onto the colonized. As a result, the Athens Charter
remains a document that is, at its core, based on an imbalance of authority.
24 International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation. Athens Charter. Page 3.
25 Immanuel Wallerstein. World-System Analysis: An Introduction. (Durham: Duke
University Press, 2004). Page 56. 16


Furthermore, developing nations do not have the legal and financial resources to
adequately respond the preservation standards outlined in Athens. Conservation and
restoration of structures involves time and money, which complicates matters. Often
outside groups are brought in for assistance, but their influence often leaves an
impression. This power imbalance leaves developing nations unrepresented and
underfunded for proper preservation maintenance of structures. Historically, this issue
was met in relation to traditional preservation practices. But because of newly enacted
standards, the traditional practices are inadequate.
In 1964, an international committee met again, this time in Venice, to update the
international principles enacted in Athens in order to deal with the new complex and
varied issues that had arisen in the post-war period.26 It is important to note, however,
that although the Venice Charter is a separate and unique document, it is built upon the
values and principles laid out in the Athens Charter. Therefore, the authorized heritage
discourse of the Athens Charter continues through updated international codes. Many
similarities remain, including the task that each country is responsible for applying the
plan within the framework of its own culture and traditions.27 In addition, the tasks
performed under the charters guidance aims to preserve and reveal the aesthetic and
historic value of the monument and is based on respect for original material and authentic
documents.28 The objective of the Venice Charter is to ensure the conservation and
26 International Committee on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS). International Charter
for the Conservation and Restoration of Monuments and Sites: The Venice
Charter. 1964. Page 1.
27 ICOMOS. The Venice Charter. Page 1.
28 ICOMOS. The Venice Charter. Page 2.
17


restoration of monuments on an international level. The charter continues the historical
use of conservation and restoration as tools for preserving monuments and structures.
The Burra Charter
There is some hope for the future success of Chinese preservation. International
organizations, including UNESCO and ICOMOS, have made recent efforts to include
varying opinions in international preservation charters. The Burra Charter from
Australia ICOMOS is one of the most famous, and is a unique case. The charter, which
aligns with the current authorized heritage discourse, has been rewritten in order to
address the concerns of citizens in the unrepresented populace. The charter was
originally written in 1979 in cooperation with Australia ICOMOS. In 1999 it was
rewritten in response to increasing pressures from indigenous and non-indigenous
Australian communities for more active participation and consultation in the heritage
management and conservation process.29 The new aims of the document address the
different interpretations of place and the deeply rooted cultural differences that might be
associated with such place. The biggest changes are the revisions that broaden the
understanding of what is cultural significance by recognizing that significance may lie in
more than just the fabric of a place.30 The notions of conservation and restoration focus
largely on the importance of the structural fabric. This is not a universal interpretation,
29 Smith, Uses of Heritage, 102.
30 Australia ICOMOS. The Burra Charter: The Australian ICOMOS Charter for Places
of Cultural Significance 1999. (Australia: Australia ICOMOS, Incorporated,
2000). Page 27.
18


and the Burra Charter, influenced by the indigenous populations of Australia, aims to
correct this. Nonetheless, the charter still remains a flawed document that does not
entirely remove itself from the original charters biases. It strongly declares that the
fundamental concepts of the Burra Charter have not changed and that the revisions
were made to bring the Charter up to date, not to change its essential message.31 The
revisions do not change the inherent problem and without recognizing the ideology and
political underpinnings of the discourse any attempts at change may be confined to
particular events rather then represent a real systematic challenge.32 In order to truly
change the discourse, the charter must be fully revised and rewritten to address all
interpretations and principles.
International Preservation in relation to China
Similar to the traditions found in indigenous Australian populations, the historic
preservation practices of China involve the intangible; the value of a site is not in the
structural fabric, but rather in the historic symbolism the site represents. This means that
China holds form and usage paramount. This tradition is based in the fact that East Asian
architecture, especially in China, is allowed to be rebuilt over time. As a result, the
structural fabric is not as important as saving the form and usage of the original structure,
31 Australia ICOMOS, The Burra Charter, 27.
32 Smith, Uses of Heritage, 299.
19


and ultimately what it represents symbolically in the culture.33 The structural quality of
the site must fit the traditional forms, and the traditional use of the site must be
maintained. This does not follow the practice of conservation and restoration. As a
result, preservation practices must be interpreted differently. There should be a greater
focus to work with and understand the cultural values of different places.
In China, as the public historian Na Li argues, the tools we have to preserve the
material fabric cannot save the intangible heritage, such as the collective memory.34
While international preservation focuses on preserving the structure, the value of why the
site is culturally important might be lost. There is nothing in international preservation
codes that address this issue. The current authorized heritage discourse is dismissing
traditional Chinese preservation in favor of European practices. Protecting the intangible,
such as the use and form of a site, is starting to gain recognition throughout the
international community. However, standards of protecting the built form, and thus the
tangible structures, still take precedent.
Because international preservation puts great focus on the care and protection of
fabric, the East Asian traditions of a sites historic meaning is being ignored. Therefore
the international bodies are placing current authorized heritage discourse interpretations
of preservation onto East Asia, thus contributing to a cultural imbalance over traditions.
The international bodies, and their charters, carry extreme power.35 This is not a
constructive way of preserving and protecting sites internationally. In order to do it
33 Na Li. Urban Landscapes as Public History: The Chinese Context. The Public
Historian, Vol. 32, No. 4 (Fall 2010), pp. 51-61. Page 59.
34 Li, Urban Landscapes as Public History: The Chinese Context. 57.
35 Smith, Uses of Heritage, 299.
20


properly, the traditions, practices, and interpretations of varying cultures must be heard,
including those of East Asia. For now, preservation charters continue to reflect the
interpretations and practices decreed in dated international charters and codes.
21


CHAPTER III.
THEORETICAL LENS: NEO-IMPERIALISM
Neo-imperialist theory is defined, for the use of my research, as the dominance of
specific discourses based on traditional cultural practices over others. Specifically,
European preservation practices are part of the current authorized heritage discourse,
which ignores local traditions like the Chinese practice of use and form. The principle
authors for neo-imperialist theory, amongst others, are Edward Said, Immanuel
Wallerstein, and Andre Gunder Frank. While these authors are traditionally linked with
the theory of post-colonialism, their lessons can be used to examine the contemporary
exchange of ideas.
The second half of the twentieth century saw a turbulent time for China. With the
disasters of the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, China was struggling to
succeed politically and economically in the modern world. Beneath it all was a
determination to be modem, for modernization symbolized the ability to be strong
enough to resist domination and exploitation.36 During the nineteenth century, China
witnessed its once proud culture, political strength, and economy fall at the hands of
Europe. Since the fall of the Imperial Dynasty in 1914, Chinas determination to be a
strong, independent nation has been a rallying cry that has remained throughout the
communist period. In the contemporary world, it seems that China has achieved its goal.
In 2010, China passed Japan to become the worlds second largest economy (the United
36 Patricia Buckley Ebery. The Cambridge Illustrated History of China. (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1996). Page 332.
22


States remains number one). It is undisputed that China is already a major driver of
global wealth and that it will continue to reshape the way the global economy
functions through trade, exchange revenues, and its connection to natural resources.37
The economic growth of China means that it is becoming a center for growth not just in
global markets, but also for culture and influence.
In the field of preservation, many countries, including China, are influenced by
international organizations. This situation has created a reliance on authorized heritage
discourse, or the established standards and practices that have been agreed upon by the
global community of preservation professionals. However, the authorized heritage
discourse is not applicable in every region. Local customs and traditions are often
ignored in favor of international codes by organizations such as UNESCO and ICOMOS.
This is a problem for local preservation advocates. The unique preservation traditions of
East Asia, based on the preservation of form and use, are left out in favor of architectural
conservation and structural restoration practices.
Neo-imperialism, which combines post-colonialism with modern capitalistic
theory, is the theoretical lens most applicable for this research. This is not to say that any
foreign nation is seeking domination over another through colonial oppression; rather,
international codes and discourses have created a global environment that is reliant on
some ideas over others. Neo-imperialism, for this research, is confined to intellectual
influence. Specifically, Chinese traditional practices of preservation are being influenced
and ignored under the current international authorized heritage discourse. International
organizations, such as UNESCO and ICOMOS, have a foundation of preservation
37 David Barboza. China Passes Japan as Second-Largest Economy. The New York
Times. August 15, 2010. 23


practice that reinforces ideas associated with the tangible aspects of a site. Chinese
traditional practices, which focus on use and form, are intangible components.
To fully examine the theoretical lens, how it relates to international preservation
practices, and the theory itself, I have broken this section up into four parts: 1) the history
of East Asia and Chinas relationship to foreign influence, 2) Orientalism, 3) World-
Systems Analysis, and 4) Dependent Accumulation and Underdevelopment. These often
conflicting theories work together for this research to show the intellectual imbalance of
preservation in the international community based on the establishment of contemporary
global interaction.
History of East Asia and Chinas Relationship with Foreign Theoretical Influences
Chinas growth and development in the twentieth century has come to define its
contemporary role in the global community, and has established its unique worldview for
the twenty-first century. In 1914, the last imperial dynasty of China was dissolved.
Conflict followed and after a prolonged civil war the Communist Party gained control of
China in 1949. In the following decade, China used the Soviet Union as a model for
much of its political and philosophical approaches to governing. Instead of relying on
traditional Chinese values, the government sought to transform China and its cities into
models for a socialist agenda. However, by the 1960s, China was throwing off the
socialist model and challenging the USSRs leadership of the international communist
24


movement.38 Although China retained socialism, a foreign political theory, it was now
used in line with new Chinese theory.
Much of the twentieth century saw China, and East Asia, struggling to create a
new culture that could incorporate elements of modern science and Western social and
political ideologies while enhancing rather than undermining pride in their own national
identity.39 Many of Chinas traditional beliefs are still present today. However, many
countries are increasingly suspicious of the emerging global era; a new set of values
and traditions that vary from standard European practices are playing a more active role
in international political and social development.40 China, a contemporary communist
country, is viewed as dangerous and unhinged from the values of a modem state as
defined by the European capitalist and democratic societies. Much of this can be
attribute to misunderstandings. After World War II, the agenda of the United States, was
at the forefront in understanding China: The United States needed scholars who could
analyze the rise of the Communist Party more than it needed scholars who could decipher
Taoist script.41 Chinese traditions are displaced in the international intellectual
discourse.
As a result, international preservation codes and authorized heritage discourse
ignores important fundamental traditions and practices inherent in cultures such as China.
38 Ebery, The Cambridge Illustrated History of China. 312.
39 Ebery, The Cambridge Illustrated History of China. 291.
40 Fareed Zakaria. The Post-American World. (New York: W.W. Norton and
Company, 2008). Page 46.
41
Immanuel Wallerstein. World-Systems Analysis: An Introduction. (Durham: Duke
University Press, 2004). Page 9. 25


International organizations, such as UNESCO and ICOMOS, emphasize preservation of
the tangible. Chinese preservation is based on the intangible aspects of use and form.
While efforts are being made to correct this, the imbalance is still present. China, as a
result, has been unsuccessful in defining a contemporary preservation practice.
Orientalism
Edward Saids Orientalism examines the conflict between global cultural
communities, and the imbalance of power and representation that results. It is important
to note that, for this research, I am not examining the cultural differences and imbalance
between the West and the East defined by an imbalance of power. Specifically, I am
looking at how authorized heritage discourse is being used to dominate local cultural
ideas and practices.
Orientalism is defined as a way of coming to terms with the Orient that is based
on the Orients special place in the European Western experience.42 Not only does
Orientalism restrict and confine the East to expectations and standards established by a
distant culture, it also helps to define the Wests role in dominating, restructuring, and
having authority over the Orient.43 As a result, Orientalism was used as a tool
throughout the nineteenth century to justify colonial expansion throughout Asia. This
dictates the intellectual development of Eastern cultures, a notion that has been perceived
as taking agency away from the people of the Orient. This resulted in the belief that if
42 Edward Said. Orientalism. (New York: Vintage Books, 1978). Page 1.
43 Said, Orientalism, 3.
26


the Orient could represent itself, it would; since it cannot, the representation does the
job.44 This diminishes the power of the people and their traditional practices.
Furthermore, the colonial powers often clumped the Orient together under one idea that
the whole Orient hung together in some profoundly organic way neglecting the vast
cultural difference present throughout all of Asia.45
The intellectual development of Chinese preservation has been devalued in favor
of European preservation practices. This is found specifically in the current authorized
heritage discourse that outlines practices for tangible sites. Local communities often find
it difficult to implement ideas that are not part of the traditional European discourse. By
devaluing the importance of Chinese preservation and elevating European practices, the
current authorized heritage discourse is preventing cities like Beijing from fully
implementing appropriate preservation standards. Beijing, instead, is in flux, trapped
between implementing their traditional standards and implementing a European
discourse. As a result, we see Beijing remaining static in its preservation efforts, as seen
in the Beijing Time Cultural City debate in the Drum and Bell Tower hutong district.
World-System Analysis
Wallersteins World-Systems Analysis is important for my research for two
reasons: it shows the development of theoretical imbalances in the modern world, and it
shows the establishment of Europe and American preservation organizations representing
44 Said, Orientalism, 21.
45 Said, Orientalism, 225.
27


China under the guise of education and modernization. These two ideas are at the core of
my research for understanding the imbalances in the current authorized heritage discourse
because there is an intellectual imbalance between the current authorized heritage
discourse and the local traditional practices of Beijing.
World-Systems Analysis shows the development of the modern capitalistic
system and how our current world-system follows tendencies enacted during the first half
of the twentieth century. Although World-Systems Analysis largely incorporates
economic theory, it is not confined to it: the use of social sciences in order to implement
global relationship imbalances is crucial. Developed by Immanuel Wallenstein, the
World-Systems Analysis theory aims to describe the history and mechanisms of the
modem world system.46 According to Wallenstein, World-Systems are bom and die
depending on the circumstances surrounding them, such as social and economic
structures. The present World-System is that of the capitalistic world economy, which
itself is based on colonial foundations set in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.47
While its approach to the modem development of global relationships is different
then Orientalism, World-System Analysis, for my use, is still examining international
intellectual power imbalances. According to Wallenstein, academic analysis can be
separated along three lines: economics, political science, and sociology in order to
explain and examine developments in the market, the state, and the civil society,
respectively.48 Social scientists were primarily located in five countries, the five
46 Wallerstein, World-Systems Analysis, xi.
47 Wallerstein, World-Systems Analysis, 76-77.
48 Wallerstein, World-Systems Analysis, 6.
28


countries that throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were developing
colonial rule. As a result, an imbalance of understanding between the colonizer and
colonized began. The academic sought to correct this through the new field of
anthropology, which held the assumption that the [colonized] people had no history
except one following the imposition of rule by modern outsiders which had resulted in
the cultural contact and therefore some cultural change.49 Therefore the history of the
colonized was only important in its relationship to, and the aftermath of, contact with the
colonizer.
In Beijing, this can be seen in the intellectual dominance of authorized heritage
discourse over traditional preservation traditions. The ideas of conservation and
restoration are being held in higher regard, in sites like the Drum and Bell Tower hutong
district, then the more applicable traditions of use and form. Not only does this highlight
intellectual dominance, of authorized heritage discourse over local traditional practices,
but it also threatens the local public memory with place. This intellectual domination, as
illustrated in the power imbalance of World-Systems Analysis, is threatening the
preservation of Beijings historic fabric.
Dependent Accumulation and Underdevelopment
Andre Gunder Franks Dependent Accumulation and Underdevelopment theory is
important for my study because it explores the imbalance between East Asia and Europe,
the exploitation of East Asia, and the underdevelopment forced upon East Asia in
49 Wallerstein, World-Systems Analysis, 7.
29


Europes quest for their own successful development. Trade becomes an important
component in the imbalance of power in global relationships. Trade involves intellectual
thought; intellectual thought involves preservation practices through international
charters and the establishment of the global authorized heritage discourse. Franks focus
on China helps to establish the nation within the larger imperial framework of modern
capitalist theory.
Frank speaks specifically about development and underdevelopment in East Asia.
While Asia suffered under colonial capitalization, East Asia, specifically China and
Japan, had different and rather unique experiences. As stated previously, China was
only a semi-colonial country, while Japan managed to achieve considerable industrial
development under capitalism.50 However, China was not free from the onset of
underdevelopment. Several circumstances following the development of the Opium
Wars established tools to spur the underdevelopment of China; the opium trade, treaty
ports, most favored nation clause that restricted trade to specific European nations,
special privileges for foreigners, and eventually the open door policy.51 These tools
created an imbalance between Europe and China; specific policies and arrangements
were in place to help the economic and political development of the West within East
Asia, while at the same time diminishing the strength of China by forcing its
underdevelopment.
Chinese traditional preservation practices are diminished in favor of European
practices. Beijings ineffectual approach to preservation over the last thirty years can be
50 Andre Gunder Frank. Dependent Accumulation and Underdevelopment. (New York:
Monthly Review Press, 1979). Page 146.
51 Frank, Dependent Accumulation and lInderdevelopmen, 152.
30


associated with Chinas inability to adopt a contemporary discourse for preservation;
China is, instead, stuck between European and East Asian ideas for built heritage. This
shows that a relationship imbalance between Europe and China has resulted in the
underdevelopment of Beijings preservation practices.
Conclusion
The cultures of East Asia are no longer under political or financial rule of another
country or region. However, international codes and practices of international
preservation are still inherently biased. In order to progress within the new international
order, there will have to be compromise on global intellectual development in areas such
as preservation.52 Therefore, it can be said that international preservation charters are
insufficient for the new global order. Some efforts have been made to rectify this, such
as the Burra Charter's efforts to include indigenous cultures within preservation
planning. As long as these principles remain the basis for international preservation, the
current authorized heritage discourse will not adequately represent local cultures and
traditions.
52 Zakaria, The Post-American World, 44.
31


CHAPTER IV.
EAST ASIAN PRESERVATION TRADITIONS
In this section, I aim to define East Asian preservation in both traditional uses and
in contemporary practices. As defined by the United Nations, East Asia is comprised of
the following nations: China, Japan, North Korea, South Korea, and Mongolia. Each of
these nations has their own cultural traditions. Nonetheless, there are some theoretical
trends seen throughout the region. My examination of East Asian preservation traditions,
their origin, and their contemporary impact on architectural development and urban
planning will be in three parts: 1) A basic overview of East Asian preservation traditions,
2) the significance of Confucian, Taoist, and Buddhist thought on East Asian
preservation, and 3) impact of East Asian preservation traditions on contemporary
architectural development and urban planning.
Overview of East Asian Preservation Traditions
Instead of preserving the structural fabric of a site, East Asian traditions focus of
preserving the use of the site. The meaning of the site is considered valuable, and
replacement and maintenance is an important part of preserving a building over time.53
These traditions not only help to conserve the structural elements unique to East Asia, but
also help to define preservation practices in line with the East Asian cultural and
53 Li, Urban Landscapes as Public History: The Chinese Context, 59.
32


philosophical experience. As a result, reconstruction is often needed in order to maintain
the use of the site over time.
In urban planning, East Asian traditional practices often seek a connection
between man and nature. This can occur in a variety of ways. The most significant for
this study are: a connection to the cosmos and aligning the urban site along certain
principles in favor of a natural energy, or chi. Specific urban features, found in a variety
of East Asian cultures, established the ideal city: cardinal orientation, cardinal axiality,
and a more or less square perimeter delimited by a massive wall.54 This can be seen in
Kyoto Japan, where the city was laid out on a vast orthogonal grid of wide principal
avenues oriented to the points of the compass, with the walled precinct of the emperors
palace situated at the citys center.55 This is also seen in Beijing, where the central axis
organizes the city based on a grid, with the Palace City and Coal Hill located at the city
center. Furthermore, there is an awareness and connection to nature in general. The
philosophical beliefs of the region help to generate the natural order of all living things;
all things are born and die in a continuing life cycle. Buildings are no exception. They
are built out of natural materials and start to decay over time. It is in reconstruction that
they are given new life, in which the cycle starts over.
The connection between community and the built fabric introduces an important
idea: collective memory. It is in the initial building and the preservation practices that the
regional values and philosophical ideas are carried out and community values are
54 Wheatley, Paul. The Pivot of the Four Corners: A Preliminary Inquiry into the
Origins and Character of the Ancient Chinese City. (Chicago: Aldine Publishing
Company, 1971). Page 423.
55 Tung, Preserving the World's Great Cities, 371.
33


incorporated. During the reconstruction, the community becomes involved with the site
as part of a communal and collective experience. Meaning and form is restored through
reconstruction and craftsmanship is kept alive through this process. This helps to form a
collective history and a collective memory of the community with the site. This does not
have tangible value, but is important for the community and the region: the tools that we
have to preserve the material fabrics cannot save the intangible heritage, such as
collective memory.56 It is through the preservation practices of reconstruction, of
continual use and form, and of community involvement that the collective memory is
created and protected. East Asian preservation is uniquely defined based on local cultural
and theoretical practices.
Theoretical Significance in East Asian Preservation
Three philosophical traditions are found throughout East Asia: Confucianism,
Taoism, and Buddhism. Although these philosophies do not directly address local
preservation practices, their teachings and values have been a great influence on the
urban planning of cities and the traditional practices of preserving sites. Confucianism is
named after the teacher Kung Fu-tzu (Latinized as Confucius). Born during the Zhou
Dynasty, Confucius taught the importance of the old rites, orders, and rituals. It was the
abuse and neglect of these rites that ultimately damaged society: to abuse the forms of
the rites was to abuse the reality, the moral order which they represented.57 Confucian
56 Li, Urban Landscapes as Public History: The Chinese Context, 57.
34


teachings are about governing and social order. He believed in the importance of
character over birth.57 58 Furthermore, he taught that the social order is built on hierarchy,
and that a leader, at the top, must cherish and care for the people. Not following these
rites can give justification for the end of rule. This is in line with the ancient tradition of
the Mandate of Heaven, where the rulers of China are given a mandate to lead by a higher
power. This emphasizes the connection between heaven and man. The teachings of
Confucius spread throughout East Asia and influenced the development of philosophies
in both Korea and Japan. Although Confucianism is largely viewed as a political and
governing theory, it has greatly influenced East Asian society by valuing the importance
of harmony, proper leadership, and education. Attributes found in traditional architecture
emphasize the idea that man and the cosmos are connected.
During the Sung Dynasty, a new form of Confucianism developed around the
principles of metaphysics and the universal energy known as chi. The traditional values
of Confucianism were morphed with metaphysical principles: the transformation of
yang and its union with yin, the five agents of water, fire, wood, metal, and earth arise.59
Heavily influenced by Taoist teaching, Neo-Confucianism taught about a new man whose
mind consciously grasps the underlying unity of all existence.60 What we see occurring
is a change in Confucianism away from political and governing theory into a more
theological and religious practice. As a result it is more in line with the traditions
57 WM. Theodore De Bary. Introduction to Oriental Civilizations: Sources of Chinese
Tradition Volume I. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1960). Page 18.
58 De Bary, Introduction to Oriental Civilizations, 19.
59 De Bary, Introduction to Oriental Civilizations, 258.
60 De Bary, Introduction to Oriental Civilizations, 461.
35


associated with Taoism and Buddhism. It examines the natural order of human existence
and values the cosmic energy of chi.
Taoisms influence was greatly extended after much of its teachings and values
were absorbed into the Chinese forms of Confucianism and Buddhism. At the core of
Taoist teaching is the connection and progression of nature. The Tao, or the Way, is the
source of all being and governor of all life, human and natural, and the basic, undivided
unity in which all the contradictions and distinctions of existence are ultimately
resolved.61 Man has been influenced by society and has therefore lost its connection to
nature. Taoism teaches of the natural order and that it is rooted in mankinds existence;
often we ignore these natural truths. The ideal follower of the Tao is one who
comprehends this mystic principle of Tao and orders his life and actions in accordance
with it.62 Taosim maintains that nature holds an energy flow, and it is up to each
individual to live in conjunction with it. Although not directly associated with the
ancient tradition of feng-shui, a correlation exists between the two ideas: nature has an
ordering system and there is a constant flow of energy that we must learn to harness and
live with. This connection to nature, the cosmos, and energy is part of traditional
planning practices in East Asia; these elements have helped to establish and define cities
throughout the region.
Buddhism is thought to have reached China in the first century of the Common
Era. By this time, Buddhism had many phases of development, and would later be
influenced by the Chinese traditions of Confucianism and Taoism. From China,
61 De Bary, Introduction to Oriental Civilizations, 50.
62 De Bary, Introduction to Oriental Civilizations, 50.
36


Buddhism spread throughout the rest of East Asia. At the core of Buddhism are the
Four Noble Truths: life is full of sorrow, this sorrow is due to craving, sorrow can only
be stopped by stopping craving, and finally discipline can stop craving.63 Inherent in
these ideas is the belief in the life cycle of death and rebirth, which can only be stopped
by reaching Nirvana. This is achieved first by adopting right views about the nature of
existence, then by carefully controlled system of moral conduct, and finally by
concentration and meditation.64 This belief has been worked into the development of
East Asia cities for centuries. The most dominate feature of Buddhist urban planning, is
the location of the sovereign leader at the center of the city; this can be seen in both
Chinese and Japanese cities establishing continuity over time.
Ancestor worship is an important part of East Asian traditional society. While
Confucianism and Buddhism continue this tradition, they do not believe in the ancient
ideals that the soul is immortal. Instead, Buddhism believes in transmigration, or a
belief in an individual soul which passed from one body to another until the attainment of
enlightenment.65 While early interpretations of both Buddhism and Taoism sought ideas
of immortality, both belief systems do not believe in immortal souls, and are rather
focused on the life cycles inherent in a humans natural existence. The Taoist teacher,
Chuang Tzu, celebrated death as the necessary and proper correlative of human life and
saw it as an eternal process of cosmic change.66 Therefore, in accordance with East
63 De Bary, Introduction to Oriental Civilizations, 266-267.
64 De Bary, Introduction to Oriental Civilizations, 268.
65 De Bary, Introduction to Oriental Civilizations, 276-277.
66 De Bary, Introduction to Oriental Civilizations, 63.
37


Asian philosophical traditions, both life and death should be celebrated as a part of the
natural order.
Basic fundamental ideas about nature and existence are present in East Asia
through the philosophies of Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. These philosophies
are in the traditions and practices of East Asian preservation and architectural
construction: first, everything is connected to heaven and a larger natural order. This is
important in the construction of buildings and cities. Cardinal orientation, axiality, and
the axis mundi are all part of this connection to the cosmos. Secondly, part of this natural
order includes death and rebirth. This does not mean the immortality of an individual
soul. Rather it means the continuation of a spirit along the natural order. In art and
architecture, buildings and objects decay and are destroyed. They can, and should be
rebuilt in order to continue their use and meaning. Third, there is the importance of a
cosmic energy, or chi. Being aware of chi, harnessing it, and learning to live in
conjunction with it can help the development of an individual or place. The ancient
practice of feng-shui is an important part of architectural construction that is still present
in the urban and architectural landscape of East Asia.
Each of these philosophical traditions is different in the individual cultural
experiences throughout East Asia: the materials forms through which this cosmo-
magical symbolism was realized were highly distinctive.67 However, the fundamentals
of these three philosophies are inherent in Chinese traditional practices in relation to the
urban fabric. The value of a structure is based in its meaning, use, and symbolism, rather
67 Wheatley, The Pivot of the Four Corners, 451.
38


then in the structural fabric.68 These philosophical beliefs have helped to shape the built
heritage of East Asia. Furthermore, they have given value and meaning to the structural
form.
Impact on Architectural Development
The built form adds significant meaning to the culture and the community. It
provides a narrative of a particular space. Buildings are given a life. In East Asia
buildings are not frozen in time or conserved in order to follow a specific ideology.
Rather, they change over time due to deconstruction and reconstruction. The idea of the
life cycle is essential to understanding the dilapidation of structures: the ruinous
structures, with a relaxed acceptance of time, the esthetic ability to take dramatic
advantage of destruction, are enjoyed for the emotional sensations.69 It forms to the
natural evolution of time just as all things do. Due to the beliefs inherent in
Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, there is a religiously motivated preference for
the decayed and the antiquated. From a philosophical standpoint, the structures are
given life. And over time they are reborn to continue their form and function, just as all
natural things due in the course of the natural life cycle.
From a preservation and historical standpoint, the structure is also given a
narrative. The built forms are provided a complete history beginning with original
68 Denis Bryne. Buddhist Stupa and Thai Social Practice. World Archaeology, Vol.
27, No. 2, Buddhist Archaeology (October, 1995) pp. 266-281. Page 267.
69 Na Li. Preserving Urban Landscape as Public History- Asian Context. University of
Massachusetts. 2008. Page 3.
39


construction, followed by deconstruction, and finally to reconstruction. This not only
establishes a pattern, but also forms a changing history. Ultimately, it is peoples
relationship to the structure that is important. The structures are part of a peoples
memory, and because the structure is built and preserved along local cultural traditions,
this memory locates us as part of a family history, as part of a tribe or community as a
part of city-building and nation-making. Loss of memory is, basically, loss of identity.70
It is through the collective memory and connection to the philosophical traditions that the
occupants construct value to the site. The stories we provide may serve to highlight
different histories and their connections to built forms that are most meaningful for
different groups of people.71 East Asian architectural development and the preservation
that follows are set along traditional standards of the region. The structural fabric of East
Asia follows the collective memory and philosophical values inherent in the cultural
community.
70 Li, Preserving Urban Landscape as Public History- Asian Context, Page 6.
71 Li, Urban Landscapes as Public History: The Chinese Context, Page 60.
40


CHAPTER V.
PRESERVATION IN CHINA
The traditions of urban planning span millenniums and are deeply rooted in
cultural practices. Changes to the economic, political, and cultural climate of China that
occurred throughout the 20th century had a great impact on urban planning and
preservation. Newly adapted approaches, mostly following socialist ideology, were
grafted onto the urban landscape in coordination with traditional Chinese practices. To
better understand the development of the Chinese city, I break this chapter down into
three parts: 1) the original configuration and city planning techniques based upon Chinese
traditions 2) the effects Western theories have had on the development of Chinese cities,
and 3) the current state of preservation within Chinas cities.
Original Configuration and City Planning Techniques Built Upon Chinese
Traditions
As explained in Chapter IV, Chinas cities followed philosophical practices found
throughout East Asia, including mans connection to heaven and nature. Because of
Chinas size and vast natural terrain, unique approaches developed. Chinas city
planning connected to the theological conditions of the local populace. Proper
preservation, therefore, would have to take this into consideration.
Urban sites are found in China as early as 1600 BCE. Formal configurations and
urban developments start to take shape during the Shang Dynasty (1600-1050
41


BCE). Although the Shang Dynasty controlled territories were relatively small, their
influence extended far beyond its territorial limits ultimately uniting the area in similar
practices and technological uses.72 Early in this period, the role of the government was
not based just in military terms, but also firmly grounded in religion and ritual.73 This
tradition would later have greater significance under the Zhou Dynasty (1050-256) and
still later the tradition of the Mandate of Heaven, which stated that heaven would support
the ruler, so long as he rules justly and wisely.74 The mandate, a product of
Confucianisms influence on China, reinforced the symbolic connection between man
and the cosmos, which would come into greater importance in the building of a national
capital in later dynasties. During the Zhou Dynasty Chinas cultural practices of urban
construction were well established and written in the Rites of Zhou, which discuss the
role and importance of city building at great length.
Choosing a site for building a city was vital in establishing its harmonious
connection with nature. In Zhou Dynasty city designs, Chinese city planners were well
aware that the fortunes of a city could be assured only if its sites were adopted to the local
currents of the cosmic breath (chi).75 This touches on the ancient practice of feng-shui,
the art of adjusting the features of the cultural landscape so as to minimize adverse
influences and derive maximum advantage from favorable conjunctions of form. In this
tradition, it is believed that the natural elements help to direct, form, and push this cosmic
72 Ebery, The Cambridge Illustrated History of China, 23.
73 Ebery, The Cambridge Illustrated History of China, 25.
74 Ebery, The Cambridge Illustrated History of China, 31.
75 Wheatley, The Pivot of the Four Corners, 419.
42


energy. Equally important, however, is the man made structures added to the natural
landscape. These structures also influence and form chi.76 Therefore, understanding
feng-shui is crucial in harnessing the cosmic energies inherent in the natural landscape.
Chi was an important component to city building; its integration into the urban fabric
added to the fortunes and fate of the city. In China, winds from the north were seen as
unlucky. Having water in and around the site was important. The features are still
apparent in Chinese cities, including Beijing, and they continue to play and important
role in the urban fabric of the city.
Equally as important was the connection to the cosmos, or heaven. The earliest
example of this is found in cardinal orientation, which appeared very early in the
arrangement of Chinese urban forms.77 Each cardinal direction was symbolically linked
with a celestial entity. East was connected to the sun, West was connected to the moon,
North, which signifies the bottom portion of the urban grid, was connected with the earth,
and South, which signified the top of the urban gird, was connected to heaven. A main
axis runs from south to north. This processional way formed a symbolic guide, rather
then a visual path, and housed the most important buildings of the city. Furthermore, the
imperial capitals, and all structures within, faced south towards the direction of heaven.
This axis not only creates a symbolic processional and connection to heaven, but also
76 John Michell. Foreword. Feng-Shui: The Science of Sacred Landscape in Old China.
Sixth Edition. (Tucson, Synergetic Press, 1988). Pagev.
77 Wheatley, The Pivot of the Four Corners, 425.
43


establishes the ordering system for the rest of the city, which tended to be fixed along a
grid system.78 The formal layout of the Chinese city was rooted in symbolic tradition.
Effects of Communism on the Development of Chinas Cities
In the decades before 1949, China had lost much of its grandeur due to political
instability. However, it would be after 1949, under the Peoples Republic of China, that
the greatest global influences on the political and structural makeup of China would
occur. Practitioners and guides were brought in from the Soviet Union to consult the
Chinese government on proper city planning techniques. This ushered in a wave of
Soviet influence, which often neglected Chinese urban traditions: the Soviet city model
[has] formed the basis of the socialist transformation of nearly all urban centers in
China.79 Traditional city planning practices were pushed aside in favor of socialistic
ideology. As a result, a non-Chinese element in city planning has thus been successfully
grafted onto the core of the Chinese city since 1960. Instead of using the city as a way
to connect with the cosmos, the cities were transformed to become great examples of the
socialist society.
However, the Communist view of preservation has been frequently ignored.
While regulations and legislation of historic sites and areas were weak, efforts have been
made throughout China since 1980. As a result, western scholarship on Communist
urban planning and conservation regulations has overlooked some genuine, though
78 Wheatley, The Pivot of the Four Corners, 435.
79 Victor Sit. Beijing: The Nature and Planning of a Chinese Capital City. (Chichester:
John Wiley and Sons, 1995). Page 249. 44


80
scattered, preservation efforts happening at the same time. What is often ignored is
how the efforts of the Communist Party have shaped the landscape of the Chinese city.
The implementation of these newly formed practices had an impact on the urban fabric
and structural heritage in favor of modernization by making cities industrial, and later
commercial, centers. Ushered in by Soviet and capitalistic fervor, the cities and designs
of the East began to change.80 81 Ignoring the socialist agenda discounts efforts by the
Chinese to define their modernized world view of preservation. Dismissal of the socialist
impact by scholars bogs the preservation debate in philosophy and neglects the real issue
the conflict between economic development and historic preservation.82 Because
China remains a communist country, defining preservation in China, and combating the
economic developments destruction of valuable sites, is an ongoing struggle.
Nonetheless, China has started to establish unique preservation practices that graft
traditional practices with socialist ideology. In 1951, shortly after the establishment of
the Peoples Republic of China, the communist government began pushing initiatives to
save historic sites throughout China. In summary, these policies instructed local
government to protect major historic structures or buildings and their attachments.83 In
1956, rural historic cities came under policy protection of the State Council. Efforts to
name and list sites for protection started in 1961. However, the Cultural Revolution
80 Li, Urban Landscapes as Public History: The Chinese Context, Page 52.
81 Tung, Preserving the World's Great Cities, 162.
82 Li, Urban Landscapes as Public History: The Chinese Context, Page 52.
83 Ya Ping Wang. Planning and Conservation in Historic Chinese Cities: The Case of
Xian. The Town Planning Review, Vol. 71, No. 3 (July, 2000). Page 312.
45


(1966-1976) would start soon after and had a devastating impact on all these efforts; all
preservation plans were seized and many historic structures throughout China that did not
represent the new revolutionary ideas were altered or destroyed. During this time, only
informal instructions were given by the central government through circulars or leaders
speeches. These instructions favored individual sites and monuments that were deemed
of value to the national agenda; little attention was given to the preservation of the
environmental surroundings of important buildings and the historic urban landscape as a
whole.84 Many sites, including entire neighborhoods, were vulnerable to destruction in
order to push a national philosophy.
Formal preservation efforts started again in the 1980s. In 1982, the Protection of
Historic Interests Act of the Peoples Republic of China formally decreed the designation
process for historic sites and set into place strict planning codes for historic areas.85 Also
in 1982, the Cultural-Asset Protection Law established different levels of importance on
each historic site. Code restrictions in historic areas were enhanced under the Regulation
of Building Heights of 1985 and the Land-Use and Height Controls for the Old City of
1987. The goal of these initiatives was to expand preservation to more than just
individual structures.86 In 1992, Implementation Details of the Protection of Historic
Interest Acts further enhanced these previous state codes. These plans aimed to
emphasize each city's unique characteristics, to reflect the distinctive local natural and
84 Wang, Planning and Conservation in Historic Chinese Cities, 328.
85 Wang, Planning and Conservation in Historic Chinese Cities, 313.
86 Li, Urban Landscapes as Public History: The Chinese Context, 53.
46


historic features and to preserve existing land use patterns.87 The national government
established preservation policies. However, other interests were more valuable:
economic pursuits and the progress of the national government.
Current State of Preservation within Chinas Cities
Economic growth in China has led to destruction in some of Chinas oldest cities.
Preservation practices, while facing the hurdles of globalization, have maintained a
Chinese traditional approach. China has been influenced by outside forces, such as
Europe and the Soviet Union, but it has retained a uniquely Chinese perspective on
preservation. Though development is a global effort, preservation should remain local.
Nonetheless, international preservation charters ignore cultural traditions in places like
China.
Since the 1980s, Chinas economy has grown considerably. As a result of this
expansion, the historic town itself has changed dramatically. Many of the city's
historical features and townscape have disappeared.88 This is largely due to the
economic expansion of China, where consumerism and productive growth are signs of
prosperity. This mentality is obvious in the development of many sites throughout
Chinas urban areas. The historic homes and districts are deemed symbols of
backwardness and poverty which had no place in a 'modern city.89 This led to a
87 Wang, Planning and Conservation in Historic Chinese Cities, 314.
88 Wang, Planning and Conservation in Historic Chinese Cities, 328.
89 Wang, Planning and Conservation in Historic Chinese Cities, 329.
47


widespread demand for a higher standard of living among the populace, which has
resulted in widespread destruction of historic homes in favor of new construction.
Essential in this process is the implementation of the master-plan approach in Chinese
cities. Working with developers, the city government initiates large-scale economic
growth and development through urban planning. Often, however, ambitious city
planners are increasingly unable to cope with the management of incremental change
within the historic conservation areas.90 This leaves the historic core of cities vulnerable
to economic interest.
While construction developments in historic cities might be considered as a
reconstruction of the old in order to create modem use, it is ignoring the larger, symbolic
principles inherent in traditional Chinese preservation notions: the form and usage of the
site is paramount. New construction often evicts the existing population in favor of a
new, wealthier demographic, and does not carry the same forms as is traditionally found
in historic areas. These individual homes and historic districts contain more than bricks
and mortar... when the inhabitants are gone, the spirit of the place is lost, irrevocably.91
This will be explored further using Beijing as an example, where building height, which
had been restricted since the Qing Dynasty, has been ignored in favor of high-rise
residential structures. However, it is important to note that despite the creation of
preservation codes and laws throughout China, which did not come into full effect until a
2003 ratification, the destruction of the historic fabric of Chinas cities was continuing in
favor of political and economic gains.
90 Wang, Planning and Conservation in Historic Chinese Cities, 329.
91 Li, Urban Landscapes as Public History: The Chinese Context, 57. 48


The ancient city of Kunming in the Yunnan province represents the traditional
Chinese city, in both the built form and the urban layout. Buildings were constructed
using wood and clay-brick, with decorated carved facades and sloping tiled roofs. A
central axis, and north-south alignment, is configured by the presence of small lanes that
establish a strong gird system. In the 1990s, sweeping urban change occurred during
Chinas rapid economic growth, and the extensive historical city center quickly
disappeared and the old city walls and gates simply vanished.92 Small efforts were
made to restore historic qualities, including the reconstruction of Ming pagodas that had
been destroyed during the nineteenth century. However, forms of most redevelopment
included large buildings, encompassing entire areas and stretching high above the
traditional skyline: old, small wooden houses are replaced with new, up to 100 meter tall
glass and steel skyscrapers.93 This started to reshape the entire city, and the form and
use of the historic core rapidly changed. Lack of sufficient funds and local government
efforts left the remaining historic structures in poor condition.
A city partnership with Zurich started to take shape in an effort to stabilize and
legitimize Kunmings preservation efforts. Specialists from Zurichs department of
historic preservation went to Kunming to act as consultants in the citys efforts. A 1996
plan aimed to protect the historic center, but further planning developments along the
north-south axis provided little support. In 1997, zoning measures were introduced to
protect historic areas and stop widespread destruction. However, no plan to enforce
92 Werner Stutz. Old Town Preservation in Kunming. Sustainable Urban and
Regional Development in China. DISP 151. April, 2002. Page 73.
93 Stutz, Old Town Preservation in Kunming, 74.
49


these protective measures was provided.94 Several reasons led to this: lack of funds for
implementation, insufficient support in the local political system, and opposition from the
property owners. By 1998, the Zurich preservation division was playing a role in the
progress of the citys planning in relation to preservation of historic areas. The Zurich
team taught proper recording, evaluation, and analysis techniques in order to support
Chinese efforts to understand and assess the value of their cultural buildings.95 The
intensive exchanges between representatives from Kunming and Zurich led to the 2000
establishment of the Kunming Historical Street Block and Building Protection Office, a
historic preservation division within the citys planning department.96 Kunming adopted
planning and preservation guidelines used by the Zurich team.
Kunming can be seen as a great example of the progress of preservation in China.
Large parts of the historic center are being protected under the new provision established
under the international partnership. Kunmings preservation division follows strict
guidelines: all of the houses are inventories, measured and documented.97 The goal is
renovation of the existing structures in order to preserve the historic fabric and character
of the city. And despite great progress, there is still a lack of laws and models for all
issues of preservation within Kunming. Much of the local governments work is
insufficient because existing laws are not properly implemented. The reason is because
the local authorities do not want to limit potential growth and modernization.
94 Stutz, Old Town Preservation in Kunming, 74.
95 Stutz, Old Town Preservation in Kunming, 75.
96 Stutz, Old Town Preservation in Kunming, 76.
97 Stutz, Old Town Preservation in Kunming, 77.
50


Preservation developments in Kunming represent three main issues. First, the
local socialist government is ignoring traditional Chinese preservation practices for fear
they might limit progress. Second, the local government and respective agencies are
insufficient in implementing any real preservation efforts. Third, adopted preservation
standards are based on European practices. These three issues stifle progress in the
development and implementation of preservation codes on the local level throughout
China. The result is a continued struggle to introduce preservation practices and the
destruction of large areas of Chinese cities historic fabric as a result. While Kunming
has made great progress in tackling the issues of preservation, the adopted practices are
inadequate to protect sites in accordance with local values. Ideally, preservation
standards should come from local traditional practices that are in correlation with local
ideology, maintain local heritage traditions, and can potentially gain the support of a
united community. This, ultimately, strengthens the longevity of the site and its
preservation.
51


CHAPTER VI.
PRESERVATION IN BEIJING
With the exception of the turbulent years between 1927 and 1949, Beijing has
been the national capital of China for almost six hundred years. During this time period,
Beijing was the seat of government for two imperial dynasties (the Ming and Qing), the
first capital of the Republic of China, and the current capital of the Peoples Republic of
China. In every instance, Beijings urban fabric was used to signify the political and
philosophical beliefs of each form of government. Despite this fact, little has changed in
the citys traditional features. Beijings architecture and urban planning, as well as its
latter preservation efforts, make it a great example of both East Asian and Chinese
architectural development and preservation practices. This section will be broken into
nine parts: 1) a general overview on the origins of Beijing as the national capital, 2) the
urban planning and configuration of Beijing, 3) Beijing as an example of East Asian
architectural development and urban planning, 4) the semi-colonial influences on Beijing,
5) socialisms influence on Beijing, 6) preservation practices in modem Beijing, 7) the
reason for failing preservation practices in Beijing 8) traditional features present in
contemporary Beijing, and 9) the current changes and pressures on the preservation of
Beijings fabric. The aim of this section is to examine the historical traditions of
architectural and planning developments in Beijing, how these have been carried
throughout Beijings history, and ultimately how these traditions and developments are
being addressed in contemporary preservation practices. I argue that only traditional
local preservation practices can properly protect and maintain Beijings built
52


heritage.
Origins of Beijing as the National Capital of China
The area around present-day Beijing was generally favored by former northern
states and dynasties for the location of their capital city. These earlier urban structures
helped to form the location and configuration of Beijing, based on traditional planning
principles. In 1260, in the aftermath of the Mongol Invasion of China, Kublai Khan built
the new imperial capital of Da Du. The Yuan city was described as one of the grandest
and most cosmopolitan cities in the world.98 The reign of the Mongols was brief, and
the Ming Army occupied Da Du by 1368, at which time the name was changed to
Beiping Fu. Although a Ming capital had been originally built in Nanjing, the Yongle
Emperor, Cheng Zu, naturally preferred his own power base, Beiping, as his new
capital.99 Furthermore, the decision was rooted in geography, history, politics, the
military and concerns over minority races.100 Threats of northern invasion made Beijing
a strategically defensive site.
It was a long process to make the Mongol city into the new capital of the Ming
Dynasty. In 1403, the name of the city was changed from Beiping, to Beijing, meaning
Northern Capital. By 1406, the Emperor had been granted a full request to start
construction on the new Beijing, which included over 300,000 workers. In 1420, Beijing
98 Tung, Preserving the World's Great Cities, 141.
99 Sit, Beijing, 54.
100 Sit, Beijing, 55.
53


was declared the national capital of the Ming Dynasty after the completion of the palace
and its altars.101 The city was built to reflect the political, social, and philosophical
beliefs of the Ming Dynasty. Its grand construction and scale was unprecedented and
would make it the undisputed capital of China for the next 500 years.
When the Ming Dynasty was defeated, and the Qing Dynasty formed in 1644
Beijing remained the capital. The Manchurian based Qing Dynasty retained Beijing for
similar strategic and home-base considerations as the Mongolians.102 The cosmic
energy of the site was equally considered; it was generally believed that the success of a
city was correlated with its relationship with chi, or cosmic energy.103 The position of
Beijing in the landscape, as well as the structural development of the city, was in line
with the traditional philosophical beliefs of a natural order and energy: mountains to the
north, presence of water, connection to southern sky, and protection for northern winds.
This will be explained further when I discuss the construction and urban planning of the
city based upon East Asian traditional practices. The important thing to note is that
Beijing is built on a specific site for a variety of reasons: geography, philosophy,
political, historical meaning, and territorial control over local populace. For these
reasons, Beijing became the national prototype for proper city building.
With the collapse of the Qing Dynasty, Beijings role as the capital of China
ended. The turbulent climate of the Republic of China resulted in the eventual
fragmentation of China into numerous states controlled by various warlords with varying
101 Sit, Beijing, 54.
102 Sit, Beijing, 55.
103 Wheatley, The Pivot of the Four Corners, 419.
54


aims. National parties, including the Nationalists and the Communists, sought to create
a new type of political centre.104 Eventually, the Nationalist gained the upper hand and
moved the national capital from Beijing to Nanjing (meaning southern capital).
However, Chinas fate was uncertain: by 1932, Japan had gained control of Manchuria,
the northeastern region of China. Further aggression led to rising tensions between the
Nationalists and Japan. Eventually much of eastern China was under Japanese control.
From 1937 until the end of World War II in 1945, Beijing, the great imperial capital of
China, was under Japanese occupation.105 Internal conflicts continued until the
Communist party claimed victory. In 1949, Beijing was declared the capital of the
Peoples Republic of China. Although little of the traditional urban fabric was altered,
planning efforts sought to reshape Beijing into a modern socialist capital.106 Beijing
continued to represent the political and philosophical ideals of the national government.
Urban Planning and Historical Configuration of Beijing
Beijing stands as one of the great examples of the Chinese worldview of city
building.107 The inherent cultural qualities of city planning are still present, despite the
influence of international preservation bodies during the past century that do not address
the intangible values present in Chinese preservation traditions. Due to the citys
104 Ebery, The Cambridge Illustrated History of China, Page 273.
105 Ebery, The Cambridge Illustrated History of China, Page 282.
106 Sit, Beijing, 247.
107 Sit, Beijing, 74.
55


relationship to the imperial government, Chinas traditional city building elements are on
a grander scale than what is found in other cities. Historically, the frame and internal
ordering of the Chinese city tended to be fixed.108 Beijings structural fabric follows six
standard: 1) the configuration of the original citys four parts, consisting of the Palace
City, Imperial City, Inner City, and Outer City, 2) a strong central axis, 3) connection to
the cosmos, 4) a connection to cosmic and natural energy, and 5) walls and gates of the
city establishing structure. Each of these parts will be explored in greater detail below.
All of these parts come together to represent a whole: a unique set of standards for
Chinese urban planning based on East Asian architectural principles.
The first standard in Beijings built form is the configuration of the city. Each site
along Beijings central axis has cultural, political, or social importance in the Chinese
worldview. The location and placement of each site has been carefully designed along
hierarchical standards.109 The result is a completed axis, anchored on either end. This
south to north alignment was of greater importance than any orientation from east to
west. And this arrangement is fully realized by the southern alignment of all
structures.110 This structural alignment helps to create geometric order to the entire city.
All other roads were oriented off of this main axis, helping to define the configuration of
Beijing.
108 Wheatley, The Pivot of the Four Corners, 435.
109 Sit, Beijing, 60.
110 Wheatley, The Pivot of the Four Corners, 425.
56


A The Central Axis
B Temple of Heaven
C Temple of Agriculture
D Zhengyangmen
E National Museum of China
F Tiananmen Square
G The Great Hall of the People
H National Center for the Performing Arts
I Palace City (Forbidden City)
J Coal Hill
K The Drum and Bell Tower hutong neighborhood
L Drum Tower
M Bell Tower
N Olympic Complex and Green
0 Beijing's Old City
Figure VL1 Beijings Central Axis
Beijing has four parts to the configuration of the Old City: the Palace City, the
Imperial City, the Inner City, and the Outer City. Each of these parts is still present in
Beijings urban fabric. Despite the rapid growth of central and historic Beijing in the last
twenty years, much of the original design and relationship with the four parts are still
inherent.
The Palace City was originally known as Zi Jan Cheng, or the Purple Forbidden
City. In Western cultures, the site became known as just the Forbidden City.111
Originally a square, the Palace City was extended south to incorporate the Altars of
111 Sit, Beijing, 60.
57


Grains and Soils and the Ancestral Temple, which were built to heighten the emperors
(also known as the sage king) behavioral role in the philosophical as well as political
realms.112 The core of the Palace City is arranged along six buildings: the Hall of
Supreme Harmony, the Hall of Complete Harmony, the Hall of Preserving Harmony, the
Palace of Heavenly Purity, the Palace of Earthy Peace, and the Hall of Imperial Peace in
the Imperial Gardens. These buildings were so designed and located to symbolize the
status of the Son of Heaven so that the kings administrative power worked in such a
way that the yin and yang ethers interacted smoothly and that all people observed the
sacrifices and rituals accordingly.113 All of the main structures, and corresponding
processional gates, were located along the central axis. The Palace City is a rectangular
site located just south of the center of the city. The palaces most important buildings are
located along the central axis. This placement helps to strengthen the importance of the
central axis.114 Furthermore, this layout reinforces the importance of the Zhouli, or the
Rites of Zhou, in Chinese urban planning; the entire site is divided evenly along the axis.
This separates the palace into yin and yang, coming together on the axis to establish a
harmonious whole. This is achieved through the location and delegation of function of
the three Big Halls, and in the ordering of the main palatial gates.115 The Palace Citys
location in Beijing follows the basic principles of Zhouli, emphasizing the centrality of
112 Sit, Beijing, 64.
113 Sit, Beijing, 60.
114 Sit, Beijing, 74.
115 Sit, Beijing, 76.
58


the sovereign leader. The site faces south towards Heaven, emphasizing the connection
between man and the cosmos.
The Imperial City is the larger area surrounding the Palace City. This includes
the watercourses to the East, which is based on a feng shui principle that calls for the
presence of water near a sovereign site. The area served the Palace City and was the
administrative center for Beijing and China. The Imperial City extended south of the
main gate, along the main axis, to form the administrative center of the city. Forming a
large square, known today as Tiananmen Square, the extension enhanced the
preponderant feeling of the main gate.116 Furthermore, the open space served as the
governing hub for China: the central ministries were marshaled on the two sides. It is
important to note, for preservation purposes, the advent of Tiananmen Square during the
Ming Dynasty as the site of the national government; this tradition would continue to
present day.
The Inner City is the larger area that encompasses both the Imperial and Palace
City. The area is located along similar configurations as the Yuan City of Da Du, built in
the advent of the Mongolian invasion. However, the northern track of the Yuan city had
been largely left empty. During the Ming construction, the northern wall was brought
closer in for defense purposes, almost 2.5 km to the south. Later, the southern wall was
extended out from the center to accommodate the enlarged palace City after the
addition of two altars.117 The center of Da Du, marked by a Drum and Bell Tower, now
anchored the northern end of the central axis. Beijings construction during the Ming
116 Sit, Beijing, 58.
117 Sit, Beijing, 56.
59


Dynasty followed many of the same Confucian principles seen in the Yuan Dynastys Da
Du.
By the sixteenth century, Beijing was in need of more room. New construction
and settlements had sprung up south of the main city. This area started under the Yuan
Dynasty, and grew under the Ming. Concern that the southern growth was exposed, the
Ming Dynasty started construction on the Outer City in 1553.118 The reason for building
a new wall was defense. However, a lack of funds to complete the wall properly resulted
in Beijings unusual shape.119 Most Chinese cites are square or rectangle, a geometric
shape that symbolized the earth. The 1420 construction of Beijing included the two
major ceremonial structures to the far south of the Temple of Heaven and the Temple of
Agriculture.120 The 1553 wall protected and enclosed the Temples; they anchored the
southern end of the central axis, which was now fully protected by the city walls.
The four parts of the original Ming City are still present in Beijings current
layout and configuration. However, some changes have occurred: one significant change
is the varying use of different names for gates and sites. Furthermore, the removal of the
city walls in the 1950s around the perimeter has changed the historic function and use.
Nonetheless, the general configuration has remained largely the same: there was no
visible change throughout its long history since completion in 1420.121 Beijing has, for
118 Sit, Beijing, 58.
119 Sit, Beijing, 60.
120 Sit, Beijing, 58.
121 Sit, Beijing, 60.
60


almost six hundred years, remained true to its original design and intentional use of
space. The four parts, the Palace City, Imperial City, Inner City, and Outer City, are still
inherently part of Beijings urban fabric.
Beijings specific forms and layout are rooted in traditional practices. The
reasons are based on two main points. First, the control of urbanization was achieved
through a hierarchy of order and value. The main objective was to use the layout of the
national capital to strengthen the use of rites in the building of cities, hence the
maintenance of law and orderliness, the main purpose of the rites.122 These inherent
traditions, to construct order and harmony into the specified sites, are rooted in the
traditional practices of urban planning. Second, the detailed appropriation of land
within the city wall and the size of the city were based on an ancient traditional survey
practice, where the plot of land is divided into nine equal spaces. From this, land tenure
and land tax were arranged. The ordering, and therefore the layout, of Beijing are based
on specific guidelines outlined in ancient practices. These traditional practices are not
unique to Beijing, but rather help to develop the Chinese worldview of urban planning,
which is, in turn, based on East Asian practices.
The second standard, and one of the strongest features of Beijing, is the central
axis that runs south to north through the center of the city. The axis houses the most
important political and cultural structures of the city that help to characterize national
identity. This axis serves as a processional through the city. It is not meant to be a visual
experience. Rather, it serves a symbolic representation and its full sweep was never
122 Sit, Beijing, 63.
61


revealed at one time or from one point.123 Its reveal is in a succession of varied spaces
integrated into an axial whole. From the southern wall to the northern wall, the central
axis is over 8,500 meters long, or 8.5 kilometers (5.3 miles). The Palace City alone is
over a mile long. Due to the scale, the axis is not meant to be read as a whole. Rather it
is a symbolic gesture. The east-west oriented roads were confined and dominated by the
south-north axis. This central alignment was part of the Ming Dynastys original design
for Beijing. Although changes have occurred over the citys six hundred year history, the
central axis has been maintained and continues to serve as the seat of the nations most
important political and cultural assets. During the Ming Dynasty, the building of Coal
Hill, at the center of the city, enhanced the central axis. The Drum and Bell Towers
anchored the northern portion, while the Temple of Heaven and the Temple of
Agriculture anchored the south.124 This not only reinforced the importance of the central
axis, but also extended it with greater presence throughout the entire city.
The central axis housed the most important buildings of the capital. These
structures, their roles, architecture, and cultural significance represented the ideologies of
the entire nation. Beijings symbolic role has continued to the present. The Temple of
Heaven and the Temple of Agriculture anchor the southern portion of the Old City. The
Temple of Agriculture, located on the western side of the central axis, was built during
the Ming Dynasty to serve as a temple for sacrifice. During the contemporary period, the
original temple site has been reduced. The important structures still stand and have been
rehabilitated by foreign investors throughout the 1990s. Today the sites use is
123 Wheatley, The Pivot of the Four Corners, 425.
124 Sit, Beijing, 76.
62


restricted. Located just to the east is the Temple of Heaven, built in 1420 as part of the
original Ming construction of Beijing. The site was historically used as a temple for
heaven worship. After 1949, the temple grounds fell into disrepair. The site has been
resurrected and is now used as a Taoist worship space. The large complex has been
preserved and covers a large portion of the Old Citys southeastern section.
Further north up the axis is Tiananmen Square and the surrounding administrative
center of Beijing. Zhengyanmen acts as the processional gate to this area.
Zhengyanmen, which translates as front gate, was built in 1420 and features strong
Ming architectural features. Tiananmen Square is positioned between Zhengyangmen, to
the south, and Tiananmen, or Gate of Heavenly Peace, to the north. Although Tiananmen
was built in 1420, the corresponding Square was not built until later. The imperial
palace, just north of Tiananmen, was extended south to encompass the processional way
starting at Zhengyangmen. Tiananmen Square was built, and along the sides,
administrative galleries served as the administrative center for the Ming Emperor. This
use, as an administrative center, has continued to the present. The square, and the
surrounding buildings, grew in size through the Qing period. The current design was
completed in the 1950s. Government buildings flank the square, east and west, which
include the Great Hall of the People. The National Museum of China, also built during
the 1950s, became the cultural center for the socialist nation. In 2007, the National
Centre for the Performing Arts was completed just west of Tiananmen Square and the
central axis. The National Center for the Performing Arts is the national arena for all
types of performances, which reflects the enhanced comprehensive national strength in
63


the cultural field and is the supreme palace of performing arts in China.125 This site
stands as a place for cultural celebration and exploration that expands the artistic grounds
of both the party and the state. The construction of the National Centre for the
Performing Arts reinforced Beijing, and its central axis, as the center of culture and
influence for China in the twenty-first century.
Beyond Tiananmen is the famed Palace City, better known today as the Forbidden
City. This massive complex, said to house an exact 9,999 rooms, was the seat of power
for the sovereign leader of China. In the same fashion as the rest of Beijing, the Palace
City was laid out in a precise order. The most important structures, which signify
harmony and a cosmic connection, are located along Beijings central axis. This divides
the Palace City into two halves, representing the yin and yang of universal order. The
Forbidden City was built in 1420, under the Ming Dynasty, to serve as seat of
government and power for China. This legacy continued until the last emperor, the
Xuantong Emperor, was expelled from the palace in 1924 under a turbulent political shift
of power. Today, the Forbidden City represents the cultural legacy of Chinas long
imperial history. Open to the public, it serves the Chinese people and functions as a
museum to the traditions of China.
Just north of the Forbidden City is Coal Hill. Constructed in 1420, using mud
obtained from the construction of the waterworks east of the Forbidden City, this site
represents the center of Beijing. Coal Hill is a layered site and serves several functions in
the implementation of Chinese city planning onto Beijing. The importance of Beijings
125 National Centre for the Performing Arts. Mission Statement. CHNCPA.org.
(Accessed September, 2011). 64


centrality and the practice of feng-shui, and Coal Hills role with both, will be discussed
in greater detail below.
The Drum and Bell Towers mark the northern end of the central axis within the
Old City. Centered within a historic hutong neighborhood, the Drum and Bell Towers
are connected by a small public square. Originally built in 1272 during Kublai Khans
Yuan Dynasty, the Drum and Bell Towers marked the center of Da Du, a role that would
be replaced by Coal Hill during the Ming Dynasty. Many alterations have occurred, but
the Yuan form of the structures still stand. Originally built for musical purposes and
marking the procession of time, the site is now a popular tourist hub in the northern
hutong districts.
In traditional Beijing, the Drum and Bell Towers anchored the northern end of the
central axis. The Beijing Olympic Complex, completed in 2008, extended the axis north.
The site represented a celebration of China, its culture, and its hopeful future. To the
Chinese government, the 2008 Olympic Games were a symbolic end to 150 years of
humiliation by outside powers and a confirmation of its status as a global power, and the
Olympic Green, at the very northern portion of the central axis, represents Chinas
progress in the world.126 Several sites make up the large complex, including the National
Stadium, popularly known as the Birds Nest, the National Aquatic Center, or the Water
Cube, and the extensive Olympic Park, which marks the northern end of the central axis.
Beijings configuration is built on philosophical traditions, and establishes a set
hierarchy of cultural and political importance. The layout of the buildings, the role of the
126 Peter Ford. The Olympics in China: a moment of pride- and world scrutiny. The
Christian Science Monitor. January 7, 2008.
65


central axis, and the design of the citys four parts in relation to the city walls add to the
value of the city. This urban fabric is still present in Beijing. It is still adhered to, despite
the redevelopment occurring throughout the city. This shows that the philosophical
approaches to planning and building are still followed.
The third standard of Beijing urban design is the citys connection to the cosmos,
or heaven, as an important element in the urban fabric of the city. This traditional
concept, seen throughout Chinas long history of urban planning, consists of a historic
capital that takes on a geometric shape with the sage king at the center where he can
observe and connect with heaven.127 This is exemplified in Beijing by the central site of
Coal Hill. The responsibilities of Coal Hill as the center of Beijing are represented in
what it signifies: first, it is located at the center axis of the city, as well as forming its
new geographic centre.128 The former geographic center, the Drum and Bell Towers,
were now positioned to the north, but remained part of the central axis. Therefore, Coal
Hill not only strengthens the central axis, but also came to represent the central point of
the city. According to Chinese principles, this centrality links the site, and the city, with
the cardinal points and their corresponding cosmic entity. In each direction, a temple is
signifies this relationship: the Temple of Heaven in the south, the Temple of the Sun in
the east, the Temple of the Earth in the north, and the Temple of the Moon in the west.129
The center point represents mankind. More important, Coal Hill was used as a reflective
127 Sit, Beijing, 64.
128 Sit, Beijing, 58.
129 Sit, Beijing, 76.
66


space by the Emperor. Therefore, this centrality and its connection to the cosmos came
to represent the Emperor as the connection between man and heaven.
Second, Coal Hill was built on the destroyed site of Throne Hill, the seat of power
for the sovereign leader of the new Yuan Dynasty. By demolishing and re-characterizing
Throne Hill as Coal Hill, inhabitants suppressed the bad omen of a former defeated
dynasty and diminished any chances for the revival of the Yuan Dynasty.130 The third
signifier of Coal Hills representation at the citys center is its role in establishing feng-
shui principles on the urban fabric. Coal Hill is located just north of the Palace City.
Chinese tradition believes that an auspicious site should be on the slope protected by the
mountain on its northern side. The protected site is the Palace City. Coal Hill conforms
to the traditions of the natural flows of energy in order to protect the sovereign leader
from any potential dangers. Because of these basic principles, Coal Hills role as the
center of Beijing represents the philosophical and cultural values inherent in the
contemporary urban landscape.
Furthering mans connection to the cosmos is the configuration of the city and its
structure. In accordance with tradition, all the imperial capitals faced south, including all
sites built within the city walls.131 As mentioned above, the cardinal direction of south
represented Heaven. Therefore, Chinese city planners directed the city, and respective
buildings, south. This was meant to create a strong relationship between man and the
cosmos. The sage king, or the ruler of China, was meant to have both a spiritual and
philosophical connection to the cosmos in order to be a more just and effective leader,
130 Sit, Beijing, 74.
131 Wheatley, The Pivot of the Four Corners, 425.
67


which is a connection that was to denote favor and knowledge for the king. This tradition
was not just philosophical; it also shaped the design of the capital city.
The practice of connecting the city to the cosmos is first found in the ancient
book, The Zhouli, or The Rites of Zhou, which outlined what would be later classified as
the Chinese world-view of city planning. These rules were first documented during the
Zhou Dynasty and have been implemented into Chinese city planning until the end of the
Qing Dynasty.132 The Rites of Zhou and The Book of Changes use a connection to the
cosmos to construct basic rules for city building: in the configuration, orientation,
axiality, and naming of sites. This would become even more apparent with the
introduction of feng-shui principles on city planning. Beijing, a construct of a later
dynasty, is a combination of these principles: a strong central axis, the orientation of a
grid, the importance of centrality, and the connection to the cardinal direction.
The main goal of traditional urban planning is to connect man with the cosmos.
This can be achieved through the above mentioned ways, as well as symbolizing qualities
of the cosmos on the urban landscape. For example, in the southern portion of the Palace
City, the emperor skirted a curved water-course, Jin Sui He, which symbolized the
Milky Way.133 The symbolism and the construct of the cosmos are established in the
configuration of the city. Beijings urban planning principles are at the heart of Chinas
cultural traditions.
A connection to energy is the fourth standard for Beijings built form. In feng-
shui, there are basic principles when choosing a site. The most important are protection
132 Sit, Beijing, 63.
133 Sit, Beijing, 65.
68


from northern winds by mountains, the presence of water nearby, and strong and stable
soil.134 Beijing is considered a good site in feng-shui: it is well protected from lofty
mountains to its west, north and north-east in a horseshoe shape. In front of it are nine
winding streams in a vast curved coastal plain. Furthermore, Beijing is a site full of
vital gas which gathers and stays there.135 The entire city follows these basic feng-shui
principles. But even inside the city, for protection to the Palace City at the core, these
principles are present.
The emperor of China, as the sovereign leader of the nation, was believed to be
located at the center of the universe. He was, therefore, the connection between earth and
the cosmos. Because of this universal centrality, it was believed that the location of the
emperor represented the duel existence of yin and yang. The structures of the Palace City
help to establish this belief: the Kun Ning Gong or the Palace of Pacific Yin and the Qian
Qing Gong or the Palace of Pure Yang, were the houses for the Emperor and the
Empress, thus representing the female and the masculine, or yin and yang. Located
between these two structures was the Jiao Tai Tien, or the Hall of Intercourse, where yin
and yang intersected.136 Furthermore, the Palace City is divided by the central axis,
splitting site into two parts. These parts represent yin and yang, and come together on the
central axis to establish harmony. The center of the Palace complex is the Hall of
Supreme Harmony, which housed the sovereign leader of China. It is humbling to
recognize greater forces that even the emperor must adhere to. The use of yin and yang
134 Sit, Beijing, 67.
135 Sit, Beijing, 67.
136 Sit, Beijing, 65.
69


idea helped to establish the configuration and the layout of the entire city, but it also gave
definition and form to the layout of the built form within the Palace City.
Equally as important is the configuration and construction of cities to be in
collaboration with natural elements and energies. As the capital city, it is Beijings
responsibility to speak to larger cultural and philosophical values. Chinese tradition says
that the capital should be where Heaven and Earth are in perfect accord, where the four
seasons come together, where the winds and rains gather, where the forced of yin and
yang are harmonized.137 The central axis connects man to nature and to the heavens.
Every structure faces south, towards heaven. The city, in the larger scheme of the
universe, sits north, the cardinal direction symbolic of earth and man. Yin and yang are
balanced in the city by the location of the altars in each of the cardinal directions: the
Altar of the Earth in the north, the Altar of Heaven in the south, the Altar of the Sun in
the east, and the Altar of the Moon in the west. The corresponding elements align
together in their respected yin and yang sections of the city.138 The axis itself represents
the separation between yin and yang. The most important sites are located along this
axis, which are meant to be in perfect accord and harmony.139 The creation of Coal Hill,
located along the central axis just north of the Palace City, also symbolizes an important
part of mans connection with nature. Coal Hill was formed in conjunction with feng-
shui principles, which says that a site of great importance, such as the Palace City, should
137 Sit, Beijing, 65.
138 Sit, Beijing, 67.
139 Sit, Beijing, 68.
70


be protected from the north.140 This man made mountain was formed in order to protect
the sovereign leader from the bad energies that flow from the north. This tradition
conforms to principles that value the role and presence of a natural energy and
specifically addresses the importance of city building in the relationship between man
and chi.
This is important to preservation for two reasons: first, it shows an awareness of
traditional planning and building practices that are unique to Beijing. Second, the
modem use and form of the site, as a reflection space and open space north at the center
of the city, shows the continuation of traditional values. The site has been preserved in
accordance to proper Chinese preservation traditions because it is seen as an important
addition to Beijing culture and city planning.
Architectural elements can represent the larger ideas of natural order. Each of the
five directions, which include the center, makes up the world. Furthermore, these can be
represented in architecture, through basic geometric shapes: square represents the earth
and circle represents heaven.141 The entire city conforms to basic philosophical
principles inherent in the traditions of Confucianism and Taoism that promote a
connection to positive energies: the strong central axis, the placement of gates, and the
configuration of sites. Furthermore, throughout the city, structures, often named for their
respective philosophy, symbolize a connection to a larger natural order. The idea behind
this is that if the city is connected to the natural energies of the world, it will have greater
advantages and well-being. Through proper city planning, the day-to-day activities can
140 Sit, Beijing, 74.
141 Sit, Beijing, 68.
71


be interwoven with the Chinese world view of the interaction of the two worlds of man
and nature.142 This order structure was part of the original construction of Beijing and is
still represented in the urban fabric today. This is because it follows basic philosophical
values that are at the core of Chinese cultural heritage.
The fifth standard in Beijings built form is the use of walls and gates in the city
to establish order and configuration. The walls and gates of the city served two main
functions for my study: first, the walls enclosed and structured the configuration the city,
and secondly, the walls and gates were built and named in the tradition of Confucian and
Taoist philosophies. This emphasizes the Chinese worldview of city planning and the
connection between place and philosophy. Of course, the Chinese city walls first
priority was defense. Yet it can be argued that in no other instance in urban history had
such giant fortifications been constructed as an integral part of the design of an immense
metropolis.143 The Yuans capital had a much larger configuration then the present
Ming Dynasty city; the original northern wall much further north. During the 1420 Ming
construction of Beijing, the northern wall was reduced south, closer to the citys center,
for defensive purposes. Later, with the construction of a larger Palace City, the southern
wall was extended further south.144 Beijing was now square. Squares and rectangles, in
Chinese architecture, signify earth; circles represent the Heavens.145 The configuration of
1420 Beijing was set along a set Chinese worldview of city planning.
142 Sit, Beijing, 81.
143 Tung, Preserving the World's Great Cities, 160.
144 Sit, Beijing, 56.
145 Sit, Beijing, 69.
72


By the sixteenth century, however, Beijing had overgrown its walls. Settlements
had been established in the south, around the Temple of Agriculture and the Temple of
Heaven. In 1663, construction on the Outer City began, in order to enclose the southern
settlements within the city; defense was the main objective. However, lack of funds and
materials resulted in Beijings unique shape: the inner city is a square and the outer city is
a horizontal rectangle.146 The unusual shape does not diminish its role in representing the
traditional Chinese city.
Instead, the wall and the corresponding gates were built to exemplify
philosophical beliefs. One objective was to connect the citys configuration to the
cosmos; the main gates to the north, east, and west were named after cardinal points.147
Religious values were also implemented into the function of the wall and the gates.
Eleven of Beijings gates and their orientations represented] the body of Ne Zha, a
Taoist god that is regarded as impregnable.148 This not only tied Beijing to Taoist
traditional beliefs, but was also believed to protect the city from harm. Furthermore, a
central gate along the northern wall, along the central axis, was removed from the city
wall during the Ming period. This was done to keep the vital gas of auspicious ethers
within the city.149 The walls, and the correct placement of gates, protected the city from
bad energy and held in valuable energy.
146 Sit, Beijing, 60.
147 Sit, Beijing, 60.
148 Sit, Beijing, 76.
149 Sit, Beijing, 76.
73


In an effort to modernize the city and to create a stronger political and economic
center, the walls were destroyed in the 1950s. In their place, ring highways were built to
bring people into the center of the city with greater ease. Ultimately, however, Beijing
lost a singular opportunity to reconcile the ancient city and the contemporary
metropolis.150 The ring roads follow the site of the original walls, which maintain the
original configuration. However, the walls had greater value than configuration. The
feng-shui and philosophical principles are lost. The connection to the natural energies
and the cosmos are lost. If East Asian preservation is about form and use, then the
removal of the walls altered the historic fabric of Beijing. The form is gone and the use,
both the tangible the symbolic meaning of what the walls represented, is gone.
Beijing as Example of East Asian and Chinese Urban Planning Traditions
An interesting feature of Beijings old city walls was the lack of a central gate
along the northern portion of the wall. The centrality, processional importance, and
significance of the main axis would suggest the presence of a northern central gate. But
there was not a northern central gate. Why? As examined previously, the reason is based
in Chinese planning traditions: the lack of the gate keeps the vital gas of auspicious
ethers within the city.151 The natural energies of the site must be maintained for the
betterment and success of the city. This idea is rooted in feng-shui beliefs. This practice
150 Tung, Preserving the World's Great Cities, 160.
151 Sit, Beijing, 76.
74


connects the Chinese capital to the larger ideas of the region; East Asia has strong
traditions of connecting man with the cosmic energies, or chi.
The philosophical traditions inherent in East Asian planning are part of the layout
and ordering systems of Beijing: the strong central axis, the use of walls and gates to
control the natural flow of energy, and the construction of mountains and watercourses.152
These are all traditional East Asia traditions based in the belief that man and nature can
be connected through proper planning techniques. The use of the axis and cardinal
orientations connects the urban landscape with the cosmos. This tradition is seen in both
Kyoto and Beijing, the ancient national capitals of China and Japan.153
Furthermore, feng-shui principles are part of the structural fabric of Tokyo as well
as Chinese capital cities, including Beijing. In Tokyo, Japan, each cardinal direction
corresponded with natural elements and symbolic meaning: east and Hirakawa as the
river and the blue dragon, south and Edo Bay as lake and the red phoenix, west and
Tokaldo as the major road and the white tiger, and north and Kimachi as the mountain
and black tortoise. Each of these elements brought good fortunes to the city and
protected from unlucky elements from the northeast and southwest direction.154 This can
also be seen in Beijing, with the construction of waterways in the east, Coal Hill to block
winds from the north, and the construction of gates to replicate a Taoist deity. Feng-shui
principles are an important part of the construction of East Asian cities.
152 Wheatley, The Pivot of the Four Corners, 423.
153 Tung, Preserving the World's Great Cities, 371.
154 Yonemoto, Marcia. Modern History of Japan: Urbanization, University of
Colorado-Boulder. February, 2009.
75


The use of geometry and ordering systems, for hierarchical purposes, helped to
give shape to the ancient East Asian cities. These values helped to define the East Asian
worldview of urban planning. The configuration f Beijing along a grid system oriented
along the cardinal directions. In Tokyo, a hierarchical political and social geography
helped to form the configuration of the city. The castle of the royal family was at the
center, which housed the shogun, the family, and close relations. To the west of the
castle compound lived the extended family of the shogun. Along the first spiral moat,
located at the northern gate, was the administration and warriors in counsel for the castle
grounds.155 A set ordering system is established in East Asian cities. Although there are
apparent differences in the establishment of the hierarchy, the standards for configuration
are present throughout. Beijing is part of this tradition. It is connected to both its local
history, and the traditions of the region.
Beijing Under Socialism
As it has been mentioned, China was never under direct colonial rule. Due to the
unequal treaties throughout the nineteenth century, much of Chinas power and land
control, including Beijing was divided up between foreign countries. This, however, did
not directly alter Beijings culturally rich urban fabric. Throughout the nineteenth
century, Beijing saw several conflict arise, including an internal uprising of 1000,000
people who penetrated the walls of the Forbidden City in protest in 1813 and the foreign
155 Yonemoto, "Urbanization.
76


occupation of Beijing in the wake of the Boxer Rebellion in 1900.156 Although these
events caused some destruction and disturbance, Beijing was largely left alone. If
nothing else, the uprisings and occupation solidified Beijings role as the center of the
nations identity. The greatest effect foreign involvement had on Beijing was the Chinese
governments decision to move the national capital to Nanjing in 1927 due to the rising
presence of foreign involvement in the north.157 Because Beijing was built as the
national capital and symbolized the national ideal for city building, this move was
damaging. By 1937, Beijing was under Japanese occupation.
Modern views on Beijing during the foreign invasion have highlighted changes of
the tradition built fabric in two main areas, according to the 1987 book History of
Chinese Construction. The foreign invasion caused changes to the existing structures
because of the construction of new structures built in line with the invading forces
ideals. This is found in specific districts of foreign control, where certain buildings or
designated areas came under foreign influence. The second change is the alteration of
well-established cities due to foreign involvement and exchange.158 This can be found in
a city like Shanghai, where the planning and urban fabric of the city was altered due to
foreign influence. Most of the cities affected by these changes were along the coast and
part of the original treaty ports, foreign occupied cities located along Chinas eastern
coast.
156 Ebery, The Cambridge Illustrated History of China, 240 and 256.
157 Sit, Beijing, 83.
158 Sit, Beijing, 82.
77


The greatest foreign threat to Beijings historic urban fabric would be
implemented by the Chinese themselves after they adopted Western based communism as
their political ideology. In 1949, the Peoples Republic of China was established. That
same year, Soviet planning experts were invited to Beijing to assist it implementing a
new vision for the citys future. The goal was to keep Beijing as the symbol of the ideal
national city and the hub of national political and cultural identity, only this time it would
uphold socialist principles. The result was modern town planning on Chinas centuries-
old national capital started under the sway of Soviet planning concepts and
methodology.159 Despite the influence, much of Chinas traditional principles of urban
planning remained. The result was a combination of the socialist movement, which was
both foreign and domestically imbued, and the traditional Chinese world view.160 In the
beginning of the twenty-first century, this would prove to be a unique foundation for new
planning practices in China. However, in the post-1949 period, the Chinese government
seemed pressured to prove itself as a stabilized socialist government and sought urban
planning as a way to incorporate Soviet ideology. Much of the internal changes of
Beijing occurred because of the advent of Communism had given the government
control of all the properties of the city.161 As a result, the government, under Soviet
guidance, could make changes without first addressing the traditional needs of the
populous.
159 Sit, Beijing, 92.
160 Sit, Beijing, 113.
161 Tung, Preserving the Worlds Great Cities, 161.
78


The reconstruction and redevelopment of the central core is perhaps the most
revealing of the Chinese experiences under Soviet planning influence. Establishing a
new administrative center became a focus soon after 1949. The Chinese city planners
sought to build west of the old city, in order to maintain the historic quality of the center.
The Soviet advisers encouraged a central site, just south of the Palace City. Eventually
the Soviet plan was developed, and a new administrative center was built.162 The old
square, Tiananmen, was also greatly expanded in order to serve as a public gathering
space in the socialist ideal model; part of this plan was to demolish the old buildings
around the site, which were viewed as insignificant in the new era of socialism.163
During this time, some of the historic fabric of Beijing was destroyed in the old city.
However, it should be noted that the Beijing city planners, though pressured by Soviet
advisers, continued to incorporate the traditional aspects of Beijings urban fabric in the
construction that took place.
Tiananmen Square had, since the Ming Dynasty, been an administrative center.
Two ministries were located on each side of the square between the gates of the Imperial
City and the Palace City.164 Under the socialist plan, this remained. Tiananmen Square
was extended from 11 hectaacres to 40 hectacres.165 On either side of the square sat the
Great Hall of the People and the National Museum of China. To the south, the
Zhengyangmen Gate remains and to the north is the Forbidden City. Although greatly
162 Sit, Beijing, 244-45.
163 Sit, Beijing, 246.
164 Sit, Beijing, 58.
165 Sit, Beijing, 247.
79


altered, the use and form of Tiananmen Square is still the same as it was under the Ming
Dynastys original conception. The central axis is also maintained. Tiananmen Square is
located along the central axis and connects Zhengyangmen Gate with the Forbidden City.
The axis is now marked by the Memorial of the Peoples Heroes located at the centre of
the new square.166 The administrative center of Beijing shows the successful inclusion
of socialist city planning with the traditional Chinese planning principles. The goal of
Tiananmen Squares reconstruction is a symbolic reordering of the national philosophical
identity: from one of northward orientation towards the Forbidden City [...] and its
symbolic Mandate of Heaven, to a southward orientation marked by the national flag [...]
that represents the highest seat of government of the new regime.167 The planning
principles of both the Soviet advisers and the Beijing city planners are present. The axis
and the configuration of Beijing have been maintained and a new symbolic ordering of
the capital has been established along principles inherent in East Asian urban planning.
It has been argued that the greatest failure of Tiananmen Square and the
administrative center was the construction of the Mausoleum of Mao Zedong. Built on
Soviet inspired principles, the Mausoleum was constructed in the middle of Tiananmen
Square. The result: it breaks up the open space and fragments the connection of the
central axis between the Zhengyanmen Gate and the Forbidden City. The site is a
Western practice that is an unacceptable farce.168 There is nothing about the
Mausoleum that speaks to the larger beliefs of traditional Chinese urban planning. This
166 Sit, Beijing, 247.
167 Sit, Beijing, 247.
168 Sit, Beijing, 249.
80


failure to incorporate the Chinese world-view with outside influences serves as a
reminder that the Chinese political system and parts of its cultural system are still based
on foreign philosophies. Although incorporation of the two has succeeded in the past, in
order to create a unique Chinese experience, there still remains some signs of failure.
It did not take long for city planners to realize that the Soviet model did not fit
Beijing and the Chinese world-view. Chinas city planners sought to maintain the
tradition of Beijing as the national capital to be respected and revered by all within
China, i.e. an adherence to the traditional symbolism of the national capital.169
Eventually, a rift started to occur between the two countries. By 1960, a political break
with the Soviet Union led to the withdrawal of Russian technical aid.170 Nonetheless,
the Soviet planning model became the main tool for city planning throughout all of
China, which once again shows the leading role the national capital plays in the Chinese
cultural worldview.171 Despite these ideological shifts, the philosophical foundation of
Chinese culture has remained rooted in the Confucian and Taoist values. Although not
openly spoken, they remain at the core of planning and preservation practices. The result
is that although changes have occurred, Beijing still remains to this day the most
comprehensive preserved example of traditional Chinese city planning.172 The Chinese
worldview has been preserved on the cultural fabric of Beijing. However, due to modern
169 Sit, Beijing, 112.
170 Tung, Preserving the World's Great Cities, 162.
171 Sit, Beijing, 249.
172 Sit, Beijing, 249.
81


influences, the Chinese worldview has been altered. How these influence have affected
planning and preservation will be discussed in greater detail in the next section.
Preservation in Beijing
In 1997, The Dallas Morning News reported on Beijings residents rallying
behind an effort to rebuild a section of the ancient city wall. The city walls were tom
down in the 1950s by the socialist government to make way for transportation networks;
almost immediately there was an outcry by the citizens of Beijing. The architectural
community also cried that the move would make Beijing another monotone international
center, void of any really character and historic value. Eventually, new policy initiatives
admitted, how grievous and unnecessary the destruction of this critical element of the
old citys fabric had been.173 Despite efforts starting in the 1980s to preserve Beijings
built form, the city wall, a defining feature in the city, had been destroyed. The Beijing
community felt that something unique had been lost.
By the end of the twentieth century, Chinas economy was booming. As a result,
the land in and around Beijings Old City became increasingly valuable. When a real
estate company sought to destroy a small remaining section of the ancient wall, the local
public protested. Instead, the developers sought to rebuild a 125-yard section. Soon,
groups began calling on local citizens to return any bricks that might have been taken
during the walls 1950s destruction. Soon, behind a simple red banner that reads Love
Our Ancient Capital, Donate City Wall Bricks, 40,000 bricks [were] in a heap, waiting
173 Tung, Preserving the Worlds Great Cities, 161.
82


to be joined as part of the wall.174 The community rallied together to preserve part of
Beijings historic urban fabric.
In a place that is often labeled as being destructive to the built fabric of the past,
why should the local community care so much about 125-yards of a wall? Perhaps the
answer lies in a police officer named Li Jianlu who had twelve bricks in his possession.
His childhood memories of the ancient walls, the moat surrounding it, and the grassy
slopes pulled at his civic duty. The local population, especially those who could
remember the grandness of the 39-foot high city walls, felt it was their responsibility to
rediscover the historic character of their city.175 Rebuilding the form and use of the city
walls is in line with Chinese preservation traditions. Nonetheless, Beijing lacked the
legislative and political authority to properly enact preservation measures throughout the
city.
Calls for preservation efforts in Beijing came as early as the 1950s. However,
the government had enacted no concrete legislative or zoning laws. Instead, basic
guidelines and suggestions were given in the form of government speeches. The aim of
these instructions was on protecting individual buildings and structures of national
importance through formal listing procedures. The speeches failed to provide any legal
support or standard principles, and little attention was given to the preservation of the
environmental surroundings of important buildings and the historic urban landscape as a
174 Indira A.R. Lakshmanan. Restoring Beijings ancient walls. The Dallas Morning
News. April 6, 1997.
175 Lakshmanan, Restoring Beijings ancient walls.
83


whole.176 As a result, preservation initiatives were insufficient in the early years of the
Peoples Republic of China. The Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution would
prove to be disastrous for the built heritage. Much of Beijings hutong residences were
converted to mass housing or multi-use purposes, disrupting the cultural fabric of the
neighborhoods and stifling the long held uses of the spaces.177 The first thirty years of
the Peoples Republic of China saw little success in the preservation of Beijings built
form.
In 1982, preservation legislation officially started. Three main ideas of
preservation practices were used: preserving the site as an artifact, height control in order
to preserve a standard form, and land use control in order to regulate the feel of the
surrounding area.178 This would culminate in two important legislative acts: Regulation
on Building Height of Planned Urban Areas in 1985 and the Land Use and Height
Control Planning Measures of the Old City of Beijing in 1987. In addition, specific sites
were brought under state control with the idea of protecting their cultural significance.
This initial landmark-style program recognized 25 nationally important sites, 174
municipal sites in Beijing, and 854 county sites. It is important to note, however, that the
efforts to preserve the past were intertwined with the political ideologies of the
Community Party. Preservation of historic sites, according to state officials, has
positive implications on inheriting our long cultural assets, promoting our revolutionary
tradition, facilitating education on patriotism, constructing spiritual and extending our
176 Wang, Planning and Conservation in Historic Chinese Cities, 328.
177 Tung, Preserving the World's Great Cities, 165.
178 Sit, Beijing, 251.
84


international influence.179 Preservation is incorporated into the ideology of the socialist
government. However, it should be noted that it is a unique marriage, and it is not one
that typically follows the traditions of Chinese preservation planning.
Nottoexceed: 12m | 18m
30m 45m
Figure VI.2 Height Restrictions in Beijing
By 1983, the new ideology of preservation started to take shape after the
Communist Party Central Committee approved the Urban Construction Master Plan
Scheme for Beijing. The focus was on representing Beijing as the idealized socialist
capital as a model for other Chinese cities. This followed the East Asian tradition that the
capital of the nation was to represent the national cultural and philosophical ideals in the
field of urban planning and structural design. Now, preservation of the original urban
fabric was incorporated in the socialist plan: valuable sites of revolutionary history,
[other] historical and cultural relics, old architecture and significant architectural vestiges
179 Sit, Beijing, 251.
85


shall be carefully protected [from state council].180 Furthermore, new construction was
to be in harmony with the existing structural fabric. Nonetheless, the state council also
called for the city to be gradually redeveloped. The socialist preservation agenda might
seem like contradictory statements, and they are to an extent. The idea stems from the
traditional rebuilding of sites and spaces over time in order to modernize and preserve
their form and use. Furthermore, this follows the socialist model, which seeks to
modernize through large planning rather than through capital ventures: developments
should be planned at a large scale rather than proceed on an ad hoc basis according to the
will of individual units.181 State controlled development should also involve state
controlled preservation plans. The master plan certainly aims to address the issue, but no
formal guidelines are implemented, continuing the long tradition of suggestive action.
Instead a set of legislation, codes, and standards were set on Beijing by the
government based upon the uniquely Chinese socialist model of preservation. The
1980s saw not just the development of preservation legislation, but also a renewed
contact with international planning professionals and academics which ultimately
strengthened the hand of preservationists against grand schemes to utterly re-make the
city.182 International influence, once again, pushed China in a new direction in
addressing its cultural and built environment and would have a lasting impact of the
preservation legislation. The Cultural Asset Protection Law was enacted with five areas
180 Daniel Benjamin Abramson. The aesthetics of city-scale preservation policy in
Beijing. Planning Perspectives. (London: Routledge, April, 2007). Page 141.
181 Abramson, The aesthetics of city-scale preservation policy in Beijing, 141.
182 Abramson, The aesthetics of city-scale preservation policy in Beijing, 154.
86


of specification: 1) Cultural Protection Area, specially zoned areas under strict protection;
2) Style Protection Area, the style and feel of an area is protected; 3) Cultural Control
Area, new construction is controlled by specific limitations and standards due to the
distance and connection to cultural important areas; 4) Transitional Area, measures are
more relaxed, though control is still administered on aesthetics; and 5) New Development
Area, only general planning controls are adhered to.183 This new set of standards follows
planning techniques similarly used in Europe; specific areas of historic sites are
controlled through zoning.
Zoning to protect historic sites and areas can and does work; this has been proven
in places like the United States. However, it takes a strong local government to oversee
the implementation occurring in specific zones. Height restrictions and aesthetic
developments of new construction in Beijing are not new to the twentieth century.
During the Qing Dynasty, a set of building standards was implemented to preserve the
hierarchy of the Imperial City and the aesthetic characteristics of the Old City; this
included height restrictions. Therefore, the use of zoning codes in Beijing is not
devaluing traditional practices. However, the governments inefficiency to regulate
preservation zoning does hurt the historic fabric of Beijing. The protection of specific
monuments has proven to be adequate. The protection of large urban areas has proven to
be troublesome.184 The use of master plans for the development of Beijing proved
sufficient throughout the 1980s, however no one anticipated the 1990s emergence of
market forces acting on a project-by-project basis through secret coalitions of investors
183 Sit, Beijing, 252.
184 Abramson, The aesthetics of city-scale preservation policy in Beijing, 155.
87


and devolved local government powers.185 The rise of capitalism in China forever
changed the urban landscape. Individual parcels were now up for grabs for individual
projects. The master plans were still used, but were limited based on capital interests and
development. Once again, the preservation principles adopted by the government were
just recommendations.
Despite changes in the economic market, legislation and government involvement
in the preservation of Beijing continued. In 1990, Beijings preservation practices was
conceived as involving three scales of regulation: (1) individual sites; (2) whole streets or
districts; and (3) the Old City as a whole.186 The original 174 sites of value on the
municipal level had risen to 777 by the master plan revisions in 1993. Within seven
years, by 2000, the number had risen to 854. The continuation of interest in valuable
sites was certainly present. The State Council, in 1986, adopted the notion that specific
areas of the Old City could be protected and preserved. By the 1990 master plan, twenty-
five areas of Beijing were identified for cultural protection. Despite the initial success of
the 1990 master plan, actual protection and zoning of the areas were left undefined. It
wasnt until 1999, nine years after the initial proposal, that the municipal government
approved actual boundaries and detailed plans for the preservation districts and, by then,
one of them had already been demolished.187 Although preservation practices were
incorporated into the master plans of Beijing since 1982, the actual implementation of
preservation practices has not come into effect until relatively recently. While legislative
185 Abramson, The aesthetics of city-scale preservation policy in Beijing, 154.
186 Abramson, The aesthetics of city-scale preservation policy in Beijing, 139.
187 Abramson, The aesthetics of city-scale preservation policy in Beijing, 140. 88


practices continued, none of these refinements and enlargements of the historic district
concept were made soon enough to influence Beijings rapid development in the
1990s.188 Zoning efforts were doing little to protect the citys historic fabric.
Additions to Designated Historic Areas
Figure VL3 Designated Historic Areas in Beijing
It should come as no surprise then that those keeping an eye on China, and
especially Beijing, over the last several years have seen vast demolition and
reconstruction. Much of the original fabric is changing. And although the 1980s saw
the first wave of clear preservation legislation, it would not be until 2003 that
preservation sanctions would come into full effect. This means that almost twenty years
of redevelopment and new construction continued without any real preservation or
zoning restrictions. Despite the fact that the Regulation on Building Heights in Planned
Urban Areas and the Land-Use and Height Control Planning Measures for the Old City
188 Abramson, The aesthetics of city-scale preservation policy in Beijing, 140. 89


of Beijing were passed in 1985 and 1987, respectively, new construction and
developments that often ignored these restrictions continued. Throughout the Old City
most of the height limits have been broken, often by buildings more than twice as high
as officially allowed.189 How did this happen? One explanation is that the height
restrictions and zoning codes were so broadly defined that they were impossible to
enforce.190 With no real direction and no specific rules, planning meetings were often
bogged down in debate rather than substance. Furthermore, the reason is largely due to
the actual weakness of planning tools present within the Chinese governmental
system.191 Much of the failures of preservation practices can be blamed on the ineptitude
of the local government in implementing its own legislation.
In 2004, a new master plan was developed for the city of Beijing. While much of
the new plan had been taking shape over the previous decade, finalization and recognition
of the new legislation took place in 2004. This was partially due to inaction within the
governmental system. Furthermore, in 2001, Beijing was chosen as the host city for the
2008 Olympic Games; the Games were given priority in planning initiatives. Much of
what is detailed in the 1990 master plan is seen again in the 2004 update. However, it
does include a review of the problems encountered during the 1990s, including the loss
of urban fabric as a whole.192 Part of the new specifications included a rise in the
number of preserved sites and protected zones. This extended the regulated areas, which
189 Abramson, The aesthetics of city-scale preservation policy in Beijing, 141.
190 Abramson, The aesthetics of city-scale preservation policy in Beijing, 145.
191 Abramson, The aesthetics of city-scale preservation policy in Beijing, 144.
192 Abramson, The aesthetics of city-scale preservation policy in Beijing, 152.
90


within the Old City accounted for 2617 hectares or 42% of the Old Citys total area.193
This greatly extends the scope of the initially preserved areas. Almost half of Beijings
Old City is to be protected under the new zoning guidelines of the master plan. Parts of
this plan calls for an end to large demolitions within culturally valued zones. However,
the continuing demolitions in the Beijing district of Nanchizi Dajie show, once again, the
failures of the legislative zoning bodies to enforce restrictions. Although the master plan
lays out sufficient groundwork for zoning and preservation planning, the policy is still
unclear.194 This calls into question the effectiveness of both the master plan and the
local government.
One of the greatest achievements of the new master plan has been the recognition
of the cultural and philosophical role of the central axis and the configuration of the Old
City. The centrality of the Palace City, the axial alignment of the center, the geometric
network of streets off the main axis, use of appropriate colors and aesthetic design, and
height limitations on surrounding buildings were all considered and later implemented
into the plan to preserve the Old Citys cultural and traditional fabric.195 The main axis,
and its connection to the larger city, was to be preserved. However, the master plan also
called for new construction and development to occur on the main axis, in addition to the
ongoing preservation efforts. Specifically, the plan called for the extension of the axis in
both the southern and northern directions of the city. The role of the axis would not be
limited to the Old City, as it had been for centuries, but now would be extended with the
193 Abramson, The aesthetics of city-scale preservation policy in Beijing, 151.
194 Abramson, The aesthetics of city-scale preservation policy in Beijing, 152.
195 Abramson, The aesthetics of city-scale preservation policy in Beijing, 144. 91


development of new construction projects. Specifically, the facilities for the 2008
Olympic Games were constructed on the northern end of the axis. The Olympic
Complex is not just organized around the configuration of the axis, but it also an
extension of the axis symbolic representation. The Beijing Olympics represented the a
symbolic end to 150 years of humiliation by outside powers and a confirmation of
[Chinas] status as a global power to be reckoned with.196 Furthermore, the Games
became a source for national pride and cultural identification in relation to the rest of the
world. The connection of the Olympics, seen as a celebration of Chinese culture, along
the central axis seems fitting with Beijings historic role as the center of Chinas cultural
and political ideology.
In addition to the central axis, the 2004 master plan sought to preserve specific
elements, such as: the plan of the Ming walls, the waterways system, the structural grid of
the roads, the traditional role of colors, the connection of the city to the sky, its sectional
profile, important views and site profiles, specific focal points in relation to historic sites,
and trees of particular value and importance in relation to the urban landscape.197
Largely, these traditional elements aim to preserve the whole of Beijings historic layout
and structural design. This shows a larger issue in the master plan: official preservation
policy was so focused on an idea of what constituted Beijings classic overall historical
geography, that it failed to appreciate important local variations.198 Each area of Beijing
has its own cultural values and perspectives. The Chunfeng huntong district, a site of a
196 Ford, The Olympics in China: a moment of pride- and world scrutiny.
197 Abramson, The aesthetics of city-scale preservation policy in Beijing, 144.
198 Abramson, The aesthetics of city-scale preservation policy in Beijing, 151.
92


Full Text

PAGE 1

! PRESERVING THE INTANGIBLE: THE IMPORTANCE OF FORM AND USE IN EAST ASIAN PRESERVATION AND THE NE ED FOR A NEW AUTHORIZED HERITAGE DISCOURSE by Damion Pechota #!$%&'"'!'()*"$$&+!$,!$%& -./(0$1!,2!$%&!34.+(.$&!5/%,,0!,2!$%& 67"8&4'"$1!,2!9,0,4.+,!"7!:.4$".0!2(02"00*&7$ ,2!$%&! 4&;("4&*&7$'!2,4!$%&!+&<4&&!,2 =.'$&4!,2!5/"&7/& Historic Preservation 2012

PAGE 2

! "" This thesis for the Master of Science degree by Damion Pechota Has been approved for the College of Architecture and Planning, Historic Preservation by Christopher Koziol Co Chair Rudi Hartman n Co Chair Ekaterini Vlahos, Advisor >.$&!??? ?? ???? ????????? ???

PAGE 3

! """ Damion Pechota, M.S., College of Architecture and Planning, Historic Preservation Preserving the Intangible : The Importance of Form and Use in East Asian Preservation and the Need for a New Authorized Heritage Discourse Thesis directed by Christopher Koziol and Rudi Hartman ABSTRACT The current international heritage discourse, as developed by organizations such as UNESCO and ICOMOS, are founded on European principles of conservation and restoration. This discourse ignores local traditional practices of non European communities, including in Beijing, China where preservation is focused on the use and form of a site. East Asian preserva tion focuses on the intangible, in contrast to the tangible forms of European preservation practices. Although efforts are being made to include intangible aspects into the authorized heritage discourse, communities are often trapped between adhering to l ocal and international ideolog ies while engaging in preservation wor k Beijing, China, built to its current form in 1420, has retained much of its historic fabric and character through planning practices based upon a modern form of Chinese tradition. The Bell and Drum Tower hutong neighborhood, located in the northern section of the Old City, is a historically designed residential district that houses culturally significant courtyard houses connected by narrow lanes. Beijing's urban fabric including the Drum and Bell Tower hutong neighborhood's historic form and use is being threatened by demolition and reconstruction. Conflicting ideology on how to

PAGE 4

! "8 save and protect the neighborhood exemplifies the struggle between local tradition and the current autho rized heritage discourse. Beijing and the Drum and Bell Tower hutong neighborhood are used in a case study to examine the effects of this intellectual conflict o n the preservation of the built form, and how local traditional practices can be used to prope rly save local historic sites @%&!2,4*!.7+!/,7$&7$!,2!$%"'!.)'$4./$!.4&!.::4,8&+A!!B!4&/,**&7+!"$'!:()0"/.$",7A ! #::4,8&+C!9%4"'$,:%&4!D,E",0

PAGE 5

! 8 !"#$%&'(&)'*!%*!+ & ),"-!%. BA BF@ G H >69@BHFIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIAAAJ BBA #6@KHGBLM>! KMGB@#3M!>B59H6G5M!#F>!BF@MGF#@BHF#N! OGM5MGP#@BHF!9K#G@ MG5IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIAAAAQ ! #($%,4"E&+!K&4"$.<&!>" '/,(4'&IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIAAAJJ ! #$%&7'!.7+!P&7"/&!9% .4$&4'IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIAAJR ! @%&!S(44.!9%.4$&4IIIIIIII IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAJT ! B7$&47.$",7.0!O4&'&48.$",7!"7!G &0.$",7!$,!9%"7.IIIIIIIIIIIAAAJQ BBBA @KMHGM@B9#N!NMF5C!FM H U B=OMGB#NB5=IIIIIIIIIIIII IIIIVV History of East Asia and China's Relationship with Foreign Theoretical I nfluences IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAVW H4"&7$.0"'*IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAVX Y,40+ U 51'$&*!#7.01'"'IIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIIIIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAVZ >&:&7+&7$!#//(*(0.$",7!.7+!67+&4+&8&0,:*&7$IIII IIIIIIAVQ 9,7/0('",7IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA[J BPA M#5@!#5B#F!OGM5MGP#@ BHF!@G#>B@BHF5IIIIIIIIIIIIIIII[V H8&48"&\!,2!M.'$!#'".7!O4&'&4 8.$",7!@4.+"$",7'IIIIIIIIIIIAA[V ! @%&,4&$"/.0!5"<7"2"/.7/&!"7!M.'$ !#'".7!O4&'&48.$",7IIIIIIIIIAA[W ! B*:./$!,7!#4/%"$&/$(4. 0!>&8&0,:*&7$IIIIII IIIIIIIIIII[Q PA OGM5MGP#@BHF!BF!9KBF#IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA WJ Original Configuration and City Planning Techniques Built Upon Chinese Traditions IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAWJ ! !

PAGE 6

! 8" M22&/$'!,2!9,**(7"'*!,7! $%&!>&8&0,:*&7$!,2!9%"7.]'! 9"$"&'IIIIAAWW 9(44&7$!5$.$&!,2!O4&'&48.$",7!\ "$%"7!9%"7.]'!9"$"&'IIIIIIIIII WZ PBA OGM5MGP#@BHF!BF!SMB^BF3IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAARV H4"<"7'!,2!S&"_"7&*,0"$",7!.7+!9,7'$4(/$",7!"7!$%&!K($,7 <'IIIIIIIIAIIIIAJ J ` O4&'&48.$",7!M22,4$'!"7!$ %&!K($,7<'IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIAAJJ[ ! 9%.00&7<&'!,2!O4&'&48.$",7IIIIIIIIIII IIIIIA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAJJR ! PBBBA 65M!H-!M#5@!#5B#F!OG#9@B9M5!BF!OGM5MGP#@BHF!H-!@KM!>G6=!#F>! SMNN!@HYMG!K6@HF3!> B5@GB9@IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII IAAJV` ! BaA !!!!!!!9HF9N65BHFIIIII IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIAAIIIIIIIIIIIAJ[` ! ! GM-MGMF9M5IIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIIIIAAIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIAJ[V ! ! !

PAGE 7

! 8"" ! $/+!&'(&(/01.%+ & & (23456 & !PBAJ! S&"_"7<]'!9&7$4.0!#b"' I IIIIIIIIIAAIIIIII II IIIIIIIAAARZ PBAV K&"<%$!G&'$4"/$",7'!"7! S&" _"7&'"<7.$&+!K"'$,4"/!#4&.'! "7!S&"_"74(*!.7+!S&0 0!@,\&4!K ($,7<'IIIIIIIIIIIIAAJ`[ & ! ! ! ! ! ! !

PAGE 8

! 8""" ! $/+!&'(&"##.%7/"!/'*+ &"*8&!%.9+ & Jc!!#($%,4"E&+!K&4"$.<&!>"'/,(4'&C O4,2&''",7.0!:4&'&48.$",7!+"'/,(4'&!.<4&&+!(:,7! )1!.!<0,).0!/,**(7"$1!$%.$!+,*"7.$&'!.7+! ,8&4'&&'!$4.+"$",7.0!:4./$"/&'!,2!0,/.0 !%&4"$.<&A ! Vc!!9KO ! ! S&"_"7
PAGE 9

! CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION On May 26, 2010, an article in USA Today reported on plans to redevelop a historic residential area of Beijing, China. The Drum and Bell Tower n eighborhood is home to a unique style of residential architecture, the si he yuan or courtyard house, which corresponds with the larger historic fabric of the district organized along narrow lanes known as hutongs Located in the northern section of the O ld City, the Drum and Bell Tower hutong neighborhood stands as a cultural relic. Most of the hutong residences of Beijing have been torn down in favor of redevelopment; in 1949, there were an estimated 3,000 hutongs within the Old City, today there are an estimated 1,000. 1 Despite the rapid demolition, much of the Drum and Bell Tower neighborhood remained untouched by redevelopment. But in 2010, developers chose the area to design the "Beijing Time Cultural City," with the aim to "create a large public s quare, museum, shops and underground car park in the neighborhood." 2 Plans continued, despite existing legislation aimed at protecting the historic built form; the district was chosen by the city, as early as the 1990's, to be set aside as a specially pro tected historic district. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Calum MacLeod "Beijing bulldozes its old neighborhoods." USA Today May 26, 2010. http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/2010 05 26 old beijing_N.htm (Accessed March 1, 2012). # !$%&'()*+!,-(./.01!2344*)5(6!.76!)4*!0(.182)98))*6:; !

PAGE 10

! # A similar fate occurred in the Qianmen district, just south of Tiananmen Square, which has been rebuilt "as a commercial Chinatown.'" 3 Similar to Qianmen, the Drum and Bell Tower neighborhood is located along Beijing's centra l axis, a highly desired location for both developers and the state due to its geographic, political, and cultural significance. In the efforts to preserve the historic areas, conflict has been rife among the local residents: Wang Yi, a resident of the di strict, argues that the hutong courtyard houses "symbolize Beijing culture and the lifestyles of the common people." Another hutong resident, Wang Weiguo, "hopes the government will soon pay to rehouse his family in a modern suburban apartment." A differ ence of opinion is also occurring amongst officials: Beijing city officials argue that much of the area is "too dilapidated, too old and too dark," in addition to being too out of date with modern amenities of the new lifestyles of Beijing. The Dongcheng Historic Appearance Protection Office, a neighborhood organization within the Drum and Bell Tower district, insists that renovations can be used to "resolve chronic overcrowding by removing dangerous and illegally built structures." Others want to see met hods that can restore the area's historic core while raising the standard of living for the occupants. He Shuzhong, founder of the Beijing Cultural Heritage Protection Center, believes that because "China lacks even a single very successful case of protec ting old city areas [] Europe's many examples offer hope." 4 The developer eventually removed the demolition plans, but the issue reveals the ineffectual pr eservation standards present in Beijing. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! < !$%&'()*+!,-(. /.01!2344*)5(6!.76!)4*!0(.182)98))*6:; ! = !$%&'()*+!,-(./.01!2344*)5(6!.76!)4*!0(.182)98))*6:;

PAGE 11

! < The story of the Beijing Time Cultural City highlights the problems in current preservation practices in Beijing, China: ineffectual and varying public opinion, inefficient government oversight, strength of developers over existing legislation, and an over reliance of non governmental organizations on European standards for guidance. With the current state of preservation in Beijing, it would not be difficult to assume that China does not have a tradition of preservation practices. This, however, is comple tely false. China, and East Asia, has a deeply rooted preservation tradition that is continually ignored by the Chinese government in the contemporary state. The focus of this research is on the Drum and Bell Tower hutong neighborhood in Beijing, China. Specifically, the neighborhood and the city will be used to form a case study to understand local traditional preservation practices in relation to the authorized heritage discourse, which favors a European definition of preservation. This conflict, as highlighted in the Beijing Time Cultural City, has left Beijing preservation efforts lacking definition and direction. To understand the Drum and Bell Tower hutong neighborhood, the research must first understand current international preservation practic es that are influencing the Beijing preservation conflict, define authorized heritage discourse and how it relates to neo imperialism as a focus, outline East Asian and Chinese preservation traditions, and examine the urban configuration of Beijing. Under standing these areas will contextualize and inform the Beijing and Drum and Bell Tower hutong neighborhood case study. Understanding Beijing is important to understand how, in Chinese traditional planning, one part of the city is connected to the whole. The Drum and Bell Tower neighborhood is part of the larger historical fabric of Beijing, and represents a

PAGE 12

! = remaining thread of traditional planning practices. Despite the historical significance, its location on the central axis has made it vulnerable to d estruction. Throughout China's modern and contemporary history, Beijing's urban fabric was used to signify the political and philosophical beliefs of the ruling government. Furthermore, traditional Chinese practices and modern socialist ideology have bee n grafted onto Beijing's urban landscape. 5 The current trend of demolition and redevelopment throughout the Old City threaten the historic fabric of Beijing and sites like the Drum and Bell Tower hutong neighborhood. Preservation developments in China f ollow three main issues. First, the local socialist government is ignoring the values and traditions found in Chinese preservation practices. Second, the local government and non governmental agencies are ineffective in implementing preservation practice And third, the adopted and applied preservation and planning practices are based on European standards. These three problems are found throughout China, and are the main issues facing Beijing and the Drum and Bell Tower neighborhood. This research is important because conservation and restoration, based on European standards, have become the international standard for historic preservation, therefore ignoring the locally held traditions and practices of individual cultures. Examining Beijing, and o ne of its neighborhoods, the Drum and Bell Tower district, shows how the local community interacts with the historic place, and how the district fits in with the larger urban landscape. The loss of such a neighborhood would remove a !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! > ?.&7)9 !@.7 :!! !"#$#%&'()*"(+,-./"(,%0(12,%%#%&(34(,(5*#%"6"(5,7#-,2(5#-8 :!!AB8.&8(67(9C! D)80!E.4(F!%0*!@)06+!"GG>H: !I%1(!#=G: !

PAGE 13

! > defining feature of Be ijing that is in accordance with the practice of East Asian preservation. East Asia has a long standing tradition of valuing the symbolism of a building's history and the ideology that generated its construction, rather than putting value on the building a s an architectural object. Preservation in East Asia emphasizes the use and form of the site, intangible aspects, instead of conservation and restoration, tangible principles, found in the current authorized heritage discourse. 6 Therefore, in accordance w ith East Asian philosophy, rebuilding the site is applicable in order to preserve the site's value. I intend to examine the following questions: What philosophical approaches drive this way of thinking about preservation in East Asia? How are these notio ns different than practices found in the global authorized heritage discourses? How are external forces, both positive and negative, affecting the development and progress of preservation in East Asia? J)9!78.6!9(6(%9&8+!K!L.44!2(!36.01!78(!7(9M6!7%01.24( !%0*!.07%01.24(!7)!*(6&9.2(! &399(07!%378)9.5(*!8(9.7%1(!*.6&)396(!)N!78(!.07(90%7.)0%4!O9(6(9P%7.)0!&)MM30.7F:!! Q%01.24(!O9(6(9P%7.)0!O9%&7.&(6!%9(!*(N.0(*!8(9(!2F!&)06(9P%7.)0!%0*!9(67)9%7.)0+! %0*!(MO8%6.5(!78(!.MO)97%0&(!)N!78(!)9.1.0%4!O8F6.&%4!N(%739(6 !)N!%!23.4*.01:!!Q8.6! 7%01.24(!O9%&7.&(!.6!N)30*!.0!R39)O(%0!O9(6(9P%7.)0!%0*!.6!&399(074F!%7!78(!9))7!)N! .07(90%7.)0%4!O9(6(9P%7.)0!)91%0.5%7.)06!%0*!78(.9!4(1.64%7.)0:!!K07%01.24(!8%6!&)M(! 7)!M(%0!%!P%9.(7F!)N!78.016!.0!9(&(07!F(%96!L.78!78(!%.M!7)!&8%01 (!78(!*.6&)396(!)N! O9(6(9P%7.)0!%L%F!N9)M!&)06(9P%7.)0!%0*!9(67)9%7.)0S!78.6!8%6!)N7(0!*.437(*!78(! *(N.0.7.)0!)N!78(!.07%01.24(:!!J)9!78.6!9(6(%9&8+!K!%M!*(N.0.01!.07%01.24(!O9(6(9P%7.)0! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! T Na Li "Urban Landscapes as Pub lic History: The Chinese Context." The Public Historian Vol. 32 No. 4 (Fall 2010). Page 59.

PAGE 14

! T O9%&7.&(6!2%6(*!)0!78(!R%67!U6.%0!*.6&)396(!)N!36(!%0*!N)9M:!!V6(!.6! *(N.0(*!2F!78(! &)07.03%4!)&&3O%0&F!)N!%!6.7(:!!J)9!(W%MO4(+!78(!X93M!%0*!-(44!Q)L(9! *.-3%& !*.679.&7! .6!*(N.0(*!2F!9(6.*(07.%4!36(:!!J3978(9M)9(+!78(!%9(%!.6!&)00(&7(*!7)!78(!4%91(9!.*(%46! )N!-(./.01C!78(!36(!)N!78(!Y4*!B.7F!%6!%!9(O9(6(07%7.)0!)N!B8.0(6(!O )4.7.&%4!%0*!&34739%4! O8.4)6)O8F:!!J)9M!.6!*(N.0(*!2F!78(!79%06.7.)0%4!Z3%4.7.(6!)N!%!6.7(C!78(!M%7(9.%4.7F!)N! 78(!O4%&(!&8%01(6+!237!78(!)P(9%44!N)9M!9(M%.06:!!Q8(! *.-3%&6 !M367!9(M%.0!0%99)L! 4%0(6!L.78!4)L [ 9.6(!9(6.*(07.%4!.0!)9*(9!7)!67%F!7)!N)9M:!!-(&%3 6(!%!6.7(!&%0!2(! *(679)F(*!%0*!9(&)06793&7(*!.0!%&&)9*%0&(!L.78!R%67!U6.%0!79%*.7.)0+!78(!)9.1.0%4! M%7(9.%46!%9(!0)!4)01(9!2(.01!O9(6(9P(*:!!Q8(!N)9M!)N!78(!6.7(!67%976!7)!6O(%\!7)!78(! .*(%6!)N!78(!7%01.24(+!L8.&8!.6!&)0&(90(*!L.78!O9(6(9P.01!78(!O8F6.&%4! O9)O(97.(6!)N! %!6.7(+!L8(9(%6!78(!36(!9(M%.06!%0!.07%01.24(!.*(%:!!])L(P(9+!N)9!&4%9.7F!O39O)6(6+!K! L.44!2(!36.01!78(!7(9M!.07%01.24(!7)!*(6&9.2(!78(!R%67!U6.%0!O9(6(9P%7.)0!O9%&7.&(6!)N! 2)78!36(!%0*!N)9M:!!Q8(!%.M!.6!7)!68)L!78(!&)0N4.&7!)N!-(./.01!O9(6(9 P%7.)0!L.78! &399(07!%378)9.5(*!8(9.7%1(!*.6&)396(^6!7%01.24(!O9%&7.&(6!)N!&)06(9P%7.)0!%0*! 9(67)9%7.)0: Using the Drum and Bell Tower historic district within the urban fabric of Beijing as a case study, I have developed six steps to use East Asian traditi onal, local practices in the preservation of Beijing's urban fabric: 1) buildings and districts must follow traditional forms to be regulated by existing governmental legislation; 2) the hutong district must conform to traditional uses, enforced by the loc al government and zoning restrictions; 3) local craftsman should be used and supported in reconstruction efforts; 4) reconstruction of buildings and districts is permitted as long as certain standards are upheld to preserve the form and use of the area; 5) the local government must

PAGE 15

! sufficiently oversee, regulate, and enforce existing preservation laws and legislations; and 6) the local community must be part of the preservation process. To better understand these six steps, I will review the research that brought me to these conclusions. The current authorized heritage discourse, defined for this research as the established standards and practices agreed upon by the global preservation community, favors the practices of conservation and restoration through codes and charters. This unilateral approach, developed by international bodies such as the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS), and the International Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property (ICCROM) do not value and include the traditional heritage techniques used in different cultures. 7 This implementation does not properly acknowledge the traditional practices of East Asia and are therefore inappropriate in the region's preservation practices. However, the influx of globalization over the past century has reinforced the authorized heritage discourse practices in place of East Asian traditions, which has allowed interna l conflicts to occur within local preservation efforts. I, therefore, argue that the current authorized heritage discourse is inadequate for addressing the traditional practices of local cultures because they do not address local beliefs and practices. Beijing and the Drum and Bell Tower hutong neighborhood provide case studies to examine complex contemporary preservation practices on a local level. To appropriately address the needs of Beijing's urban fabric and protect the historic value of the Drum a nd Bell Tower hutong district, China's historic preservation !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! '%39%/%0( !@M.78 :!! 96"6(34(:"/#-,&" :!!A`(L!a)9\C!b)374(*1(+!#ccTH: !

PAGE 16

! d practices must utilize the local preservation traditions of form and use. My research examines six topics: 1) the foundations of international preservation charters which do not properly address the cultural traditions of the regional communities; 2) Neo imperialism and global authorized heritage discourse as a theoretical lens to examine the ideological imbalance inherent in international preservation codes and charters; 3) the traditions and ph ilosophical foundations of East Asian preservation; 4) the development of preservation in China in relation to authorized heritage discourse; 5) the cultural and philosophical foundations of Beijing's cultural landscape as a case study and how preservation practices are being utilized; and 6) the Drum and Bell Tower neighborhood as a case study on a specific built fabric and how Chinese traditional practices can best preserve the historic district.

PAGE 17

! G CHAPTER II. AUTHORIZED HERITAGE DISCOURSE AND INTERNATIONAL PRESERVATION CHARTERS Chinese preservation is influenced by international preservation practices. Australia I COMOS has partnered with China o n a variety of efforts. The Getty Institute has drafted recommendations for addressing historic sites. In Beijing, non governmental organizations, such as the Beijing Cultural Heritage Protection Center, often look towards Europe as a model for dealing with built heritage. UNESCO charters establish an authorized heritage discour se for sites that have value for the global cultural community; China has forty one World Heritage Sites, including six in B e i jing 8 China works close ly with international preservation organizations, which follow a European discourse for preservation prac tices. This is not done out of malice or for global dominance Furthermore, it does not mean that these international organizations are not changing to adhere to local customs. However the historic trend of international codes and charters has establis hed a foundation rooted in European traditions The first, the Athens Charter was written in 1932 during European imperialism. The second, the Venice Charter was during the Cold War. In 2012, at the time of this research, the world has shifted. The i nternet, the exchange of goods, the exchange of people, and the exchange of information has brought much of the world closer together. Economic troubles have stalled the growth of 20 th century leaders, while developing nations have grown at increasing rat es. The world is !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! d UNESCO World Heritage Centre 1992 2012. "World Heritage List." United Nations. http://whc.unesco.org/en/list (accessed March1, 2012).

PAGE 18

! "c not defined by imperialistic or Cold War mentalities. Instead, globalization has ushered in closer international communication and exchange. International organizations have done a lot to change the discourse to include a broader range o f ideas. A focus on preserving the intangible is taking on greater role in organizations like UNESCO and ICOMOS; the Burra Charter formed by Australia ICOMOS the first of its kind to incorporate local indigenous traditions is a great example of this eff ort and will be discussed later. However, two important facts remain that are important for this research: first, European preservation practices remain at the heart of international efforts due to the charters at their foundations, and second, the tradit ions of local communities, such as those represented in Beijing, are being ignored in favor of defining a global authorized heritage discourse. The devaluation of regional cultures is ultimately hurting local heritage. I argue that international charters are outdated because they are not serving the diverse international cultural traditions and insufficient for outlining preservation practices for the global community. I have broken this section down into four parts: 1) authorized heritage discourse, 2) an examination of the Athens Charter and Venice Charter 3) the Burra Charter as a step towards incorporating v arious cultural values, and 4) international p reservation practices in relation to China and East Asia. The aim is to provide background into ho w and why the authorized heritage discourse is biased, and how this is affecting traditional practices of varying cultures.

PAGE 19

! "" Authorized Heritage Discourse Authorized heritage discourse is "a professional discourse that privileges expert values and knowledge about the past and its material manifestations, and dominates and regulates professional heritage practices 9 The discourses of international preservation are constructed through legislation and charters as agreed upon by a global community of acting professionals: "social meanings, forms of knowledge and expertise, power relations and ideologies are embedded and rep roduced via language 10 The local interpretations of preservation unique to cultural experiences, such as China and East Asia, are not valued in the current authorized heritage discourse. The preservation concepts of conservation and restoration, the two principle components of the current authorized heritage discourse, developed during the modern era. The nineteenth century saw a rapid expansion in formulization of conceptual ideas into decreed practices and laws. This is particularly true in Britain, France, Italy, and Germany, where modernization and the industrial revolution established modern con ceptions of heritage 11 France had the idea of patrimoine, or the concept of inheritance, which "promotes the idea that the present has a duty'to receive and revere what has been passed on and in turn pass this inheritance untouched to future generations." This concept, from English art critic John Ruskin, states that the fabric of !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! G !@M.78+! Uses of Heritage 4. "c !@M.78+! 96"6(34(:"/#-,&" +!=: ! "" !@M.78+! 96"6(34(:"/#-,&" +!"_: !

PAGE 20

! "# the building is what holds inherent value 12 This becomes a strong foundation for the European perception of preservation. Championed by the French, the idea focused on emphasizing the question of histor ic time and authenticity in relation to the original object, and the impossibility to reproduce an object with the same significance in another histo rical cultural context 13 Authenticity becomes a central concern In order to maintain a site's value the fabric must come from the appropriate time and the specific place; to not be in accordance with this scheme is to be disingenuous. Therefore, preservation must focus on preserving the fabric of the authentic. British perspectives of heritage a re similar to the French, but are focused more on conservation repair' in order to protect the structure 14 The English were influence d by the late eighteenth century antiquarian criticism against the restoration of mediae val churches in England 15 The concept of repair became an important part of the development of English preservation principles in response to anti restoration rhetoric. This differentiates English practice from French concepts. Nonetheless, English preservation practices still re tain the idea that the value of a site is found within the structural fabric. While varying ideas and traditions are present, English and French interpretations establish two definitive preservation concepts: restoration and !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "# !@M.78+! 96"6(34(:"/#-,&" +!"G: ! "< Jukka Jokilehto. The Histor y of Architecture Conservation: The Contribution of English, French, German, and Italian Thoughts towards an International Approach to the Conservation of Cultural Property (York: The University of York, England, 1986). Page 8. "= !@M.78+! 96"6(34(:"/#-,& +!#c: ! "> Jokilehto The History of Architecture Conservation 7.

PAGE 21

! "< conservation. Different count ries used these concepts in a variety of ways thus establishing local preservation traditions 16 However, the constant in these local traditions was both restoration and conservation, thus creating the foundation of the contemporary authorized heritage di scourse. The preservation concepts of Britain and France came to influence and challenge varying preservation traditions in the years during imperialism. Europeans, who, because of modern laws and technologies, believed themselves to be representatives o f the highest achievements of human technical, cultural, and intellectual progress," came into contact with cultures and traditions that confl icted with their own 17 In the role of colonizer, the European nations influenced the colonized and semi colonized cultures they came into contact with. This included the spread of European notions of preservation. The United States was directly influenced "where European conservation found synergy with the secular pietism' that characterized the nineteenth century American preservatio n movement 18 India was under the direction o f British rule during this time, and a s a result, British principles for preservation were implemented; in 1863 British India adopted legislation for the protection and cons ervation of buildings This conservation repair principle follows the traditions of England, and makes no effort to consider traditional practices inherent in Indian culture. The trend of preservation influence continued into the creation and establishment of interna tional preservation codes and charters, first by the Athens Charter in 1932 and !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "T Jokilehto The History of Architecture Conservation 8. "_ !@M.78+! 96"6(34(:"/#-,&" +!"_: ! "d !@M.78+! 96"6(34(:"/#-,&" +!#": !

PAGE 22

! "= followed by the Venice Charter in 1964. Enacted by committees under the First International Congress of Architects and Technicians of Histor ic Monuments and UNESCO, these char ters had a great level of credibility throughout their development. These documents have created a foundation and framework in which international preservation wo rk has existed since 19 The Athens Charter and Venice Charter "represent a dominant form of di scourse and one that tends to privilege European [] assumptions about the m eaning and nature of heritage." 20 Organizations suc h as UNESCO, ICCROM, and ICOMOS continue these ideas in the contemporary drafting of legislation and exchange of intellectual ide as. But because they are building on existing documentation, international preservation charters do not represent international interests. In Beijing, preservati on is focused on the intangible: the form and use of the site. Although efforts are being made to include preservation practices of the intangible, the foundation of international charters is based on European traditions. The values of local communities, such as those in Beijing, are being overlooked. The result is conflict that is occurring in places like the Dr um and Bell Tower neighborhood. Instead of applying existing traditional approaches to the preservation efforts, t he local government and populace are trapped in the conflict between varying opinions. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "G !@M.78+! 96"6(34(:"/#-,&" +!#": ! #c !@M.78+! 96"6(34(:"/#-,&" +!""<:

PAGE 23

! "> Athens and Venice Charters In 1932, the International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation met in Athens to discuss international codes and practices aimed to protect and preserve the built fabric that had potential global value. The committee, a division of the League of Nations aimed at cultural work, visited archaeological sites in Greece to find inspiration in a government "which for many years past, has been itself responsible for extensive works and, at the same time, has accepted the collaboration of archaeologists and exper ts from every country 21 The members of the committee drafted the Athens Charter for the Restoration of Historical Monuments the first international charter on historic sites. The Athens Charter focused on restoration in order to protect and preserve t he histori c fabric of a site. This meant "steps should be taken to reinstate any original fragments that may be recovered" when able 22 Furthermore, the site should remain active within the society; it should not become a stagnate artifact. Therefore, "t he occupation of buildings, which ensures the continuity of their life, should be maintained, but that they should be used for a purpose, which respects their historic and artistic character 23 The aim was to preserve not only the structure itself, but al so what the structure represented and its connection within the communal society. On the surface, the acknowledgement that sites have a deeper meaning seems to be in line with regional East Asian preservation practices. However, this practice is not mean t to keep the !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #" International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation. Athens Charter for the Restoration of Historic Monuments 1932. Page 3. ## International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation. Athens Charter Page 3. #< International Committee on Intellectual Coo peration. Athens Charter Page 1.

PAGE 24

! "T symbolism of the building alive, but rather maintain it as part of the commu nity's fabric when applicable. F or example, a house should be lived in and not set aside because it is historic. The aim of the charter is to maintain and restore t he structural fabric that already exists. The focus is on the tangible. The intangible, often the focus of cultural value in places like East Asia, is ignored. In Section II of General Procedures, the c ommittee aims to address the issues related to ad ministrative and legislative measures. The duty of protecting, preserving, and accounting for the fin ancial and legal tasks involved is the responsibility of the local communities. Sites in dire conditions are the responsibility of the country's authorities. The measures "should be in keeping with local circumstances and with the trend of public opinion, so that the least possible op position ma y be encountered 24 The idea is that by working with the local community you ensure extended protection of the site as well as following the specific legal and social protocols associated with land rights. However, in 1932 much of the world wa s still under Western European colonial rule. Under imperialism decision makers were persons sent out by the colonizing power, not persons of the local population" maintaining the idea that "colonies had lowest degree of real autonomy and therefore maxim ally subject to exploitation by firms and persons from a diff erent country 25 It is therefore inaccurate to say that the local populations had any direct control over the protection of historic sites. Instead, as we see i n India, the colonizers forced th eir interpretations onto the colonized. As a result, the Athens Charter remains a document that is, at its core, based on an imbalance of authority. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #= International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation. Athens Charter Page 3. #> !!KMM%03(4!E%44(967(.0:!! ;3/20 < =86-">(?%,286#6'(?%(@%-/30.A-#3% :!!AX398%MC!X3\(! V0.P(96.7F!I9(66+!#cc=H:!!I%1(!>T:

PAGE 25

! "_ Furthermore, developing nations do not have the legal and financial resourc es to adequately respond the pr eservation standards outlined in Athens. Conservation and restoration of stru ctures involves time and money, which complicates matters. Often outside groups are brought in for assistanc e, but their influence often leaves an impression. This power imbala nce leaves developing nations unrepresented and underfunded for proper preservation maintenance of structures. Historically, this issue was met in relation to traditional preservation practices. But because of newly enacted standards, the traditional pra ctices are inadequate. In 1964, an international committee met again, this time in Venice, to update the international principles enacted in Athens in order to deal with the new complex and varied issues that had arisen in the p ost war period. 26 It is impo rtant to note, however, that although the Venice Charter is a separate and unique document, it is built upon the values and principles laid out in the Athens Charter Therefore, the authorized heritage di scourse of the Athens Charter continues through upd ated international codes. Many similarities remain, including the task that each country is "responsible for applying the plan within the framework of its own cul ture and traditions 27 In addition, the tasks performed under the c harter's guidance aims "to preserve and reveal the aesthetic and historic value of the monument and is based on respect for original material and authentic documents 28 The objective of the Venice Charter is to ensure "the conservation and !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #T International Commit tee on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS). International Charter for the Conservation and Restoration of Monuments and Sites: The Venice Charter. 1964. Page 1. #_ ICOMOS The Venice Charter. Page 1. #d ICOMOS The Venice Charter. Page 2.

PAGE 26

! "d restoration of monuments" o n an international level. The c harter continues the historical use of conservation and restoration as tools for preserving monuments and structures. The Burra Charter There is some hope for the future success of Chinese preservation. In ternational organizations, including UNESCO and ICOMOS, have made recent efforts to include varying opinions in international preservation charters. The Burra Charter from Australia ICOMOS is one of the most famo us, and is a unique case. The c harter, which aligns with the current authorized heritage discourse, has been rewritten in order to address the concerns of citizens in the unrepresented popula ce. The c harter was originally written in 1979 in cooperation with Australia ICOMOS. In 1999 i t was rewritten "in response to increasing pressures from indigenous and non indigenous Australian communities for more active participation and consultation in the heritage manage ment and conservation process 29 The new aims of the document address the d ifferent interpretations of place and the deeply rooted cultural differences that might be associated with such place. The biggest changes are the revisions that broaden the understanding of what is cultural significance by recognizing that significance may lie in more than just th e fabric of a place 30 The notions of conservation and restoration focus largely on the importance of the structural fabric. This is not a universal interpretation, !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #G !@M.78+! 96"6(34( :"/#-,&" +!"c#: !
PAGE 27

! "G and the Burra Charter influenced by the indigenous populatio ns of Australia, aims to c orrect this. Nonetheless, the c harter still remains a flawed document that does not entirely remove itself from the original charter' s biases. It strongly declares that "the fundamental concepts of the Burra Charter have not changed" and that the "revisions were made to bring the Charter up to date, not to change it s essential message 31 The revisions do not change the inherent problem and without recognizing the ideology and political underpinnings of the discours e any attempts at change may be confined to particular events rather then represent a real sy stematic challenge 32 In order to t ruly change the discourse, the c harter must be fully revised and rewritten to address all interpretations and principles. Inte rnational Preservation in relation to China Similar to the traditions found in indigenous Australian populations, the historic preservation practices of China involve the intangible; the value of a site is not in the structural fabric, but rather in the h istoric symbolism the site represents. This means that China holds form and usage paramount. This tradition is based in the fact that East Asian architecture, especially in China, is allowed to be rebuilt over time As a result, the structural fabric is not as important as saving the form and usage of the original structure, !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! <" Australia ICOMOS, The Burra Charter 27. <# !@M.78+! 96"6(34(:"/#,&" +!#GG: !

PAGE 28

! #c and ultimately what it represents symboli cally in the culture 33 T he structural quality of the site must fit the traditional forms, and the traditional use of the site must be maintained. This does not follow the practice of conservation and restoration. As a result, preservation practices must be interpreted different ly. There should be a greater focus to work with and understand the cultural values of different places. In China, as the public historian Na Li argues, "the tools we have to preserve the material fabric cannot save the intangible heritage, such as th e collective m e m o r y 34 While international preservation focuses on preserving the structure, the value of why the site is culturally important might be lost. There is nothing in international preservation codes that address this issue. The current authori zed heritage discourse is dismissing traditional Chinese preservation in favor of European practices. Protecting the intangible, such as the use and form of a site, is starting to gain recognition throughout the international community. However, standard s of protecting the built form, and thus the tangible structures, still take precedent. Because international preservation puts great focus on the care and protection of fabric, the East Asian traditions of a site's historic meaning is being ignored. Therefore the international bodies are placing current authorized heritage discourse interpretations of preservation onto East Asia, thus contributing to a cultural imbalance over traditions. The i nternational bodies, and their c harters, carry extreme p o w e r 35 This is not a constructive way of preserving and protecting sites internationally. In order to do it !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! << Na Li. "Urban Landscapes as Public History: The Chinese Context." The Public Historian Vol. 32, No. 4 (Fall 2010), pp. 51 61. Page 59. <= Li, "Urban Landscapes as Public History: The Chinese Context." 57. <> !@M.78+! 96"6(34(:"/#-,&" +!#GG:

PAGE 29

! #" properly, the traditions, practices, and interpretations of varying cultures must be heard, including those of East Asia. For now, preservation c harters continue to reflect the interpretations and practices decreed in date d international charters and codes.

PAGE 30

! ## CHAPTER III. THEORETICAL LENS: NEO IMPERIALISM Neo imperialist theory is defined, for the use of my research, as the dominanc e of specific discourses based o n traditional cultural practices over others. Specifically, European preservation practices are part of the current authorized heritage discourse, which ignores local traditions like the Chinese pract ice of use and form T he principle authors for neo imperialist theory, amongst others, are Edward Said, Immanuel Wallerstein, and Andre Gunder Frank. While these authors are traditionally linked with the theory of post colonialism, their lessons can be used to examine the cont emporary exchange of ideas. The second half of the twentieth century saw a turbulent time for China. With the disasters of the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, China was struggling to succeed politically and economically in the modern worl d. Beneath it all was a determination to be modern, for modernization symbolized the ability "to be strong enough to resist domi nation and e x p l o i t a t i o n 36 During the nineteenth century, China witnessed its once proud culture, political strength, and econ omy fall at the hands of Europe Since the fall of the Imperial Dynasty in 1914, China's determination to be a strong, independent nation has been a rallying cry that has remained through out the communist period. I n the contemporary world it seems that China has achieved its goal. In 2010, China passed Japan to become the world's second largest economy (the United !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
PAGE 31

! #< States remains number one). It is undisputed that "China is already a major driver of global wealth" and that it will continue to reshape the way the global economy functions" through trade, exchange revenues, and its connection to natural r e s o u r c e s 37 The economic growth of China means that it is becoming a center for growth not just in global markets, but also for culture and in fluence. In the field of preservation, many countries, including China, are influenced by international organizations. This situation has created a reliance on authorized heritage discourse, or the established standards and practices that have been a greed upon by the global community of preservation professionals. However, the authorized heritage discourse is not applicable in every region. Local customs and traditions are often ignored in favor of international codes by organizations such as UNESCO and ICOMOS. This is a problem for local preservation advocates. The unique preservation traditions of East Asia, based on the preservation of form and use, are left out in favor of architectural conservation and structural restoration practices. Neo imp erialism, which combines post colonialism with modern capitalistic theory, is the theoretical lens most applicable for this research. This is not to say that any foreign nation is seeking domination over another through colonial oppression; rather, intern ational codes and discourses have created a global environment that is reliant on some ideas over others. Neo imperialism, for this research, is confined to intellectual influence. Specifically, Chinese traditional practices of preservation are being inf luenced and ignored under the current international authorized heritage discourse. International organizations, such as UNESCO and ICOMOS, have a foundation of preservation !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! <_ David Barboza. "China Passes Japan as Second Largest Economy." The New York Times August 15, 2010.

PAGE 32

! #= practice that reinforces ideas associated with the tangible aspects of a site. Ch inese traditional practices, which focus on use and form, are intangible components. To fully examine the theoretical lens, how it relates to international preservation practices, and the theory itself, I have broken this section up into four parts: 1) th e history of East Asia and China's relationship to foreign influence, 2) Orientalism, 3) World Systems Analysis, and 4) Dependent Accumulation and Underdevelopment. These often conflicting theories work together for this research to show the intellectual imbalance of preservation in the international community based on the establishment of contemporary global interaction. History of East Asia and China's Relationship with Foreign Theoretical I nfluences China's growth and development in the twen tieth century has come to define its contemporary role in the global co mmunity, and has established its unique world view for the twenty first century. In 1914, the last imperial dynasty of China was dissolved. Conflict followed and after a prolonged civi l war the Communist Party gained control of China in 1949. In the following decade, China used the Soviet Union as a model for much of its political and philosophical approaches to governing. Instead of relying on traditional Chinese values, the governme nt sought to transform China and its cities into models for a socialist agenda. However, by the 1960's, China was throwing off the socialist model "and challenging the USSR's leadership of the international communist

PAGE 33

! #> m o v e m e n t 38 Although China retained s ocialism, a foreign political theory, it was now used in line with new Chinese theory. Much of the twentieth century saw China, and East Asia, struggling "to create a new culture that could incorporate elements of modern science and W estern social and po litical ideologies while enhancing rather than undermining pride in their own national i d e n t i t y 39 Many of China's traditional beliefs are still present today. However, many countries "are increasingly suspicious of the emerging global era;" a new set of values and traditions that vary from standard European practices are playing a more active role i n international political and s ocial d e v e l o p m e n t 40 China, a contemporary communist country, is viewed as dangerous and unhinged from the values of a modern state as defined by the European capitalist and democratic societies. Much of this can be a ttribut e to misunderstandings. A fter World War II, the agenda of the United States, was at th e forefront in understanding China : "The United States needed scholars who could analyze the rise of the Communist Party more tha n it needed scholars who could decipher Taoist s c r i p t 41 Chinese traditions are displaced in the international intellectual discourse. As a result, international preservation codes and authorized heritage discourse ignores important fundamental traditions and practices inherent in cultures su ch as China. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
PAGE 34

! #T International organizations, such as UNESCO and ICOMOS, emphasize preservation of the tangible. Chinese preservation is based on the intangible aspects of use and form. While efforts are being made to correct this, the imbalance is still pr esent. China, as a result, has been unsuccessful in defining a contemporary preservation practice. Orientalism Edward Said's Orientalism examines the conflict between global cultural communities and the imbalance of power and representation that results. It is important to note that, for this research, I am not examining the cultural differences and imbalance between the West and the East defined by an imbalance of power Specifically, I am looking at how authorized heritage discourse is being us ed to dominate local cultural ideas and practices. Orientalism is defined as "a way of coming to terms with the Orient that is based on the Orient's special place in the Europe an Western e x p e r i e n c e 42 Not only does Orientalism restrict and confine th e East to expectations and standards established by a distant culture, it also helps to define the West's role in "dominating, restructuring, and having auth ority over the O r i e n t 43 As a result, Orientalism was used as a tool throughout the nineteenth cen tury to justify colonial expansion throughout Asia. This dictates the intellectual development of Eastern cultures, a notion that has been perceived as taking agency away from the people of the Orient'. This resulted in the belief that "if !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! =# Edward Said Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1 978). I%1(!": =< !@%.*+! B/#"%-,2#6> +!<: !

PAGE 35

! #_ the Orient co uld represent itself, it would; since it cannot, the represe ntation does the j o b 44 This diminishes the power of the people and their traditional practices. Furthermore, the colonial powers often clumped the Orient together under one idea that "the whole Orient hung together in some profoundly organic way" neglecting the vast cultural difference present th roughout all of A s i a 45 The intellectual development of Chinese preservation has been devalued in favor of European preservation practices. This is found specifically in the current authorized heritage discourse that outlines practice s for tangible sites. Local communities often find it difficult to implement ideas that are not part of the traditional European discourse. By devaluing the importance of Chinese preservation and elevating European practices, the current authorized herit age discourse is preventing cities like Beijing from fully implementing appropriate preservation standards. Beijing, instead, is in flux, trapped between implementing their traditional standards and implementing a European discourse. As a result, we see Beijing remaining static in its preservation efforts as seen in the Beijing Time Cultural City debate in the Drum and Bell Tower hutong district World System Analysis Wallerstein's World System s Analysis is important for my research for two reas ons: it shows the development of theoretical imbalances in the modern world, and it shows the establishment of Europe and American preservation organizations representing !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! == !@%.*+! B/#"%-,2#6> +!#": ! => !@%.*+! B/#"%-,2#6> +!##>:

PAGE 36

! #d China under the guise of education and modernization. These two ideas are at the cor e of my research for understanding the imbalances in the current authorized heritage discourse because there is an intellectual imbalance between the current authorized heritage discourse and the local traditional practices of Beijing. World Sys tems Analysis shows the development of the modern capitalistic system and how our current world system follows tendencies enacted during the first half of the twentieth century. Although World Systems Analysis largely incorporates economic theory, it is n ot confined to it: the use of social sciences in order to implement global relationship imbalances is crucial. Developed by Immanuel Wallenstein, the World System s Analysis theory aims "to describe the history and mechanisms of the modern world s y s t e m 46 According to Wallenstein, World Systems are born and die depending on the circumstances surrounding them, such as social and econo mic structures The present World System "is that of the capitalist ic world economy which itself is based on colonial foun dations set in the eighteenth and nineteenth c e n t u r i e s 47 While its approach to the modern development of global relationships is different then Orientalism, World System Analysis, for my use, is still examining international intellectual power imbalances. According to Wallenstein, academic analysis can be separated along three lines: economics, political science, and sociology in order to explain and examine developments in the market, the state, and the civil societ y, r e s p e c t i v e l y 48 S ocial sc ientists were primarily located in five countries, the five !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! =T !E%44(967(.0+! ;3/20 < =86-">6(?%,286#6 +!W.: ! =_ !E%44(967(.0+! ;3/20 < =86-">6(?%,286#6 +!_T [ __: ! =d !E%44(967(.0+! ;3/20 < =86-">6(?%,286#6 +!T:

PAGE 37

! #G countries that throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were developing colonial rule. As a result, an imbalance of understanding between the colonizer and colonized began. The academi c sought to correct this through the new field of anthropology, which held the assumption "that the [colonized] people had no history' except one following the imposition of rule by modern outsiders which had resulted in the cultural contact' and therefo re some c ultural c h a n g e 49 Therefore the history of the colonized was only important in its relationship to, and the aftermath of, contact with the colonizer. In Beijing, this can be seen in the intellectual dominance of authorized heritage discourse ove r traditional preservation traditions. The ideas of conservation and restoration are being held in higher regard, in sites like the Drum and Bell Tower hutong district, then the more applicable traditions of use and form. Not only does this highlight int ellectual dominance, of authorized heritage discourse over local traditional practices, but it also threatens the local public memory with place. This intellectual domination, as illustrated in the power imbalance of World Systems Analysis, is threatening the preservation of Beijing's historic fabric. Dependent Accumulation and Underdevelopment Andre Gunder Frank 's Dependent Accumulation and Underdevelopment theory is important for my study because it explores the imbalance between East Asia and Eu rope, the exploitation of East Asia, and the underdevelopment forced upon East Asia in !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ! =G !E%44(967(.0+! ;3/20 < =86-">6(?%,286#6 +!_:

PAGE 38

! c Andre Gunder Frank Dependent Accumulation and Underdevelopment (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1979). Page 146. >" Fra nk, Dependent Accumulation and Underdevelopmen, 152.

PAGE 39

! <" associated with China's inability to adopt a contempora ry discourse for preservation; China is instead, stuck between European and East Asian ideas for built heritage. This shows that a relationship imbalance between Europe and China has resulted in the underdevelopment of Beijing's preservation practices. Conclusion The cultures of East Asia are no longer under political or financial rule of another country or region. However, international codes and practices of international preservation are still inherently biased. In order to progress within the new international order, there will have to be compromise on global intellectual development in areas such as p r e s e r v a t i o n 52 Therefore, it can be said that international preservation charters are insufficient for the new global order. Some efforts have b een made to rectify this, such as the Burra Charter 's efforts to include indigenous cultures within preservation planning. As long as these principles remain the basis for international preservation, the current authorized heritage discourse will not adeq uately represent local cultures and traditions. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ># !e%\%9.%+! )*"(136< ?>"/#A,%(;3/20 +!==:

PAGE 40

! <# CHAPTER IV. EAST ASIAN PRESERVATION TRADITIONS In this section, I aim to define East Asian preservation in both traditional uses and in contemporary practices. As defined by the United Nations, East Asia is comprised of the following nations: China, Japan, North Korea, South Korea, and Mongolia. Each of these nations has their own cultural traditions. Nonetheless, there are some theoretical trends seen throughout the region My examination of East Asi an p reservation traditions, their origin, and their contemporary impact on architectural development and urban planning will be in three parts: 1) A basic overview of East Asian preservation traditions, 2) the significance of Confucian, Taoist, and Budd hist thought on East Asian preservation, and 3) impact of East Asian preservation traditions on contemporary architectural development and urban planning. Overview of East Asian Preservation Traditions Instead of preserving the structural fabric of a site, East Asian traditions focus of preserving the use of the site. The meaning of the site is considered valuable, and r eplacement and maintenance is an important part of preserving a building over time 53 These traditions not only help to conserve the structural elements unique to East Asia, but also help to define preservation practices in line with the East Asian cultural and !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! >< Li, "Urban Landscapes as Publ ic History: The Chinese Context, 59.

PAGE 41

! << philosophical experience. As a result, r econstruction is often needed in order to maintain the use of the site over time. In urban planning, East Asian traditional practices often seek a connection between man and nature. This can occur in a variety of ways. The most significant for this study are: a connection to the cosmos and aligning the urban site along certain principles in favor of a natural energy, or chi. Specific urban features, found in a variety of East Asian cultures, established the ideal city: cardinal orientation, cardinal axiality, and a more or less square perimeter delimited by a massive w a l l 54 This can be seen in Kyoto Japan, where the city "was laid out on a vast orthogonal grid of wide principal avenues oriented to the points of the compass, with the walled precinct of the emperor's palace situated a t the city's c e n t e r 55 This is also see n in Beijing, where the central axis organizes the city based on a grid, with the Palace City and Coal Hill located at the city center. Furthermore, there is an awareness and connection to nature in general. The philosophical beliefs of the region help to generate the natural order of all living things; all things are born and die in a continuing life cycle. Buildings are no exception. They are built out of natural materials and start to decay over time. It is in reconstruction that they are given new l ife, in which the cycle starts over. The connection between community and the built fabric introduces an important idea: collective memory. It is in the initial building and the preservation practices that the regional values and philosophical ideas are carried out and community values are !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 54 Wheatley, Paul. The Pivot of the Four Corners: A Preliminary Inquiry into the Origins and Character of the Ancient Chinese City (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1971). Page 423. >> !Q301+! 1/"6"/C#%&(-*"(;3/20D6(E/",-(5#-#"6 +!<_": !

PAGE 42

! <= incorporated During the reconstruction the community becomes involved with the site as part of a communal and collective experience. Meaning and form is restored through reconstruction and craftsmanship is kept aliv e through this process This helps to form a collective history and a collective memory of the community with the site. This does not have tangible value, but is important for the community and the region: the tools that we have to preserve the material fabrics cannot save the intangible heritage, such a s collective m e m o r y 56 It is through the preservation practices of reconstruction, of continual use and form, and of community involvement that the collective memory is created and protected. East Asian preservation is uniquely defined based on local cultural and theoretical practices. Theoretical Significance in East Asian Preservation Three philosophical traditions are found throughout East Asia: Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Although these philosophies do not directly address local preservation practices, their teachings and values have been a great influence on the urban planning of cities and the traditional practices of preserving sites. Confucianism is named after the teacher K'ung Fu t zu (Latinized as Confucius) Born during the Zhou Dynasty Confucius taught the importance of the old rites, orders, and rituals. It was the abuse and neglect of these rites that ultimately damaged society: "to abuse the forms of the rites was to abuse t he reality, the moral order which they r e p r e s e n t e d 57 Confucian !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! >T Li, "Urban Landscapes as Publ ic History: The Chinese Context, 57.

PAGE 43

! <> teachings are about governing and social order. He believed "in the importance of cha racter over b i r t h 58 Furthermore, he taught that the social order is built on hierarchy, and that a leader, at the top, must cherish and care for the people. Not following these rites can give justification for the end of rule. This is in line with the ancient tradition of the Mandate of Heaven, where the rulers of China are given a mandate to lead by a higher power This emphasizes the connection between heaven and man. The teachings of Confucius spread throughout East Asia and influenced the development of philosophies in bo th Korea and Japan Although Confucianism is largely viewed as a political and governing theory, it has greatly influenced East Asian society by valuing the importance of harmony, proper leadership, and education. Attributes found in traditional arc hitecture emphasize the idea that man and the cosmos are connected. During the Sung Dynasty, a new form of Confucianism developed around the principles of metaphysics and the universal energy known as chi. The traditional values of Confucianism were mo rphed with metaphysical principles: "the transformation of yang and its union with yin, the five agents of water, fire, wood, metal, and earth a r i s e 59 Heavily influenced by Taoist teaching, Neo Confucianism taught about a new man whose "mind consciously grasps the underlying unity of all e x i s t e n c e 60 What we see occurring is a change in Confucianism away from political and governing theory into a more theological and religious practice. As a result it is more in line with the traditions !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! >_ WM. Theodore De Bary. Introduction to Oriental Civilizations: Sources of Chinese Tradition Volume I (New York: Columbia University Press, 1960). Page 18. >d De Bary, Introduction to Oriental Civilizations 19. >G De Bary, Introduction to Oriental Civilizations 258. Tc De Bary, Introduction to Oriental Civilizations 461.

PAGE 44

!
PAGE 45

! <_ Buddhism spread throughout the rest of East Asia. At the core of Budd hism are the "Four Noble Truths: life is full of sorrow, this sorrow is due to craving, sorrow can only be stopped by stopping craving, and finally discipline can stop c r a v i n g 63 Inherent in these ideas is the belief in the life cycle of death and rebirth, which can only be stopped by reaching Nirvana. This is achieved first by adopting right views about the nature of existence, then by carefully controlled system of moral conduct, and finally by concentrati on and m e d i t a t i o n 64 This belief has been worked into the development of East Asia cities for centuries The most dominate feature of Buddhist urban planning, is the location of the sovereign leader at the center of the city; this can be seen in both Chinese and Japanese cities establishing continuity over time. Ancestor worship is an important part of East Asian traditional society. While Confucianism and Buddhism continue this tradition, they do not believe in the ancient ideals that the soul is immortal. Instead, Buddhism believes in transmigration, or "a belief in an individual soul which passed fr om one body to another until the attainment of e n l i g h t e n m e n t 65 While early interpretations of both Buddhism and Taoism sought ideas of immortality, both belief systems do not believe in immortal souls, and are rather focused on the life cycles inherent in a human's natural existence. The Taoist teacher, Chuang Tzu, celebrated death as "the necessary and proper correlative of human life" and saw it as "an eternal process of cosmic c h a n g e 66 Therefore, in accordance with East !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! T< De Bary, Introduction to Oriental Civilizations 266 267. T= De Bary, Introduction to Oriental Civilizations 268. T> De Bary, Introduction to Oriental Civilizations 276 277. TT De Bary, Introduction to Oriental Civilizations 63.

PAGE 46

! ": !

PAGE 47

!
PAGE 48

! =c construction, followed by deconstruction, and finally to reconstruction. This not only establishes a pattern, but also forms a changing history. Ultimately, it is people's relationship to the structure that is important. The structures are part of a people's memory, and because the structure is built and preserved along local cultural traditions, this "memory locates us as part of a family history, as part of a tribe or community as a part of city building and nation making. Loss of memory is, basically, loss of i d e n t i t y 70 It is through the collective memory and connection to the philosophical traditions that the occupants construct value to the site. The stories we provide "may serve to highlight different histories and their connections to built forms that are most meaningfu l for differe nt groups of p e o p l e 71 East Asian architectural development and the preservation that follows are set along traditional standards of the region. The structural fabric of East Asia follows the collective memory and philosophical values inhere nt in the cultural community. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! _c Li, Preserving Urban Landscape a s Public History Asian Context," I%1(!T: ! _" !'.+! "Urban Landscapes as Publ ic History: The Chinese Context, Page 60.

PAGE 49

! =" CHAPTER V. PRESERVATION IN CHINA The traditions of urban planning span millenniums and are deeply rooted in cultural practices Changes to the economic, political, and cultural climate of China that occurred throughout the 20 th century had a great impact on urban p lanning and preservation. N ewly adapted approaches, mostly following socialist ideology, were grafted onto the urban landscape in coordination with traditional Chinese practi ces. To better understand the development of the Chinese city, I break this chapter down into three parts: 1) the original configuration and city planning techniques based upon Chinese traditions 2) the effects Western theories have had on the development of Chinese citie s, and 3) the current state of preservation within China's cities. Original Configuration and City Planning Techniques Built Upon Chinese Traditions As explained in Chapter IV, China's cities followed philosophical practices found th roughout East Asia, including man's connection to heaven and nature. Because of China's size and vast natural terrain, unique approaches developed. China's city planning connected to the theological conditions of the local populace. Proper preservation, therefore, would have to take this into consideration. Urban sites are found in China as early as 1600 BCE. F ormal configurations and urban developments start to take shape during the Shang Dynasty (1600 1050

PAGE 50

! =# BCE). Although the Shang Dynasty controlled territories were relatively small, their influence "extended far beyond its territorial limits" ultimately uniting the area in similar practices an d technological u s e s 72 Early in this peri od, the role of the government wa s not based just in military terms, but also "firmly grounded in reli gion and r i t u a l 73 This tradition would later have greater significance under the Zhou Dynasty (1050 256) and still later the tradition of the Mandate of Heaven, which stated that heaven would support the r uler, so lon g as he rules justly and w i s e l y 74 The mandate a product of Confucianism's influence on China, reinforced the symbolic connection between man and the cosmos, which would come into greater importance in the building of a national capital in lat er dynasties. During the Zhou Dynasty China's cultural practices of urban construction were well established and written in th e Rites of Zhou, which discuss the role and importance of city building at great length. Choosing a site for building a city wa s vital in establishing its harmonious connection with nature. In Zhou Dynasty city designs, "Chinese city planners were well aware that the fortunes of a city could be assured only if its sites were adopted to the local currents of the cosm ic breath ( c h i ) 75 This touches on the ancient practice of feng shui, "the art of adjusting the features of the cultural landscape so as to minimize adverse influences and derive maximum advantage from favorable conju nctions of form In this tradition, it is believed that the natural elements help to direct, form, and push this cosmic !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! _# Ebery, The Cambridge Illustrated History of China 23. _< Ebery, The Cambridge Illustrated History of China 25. _= Ebery, The Cambridge Illustrat ed History of China 31. _> !E8(%74(F+! )*"(1#C3-(34(-*"(F3./(53/%"/6 +!="G: !

PAGE 51

! =< energy. Equally important, however, is the man made structures added to the natural landscape. These structures also inf luence and form c h i 76 Therefore, understanding feng shui is cru cial in harnessing the cosmic energies inherent in the natural landscape. Chi was an important component to city building; its integration into the urban fabric added to the fortunes and fate of the city. In China, winds from the north were seen as unluc ky. Having water in and around the site was important. The features are still apparent in Chinese cities, including Beijing, and they continue to play and important role in the urban fabric of the city. Equally as important was the connection to the c osmos, or heaven. The earliest example of this is found in cardinal orientation, which "appeared very early in the arrangement of Chin ese urban f o r m s 77 Each cardinal direction was symbolically linked with a celestial entity. East was connected to the s un, West was connected to the moon, North, which signifies the bottom portion of the urban grid, was connected with the earth, and South, which signified the top of the urban gird, was connected to heaven. A main axis runs from south to north. This proce ssional way formed a symbolic guide, rather then a visual path, and housed the most important buildings of the city. Furthermore, the imperial capitals, and all structures within, faced south towards the dir ection of heaven This axis not only creates a symbolic processional and connection to heaven, but also !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! _T John Michell. "Foreword." Feng Shui: The Science of Sacred Landscape in Old China. Sixth Edition. (Tucson, Synergetic Press, 1988). Page v. __ !E8(%74(F+! )*"(1#C3-(34(-*"( F3./(53/%"/6 +!=#>: !

PAGE 52

! == establishes the ordering system for the rest of the city, which tended to be fixed along a grid s y s t e m 78 The formal layout of the Chinese city was rooted in symbolic tradition. Effects of Communi sm on the Development of China's Cities In the decades before 1949, China had lost much of its grandeur due to political instability However, it would be after 1949, under the People's Republic of China, that the greatest global influences on the polit ical and structural makeup of China would occur. Practitioners and guides were brought in from the Soviet Union to consult the Chinese government on proper city planning techniqu es. This ushered in a wave of S oviet influence, which often neglected Chinese urban traditions: "the Soviet city model [has] formed the basis of the socialist transformation of nearly all ur ban centers in C h i n a 79 T raditional city planning practices were pushed aside in favor of socialistic ideology. As a result, "a non Ch inese element in city planning has thus been successfully grafted onto the core of the Chi nese city since 1960 Instead of using the city as a way to connect with the cosmos, the cities were transformed to become great examples of the socialist society. H owever, the Communist view of preservation has been frequently ignored. While regulations and legislation of historic sites and areas were weak, efforts have been made throughout China since 1980. As a result, "western scholarship on Communist urban pl anning and conservation regulations has overlooked some genuine, though !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! _d !E8(%74(F+! )*"(1#C3-(34(-*"(F3./(53/%"/6 +!=<>: ! _G Victor Sit Beijing: The Nature and Planning of a Chinese Capital City (Chichest er: John Wiley and Sons, 1995). Page 249.

PAGE 53

! => scattered, preservation efforts happeni ng at the same t i m e 80 What is often ignored is how the ef forts of the Communist Party have shaped the landscape of the Chinese city. The imple mentation of these newly formed practices had an impact on the urban fabric and structural heritage in favor of modernization by making cities industrial, and later commercial, centers Ushered in by S oviet and capitalistic fervor, the cities and desig ns of the East began to c h a n g e 81 Ignoring the socialist agenda discounts efforts by the Chinese to define their modernized world view of preservation. Dismissal of the socialist impact by scholars bogs the preservation debate in philosophy and neglects the real issue the conflict between economic development and hi storic p r e s e r v a t i o n 82 Because China remains a communist country, defining preservation in China, and combating the econom ic development' s destruction of valuable sites is an ongoing struggle. Nonetheless, China has started to establish unique pr eservation practices that graft traditional practices with socialist ideology. In 1951, shortly after the establishment of the P eople's Republic of China, the communist government began pushing initiatives to save historic sites throughout China. In summary, these policies instructed local government to protect major historic structures or buildings and their a t t a c h m e n t s 83 In 1956, rural historic cities came under policy protection of the State Council. Efforts to name and list sites for protection started in 1961. However, the Cultural Revolution !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! dc Li, "Urban Landscapes as Publ ic History: The Chinese Context, Page 52. d" !Q301+! 1/"6"/C#%&(-*"(;3/20D6(E/",-(5#-#"6 +!"T#: ! d# Li, "Urban Landscapes as Publ ic History: The Chinese Context, Page 52. 83 Ya Ping Wang. "Planning and Conservation in Historic Chin ese Cities: The Case of Xi'an." The Town Planning R eview Vol. 71, No. 3 (July, 2000). Page 31 2.

PAGE 54

! =T (1966 1976) would start soon after and had a devastating impact on all the se efforts ; all preservation plans were seized and many histo ric structures throughout China that did not repres ent the new revolutionary ideas were altered or destroyed. During this time, "only informal instructions were given by the central government t hrough circulars or leaders' speeches." These instructions favored individual sites and monuments that were deemed of value to the national agenda; "little attention was given to the preservation of the environmental surroundings of important buildings an d the historic urban landscape as a w h o l e 84 Many sites, includi ng entire neighborhoods, were vul nerable to destruction in order to push a national philosophy. Formal preservation efforts started again in the 1980's. In 1982, the Protection of Hist oric Interests Act of the People's Republic of China formally decreed the designation process for historic sites and set into place strict planning codes for historic a r e a s 85 Also in 1982, the Cultural Asset Protection Law established different levels of importance on each historic site. Code restrictions in historic areas were enhanced under the Regulation of Building Heights of 1985 and the Land Use and Height Controls for the Old City of 1987. The goal of these initiatives was to expand preservation t o more tha n just individual s t r u c t u r e s 86 In 1992, Implementation Details of the Protection of Historic Interest Acts further enhanced these previous state codes. These plans aimed to emphasize each city's unique characteristics, to reflect the distincti ve local natural and !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! d= Wang, "Planning and Conservation in Historic Chin ese Cities, 328 d> Wang, "Planning and Conservation in Historic Chin ese Cities, 313. dT Li, "Urban Landscapes as Publ ic History: The Chinese Context, 53.

PAGE 55

! =_ historic features and to preserve existing land use p a t t e r n s 87 The national government established preservation policies. However, other interests were more valuable: economic pursuits and the progress of the national government. Current State of Preservation within China's Cities E conomic growth in China has led to destruction i n some of China's oldest cities. P reservation practices while facing t he hurdles of globalization, have maintained a Chinese traditional approach. China has been influenced by outside forces, such as Europe and the Soviet Union, but it has retained a uniquely Chinese perspective on preservation. Though development is a global effort, preservation should remain local. Nonetheless, international pres ervation charters ignore cultural traditions in places like China. Since the 1980's, China 's economy has grown considerably As a result of this expansion, "the historic town itself has changed dramatically. Many of the city's historical features and town sca pe have d i s a p p e a r e d 88 This is largely due to the economic expansion of China, where consumerism and productive growth are signs of prosperity. This mentality is obvious in the development of many sites throughout China's urban areas. The historic homes and districts are deemed "symbols of backwardness and poverty which had no pla ce in a 'modern c i t y 89 This le d to a !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! d_ Wang, "Planning and Conservation in Historic Chin ese Cities, 314. dd Wang, "Planning and Conservation in Historic Chin ese Cities, 328. dG Wang, "Planning and Conservation in Historic Chin ese Cities, 329.

PAGE 56

! =d widespread demand for a higher standard of living among the populace, which has resulted in widespread destruction of historic homes in favor of new construction. Essential in this process is the implementation of the master pl an approach in Chinese cities. W orking with developers, the city government initiates large scale economic growth and development through urban planning. Often, however, ambitious city planners are "increasingly unable to cope with the management of incremental change within the historic conservation a r e a s 90 This leave s the historic core of cities vul nerabl e to economic interest. While construction developments in historic cities might be considered as a reconstruction of the old in order to create modern use, it is ignoring the larger, symbolic principles inherent in traditional Chinese preservation not ions: the form and usage of the site is paramount. New construction often evicts the existing population in favor of a new, wealthier demographic, and does not carry the same forms as is traditionally found in historic areas. These individual homes and hi storic districts "contain more than bricks and mortarwhen the inhabitants are gone, the spirit of the place i s lost, i r r e v o c a b l y 91 This will be explored further using Beijing as an example, where building height which had been restricted since the Qing Dynasty has been ignored in favor of high rise residential structures. However, it is important to note that despite the creation of preservation codes and la ws throughout China, which did no t come into full effect unt il a 2003 ratification, the destruction of the historic fabric of China's cities was continuing in favor of political and economic gains. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ! Gc Wang, "Planning and Conservation in Historic Chin ese Cities, 329. G" Li, "Urban Landscapes as Publ ic History: The Chinese Context, 57.

PAGE 57

! =G The ancient city of Kunming in the Yunnan province represents the traditional Chinese city, in both the built form an d the urban layout. Buildings were constructed using wood and clay brick with decorated carved facades and sloping tiled roofs. A central axis, and north south alignment, is configured by the presence of small lanes that establish a strong gird system. In the 1990's, "sweeping urban change" occurred during China's rapid economic growth, and the "extensive historical city center quickly disappeared and the old city walls and gates simply v a n i s h e d 92 Small efforts were made to restore historic qualities, including the reconstruction of Ming pagodas that had been destroyed during the nineteenth century. However, forms of most redevelopment included large building s encompassing entire areas and stretching high above the traditional skyline: "old, small wo oden houses are replaced with new, up to 100 meter tall glass and steel s k y s c r a p e r s 93 This starte d to reshape the entire city, and t he form and use of the historic core rapidly changed Lack of sufficient funds and local government efforts left the rema ining historic structures in poor condition. A city partnership with Zurich started to take shape in an effort to stabilize and legitimize Kunming's preservation efforts. Specialists from Zurich's department of historic preservation went to Kunming to act as consultant s in the city's efforts. A 1996 p lan aimed to protect the historic center, but further planning developments along the north south axis provided little support. In 1997, zoning measures were introduced to protect historic areas and stop wide spread destruction. However, no "plan to enforce !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! G# Werner Stutz "Old Town Preservation in Kunming." Sustainable Urban and Regional Development in China DISP 151. April 2002. Page 73. G< Stutz, "O ld Town Preservation in Kunming, 74.

PAGE 58

! >c these protective measures" was p r o v i d e d 94 Several reasons led to this: lack of funds f or implementation, insufficient support in the local political system, and opposition from the property owners. By 199 8, the Zurich preservation division was playing a role in the progress of the city's planning in relation to preservation of historic areas. The Zurich team taught proper recording, evaluation, and analysis techniques "in order to support Chinese efforts to understand and assess the value of their cultural b u i l d i n g s 95 The "intensive exchanges between representatives from Kunming and Zurich" led to the 2000 establishment of the Kunming Historical Street Block and Building Protection Office, a historic pre servation division within the city's planning d e p a r t m e n t 96 Kunming adopted planning and preservation guidelines used by the Zurich team. Kunming can be seen as a great example of the progress of preservation in China. Large parts of the historic center a re being protected under the new provision established under the international partnership. Kunming's preservation division follows strict guidelines: "all of the houses are inventories, measured and d o c u m e n t e d 97 The goal is renovation of the existing s tructures in order to preserve the historic fabric and character of the city. And despite great progress, there is still "a lack of laws and models for all issues" of preservation within Kunming. Much of the local government's work is insufficient becaus e existing laws are not properly implemented The reason is because the local authorities do not want to limit potential growth and modernization. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! G= Stutz, "O ld Town Preservation in Kunming, 74. G> Stutz, "O ld Town Preservation in Kunming, 75. GT Stutz, "O ld Town Preservation in Kunming, 76. G_ Stutz, "O ld Town Preservation in Ku nming, 77.

PAGE 59

! >" Preservation developments in Kunming represent three main issues. First, the local socialist government i s ignoring traditional Chinese preservation practices for fear they might limit progress. Second, the local government and respective agencies are insufficient in implementing any real preserva tion efforts. Third, adopted preservation standards are based on European practices. These three issues stifle progress in the development and implementation of preservation codes on the local level throughout China. The result is a continued struggle to introduce preservation practices and the destruction of larg e areas of Chinese cities historic fabric as a result While Kunming has made great progress in tackling the issues of preservation, the adopted practices are inadequate to protect sites in accordance with local values. Ideally, p reservation standards s hould come from local traditional practices that are in correlation with local ideology, maintain local heritage traditions, and can potentially gain the support of a united community. This, ultimately, strengthens the longevity of the site and its preser vation.

PAGE 60

! ># CHAPTER VI. PRESERVATION IN BEIJING With the exception of the turbulent years between 1927 and 1949, Beijing has been the national capital of China for almost six hundred years. During t his time period, Beijing was the seat of government for two imperial dynasties (the Ming and Qing), the first capital of the Republic of China, and the current capital of the People's Republic of China. In every instance, Beijing's urban fabric was used to signify the po litical and philosophical beliefs of each form of government. Despite this fact, little has changed in the city's traditional features. Beijing's architecture and urban planning, as well as its latter preservation efforts, make it a great example of both East Asian and Chinese architectural development and preservation practices. This section will be broken into nine parts: 1) a general overview on the origins of Beijing as the national capital, 2) the urban planning and configuration of Beijing, 3) Beij ing as an example of East Asian architectural development and urban planning, 4) the semi colonial influences on Beijing, 5) socialism's influence on Beijing, 6) preservation practices in modern Beijing, 7) the reason for failing preservation practices in Beijing 8) traditional features present in contemporary Beijing, and 9) the current changes and pressures on the preservation of Beijing 's fabric The aim of this section is to examine the historical traditions of architectural and planning developments i n Beijing, how these have been carried throughout Beijing's history, and ultimately how these traditions and developments are being addressed in contemporary preservation practices. I argue that only traditional local preservation practices can properly p rotect and maintain Beijing's built

PAGE 61

! >< heritage. Origins of Beijing as the National C apital of China The area around present day Beijing was generally favored by former northern states and dynasties for the location of their capital city These earlier urban structures helped to form the location and configuration of Beijing, based on traditional planning principles. In 1260, in the aftermath of the Mongol Invasion of China, Kublai Khan built the new imperial capital of Da Du. The Yuan city was describ ed "as one of the grandest and most cosmopolitan cities in the w o r l d 98 The reign of the Mongols was brief, and the Ming Army occupied Da Du by 1368, at which time the name was changed to Beiping Fu Although a Ming capital had been originally built in Na njing, the Yongle Emperor, Cheng Zu, "naturally preferred his own power base, Beipin g, as his new c a p i t a l 99 Furthermore, the decision was rooted in "geography, history, politics, the military and concern s over minority r a c e s 100 Threats of northern invas ion made Beijing a strategically defensive site. It was a long process to make the Mongol city into the new capital of the Ming Dynasty. In 1403, the name of the city was changed from Beiping, to Beijing, meaning Northern Capital. By 1406, the Emperor h ad been granted a full request to start construction on the new Beijing, which included over 300,000 workers. In 1420, Beijing !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Gd !Q301+! 1/"6"/C#%&(-*"(;3/20D6(E/",-(5#-#"6 +!"=": ! GG !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!>=: ! "cc !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!>>:

PAGE 62

! >= was declared the national capital of the Ming Dynasty after the completion of the palace and its a l t a r s 101 The city was built to reflect the political, social, and philosophical beliefs of the Ming Dynasty. Its grand construction and scale was unprecedented and would make it the undisputed capital of China for the next 500 years. When the Ming Dynasty was defeated, and the Qing Dynasty formed in 1644 Beijing remained the capital. The Manchurian based Qing Dynasty retained Beijing "for similar strategic and home base' considerati ons as the M o n g o l i a n s 102 The cosmic energy of the site was equally considered; it was generally bel ieved that the success of a city was correlated with its relationship with chi, or cosmic e n e r g y 103 The position of Beijing in the landscape, as well as the structural development of the city, was in line with the traditional philosophical beliefs of a nat ural order and energy: mountains to the north, presence of water, connection to southern sky, and protection for northern winds. This will be explained further when I discuss the construction and urban planning of the city based upon East Asian traditiona l practices. The important thing to note is that Beijing is built on a specific site for a variety of reasons: geography, philosophy, political, historical meaning, and territorial control over local populace. For these reasons, Beijing became the nation al prototype for proper city building. With the collapse of the Qing Dynasty, Beijing's role as the capital of China ended The turbulent climate of the Republic of China resulted in the eventual fragmentation of China into numerous states controlled by various warlords with varying !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ! "c" !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!>=: ! "c# !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!>>: ! "c< !E8(%74(F+! )*"(1#C3-(34(-*"(F3./(53/%"/6 +!="G:

PAGE 63

! >> aims. National parties, including the Nationalists and the Communists, sought "to create a new type o f political c e n t r e 104 Eventually, the Nationalist gained the upper hand and moved the national capital from Beijing to N anjing (meaning southern capital). However, China's fate was uncertain: by 1932, Japan had gained control of Manchuria, the northeastern region of China. Further aggression led to rising tensions between the Nationalists and Japan. Eventually much of eastern China was under Japanese control. From 1937 until the end of World War II in 1945, Beijing, the great imperial capital of China, w as under Japanese o c c u p a t i o n 105 Internal conflicts continued until the Communist party claimed victory. In 1949, Beijing was declared the capital of the People's Republic of China. Although little of the traditional urban fabric was altered, planning eff orts sought to reshape Beijing into a mod ern socialist c a p i t a l 106 Beijing continued to represent the political and philosophical ideals of the national government. Urban Planning and Historical C onfiguration of Beijing Beijing stands as one of the gr eat examples of the Chinese worl dview of city b u i l d i n g 107 The inherent cultural qualities of city planning are still present, despite the influence of international preservation bodies during the past century that do not address the intangible values prese nt in Chinese preservation traditions. Due to the city's !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "c= Ebery, The Cambridge Illustrated History of China Page 273. "c> Ebery, The Cambridge Illustrated History of China Page 282. "cT !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!#=_: ! "c_ !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!_=: !

PAGE 64

! >T relationship to the imperial government, China's traditional city bu ilding elements are on a grander scale tha n what is found in other cities. Historically, "the frame and internal ordering of the Chinese city ten ded to be f i x e d 108 Beijing's structural fabric follows six standard: 1) the con figuration of the original city' s four parts consisting of the Palace City, Imperial City, Inner City, and Outer City, 2) a strong central axis, 3) connection to the cosmos, 4) a connection to cosmic and natural energy, and 5) walls and gates of the city establishing structure. Each of these parts will be explored in greater detail below. A ll of these parts come together to represent a whole: a unique set of s tandards for Chinese urban planning based on East Asian architectural principles. The first standard in Beijing's built form is the configuration of the city. Each site along Beijing's central axis has cultural, political, or social importance in the Ch inese worldview. The location and placement of each site has been carefully designed along hierarchical s t a n d a r d s 109 The result is a completed axis, anchored on either end. This south to north alignme nt was of greater importance tha n any orientation from east to west. And this arrangement is fully realized by the south ern alignment of all s t r u c t u r e s 110 This structural alignment helps to create geometric order to the entire city. All other roads were oriented off of this main axis, helping to define the configuration of Beijing. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "cd !E8(%74(F+! )*"(1#C3-(34(-*"(F3./(53/%"/6 +!=<>: "cG !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!Tc: ! ""c !E8(%74(F+! )*"(1#C3-(34(-*"(F3./(53/%"/6 +!=#>: !

PAGE 65

! >_ Figure VI.1 Beijing's Central Axis Beijing has four parts to the configuration of the Old City: the Palace City, the Imperial City, the Inner City, and the Outer City. Each of these parts is still present in Beijing's urban fabric. Despite the rapid growth of central and historic Beijing in the last twenty years, much of the original design and relationship with the four parts are still inherent. The Palace City was originally known as Zi Jan Cheng, or the Purple Forbidden City. In Western cultures, the site became known as j ust the Forb idden C i t y 111 Originally a square, the Palace City was extended south to incorporate the Altars of !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! """ !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!Tc: !

PAGE 66

! >d Grains and Soils and the Ancestral Temple, which were built to heighten the emperor's (also known as the sage king) behavioral role in the philosophical as w e ll as political r e a l m s 112 The core of the Palace City is arranged along six buildings: the Hall of Supreme Harmony, the Hall of Complete Harmony, the Hall of Preserving Harmony, the Palace of Heavenly Purity, the Palace of Earthy Peace, and the Hall of Im perial Peace in the Imperial Gardens. These buildings "were so designed and located to symbolize the status of the Son of Heaven" so that the king's administrative power worked "in such a way that the yin and yang ethers interacted smoothly and that all p eople observed the sacrifices an d rituals a c c o r d i n g l y 113 All of the main structures, and corresponding processional gates, were located along the central axis. The Palace City is a rectangular site located just south of the center of the city. The palac e's most important buildings are located along the central axis. This placement helps "to strengthen the importanc e of the central a x i s 114 Furthermore, this layout reinforces the importance of the Zhouli, or the Rites of Zhou, in Chinese urban planning; the entire site is divided evenly along the axis. This separates the palace into yin and yang, coming together on the axis to establish a harmonious whole. This is achieved through "the location and delegation of function of the three Big Halls, and in th e ordering of th e main palatial g a t e s 115 The Palace City's location in Beijing follows the basic principles of Zhouli, emphasizing the centrality of !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ""# !@. 7+! !"#$#%& +!T=: ! ""< !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!Tc: ! ""= !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!_=: ! ""> !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!_T:

PAGE 67

! >G the sovereign leader. The site faces south towards Heaven, emphasizing the connection between man and the cosmos. The Imperial City is the larger area surrounding the Palace City. This includes the watercourses to the Ea st, which is based on a feng shui principle that calls for the presence of water near a sovereign site. The area served the Palace City a nd was the administrative center for Beijing and China. The Imperial City extended south of the main gate, along the main axis, to form the administrative center of the city. Forming a large square, known today as Tiananmen Square, the extension "enhance d the preponderant fee ling of the main g a t e 116 Furthermore, the open space served as the governing hub for China: "the central ministries were marsh aled on the two sides It is important to note, for preservation purposes, the advent of Tiananmen Square during the Ming Dynasty as the site of the national government; this tradition would continue to present day. The Inner City is the larger area that encompasses both the Imperial and Palace City. The area is located along similar configurations as the Y uan City of Da Du, built in the advent of the Mongolian invasion. However, the northern track of the Yuan city had been largely left empty. During the Ming construction, the northern wall was brought closer in for defense purposes, almost 2.5 km to the s outh. Later, the southern wall was extended out from the center "to accommodate the enlarged palace City" after the addition of two a l t a r s 117 The center of Da Du, marked by a Drum and Bell Tower, now anchored the northern end of the central axis. Beijing 's construction during the Ming !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ""T !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!>d: ! ""_ !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!>T:

PAGE 68

! Tc Dynasty followed many of the same Confucian principles seen in the Yuan Dynasty's Da Du. By the sixteenth century, Beijing was in need of more room. New construction and settlements had sprung up south of the main city. T his area started under the Yuan Dynasty, and grew under the Ming. Concern that the southern growth was exposed, the Ming Dynasty started constructio n on the Outer City in 1 5 5 3 118 The reason for building a new wall was defense. However, a lack of funds to complete the wall properly resulted in Beijing 's unusual s h a p e 119 Most Chinese cites are square or rectangle, a geometric shape that symbolized the earth. The 1420 construction of Beijing included the "two major ceremonial structures to the far south" of the Temple of Heaven and the Temple of A g r i c u l t u r e 120 The 1553 wall protected and enclosed the Temples ; they anchored the southern end of the central axis, which was now fully p rotected by the city walls. The f our parts of the original Ming City are still present in Beijing's current layout and configuration. However, some changes have occurred: one significant change is the varying use of different names for gates and sites Furthermore, the removal of the city walls in the 1950s around the perimeter has changed the historic function and use. Nonetheless, the general configuration has remained largely the same: "there was no visible change throughout its long history sin ce completion in 1 4 2 0 121 Beijing has, for !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ! ""d !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!>d: ! ""G !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!Tc: ! "#c !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!>d: ! "#" !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!Tc: !

PAGE 69

! T" almost six hundred years, remained true to its original design and intentional use of space. The four parts, the Palace City, Imperial City, Inner City, and Outer City, are still inherently part of Beijing's urban fabric. Beijing's specific forms and layout are rooted in traditional practices. The reasons are based on two main points. First, the control of urbanization was achieved through a hierarchy of order and value. The main objective was "to use the layou t of the national capital to strengthen the use of rites in the building of cities, hence the maintenance of law and orderliness, the main purpose of the r i t e s 122 These inherent traditions, to construct order and harmony into the specified sites, are root ed in the traditional practices of urban planning. Second, the "detailed appropriation of land within the city wall and the size of the city" were based on an ancient traditional survey practice, where the plot of land is divided into nine equal spaces. From this, "land tenure and l and tax were arranged The ordering, and therefore the layout, of Beijing are based on specific guidelines outlined in ancient practices. These traditional practices are not unique to Beijing, but rather help to develop the Chinese worldview of urban planning, which is, in turn, based on East Asian practices. The second standard, and one of the strongest features of Beijing, is the central axis that runs south to north through the center of the city. The axis houses the m ost important political and cultural structures of the city that help to characterize national identity. This axis serves as a processional through the city. It is not meant to be a visual experience. Rather, it serves a symbolic representation and "its full sweep was never !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "## !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!T<: !

PAGE 70

! T# revealed at one time or from one p o i n t 123 Its reve al is in "a succession of varied spaces integrated into an axial whole From the southern wall to the northern wall, the central axis is over 8,500 meters long, or 8.5 kilometers (5 .3 miles). The Palace City alone is over a mile long. Due to the scale, the axis is not meant to be read as a whole. Rather it is a symbolic gesture. The east west oriented roads were confined and dominated by the south north axis This central alignm ent was part of the Ming Dynasty's original design for Beijing. Although changes have occurred over the city's six hundred year history the central axis has been maintained and continues to serve as the seat of the nation's most important political and c ultural assets. During the Ming Dynasty, the building of Coal Hill, at the center of the city, enhanced the central axis. The Drum and Bell Towers anchored the norther n portion, while the Temple of Heaven and the Temple of Agricult ure anchored the s o u t h 124 This not only reinforced the importance of the central axis, but also extended it with greater presence throughout the entire city. The central axis housed the most important buildings of the capital. These structures, their roles, architecture, and cultural significance represented the ideologies of the entire nation. Beijing's symbolic role has continued to the present. The Temple of Heaven and the Temple of Agriculture anchor the southern portion of the Old City. The Temple of Agriculture, locat ed on the western side of the central axis, was built during the Ming Dynasty to serve as a temple for sacrifice. During the contemporary period, the original temple site has been reduced. The important structures still stand and have been rehabilitated by foreign investors throughout the 1990's. Today the site's use is !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "#< !E8(%74(F+! )*"(1#C3-(34(-*"( F3./(53/%"/6 +!=#>: ! "#= !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!_T:

PAGE 71

! T< restricted. Located just to the east is the Temple of Heaven, built in 1420 as part of the original Ming construction of Beijing. The site was historically used as a temple for heaven w orship. After 1949, the temple grounds fell into disrepair. The site has been resurrected and is now used as a Taoist worship space. The large complex has been preserved and covers a large portion of the Old City's southeastern section. Further north up the axis is Tiananmen Square and the surrounding administrative center of Beijing. Zhengyanmen acts as the processional gate to this area. Zh engyanmen, which translates as front gate,' was built in 1420 and features strong Ming architectural features Tiananmen Square is positioned between Zhengyangmen, to the south, and Tiananmen, or Gate of Heavenly Peace, to the north. Although Tiananmen was built in 1420, the corresponding Square was not built until later. The imperial palace, just north of Tia nanmen, was extended south to encompass the processional w ay starting at Zhengyangmen. Tiananmen Square was built, and along the sides, administrative galleries served as the administrative center for the Ming Emperor. This use, as an administrative cent er, has continued to the present. The square, and the surrounding buildings, grew in size through the Qing period. The current design was completed in the 1950's. Government buildings flank the square, east and west, which include the Great Hall of the People. The National Museum of China, also built during the 1950's, became the cultural center for the socialist nation. In 2007, the National Centre for the Performing Arts was completed just west of Tiananmen Square and the central axis. The National C enter for the Performing Arts is the national arena for all types of performances, "which reflects the enhanced comprehensive national strength in

PAGE 72

! T= the cultural field" and is "the supreme palace of performing arts in C h i n a 125 This site stands as a place for cultural celebration and exploration that expands the artistic grounds of both the party and the state. The construction of the National Centre for the Performing Arts reinforced Beijing, and its central axis, as the center of culture and influence for China in the twenty first century. Beyond Tiananmen is the famed Palace City, better known today as the Forbidden City. This massive complex, said to house an exact 9,999 rooms, was the seat of power for the sovereign leader of China. In the same fashion as the rest of Bei jing, the Palace City was laid out in a precise order. The most important structures, which signify harmony and a cosmic connection, are located along Beijing's central axis. This divides the Palace City i nto two halves, representing the yin and yang of universal order. The Forbidden City was built in 1420, under the Ming Dynasty, to serve as seat of government and power for China. This legacy continued until the last emperor, the Xuantong Emperor, was ex pelled from the palace in 1924 under a turbulent political shift of power. Today, the Forbidden City represents the cultural legacy of China's long imperial history. Open to the public, it serves the Chinese people and functions as a museum to the tradit ions of China. Just north of the Forbidden City is Coal Hill. Constructed in 1420, using mud obtained from the construction of the waterwork s east of the Forbidden City, t his site represents the center of Beijing. Coal Hill is a layered site and serves several functions in the implementation of Chinese city planning onto Beijing. The importance of Beijing's !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "#> National Centre for the Performing Arts. "Mission Statement." CHNCPA.org. (Accessed September, 2011).

PAGE 73

! T> centrality and the practice of feng shui, and Coal Hill's role with both, will be discussed in greater detail below. The Drum and Bell Towers mark the northern end of the central axis within the Old City. Centered within a historic hutong neighborhood, the Drum and Bell Towers are connected by a small public sq uare. Originally built in 1272 during Kublai Khan's Yuan Dynasty, the Drum and Bell To wer s marked the center of Da Du, a role that would be replaced by Coal Hill during the Ming Dynasty. Many alterations have occurred, but the Yuan form of the structures still stand. Originally built for musical purposes and marking the procession of time, t he site is now a popular tourist hub in the northern hutong districts. In traditional Beijing, the Drum and Bell Towers anchored the northern end of the central axis. The Beijing Olympic Complex, completed in 2008, extended the axis north. The site re presented a celebration of China, its culture, and its hopeful future. To the Chines e government, the 2008 Olympic G ames were a symbolic end to 150 years of humiliation by outside powers and a confirmation of its status as a global power, and the Olympi c Green, at the very northern portion of the central axis, represents China's progress in the w o r l d 126 Several sites make up the large complex, including the National Stadium, popularly known as the Bird's Nest, the National Aquatic Center, or the Water Cu be, and the extensive Olympic Park, which marks the northern end of the central axis. Beijing's configuration is built on philosophical traditions, and establishes a set hierarchy of cultural and political importance The layout of the buildings, the ro le of the !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "#T Peter Ford. "The Olympics in China: a moment of pride and world scrutiny." The Christian Science Monitor January 7, 2008.

PAGE 74

! TT central axis, and the design of the city's four parts in relation to the city walls add to the value of the city. This urban fabric is still p resent in Beijing. It is still adhered to, despite the redevelopment occurring throughout the city. T his shows that the philosophical approaches to planning and building are still followed. The third standard of Beijing urban design i s the city's connection to the cosmos, or h eaven, as an important element in the urban fabric of the city. This traditio nal concept, seen throughout China's long history of urban planning, consists of a historic capital that take s on a geometric shape with the sage king at the center where he can observe a nd connect with h e a v e n 127 This is exemplified in Beijing by the centr al site of Coal Hill. The responsibilities of Coal Hill as the center of Beijing are rep resented in what it signifies: f irst, it is "located at the center axis of the city, as well as forming its new geographic c e n t r e 128 The former geographic center, the Drum and Bell Towers, were now positioned to the north, but remained part of the central axis. Therefore, Coal Hill not only strengthens the central axis, but also came to represent the central point of the city. According to Chinese principles, this ce ntrality links the site, and the city, with the cardinal points and their corresponding cosmic entity. In each direction, a temple is signifies this relationship: the Temple of Heaven in the south, the Temple of the Sun in the east, the Temple of the Eart h in the north, and the Temple o f the Moon in the w e s t 129 The center point represents mankind. More important, Coal Hill was used as a reflective !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "#_ !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!T=: ! "#d !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!>d: ! "#G !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!_T: !

PAGE 75

! T_ space by the Emperor. Therefore, this centrality and its connection to the cosmos came to represent the Emperor as the connection between man and heaven. Second, Coal Hill was built on the destroyed site of Throne Hill, the seat of power for the sovereign leader of the new Yuan Dynasty. By demolishing and re characterizing Throne Hill as Coal Hi l l inhabitants "suppressed the bad omen of a former defeated dynasty" and diminished any chances for the reviv al of the Yuan D y n a s t y 130 The third signifier of Coal Hill's representation at the city's center is its role in establishing feng shui principles on the urba n fabric. Coal Hill is located just north of the Palace C ity. Chinese tradition believes that "an auspicious site should be on the slope protected by the mountain on its northern side The protected site is the Palace City. Coal Hill conforms to the traditions of the natural flows of energy in order to prote ct the sovereign leader from any potential dangers. Because of these basic principles, Coal Hill's role as the center of Beijing represents the philosophical and cultural values inherent in the contemporary urban landscape. Furthering man's connection to the cosmos is the configuration of the city and its structure. In accordance with tradition, all the imperial capitals faced south, including all sites built withi n the city w a l l s 131 As mentioned above, the cardinal direction of south represented Heaven. Therefore, Chinese city planners directed the city, and respective buildings, south. This was meant to create a strong relationship between man and the cosmos. The sage king, or the ruler of China, was meant to have both a spiritual and philosophical c onnection to the cosmos in order to be a more just and effective leader, !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ":

PAGE 76

! Td which is a connection that was to deno te favor and knowledge for the k ing. This tradition was not just philosophical; it also shaped the design of the capital city. The practice of connecting the city to the cosmos is first found in the ancient book, The Zhouli or The Rites of Zhou which outlined what would be later classified as the Chinese world view of city planning. These rules were first documented during the Zhou Dynasty an d have been implemented into Chinese city planning until the e nd of the Qing D y n a s t y 132 The Rites of Zhou and The Book of Changes use a connection to the cosmos to construct basic rules for city building: in the configuration, orientation, axiality, and nam ing of sites. This would become even more apparent with the introduction of feng shui princi ples on city planning Beijing, a construct of a later dynasty, is a combination of these principles: a strong central axis, the orientation of a grid, the import ance of centrality, and the connection to the cardinal direction. The main goal of traditional urban planning is to connect man with the cosmos. This can be achieved through the above mentioned ways, as well as symbolizing qualities of the c osmos on the urban landscape. For example, i n the southern portion of the Palace City, "the emperor skirted a curved water course, Jin Sui He, which sym bolized the Milky W a y 133 The symbolism and the construct of the cosmos are established in the configuration of the city. Beijing's urban planning principles are at the heart of China's cultural traditions. A connection to energy is the fourth standard for Beijing's built form. In feng shui, there are basic principles when choosing a site. The most important are p rotection !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "<# !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!T<: ! "<< !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!T>: !

PAGE 77

! TG from northern winds by mountains, the presence of water nearby, and strong and stable s o i l 134 Beijing is considered a good site in feng shui: "it is well protected from lofty mountains to its west, north and north east in a horseshoe shape. In f ront of it are nine winding streams in a v ast curved coastal plain." Furthermore, Beijing is a site full of vital gas which ga thers and stays t h e r e 135 The entire city follows these basic feng shui principles. But even inside the city, for protection to the Palace City at the core, these principles are present. The e mperor of China, as the sovereign leader of the nation, was believed to be located at the center of the universe. He was, therefore, the connection between eart h and the cosmos. Because of this universal centrality, it was believed that the location of the emperor represented the duel existence of yin and yang. The structures of the Palace City help to establish this belief: the Kun Ning Gong or the Palace of Pacific Yin and the Qian Qin g Gong or the Palace of Pure Yang, were the houses for the Emperor and the Empress, thus representing the female and the masculine, or yin and yang. Located between these two structures was the Jiao Tai Tien, or the Hall of Intercourse, where yin and yang i n t e r s e c t e d 136 Furthermore, the Palace City is divided by the central axis, splitting site into two parts. These parts represent yin and yang, and come together on the central axis to establish harmony. The center of the Palace complex is the Hall of Su preme Harmony, which housed the sovereign leader of China. It is humbling to recognize greater forces that even the emperor must adhere to. The use of yin and yang !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "<= !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!T_: ! "<> !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!T_: ! ":

PAGE 78

! _c idea helped to establish the configuration and the layout of the entire city, but it also gave definition and form to the layout of the built form within the Palace City. Equally as important is the configuration and construction of cities to be in collaboration with natural elements and energies. As the capital city it is Beijing's responsibility to speak to larger cultural and philosophical values. Chinese tradition says that the capital "should be where Heaven and Earth are in perfect accord, where the four seasons come together, where the winds and rains gather, where the forced of yin and yang are h a r m o n i z e d 137 The central axis con nects man to nature and to the h eavens. Every structure faces south, towards h eaven. The city, in the larger scheme of the universe, sits north, the cardinal direction symbo lic of earth and man. Y in and y ang are balanced in the city by the location of the altars in each of the cardinal directions: the Altar of the Earth in the north, t he Altar of Heaven in the south, t he Altar of the Sun in the east, and the Altar of the Moon in the west. The corr esponding elements align together in their respected yin and yan g sections of the c i t y 138 The axis itself represents the separation between yin and yang. The most important sites are located along this axis, which are meant to be in perfect ac cord and h a r m o n y 139 The creation of Coal Hill, located along the central axis just north of the Palace City, also symbolizes an important part of man's connection with nature. Coal Hill was formed in conjunction with feng shui principles, which says that a site of gr eat importance, such as the Palace City, should !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "<_ !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!T>:!! ! "
PAGE 79

! _" be pr otected from the n o r t h 140 This man made mountain was formed in order to protect the sovereign leader from the bad energies that flow from the north. This tradition conforms to principles that value the role and presence of a natural energy and specifically addresses the importance of city building in the relationship between man and chi. This is important to preservation for two reasons: first, it shows an awareness of traditional planning and building p ractices that are unique to Beijing. Second, the modern use and form of the site, as a reflection space and open space north at the center of the city, shows the continuation of traditional values. The site has been preserved in accordance to proper Chin ese preservation traditions because it is seen as an important addition to Beijing culture and city planning. Architectural elements can represent the larger ideas of natural order. Each of the five directions, which include the center, makes up the worl d. Furthermore, these can be represented in architecture, through basic geometric shapes: square represents the earth and ci rcle represents h e a v e n 141 The entire city conforms to basic philosophical principles inherent in the traditions of Confucianism and Taoism that promote a connection to positive energies: the strong central axis, the placement of gates, and the configuration of sites. Furthermore, throughout the city, structures, often named for their respective philosophy, symbolize a connection to a larger natural order The idea behind this is that if the city is connected to the natural energies of the world, it will have greater advantages and well being. Through proper city planning, the day to day activities can !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "=c !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!_=: ! "=" !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!Td: !

PAGE 80

! _# be interwoven with "the Chinese world view of the interaction of the two wor lds of man and n a t u r e 142 This order structure was part of the original construction of Beijing and is still represented in the urban fabric today. This is because it follows basic philosophical values that are at the core of Chinese cultural heritage. The fifth standard in Beijing's built form is the use of walls and gates in the city to establish order and configuration. The walls and gates of the city served two main functions for my study: first, the wall s enclosed and structured the configuration the city, and secondly, the walls and gates were built and named in the tradition of Confucian and Taoist philosophies. This emphasizes the Chinese worldview of city planning and the connection between place and philosophy. Of course, the Chinese city wall's first priority was defense. Yet it can be argued that "in no other instance in urban history had such giant fortifications been constructed as an integral part of the design of an immense m e t r o p o l i s 143 The Yuan's capital had a much larger configuration then the present Ming Dynasty city; the original northern wall much further north. During the 1420 Ming construction of Beijing, the northern wall was reduced south, closer to the city's center, for defensiv e purposes. Later, with the construction of a larger Palace City, the southern wall was extended further s o u t h 144 Beijing was now square. Squares and rectangles, in Chinese architecture, signify earth; circles represent the H e a v e n s 145 The configuration o f 1420 Beijing was set along a set Chinese worldview of city planning. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "=# !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!d": ! "=< !Q301+! 1/"6"/C#%&( -*"(;3/20D6(E/",-(5#-#"6 +!"Tc: ! "== !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!>T: ! "=> !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!TG:

PAGE 81

! _< By the sixteenth century, however, Beijing had overgrown its walls. Settlements had been established in the south, around the Temple of Agriculture and the Temple of Heaven. In 1663 construction on the Outer City began, in order to enclose the southern settlements within the city; defense was the main objective. However, lack of funds and materials resulted in Beijing's unique shape: the inner city is a square and the outer city is a horizontal r e c t a n g l e 146 The unusual shape does not diminish its role in representing the traditional Chinese city. Instead the wall and the corresponding gates were built to exemplify philosophical beliefs. One objective was to connect the city's co nfiguration to the cosmos; the main gates "to the north, east, and west were named after cardinal p o i n t s 147 Religious values were also implemented into the function of the wall and the gates. Eleven of Beijing's gates "and their orientations represent[ed ] the body of Ne Zha, a Taoist god that is re garded as i m p r e g n a b l e 148 This not only tied Beijing to Taoist traditional beliefs, but was also believed to protect the city from harm. Furthermore, a central gate along the northern wall, along the central axis, was removed from the city wall during the Ming period. This was done "to keep the vital gas of auspicious ethers within the c i t y 149 The walls, and the correct placement of gates, protected the city from bad energy and held in valuable energy. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ! "=T !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!Tc: ! "=_ !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!Tc: ! "=d !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!_T: ! "=G !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!_T: !

PAGE 82

! _= In an effort to modernize the city and to create a stronger political and economic center, the walls were destroyed in the 1950's In their place, ring highways were built to bring people into the center of the city with greater ease. Ultimately, however, "Beijing lost a singular opportunity to reconcile the ancient city and t he cont emporary m e t r o p o l i s 150 The ring roads follow the site of the original walls, which maintain the original configuration. However, the walls had greater value than configuration. T he feng shui and philosophical principles are lost. The connection to the natural energies and the cosmos are lost. If East Asian preservation is about form and use, then the removal of the walls altered the historic fabric of Beijing. The form is gone and the use, both the tangible the symbolic meaning of what the wall s represented, is gone. Beijing as E xample of East Asian and Chinese Urban Planning Traditions An interesting feature of Beijing's old city walls was the lack of a central gate along the northern portion of the wall The centrality, processiona l importance, and significance of the main axis would suggest the presence of a northern central gate. But there was not a northern central gate. Why? As examined previously, the reason is based in Chinese planning traditions: the lack of the gate keeps "the vital gas of auspicious e thers within the c i t y 151 The natural energies of the site must be maintained for the betterment and success of the city. This idea is rooted in f eng shui beliefs. This practice !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ">c !Q301+! 1/"6"/C#%&( -*"(;3/20D6(E/",-(5#-#"6 +!"Tc: ! ">" !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!_T: !

PAGE 83

! _> connects the Chinese capital to the larger id eas of the region; East Asia has strong traditions of connecting man with the cosmic energies, or chi. The philosophical traditions inherent in East Asian planning are part of the layout and ordering systems of Beijing: the strong central axis, the use of walls and gates to control the natural flow of energy, and the construction of mountains and w a t e r c o u r s e s 152 These are all traditional East Asia traditions based in the belief that man and nature can be connected through proper planning techniques. The u se of the axis and cardinal orientations connects the urban landscape with the cosmos. This tradition is seen in both Kyoto and Beijing, the ancient national capital s of China and J a p a n 153 Furthermore, feng shui principles are part of the structural fab ric of Tokyo as well as Chinese capital cities, including Beijing. In Tokyo, Japan, each cardinal direction corresponded with natural elements and symbolic meaning: east and Hirakawa as the river and the blue dragon, south and Edo Bay as lake and the red phoenix, west and Tokaldo as the major road and the white tiger, and north and Kimachi as the mountain and black tortoise. Each of these elements brought good fortunes to the city and protected from unlucky elements from the nor theast and southwest d i r e c t i o n 154 This can also be seen in Beijing, with the construction of wa terways in the east, Coal Hill to block winds from the north, and the construction of gates to replicate a Taoist deity. Feng shui principles are an important part of the construction of East Asian cities. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "># !E8(%74(F+!Q8(!I.P)7!)N!78(!J)39!B)90(96+!=#<: ! ">< !Q301+! 1/"6"/C#%&( -*"(;3/20D6(E/",-(5#-#"6 +!<_": ! 154 Yonemoto, Marcia. "Modern History of Japan: Urbanization." University of Colorado Boulder. February, 2009.

PAGE 84

! _T The use of geometry and ordering systems, for hierarchical purposes, helped t o give shape to the ancient East Asian cities. These values helped to define the East Asian worldview of urban planning. The configuration f Beijing along a grid system oriented along the cardinal directions. In Tokyo, a hierarchical political and socia l geography helped to form the configuration of the city. The castle of the royal family was at the center, which housed the shogun, the family, and close relations. To the west of the castle compound lived the extended family of the shogun. Along the f irst spiral moat, located at the northern gate, was the administration and warriors in counsel for the castle g r o u n d s 155 A set ordering system is established in East Asian cities. Although there are apparent differences in the establishment of the hierarc hy, the standards for configuration are present throughout. Beijing is part of this tradition. It is connected to both its local history, and the traditions of the region. Beijing Under Socialism As it has been mentioned, China wa s never under direct colonial rule. D ue to the unequal treaties throughout the nineteenth century, much of China's power and land control including Beijing was divid ed up between foreign countries This, however, did not directly alter Beijing's cultura lly rich urban fabric. Throughout the nineteenth century, Beijing saw several conflict arise, including an internal uprising of 1000,000 people who penetrated the walls of the Forbidden City in protest in 1813 and the foreign !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ">> !a)0(M)7)+!,V92%0.5%7.)0:;

PAGE 85

! __ occupation of Beijing in the wake of the Boxe r Rebellion in 1 9 0 0 156 Although these events caused some destruction and disturbance, Beijing was largely left alone. If nothing else, the uprisings and occupation solidified Beijing's role as the center of the nation's identity. The grea test effect foreign involvement had on Beijing was the Chinese government's decision to move the national capital to Nanjing in 1927 due to the rising presence of foreign in volvement in the n o r t h 157 Because Beijing was built as the national capital and sym bolized the national ideal for city building, this move was damaging. By 1937, Beijing was under Japanese occupation. Modern views on Beijing during the foreign invasion have highlighted changes of the tradition built fabric in two main areas, according to the 1987 book History of Chinese Construction The foreign invasion caused changes to the existing structures because of the construction of new structures built in line with the invading forces' ideals This is found in specific districts of foreign control, where certain buildings or designated areas came under foreign influence. The second change is the alteration of well established cities due to foreign involvement and e x c h a n g e 158 This can be foun d in a city like Shanghai, where the planning and urban fabric of the city was altered due to foreign influence. Most of the cities affected by these changes were along the coast and part of the original treaty ports foreign occupied cities located along China's eastern coast !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ">T Ebery, The Cambridge Illustrated History of China 240 and 256. ">_ !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!d<: ! ">d !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!d#: !

PAGE 86

! _d The greatest foreign threat to Beijing 's historic urban fabric would be implemented by the Chinese themselves after they adopted Western based communism as their political ideology. In 1949, the People's Republic of China was est ablished. That same year, Soviet planning experts were invited to Beijing to assist it implementing a new vision for the city's future. The goal was to keep Beijing as the symbol of the ideal national city and the hub of national political and cultural i dentity, only this time it would uphold socialist principles. The result was "modern town planning on China's centuries old national capital started under the sway of Soviet planning con cepts and m e t h o d o l o g y 159 Despite the influence, much of China's trad itional principles of urban planning remained. The result was a combination of "the socialist movement, which was both foreign and domestically imbued, and the traditiona l Chinese world v i e w 160 I n the beginning of the twenty first century, this would pro ve to be a unique foundation for new planning practices in China. However, in the post 1949 period, the Chinese government seemed pressured to prove itself as a stabilized socialist government and sought urban planning as a way to incorporate Soviet ideol ogy. Much of the internal changes of Beijing occurred because of "the advent of Communism had given the government control of all the pro perties of the c i t y 161 As a result, the government, under Soviet guidance, could make changes without first addressin g the traditional needs of the populous. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ">G !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!G#: ! "Tc !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!""<: ! "T" !Q301+! 1/"6"/C#%&(-*"(;3/20D6(E/",-(5#-#"6 +!"T": !

PAGE 87

! _G The reconstruction and redevelopment of the central core is perhaps the most revealing of the Chinese experience s under Soviet planning influence. Establishing a new administrative center became a focus soon after 1949. The Chinese city planners sought to build west of the old city, in order to maintain the historic quality of the center. The Soviet advisers encouraged a central site, just south of the Palace City. Eventually the Soviet plan was developed, and a new administrativ e center was b u i l t 162 The old square, Tiananmen, was also greatly expanded in order to serve as a public gathering space in the socialist ideal model; part of this plan was to demolish the old buildings around the site, which were viewed a s "insignificant in the new era of s o c i a l i s m 163 During this time, some of the historic fabric of Beijing was destroyed in the old city. However, it should be noted that the Beijing city planners, though pressured by Soviet advisers, continued to incorpor ate the traditional aspects of Beijing's urban fabric in the construction that took place Tiananmen Square had, since the Ming Dynasty, been an administrative center. Two ministries were located on each side of the square between the gates of the Imper ial Ci ty and the Palace C i t y 164 Under the socialist plan, this remained. Tiananmen Square was extended from 11 hecta acres to 40 h e c t a c r e s 165 On either side of the square sat the Great Hall of the People and the National Museum of China To the south, the Zhengyangmen Gate remains and to the north is the Forbidden City. Although greatly !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "T# !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!#== [ =>: ! "T< !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!#=T: ! "T= !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!>d: ! "T> !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!#=_: !

PAGE 88

! dc altered, the use and form of Tiananmen Square is still the same as it was under the Ming Dynasty's original conception. The central axis is also maintained. Tiananmen S q uare is located along the central axis and connects Zhengyangmen Gate with the Forbidden City. The axis is "now marked by the Memorial of the People's Heroes located at the cen tre of the new s q u a r e 166 The administrative center of Beijing shows the succes sful inclusion of socialist city planning with the traditional Chinese planning principles. The goal of Tiananmen Square's reconstruction is a symbolic reordering of the national philosophical identity: "from one of northward orientation towards the Forbi dden City [] and its symbolic Mandate of Heaven, to a southward orientation marked by the national flag [] that represents the highest seat of governme nt of the new r e g i m e 167 The planning principles of both the Soviet advisers and the Beijing city plann ers are present. The axis and the configuration of Beijing have been maintained and a new symbolic ordering of the capital has been established along principles inherent in East Asian urban planning. It has been argued that the greatest failure of Tiana nmen Square and the administrative center was the construction of the Mausoleum of Mao Zedong. Built on Soviet inspired principles, the Mausoleum was constructed in the middle of Tiananmen Square. The result: it breaks up the open space and fragments the connection of the central axis between the Zhengyanmen Gate and the Forbidden City. The site "is a Western practice that is an unacceptable f a r c e 168 There is nothing about the Mausoleum that speaks to the larger beliefs of traditional Chinese urban planning. This !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "TT !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!#=_: ! "T_ !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!#=_: ! "Td !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!#=G: !

PAGE 89

! d" failure to incorporate the Chinese world view with outside influences serves as a reminder th at the Chinese political system and parts of its cultural s ystem are still based on foreign philosophies. Although incorporation of the two has succeeded in the past, in order to create a unique Chinese experience, there still remains some signs of failure. It did not take long for city planner s to realize that the Soviet model did not fit Beijing and the Chinese world view. China's city planners sought to maintain the tradition of Beijing as the national capital "to be respected and revered by all within China, i.e. an adherence to the traditi onal symbolis m of the national c a p i t a l 169 Eventually, a rift started to occur between the two countries. By 1960, "a political break with the Soviet Union led to the withdraw al of Ru ssian technical a i d 170 Nonetheless, the Soviet planning model became th e main tool for city planning throughout all of China, which once again shows the leading role the national capital plays in the Chine se cultural w o r l d v i e w 171 Despite these ideological shifts, the philosophica l foundation of Chinese culture has remained ro oted in the Confucian and Taoist values. Although not openly spoken, they remain at the core of planning and preservation practices. The result is that although changes have occurred, Beijing "still remains to this day the most comprehensive preserved ex ample of traditional Chinese city p l a n n i n g 172 The Chinese worldview has been preserved on the cultural fabric of Beijing. However, due to modern !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "TG !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!""#: ! "_c !Q301+! 1/"6"/C#%&( -*"(;3/20D6(E/",-(5#-#"6 +!"T#: ! "_" !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!#=G: ! "_# !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!#=G:

PAGE 90

! d# influence s the Chinese worldview has been altered. How these influence have affected planning and preservat ion will be discussed in greater detail in the next section. Preservation in Beijing In 1997, The Dallas Morning News reported on Beijing's residents rallying behind an effort to rebuild a section of the ancient city wall. The city walls were to rn down in the 1950's by the socialist government to make way for transportation networks; almost immediately there was an outcry by the citizens of Beijing. The architectural community also cried that the move would make Beijing another monotone internat ional center, void of any really character and historic value. Eventually, new policy initiatives admitted, "how grievous and unnecessary the destruction of this critical element of the old cit y's fabric had b e e n 173 Despite efforts starting in the 1980's to preserve Beijing's built form, the city wall, a defining feature in the city, had been destroyed. The Beijing community felt that something unique had been lost. By the end of the twentieth century, China's economy was booming. As a result, the land in and around Beijing's Old City became increasing ly valuable. When a real estate company sought to destroy a small remaining section of the ancient wall, the local public protested. Instead, the developers sought to rebuild a 125 yard section. Soon, g roups began calling on local citizens to return any bricks that might have been taken during the walls 1950's destruction. Soon, "behind a simple red banner that reads Love Our Ancient Capital, Donate City Wall Bricks,' 40,000 bricks [were] in a heap, wa iting !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "_< !Q301+! 1/"6"/C#%&(-*"(;3/20D6(E/",-(5#-#"6 +!"T": !

PAGE 91

! d< to be joined as part of the w a l l 174 The community rallied together to preserve part of Beijing's historic urban fabric In a place that is often labeled as being destructive to the built fabric of the past, why should the local community care so much about 125 yards of a wall? Perhaps the answer lies in a police officer named Li Jianlu who had twelve bricks in his possessi on His childhood memories of the ancient walls, the moat surrounding it, and the grassy slopes pulled at his civic duty. The local population, especially those who could remember the grandness of the 39 foot high city walls, felt it was their responsibi lity to rediscover the hi storic character of their c i t y 175 Rebuilding the form and use of the city walls is in line with Chinese preservation traditions. Nonetheless, Beijing lacked the legislative and political authority to properly enact preservation me asures throughout the city. Calls for preservation efforts in Beijing came as early as the 1950's. However, the government had enacted no concrete legislative or zoning laws. Instead, basic guidelines and suggestions were given in the form of government speeches. The aim of these instructions was on protecting individual buildings and structures of national importance through formal listing procedures." The speeches failed to provide any legal support or standard principles, and "little attention was given to the preservation of the environmental surroundings of important buildings and the historic urban l andscape as a !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "_= Indira A.R. Lakshmanan. "Restoring Beijing's ancient walls." The Dallas Morning News April 6, 1997. "_> Lakshmanan, "Restoring Beijing's ancient walls."

PAGE 92

! d= w h o l e 176 As a result, preservation initiatives were insufficient in the early years of the People's Republic of China. The Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution would prove to be disastrous for the built heritage. Much of Beijing's hutong residences were converted to mass housing or multi use purposes, disrupting the cultural fabric of the neighborhoods and stifling the lo ng h eld uses of the s p a c e s 177 The first thirty years of the People's Republic of China saw little success in the preservation of Beijing's built form. In 1982, preservation legislation officially started. Three main ideas of preservation practices were used : preserving the site as an artifact, height control in order to preserve a standard form, and land use control in order to regulate the feel of the surrounding a r e a 178 This would culminate in two important legislative acts: Regulation on Building Height of Planned Urban Areas in 1985 and the Land Use and Height Control Planning Measures of the Old City of Beijing in 1987. In addition, specific sites were brought under state control with the idea of protecting their cultural significance. This initial landmark style program recognized 25 nationally important sites, 174 municipal sites in Beijing, and 854 county sites. It is important to note, however, that the efforts to preserve the past were intertwined with the political ideologies of the Community Party. Preservation of historic sites, according to state officials, has "positive implications on inheriting our long cultural assets, promoting our revolutionary tradition, facilitating education on patriotism, constructing s piritual and extending our !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "_T E%01+! "Planning and Conservation in Historic Chinese Cities," 328. "__ !Q301+! 1/"6"/C#%&(-*"(;3/20D6(E/",-(5#-#"6 +!"T>: ! "_d !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!#>":

PAGE 93

! d> inte rnational i n f l u e n c e 179 Preservation is incorporated into the ideology of the socialist government. However, it should be noted that it is a unique marriage and it is not one that typically follows the traditions of Chines e preservation planning. Figure VI.2 Height Restrictions in Beijing By 1983, the new ideology of preservation started to take shape after the Communist Party Central Committee approved the Urban Construction Master Plan Scheme for Beijing. The focus was on representing Beijing as the idealized socialist capital as a model for other Chinese cities. This followed the East Asian tradition that the capital of the nation was to represent the national cultural and philosophical ideals in the field of urban pl anning and structural design. Now, preservation of the original urban fabric was incorporated in the socialist plan: valuable sites of revolutionary history, [other] historical and cultural relics, old architecture and significant architectural vestig es !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "_G !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!#>": !

PAGE 94

! dT shall be carefully protected [from state c o u n c i l ] 180 Furthermore, new construction was to be in harmony with the existing struct ural fabric. Nonetheless, the state c ouncil also called for the cit y to "be gradually redeveloped." The socialist preservatio n agenda might seem like contradictory statements, and they are to an extent. The idea stems from the traditional rebuilding of sites and spaces over time in order to modernize and preserve their form and use. Furthermore, this follows the socialist mode l, which seeks to modernize t hrough large planning rather tha n through capital ventures: developments should be planned at a large scale rather than proceed on an ad hoc basis according to the will of i ndividual u n i t s 181 State controlled development shou ld also involve state contr olled preservation plans. The master p lan certainly aims to address the issue, but no formal guidelines are implemented, continuing the long tradition of suggestive action. Instead a set of legislation, codes, and standards were set on Beijing by the government based upon the uniquely Chinese socialist model of preservation. The 1980's saw not just the development of preservation legislation, but also a renewed contact with international planning profes sionals and academics" which ultimately "strengthened the hand of preservationists against grand schemes to utterly r e make the c i t y 182 International influence, once again, pushed China in a new direction in addressing its cultural and built environment a nd would have a lasting impact of the preservation legislation. The Cultural Asset Protection Law was enacted with five areas !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "dc Daniel Benjamin Abramson "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing." Planning Perspectives. ( London: Routledge, April, 2007). Page 141. "d" Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 141. "d# Abramson, "The aesthetics of city sc ale preservation policy in Beijing, 154.

PAGE 95

! d_ of specification: 1) Cultural Protection Area, specially zoned areas under strict protection; 2) Style Protection Area, the style and feel of an area is protected; 3) Cultural Control Area, new construction is controlled by specific limitations and standards due to the distance and connection to cultural important areas; 4) Transitional Area, measures are more relaxed, though contro l is still administered on aesthetics; and 5) New Development Area, only general planning controls are adhered t o 183 This new set of standards follows planning techniques similarly used in Europe ; specific areas of historic sites are controlled through zon ing. Zoning to protect historic sites and areas can and does work; this has been proven in places like the United States. However, it takes a strong local government to oversee the implementation occurring in specific zones. Height restrictions and aes thetic developments of new construction in Beijing are not new to the twentieth century. During the Qing Dynasty, a set of building standards was implemented to preserve the hierarchy of the Imperial City and the aesthetic characteristics of the Old City; this included height restrictions. Therefore, the use of zoning codes in Beijing is not devaluing traditional practices. However, the government's inefficiency to regulate preservation zoning does hurt the historic fabric of Beijing. The protection of specific monuments has proven to be adequate. The protection of large urban areas has proven t o be t r o u b l e s o m e 184 The use of master plans for the development of Beijing proved sufficient throughout the 1980's, however "no one anticipated the 1990s emergen ce of market forces acting on a project by project basis through secret coalitions of investors !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "d< !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!#>#:! ! "d= Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 155.

PAGE 96

! dd and devol ved local government p o w e r s 185 The rise of capitalism in China forever changed the urban landscape. Individual parcels were now up for grabs for indi vidual projects. The master plans were still used, but were limited based on capital interests and development. Once again, the preservation principles adopted by the government were just recommendations. Despite changes in the economic market, legislati on and government involvement in the preservation of Beijing continued. In 1990, Beijing's preservation practices "was conceived as involving three scales of regulation: (1) individual sites; (2) whole streets or districts; and (3) the Old City as a w h o l e 186 The original 174 sites of value on the municipal level had risen to 777 by the master p lan revisions in 1993. Within seven years, by 2000, the nu mber had risen to 854 The continuation of interest in valuable sites was certainly present. The State Council, in 1986, adopted the notion that specific areas of the Old City could be protect ed and preserved. By the 1990 master p lan, twenty five areas of Beijing were ident ified for cultural protection. Despite t he initial success of the 1990 master p lan, actual protection and zoning of the areas were left undefined. It wasn't until 1999, nine years after the initial proposal, that "the municipal government approved actual boundaries and detailed plans for the preservation districts and, by then, one of t hem had already been d e m o l i s h e d 187 Although preservation practices were incorporated into the master plans of Beijing since 1982, the actual implementation of preservation practices has not come into effect until relatively recently. While legislative !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "d> Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 154. "dT Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 139. "d_ Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 140.

PAGE 97

! dG pr actices continued, "none of these refinements and enlargements of the historic district concept were made soon enough to influence Beijing's rapid developme nt in the 1 9 9 0 s 188 Zoning efforts were doing little to protect the city's historic fabric. Figure VI.3 Designated Historic Areas in Beijing It should come as no surprise then that those keeping an eye on China, and especially Beijing, over the last several years have seen vast demolition and reconstruction. Much of the original fabric is changing. A nd although the 1980's saw the first wave of clear preservation legislation, it would not be until 2003 that preservation sanctions would come into full effect. This means that almost twenty years of redevelopment and new construction continued without an y real preservation or zoning restrictions. Despite the fact that the Regulation on Building Heights in Planned Urban Areas and the Land Use and Height Control Planning Measures for the Old City !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "dd Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 140.

PAGE 98

! Gc of Beijing were passed in 1985 and 1987 respectively, new construction and developments that o ften ignored these restrictions continued. Throughout the Old City "most of the height limits have been broken, often by buildings more than twice as high as official ly a l l o w e d 189 How did this happen ? One explanation is that the height restrictions and zoning codes "were so broadly defined that they were impossible to e n f o r c e 190 With no real direction and no specific rules, planning meetings were often bogged down in debate rather tha n substance. F urthermore, the reason is largely due "to the actual weakness of planning tools" present within the Chinese governmental s y s t e m 191 Much of the failures of preservation practices can be blamed on the ineptitude of the local government in implementing its ow n legislation. In 2004, a new master p lan was developed for the city of Beijing. While much of the new plan had been taking shape over the previous decade, finalization and recognition of the new legislation took place in 2004. This was partially d ue to inaction within the governmental system. Furthermore, in 2001, Beijing was chosen as the host city for the 2008 Olympic Games; the Games were given priority in planning initiatives. Much o f what is detailed in the 1990 m as ter p lan is seen again in the 2004 update. However, it does include a "review of the problems encountered during the 1990s, including the loss of urban fabric as a w h o l e 192 Part of the new specifications included a rise in the number of preserved sites and protected zones. Th is extended the regulated areas which !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "dG Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 141. "Gc Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 145. ! "G" Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 144. "G# Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 152.

PAGE 99

! G" "within the Old City accounted for 2617 hectares or 42% of the Old City's total a r e a 193 This greatly extends the scope of the initially preserved areas. Almost half of Beijing's Old City is to be protected under th e new zoning guidelines of the master p lan. Parts of this plan calls for an end to large demolitions within culturally valued zones. However, the continuing demolitions in the Beijing district of Nanchizi Dajie show, once again, the failures of the legisl ative zoning bodies to enfor ce restrictions. Although the master p lan lays out sufficient groundwork for zoning and preservation planning, the policy is still u n c l e a r 194 This calls into question the effectiveness of both the master p lan and the local government. One of the gr eatest achievements of the new master p lan has been the recognition of the cultural and philosophical role of the central axis and the configuration of the Old City. The centrality of the Palace City, the axial alignment of the center, the geometric network of streets off the main axis, use of appropriate colors and aesthetic design, and height limitations on surrounding buildings were all considered and later implemented into the plan to preserve the Old City's c ultural and traditional f a b r i c 195 The main axis, and its connection to the larger city, was to be preserved. However, the master p lan also called for new construction and development to occur on the main axis, in addition to the ongoing preservati on ef forts. Specifically, the p lan called for the extension of the axis in both the southern and northern directions of the city. The role of the axis would not be limited to the Old City, as it had been for centuries, but now would be extended with the !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "G< Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 151. "G= Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 152. "G> Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 144.

PAGE 100

! G# developme nt of new construction projects. Specifically, the facilities for the 2008 Olympic Games were constructed on the northern end of the axis. The Olympic Complex is not just organized around the configuration of the axis, but it also an extension o f the axis' symbolic representation. The Beijing Olympics represented the a symbolic end to 150 years of humiliation by outside powers and a confirmation of [China's] status as a global power to be reckoned w i t h 196 Furthermore, the Games became a source for national pride and cultural identification in relation to the rest of the world. The connection of the Olympics, seen as a celebration of Chinese culture, along the central axis seems fitting with Beijing's historic role as the center of China's cult ural and political ideology. In addition to the central axis, the 2004 master p lan sought to preserve specific elements, such as: the plan of the Ming walls, the waterways system, the structural grid of the roads, the traditional role of colors, the conn ection of the city to the sky, its sectional profile, important views and site profiles, specific focal points in relation to historic sites, and trees of particular value and importance in relation to the urban l a n d s c a p e 197 Largely, these traditional elem ents aim to preserve the whole of Beijing's historic layout and structural design. Th is shows a larger issue in the master p lan: "official preservation policy was so focused on an idea of what constituted Beijing's classic' overall historical geography, that it failed to appreciate important local v a r i a t i o n s 198 Each area of Beijing has its own cultural values and perspectives. The Chunfeng huntong district, a site of a !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "GT Ford, "The Olympics in China: a moment of pride and world scrutiny." "G_ Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 144. "Gd Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 151.

PAGE 101

! G< historic Mosque and neighborhood of the Hui cultural sect, was initially part of the original twenty five areas to be preserved, but "succumbed to redevelopment before its boundaries could be d e t e r m i n e d 199 Justification was given for the redevelopment in order to attract tourists to the area who came to visit the Mosque. The only problem is that the cultural connection of the mosque to the surrounding neighborhood is now lost. This also brings up the issue of monuments within Beijing. A standardized preservation plan fails to recognize the cultural distinctions that exist in the larger c ultural landscape. Sites in Beijing are being turned into monuments; the focus of preservation is on specific sites, rather then the collective urban fabric. This occurred in the Chunfeng Hutong. Instead of preserving the historic connection of the neig hborhood to the Hui people, the city sought to preserve only one site: the Mosque. Much of the neighborhood has now been redeveloped. The Mosque stands alone as a monument to the cultural fabric that once existed there. The connection of the Mosque to t he neighborhood and to the entire city is lost. At the White Pagoda of Beijing, in the northeastern section of the Old City, much of the surrounding area was destroyed in an effort to preserve the pagoda. Protecting only the pagoda resulted in the destru ction of the existing cultur al environment around the s i t e 200 The White Pagoda has been isolated, as a monument, from the rest of the historic fabric of Beijing. Inadequate protection legislation also occurred in the Nanchizi Dajie district, where destruction continued due to lack of policy clarity and i m p l e m e n t a t i o n 201 Despite !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! "GG Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 146. #cc Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 146. #c" Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 152.

PAGE 102

! G= the initial progress seen in master plans, most of the preservation legislation is either insufficient or ignored, leading to further cultural destruction. I nefficiency is largely due "to the actual weakness of planning tools" present within the Chinese gov ernmental s y s t e m 202 Much of the failures of preservation practices can be blamed on the ineptitude of the local government to properly implement its own legislation. The real tragedy is that "unwavering continuity of law is the prerequisite that gives preservation st atues their m e a n i n g 203 In order for preservation to work, specific laws must be written and implemented onto the larger city. These should be done in accorda nce to Beijing's traditional preservation practices. And if they continue to fail, the destruction of Beijing's cultural fabric will continue. Existing zoning codes and guidelines are not being properly followed or managed. New construction, for exam ple, has not followed the preservation guidelines of the master plans. Specific standards call for the use, form, and function of sites to be maintained, including the color of the sites; this connects the historic with new construction without any interr uption, while encouraging modern innovation. The standards need improving; they are concerned only with the internal layout of projects, not what occurs on their edges or how they relate to an existing built e n v i r o n m e n t 204 This disrupts the historical a nd cultural setting of Beijing and the site's connection to the urban fabric. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ! #c# Abra mson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 154. #c< !Q301+! 1/"6"/C#%&(-*"(;3/20D6(E/",-(5#-#"6 +!"TT: ! #c= Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 150.

PAGE 103

! G> The important thing to note is the changes in preservation practices over the past thirty years in Beijing. While little has changed in the actual implementation of codes and l egislation, largely due to the inadequacies of the local government, the definition of what preservation means in modern socialist China is slowly being defined. The new master plans of Beijing of the last ten years have combined preservation with urban renewal and the importance of urban i n f r a s t r u c t u r e 205 Beijing aims to modernize living conditions and the infrastructure of the aging city. Specifically, four relationships have emerged to address the preservation of the old city: modern living, improvem ent of living conditions, relationship to historic center, a nd development of new buildings. Preservation can be incorporated in the rise of the standard of living. This mindset connects the new preservation practices with traditional East Asian practice s; protecting the use and form of structures remains the goal. The site can change over time to meet the needs of the people and the changing city. However, two constants remain: the use of the site must be maintained, and the form of the site and its co nnection to the larger urban fabric must be preserved. This set ideology presents hope in light of recent ailments to the preservation process in Beijing; it shows that the new preservation practices are in line with the old. Now all they need is proper implementation. Although some changes occurred under during the Qing Dynasty, much of the original Ming configurations had been preserved: "the layout of the city, its major architecture, as well as its day to day business were subconsciously interwoven together by the long stream of Chinese h i s t o r y 206 The circumstances and events that occurred !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #c> !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!"=G: ! #cT Sit, Beijing 81.

PAGE 104

! GT over the twentieth century would test the endurance of both Beijing and the Chinese traditional perspective. Although neighborhood culture of specific areas is lost, which is the real tragedy of the deconstruction of Beijing's cultural fabric, the configuration of the whol e city is maintained. Beijing has continued to stand as the idealized city for the nation from the Ming Dynasty to the People's Republic of China. Current Changes a nd Pressures in Beijing in the New C entury The need for definitive preservation legi slation and a local government that will initiate and oversee proper zoning codes is greatly needed. The development of Beijing since the 1990's has shown great destruction of the historic fabric without any proper regulations in reconstruction, except th e occasional suggestion on planning proposals In the capital ist market, such suggestions are generally ignored. The resul t is buildings much higher tha n height restrictions allow and oversized new construction in historic areas that break the configurat ion of both the neighborhood and the entire Old City. After 1949, at the beginning of the People's Republic of China, much of the initial construction and reconstruction of Beijing occurred on empty space. The real threat to the Old City of Beijing would begin began after 1978, and correspond with the economic reforms of China. This threat is seen in two main ways: the development of high rise structures that threaten the historic and cultural skyline of the city and the construction on courtyards and em pty spaces that alter the built fabric and configu rations of the traditional c i t y 207 The Chinese economic reforms have elevated the demand of property !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #c_ !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!#>c:

PAGE 105

! G_ and land in Beijing's Old City. Large sections of historic neighborhoods have been destroyed in favor of new construction that does not fit with the traditional practices of Beijing's built form. This trend is likely to continue, unless proper resources and governing bodies are implemented. Much of Beijing's new construction is based on demand. Altho ugh residency in China is highly regulated by the government, Beijing's population has grown substantially. Movement from the rural areas of China to cities has risen "from about 18 per cent in 1979 to 36 per cent in 2000." This accounts for "an average annual amount of 13 million m i g r a n t s 208 This trend of rural residents moving to the cities posses a rising challenge for places like Beijing. How do you modernize? How do you provide sufficient housing? All of the issues are being taken into ac count th rough the government's master p lans. Mismanagement and lack of oversight are stifling sufficient progress. The Old City is the center of Beijing, which calls for a greater demand of housing and lifestyle amenities. Historic hutong neighborhoods, incorpo rating traditional courtyard houses, are being demolished in favor of modernized buildings with a higher set standard of living. Much of the existing residents are being pushed out of the Old City, breaking up the cultural connections. Furthermore, the t raditional architectural sty les are being l o s t 209 The lack of proper zoning management and preservation programs is destroying Beijing's unique identity. Many neighborhoods have already lost !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ! 208 Zhang, Kevin. "The Evolution of China's Urban Transportation: 1949 2000." Urban Transformation in China (Bodmin, Cornall: MPG books Ltd., 2004). Page 34. #cG China Daily. "Battle of the hutong." June 4, 2007.

PAGE 106

! Gd their culture connection. The continuing destruction threatens to sterilize the Old City if the use and forms of traditional Chinese preservation continues to be ignored.

PAGE 107

! GG CHAPTER VII. THE DRUM AND BELL TOWER HUTONG DISTRICT: A CASE STUDY On April 15, 2007, notices were posted around the six hundred year old Dongsi Batiao hutong neighborhood in Beijing calling for a relocation of all residents by May 26, 2007. The district had granted development rights to a private enterprise, despite the neighborhood being one of the twenty five historic areas to be protected in the Old City under local legislation. Some residents cried foul. The Cultural Heritage Protection, an NGO, pointed to existing legislation that under the plan, renovation must be in accordance with set rules and hutongs must be preserved. Commercial development is o u t 210 Amid the outcry, other residents sought compensation; living in the hutongs had become too difficult and the structures were far outdated. No running water, t he reliance on public bathrooms, and the overgrowth of trees had made the courtyard houses a challenging lifestyle. Nonetheless, many argued that, because of its historical value, the lifestyle was a cultural asset worth saving. While the community debat ed their future, the May 26 deadline loomed. Two thoughts emerged in the debate. Those calling for demolition believed that the hutong "conta ins nothing of cultural v a l u e 211 According to this thought, there are many other areas within the Old City that e xemplify, in greater detail and value, the importance of the hutongs and courtyard style housing. Furthermore, the rise in the !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #"c China D aily, "Battle of the hutong," Hu Xinyu quoted. #"" China D aily, "Battle of the hutong."

PAGE 108

! "cc standard of living amongst Chinese ushered in a wave of sentiment that the courtyard houses were insufficient by modern standard s. This reinforced the notion that the hutongs carry little value in contemporary Beijing. Those calling for preservation "point out t hat the traditional one story [ si he y uan or courtyard house] architecture, with its gracefully curving roofs, will disappear along with the community way of l i f e 212 Preservation must be used in order to preserve the form, or the architectural style of the area, and the use, or the cultural community that exists within the space. The May 26 deadline came and went. Dem olition was suspended the next day. On May 28, the State Administration for Cultural Heritage declared "there will be no new development project in Dongsi Bat iao in the f u t u r e 213 The neighborhood was saved. But the issues of preserving the historic area remain; the lifestyle and lower standard of living make it more and more challenging to make the case for preserving the community's culture. Furthermore, without proper guidance and funding, the neighborhood's architecture is slowly decaying. The resul t is a type of demolition by neglect. The same debate would arise two years later, with the proposal of the "Beijing Time Cultural City" as reported by USA Today. 214 It is a growing problem, and without the implementation of proper preservation practices, the cycle will continue. This story, published in China Daily on June 4, 2007, brings up numerous issues facing the development of the hutong neighborhoods and the challenges of preservation within them: threat of demolition lack of control over resident s property, fall in the !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #"# China D aily, "Battle of the hutong." #"< China D aily, "Battle of the hutong." #"= !$%&'()*+!,-(./.01!2344*)5(6!.76!)4*!0(.182)98))*6:;

PAGE 109

! "c" standard of living, government inaction lack of enforcement with existing legislation, poor conditions of existing structures, and the divided community opinions. These issues are not unique to the Dongsi Batiao area, but rather occur all over Beijing's historic Old City. This is weakening the management and control of preservation, and is threatening the cultural heritage of Beijing's built form. I will be focusing on the hutongs surrounding the Drum and Bell Towers, just north of the Imperial Palace. This area includes the debated site of Dongsi Batiao. Furthermore, much of the district is to be protected as a historic area under current legislation. The aim of this section is to examine and use the Drum and Bell Tower district as an example of the challenges and opportunities facing Beijing's built fabric. Furthermore, how, by using proper preservation techniques inherent in East Asian preservation, can the form and use of a site be preserved? I will be researc hing the following: 1) The historic form of the hutongs ; an examination of the existing built fabric. 2) The historic use of the hutongs ; an examination of the cultural identity of the hutong neighborhood; 3) The changes of use under socialism; the altera tions of use that threatened the heritage of the community. 4) The demolition of the hutongs ; an examination of recent reconstruction that have occurred in relation to the hutongs 5) The preservation efforts of the hutongs ; the government and non governme ntal organization efforts to preserve and protect the hutongs 6) And the challenges of preservation in the hutong district; the issues that are preventing proper preservation practices from taking place. This w ill lead into my final section: the solutions for proper preservation management in accordance to East Asian traditional techniques. The aim of this section is to examine the current state of

PAGE 110

! "c# the Drum and Bell Tower hutong district, how current preservation practices are being used, and how East Asi an preservation can be used to strengthen Beijing's preservation efforts. Historic Forms of the Hutongs A hutong is not a place, and it is not even a structure. Rather the word hutong means a narrow lane encompassing a large area. A hutong is no larger then nine meters wide; the large streets of Beijing can be as wide as 37 meters wide, with smaller streets being around 18 meters w i d e 215 Therefore, the hutongs or narrow paths, are much more constrained then the average road. The descripti ve word first appeared during the Yuan Dynasty, and is therefore believed to have roots in the Mongolian word hottog,' or water w e l l s 216 Today the word hutong is assoc iated with the neighborhoods of Beijing that were built around the Palace City. The his toric forms of the hutongs are based on two elements: first, the s tructural quality of the si he y uan or courtyard houses found in the district, and second, the hutong's connection to the larger urban fabric of Beijing. These two standards establish the form of Beijing's hutongs !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #"> THF. Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan (Accessed October, 2011). Page 12. 216 Wong, Joanna. "Beijing's Best Hutongs." City Weekend July 1 14. June 29, 2010. Page 12.

PAGE 111

! "c< Figure VII.1 Street map of Drum and Bell Tower hutongs The first important element is the structural design and quality of th e courtyard houses. The si he y uans in the hutong districts are low height structures built around a central open space. The courtyard typology within a quadrangular structure "has been a core element of Chinese dwellings since at least the Western Zhou period, between the eleventh and tenth centuries B C 217 The ba sic configuration of a Beijing s i he y uan is a rectangular building with at least one central courtyard; the open space can "represent as much as 40 percent of th e total ground a r e a 218 Typically a sin gle story, the courtyard houses emphasize horizontality of verticality. The entrance to the site is located along the southern faade. Living quarters flank the sides of the courtyard; this gives light, warmth, and good airflow to the entire space. The hutong dwellings have a tiled roof with brick walls and a timber framing. The color forms of the hutongs are distinctive: !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #"_ Ronald G. Knapp. China's Old Dwellings (Honolulu: Univ ersity of Hawaii Press, 2000). Page 31. #"d Knapp, China's Old Dwellings 34.

PAGE 112

! "c= "the reddish colours of the painted timber beams and pillars contrast with the grey bricks and t i l e s 219 The hutong's form makes it a unique and important part of Beijing's urban landscape. Specific guidelines for si he y uan were implemented during the Qing Dynasty; these principles had a lasting impact on the form of the buildings. The hutongs of the Old City, including the Drum and Bell Tower hutongs were under strict enforcement; the Qing Dynasty restricted height, des ign, and color. No si he y uan was permitted to be taller then one story; it was considered unthinkable that ordinary beings should have houses taller than the walls of the Forbidden City." The style of the roof, the color of the roof tiles, and the color and decorations on the exterior walls were "graded according to the status of the o w n e r 220 This practice not only helped to define Beijing's built fo rm, but also gave a hierarchical use to the structures. The Drum and Bell Tower hutong district is located along the northern edge of the Old City and on the city's main central axis. The neighborhood originated in the Yuan Dynasty, after the Drum and Bel l Towers were built as the center of the capital city, Da Du. The city's plan was comprised of three types of streets: big streets (around 37.2m wide), small streets (18.6m wide) and Hutongs (9.3m w i d e ) 221 The most significant streets, the big streets, ran south to north. The more private, quieter streets, like the hutongs ra n east to west During the Ming Dynasty, the northern wall was moved south; the hutong district and the Drum and Bell Towers became the northern anchor for the !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #"G THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 17. ##c THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 17. ##" THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 12.

PAGE 113

! "c> city. The orientation and street system of Da Du was implemented on the modern city during the reconstruction of 1420. The importance of the central axis and the establishment of the city grid organized the hutong dist rict. Today, the Drum and Bell Tower hutong district marks the edge of Beijing's historic core. Although the axis has been extended, with the completion of the Olympic Complex in 2008, the Drum and Bell Tower district plays an important role along the mai n axis; it reinforced the original configuration of residential quarters in relation to the larger urban fabric. Following Confucian traditions, in accordance to the larger ur ban plan of Beijing, the si he y uans follow set principles: a "clear orientatio n to the cardinal directions, axiality, balanced side to side symmetry, and an implied hierarchical organization of s p a c e 222 These principles are the main elements of proper East Asian design: the courtyard house faces south with an entrance toward the street; a back door is also found on the northern side. The main part of the houses in located to the north, with sub rooms l ocated on the eastern and western portion around the courtyard. The courtyard maintains centrality of the site. The houses are built to function in Beijing's climate, allowing sunlight in from the south while block ing harsh winds from the north. The arc hi tectural style and form of the s i he y uan structures has made it an important part of Beijing's historic built fabric. The hutong's relationship to the historic plan is still present in contemporary Beijing and performs two main functions for th is research. First, the hutongs are one of three important streets that are still used within Beijing; the hutongs are therefore connected to the central axis due to this relationship. Second, the hutong's adjacency to !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ### Knapp, China's Old Dwellings 32.

PAGE 114

! "cT the Drum and Bell Towers form the l arger configurations of Beijing's cultural landscape. As the northern section of historic Beijing, the Drum and Bell tower district continues the grid system established throughout the city. The result is an ordered urban design based on an axial hierarc hy. Beijing, and the city's relationship to the Drum and Bell Tower district, represents the continuation of traditional planning practices. Historic Use of the Hutongs The Drum and Bell Tower hutong district has one main use: residential. The unique setting of the district has helped to develop a distinct community: "the si he y uan lifestyle has a long and ancient tradition, and is widely regarded as an essential element of Chinese c u l t u r e 223 There fore, two main factors are present in the historic use of the Drum and Bell Tower hutongs : first, the use of low height dwellings as residential units, and second, the use of the neighborhood by a continuing line of Beijing citizens and the life style in wh ich they take part First, use is defined as low height residential units. The hutongs have always had "a close relationship with the Forbidden City" and the administrative c e n t e r 224 The si he y uan units were built to serve varying levels of social status in the city; hierarchy was displayed only by the color and design of the property. As a result, mixed social groups lived together in the residential district to serve the needs of the Imperial capital. The relationship to the sovereign leader was paramount even in the design of homes; during !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ##< THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 17. ##= !E)01+!,-(./.01^6!-(67!]37)016+;!"=:! !

PAGE 115

! "c_ the Qing Dynasty, heights were restricted so that no building w as higher then the Palace C i t y 225 This established low height residential units in the huto ngs Instead of verticality, hutongs had a horizontal e m p h a s i s 226 The use of a courtyard made them ideal settings for residences in the seasonal climate s of Beijing: good airflow and so uthern sun were always provided. The hutongs were historically always used as residential units. Second, the people and lifestyles of the community define the hutongs Studies have found that the residents of the hutongs have been there for some time; according to the Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 60% of the residents in the surveyed areas have lived in their homes for more than 30 years," or since the Cultural R e v o l u t i o n 227 The courtyard houses are an important part of their lives. The hutongs have formed a comparatively deep rooted community" based on this longevity of u s e 228 Although the courtyard houses are inward looking and therefore very private, the hutongs are full of life and connect all the individuals together. There is a cultural identity that develops within the hutong communities. Some are based around religion, such as the Hui people of the Chunfeng neighborhood, while others are connected simply by their adjacency: "residential communities are now recognized as being an integral compo nent of any historic a r e a 229 The residents of the Drum and Bell Tower district are part of the neighborhood's historic character. Surveys confirm the fact that the citizens feel that !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ##> THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 17. ! ##T Knapp, China's Old Dwellings 33. ##_ Knapp, China's Old Dwellings 33. ##d Knapp, China's Old Dwellings 33. ##G Knapp, China's Old Dwellings 54.

PAGE 116

! "cd they are "inseparable from the atmosphere of the old c i t y 230 They give definition to the area, and are, therefore, a vital part of its use. Changes of Use U nder the People's Republic of China Nothing proved to be more disastrous for Chine se heritage and architecture tha n the Cultural Revolution. The strict rules of design and construction had been lifted with the fall of the Qing Dynasty: "rules proscribing designs and sized in relation to hierarchies of imperial society were no lon ger in e f f e c t 231 Under Mao, a call to "destroy the Four Olds (ideas, culture, customs, and habits )" le d to vast destruction and damage in the name of p u r i f i c a t i o n 232 The courtyard houses of the hutongs were not spared either; the houses were modified to the needs of the government, often serving as public housing. It was during this time that many of the historic hutongs were subdivided to serve multiple families, shifting from the traditional single family use. This left many of the historic houses, and the city, sever e ly altered. These changes greatly affected the lifestyle of the preserved hutong neig hborhoods. In the Drum and Bell Tower neighborhood, a young woman, named Xia Jie, had the deed to her courtyard house taken away. The home was then turned into mass public housing, which restricted Xia Jie and her mother to live in an area of 12 square m eters. The deed was later returned to her under new political movements of the !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #
PAGE 117

! "cG 1 9 8 0 s 233 This, however, is an unusual case: most residents never own their home outright. In 1982, only 17.7 % of housing space within Beijing was i n private hands. Therefor e, an estimated 83.7 % of housing space was owned by either the state or a housing bureau to oversee use. Because of this, the government can decree use and function of spaces as it sees fit. Prior to 1982, this meant mass public housing along the social ist model. Today, public housing remains the largest use, at an estimated 65 % of all housing s p a c e 234 The result is a huge mixing of people and great overpopulation of the district. The community that existed before was now overwhelmed. The proximity of the Drum and Bell Tower district to the administrative center makes it a desirable location. The survival of the existing fabric indicates that the area "had been adapted to the needs of the Communist p r o l e t a r i a t 235 The area is becoming a popular des tination, with many of the courtyards being converted to varying uses beyond residential. More restaurants and shops are opening up to serve the visiting tourists and local populations. This can be seen as both a good and a bad thing. The original archite cture and form of the hutongs are preserved; the environment and general feel is intact. However, converting structures to meet the needs of the new government means a shift in the use. Nonetheless, the two main factors of use remain: the structures were maintained as low height res idential units, and the original community remained. Of course this historic use has been greatly altered. But a new community has been created in conjunction with the traditional use of the hutong district. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #<< China Daily, "Battle of the hutong." #<= THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 34. #<> !Q301+!I9(6(9P.01!78(!E)94*^6!f9(%7!B.7.(6+!"T=:

PAGE 118

! ""c Demo lition and Construction in the H utongs Research from Tsinghua University has revealed that over the past forty years, "22.5 kilometer of city wall, 22 turrets towers, and many famous imper ial parks and si he y uan buildings" in Beijing were either damaged or d e s t r o y e d 236 Beijing's urban fabric has been transformed over the past thirty years. New construction has altered the historic use and form of the Old City. Beijing's hutong neighborhoods have fallen victim to destruction. As mentioned previously, the White Pagoda n eighborhood and the Chunfeng neighborhood have seen mass destruction, despite preservation efforts to restore specific sites. Redevelopment of the city has continued: the Chinese government and architects from all over the world are racing to modernize t he world's most populous country and fill its cities with skyscrapers that literally erase China's heritage, both physically and p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y 237 Symbolic prowess is equally as important as economic strength; in 2008, in the northern section of Beijing, "the Chinese government ordered two square miles cleared for the construction of the Olympic s t a d i u m 238 To the Chinese government, the Olympic Games represented the rise of China on the national stage. Beijing's historic landscape is being transformed to meet the new ideology of China, but the form and use of the city's built form is being erased. The Drum and Bell !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #
PAGE 119

! """ Tower face similar threats. Their proximity to important sites and the area s connection to the central axis make the site valuable. Destr uction of the Old City began with the socialist redevelopment of Beijing during the 1950's. Transportation infrastructure was added onto the city's existing built form. During the economic boom of the 1990's, the Old City's land became increasingly valua ble. High rise buildings replaced the old hutong sites. At the end of World War II, the re were an estimated 3,200 h u t ongs in Beijing. This large scale destruction led to the loss of "more than two thirds of the city's hutongs ." As a result, today, ther e stands only 1,000 hutongs At the current rate, "Beijing's hutongs wi ll be extinct within 50 y e a r s 239 Think of all that will be lost: the unique character of the narrow streets, the cultural neighborhood that exists, the building style of the historic courtyard houses, and the interaction of the neighborhood in connection to the rest of the Old City. Th e form and use of the hutongs will be destroyed. Currently, Beijing's government follows the Weigai' system, which allocates redevelopment throughout the city. While considered a tool for planning the development of the city, it does not actually follow any strict planning provisions outlined by the government. The only requirement in the Weigai system is that the former residents of the site must be adequately re housed. However, there is no specification of where and how the former residents are provi ded for. The result is that the residents are re housed elsewhere, the old buildings are knocked down and the sites are r e d e v e l o p e d 240 The obvious issue is that no preservation practices or policies are !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #
PAGE 120

! ""# being enacted. Instead, the "redevelopment compan ies have free reign to redevelop former residential a r e a s 241 Instead of preserving the existing built form, the Weigai system allows the Beijing government and its development partners to bury the past and build a new c i t y 242 The traditional practices o f form and use are being ignored. The former residents, who help define use, are being removed. The traditional courtyard houses are being replaced with modern skyscrapers, trampling on the traditions of Beijing's form. The citizens of Beijing, particu larly the residents of the Drum and Bell Tower hutong neighborhood, are crying out against the mass destruction. On the internet, concerns over social injustice in relation to mass ur banization and redevelopment have "aroused huge anger and frustration among [China's] young p e o p l e 243 The government has seen increasing pressure from its citizens; efforts in 2011 resulted in new regulation on the forced demolition on private property However, it has yet to be effectively implemented. Nongovernmental o rganizations, such as the Beijing Cultural Heritage Protection Center (CHP), have been created to educate the public about preserving their historic homes and property. Through CHP, communities are given the support and resources needed to implement neces sary preservation p r o v i s i o n s 244 Despite their successes, Beijing and the Drum and Bell Tower hutong neighborhood continually face !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ! #=" THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 22. #=# THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 21. #=< Yang Lan. "The generation that's remaking China." TEDGlobal. July, 2011. #== CHP. "Drum Bell Tower Neighborhood." Beijing Cultural Heritage Protection Center 2010.

PAGE 121

! ""< the threats of redevelopment. Nonetheless, public outcry has been bringing public awareness to the issue. Preservatio n Efforts in the hutongs Existing legislation aims to protect and preserve the Drum and Bell Tower hutongs In the 1980's height control and land use measures were incorporated into parts of the historic Old City; the Bell and Drum Tower hu tong district is almost entirely protected under these measures. The 198 0's also saw initial landmark designating of historic sites considered valuable within Beijing. At the start of the program there were 25 nationally important sites, 174 municipal sites in Beijing, and 854 county s i t e s 245 Today, Beijing has 3550 sites listed as cultural relics under different levels of p r e s e r v a t i o n 246 Some of the Drum and Bell Tower hutongs are part of this landmark measure. Equally important was the zoning of histor ic areas. In 1986, the State Council first addressed the need to set aside specific d istricts. In 1990, the master p lan marked twenty five districts in Beijing to be preserved due to their historic and cultural value. The Drum and Bell Tower district was one of the original twenty five. However, proper zoning of these historic areas was not fully realized until 1999; by that time, one district had already been completely d e m o l i s h e d 247 The 2004 master p lan, designed in !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #=> !@.7+! !"#$#%& +!#">: ! #=T THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 26. #=_ Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 140.

PAGE 122

! ""= preparation of the 2008 Olympic G ames, finalized many of the preservation legislation that had been drafted since the 1980's. According to the new laws, the Drum and Bell Tower district was to be protected and preserved based upon specific zoning guidelines. However, the ineffective loc al government and growing redevelopment efforts stifled preservation's progress. The economic rise of Beijing has been destructive to the urban fabric of the city; many historic structures have been redeveloped in efforts to modernize. However, tourism ha s had some success in the preservation of the urban fabric. The Drum and Bell Tower district is a popular tourist attraction. Tours are offered to visitors around the narrow streets, often on foot or by rickshaw. Some privately owned courtyard houses ar e open to tourists, so they can see the interior of a historic Beijing residence. Beijing's culture is a popular enterprise; conservation of the remaining historic areas is vital to Beijing's identity and for the city's long term commercial i n t e r e s t s 248 Tourist want to see, and will pay, to see China's cultural and historic sites. But the residents are skeptical: an estimated 23% believe that tourism will directly benefit the hutong district, while 65% think residents will see little b e n e f i t 249 If anyth ing, this shows that while tourism does have some potential benefits, it should not be the main goal of preservation. Of course, tourism does not always work. The Chunfeng hutong district was redeveloped specifically for tourists. The historic Mosque, which has been preserved, sits at the center. The entire area was rebuilt in the traditional one story style in order to !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ! #=d THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 27. #=G THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 46.

PAGE 123

! ""> please the eye o f visiting tourists. While the form was preserved, the use was ignored. The Hui people, or Chinese Muslims, were relocated during r e d e v e l o p m e n t 250 The community and atmosphere that defined the hutong district was lost. While everything might look old, t he feeling of a historic community is not there; tourists are not experiencing the hutong district as it once was. The Chunfeng hutong district was part of the original twenty five his toric areas of the 1990 master p lan, but due to the massive redevelopme nt it was removed. Preservation legislation does exist in Beijing. These measures should be used to protect the Drum and Bell Tower hutongs Most importantly, however, the legislation should follow guidelines in order to preserve the form and use of the sites. The courtyard houses and hutongs represent the traditional neighborhoods and local culture of Beijing. Without th em "there would be no B e i j i n g 251 The cultural landscape would be altered so greatly that it would diminish the value of the c ity. Challenges of Preservation The hutongs are being destroyed and redeveloped because of insufficient preservation practices in the local government. The challenges of preserving the hutongs can be seen in two parts: 1) redevelopment of areas are taking precedent over maintenance and reconstruction of specific sites in accordance with use and form and 2) a lack of funds, education, and government legislation to help monitor proper !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #>c Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 146. #>" THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 61.

PAGE 124

! ""T management of historic areas. Until these issues are resolved, and sufficient oversight is implemented, the hutongs will continue to be inadequately protected from cultural abandonment. The largest issue affecting the hutongs is the lack of maintenance. Most of the hutongs do not have water, sewage, or electricity. As a result, most of the damage that has occurred has been structural: the most common building problems are "roof leaks, damages to the timber structure caused by insects and rot, and ground humidity creeping up the w a l l s 252 This is not unusual in China. B ecause of the heavy use of timber, buildings often decay over time. However, buildings have lasted due to continual repairs of rebuilding. That is not occurring in the Drum and Bell Tower hutongs Why? The issue is related to financial restraints of th e property owner, lack of existing knowledge, and ineffective policy control from the local government. Maintenance work on a building must come from either the property owner, or someone working inline with the property owner. However, the current residents of the hutongs are not inclined to put money into the buildings. As mentioned earlier, the government owns over 60 % of the residential properties in the hutongs Therefore, to put money into the home means that the residents put money into someone else's property. F urthermore, the residents don't have the proper knowledge to take care of the historic structures. A lack of professional assistance and educational opportunities is stalling any maintenance efforts. The residents are divided on what to do. According t o an August 2007 survey by the Beijing Cultural Heritage Protection Center 30% of respondents did not think their !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #># THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 35.

PAGE 125

! ""_ house was worth saving and 40% thought that only well known sites should be saved. Many, including CHP, argue that these numbers are attribut ed to the lack of awareness and education on preservation issues; "only 15% of the local residents can name at least one cultural h eritage conservation l a w 253 Nonetheless, the survey also points to the fact that many residents do not think it is the citiz ens responsibility to maintain historic structures; 84% believe that the government is responsible for the preservation of sites, whereas 9% believe it is the respo nsibility of the residents While there is not a clear consensus on the public's opinion t owards preservation, the government is consistently addressed as the main issue. To make matters worse, the government's policies are so dynamic that the hutong residents have little confidence in their residential security: "most residents usually only learn of their relocation as little as ten days before demolition starts (official regulations merely state that developers need to inform residents after demolition has been d e c i d e d ) 254 In the Dongsi Batiao hutong as detailed earlier in this sectio n, notices were posted in April, and relocation was required by the end of May. The citizens only learned about the demolition through the posted notices. No formal outreach or adequate tim etable was g r a n t e d 255 Efforts to save the area only came with the organization of the community and assistance from local NGOs. The government and its agencies failed to provide any support, despite existing laws. Of course the cries from the Dongsi Batiao !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #>< CHP, "Drum Bell Tower Neighborhood." #>= THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 40. #>> China Daily, "Battle of the hutong."

PAGE 126

! ""d residents insured the eventual demise of the demolition, but m any hutongs do not meet the same fate. The Weigai' system looms large over the hutongs The planning system is based on the redevelopment of Beijing, as long as the current residents are r e l o c a t e d 256 Beijing's planning division does nothing to provide fo r the current residents. Compensation is an obligation, but that usually comes in the form of relocation to a newer building, usually located outside the Old City. The atmosphere and the community that existed in the hutongs are dismantled through reloca tion efforts. Almost 75 % of the hutong residents said that they have gotten used to thei r home and do not want to m o v e 257 However, redevelopment efforts, as enforced by the State Council, are taking precedent over any existing preservation legislation. T he ineffective local government is proving to be fatal for the preservation efforts of Beijing's hutongs Ultimately, it comes down to the fact that "unwavering continuity of law is the prerequisite that gives preservation statues their m e a n i n g 258 Preser vation legislation does exist. However, it is no t being implemented. Several measures were passed in the past thirty years that were aimed at protecting and preserving the cultural landscape of Beijing: Regulation on Building Height of Planned Urban Areas of 1985, the Land Use and Height Control Planning Measures of the Old City of Beijing of 1987, the Cultural Asset Protection Law that established five specific areas of zo ning within the city, the 1990 master p lan that set aside twenty areas of Beiji ng for z oning protection, !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #>T THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 21. #>_ THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 40. #>d !Q301+!I9(6(9P.01!78(!E)94*^6!f9(%7!B.7.(6+!"TT: !

PAGE 127

! ""G and the 2004 master p lan that continued the efforts of the 1990 Master Plan in light of changes in the urban environment. The Drum and Bell Tower hutong district was to be protected by all of five legislative acts. However, the restrictions and codes "were so broadly defined that they were impossible to e n f o r c e 259 As a result, "most of the height limits have been broken, often by buildings more than twice as hig h as officially a l l o w e d 260 Despite existing laws and regulations, the threat of demolition continues. High rises continue to be built over the required limit. And the traditional form of Beijing's historic hutongs is being destroyed. All problems go back to the insufficient local government to oversee implementation of preservation practices. The residents of the hutong insist that maintenance is the realistic method for preserving the district. However, "many thought it necessary to have strong support from the government with effective conservation laws that protect both the community and the physical s t r u c t u r e s 261 Without this support, the efforts of the residents, and the entire legacy of the hutong 's history, are ineffective. Therefore, it is vital that to solve the proble ms of preservation within Beijing, the local government must take action and work with the communities to ensure the protection of the hutongs !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #>G Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 145. #Tc Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing, 141. #T" THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 45.

PAGE 128

! "#c CHAPTER VIII. USE OF EAST ASIAN PRACTICES IN PRESERVATION OF THE DRUM AND BELL TOWER HUTONG DISTRICT Throughout this research I have explored how international preservation charters follow neo imperialistic patterns; theories, philosophies, and principles found in local traditions are ignored in favor of an authorized heritage discourse. I have examin ed the philosophical traditions and values rooted within East Asian preservation: protection of the use and form of a site I explored Beijing as a cultural landscape where East Asian ideas of planning have taken shape and struggled in the contemporary er a. And I have used the Drum and Bell Tower hutong district as a case study to show the existing use and form of a site. The question still remains: how can the Drum and Bell Tower hutong district be preserved in accordance to East Asian preservation traditions? Based on my research and findings, I have formulized a conclusion: First and foremost, I must reiterate that it is important that the Drum and Bell Tower hutong district be preserved using preservation practices based on East Asian preservation traditions. This is important for two reasons: first, it preserves local structures based on local traditions and interpretations of values, and second, a community has a stronger con nection to something that represents their continued heritage. I argue that implementing traditional practices of East Asia is vital to continuing the cultural legacy of Beijing's urban fabric. For the preservation of the Drum and Bell Tower district hu tongs I recommend following six steps, to be explored in greater detail below: 1) buildings and

PAGE 129

! "#" districts must follow traditional forms to be regulated by existing governmental legislation; 2) the hutong district must conform to traditional uses, enforced by the local government and zoning restrictions; 3) local craftsman should be used and supported in reconstruction efforts; 4) reconstruction of buildings and districts is permitted as long as certain standards are upheld to preserve the form and use of t he area; 5) The local government must sufficiently oversee, regulate, and enforce existing preservation laws and legislations; and 6) the local community must be part of the preservation process. Following these six steps will ensure greater success in th e implementation of East Asian preservation practices. First, buildings must follow traditional forms. Height, design, and color have all been regulated since the Qing D y n a s t y 262 This has maintained the historic forms up to the present. Legislatio n enacted by the local communist government, specifically height regulation and land use control, aims for the preservation of the form. But since the early 1990's, most regulation has been ignored in favor of destruction. This is unacceptable. It disto rts the form of individual build ing s and the larger district. It disrupts the connection of the built form with the larger urban fabric of Beijing. Redevelopment of the area is acceptable, as long as the traditional form is maintained. The hutongs whic h are defined as narrow streets running west to east, are the defining characteristic of Beijing's residential neighborhoods. Preservation of the hutong 's must include the preservation of the district s historic features: uniform heights, south facing str uctures, strong use of vegetation, west to east narrow streets, south to north artillery streets, and the grid system that connects the district to Beijing's main axis. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #T# THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 17.

PAGE 130

! "## Vegetation is just as important as the building fabric: a well planted hutong remains a tunnel of shade and a potential public amenity even when the houses lining it have been d e m o l i s h e d 263 All of these components are important to the whole form of the hutong 's built environment. To preserve the Drum and Bell Tower historic district, the traditional forms must be maintained. After reviewing the Drum and Bell Tower hutongs the historic configuration of Beijing, and existing preservation legislation in Beijing, I have established four guidelines to follow in order to maintain the tradi tional forms of the district. First, h eight restrictions must be enforced; the hutong district must not exceed a certain height. According to the 1985 Regulation on Building Heights in Planned Urban Areas and the 1987 Land Use and Height Control Planning Measures for the Old City of Beijing specific districts, including buildings in the Drum and Bell Tower hutong district were not to exceed 12 to 18 meters in height. This legislation is appropriate and should be followed. Second, c ourtyard design and s tyle must be maintained. While rehabilitation of existing structures is not necessary, it is important that the residential courtyard form is maintained. The house must be true to the existing style in the area. For the Drum and Bell Tower district, si he y uan are inward facing structures that surround a courtyard and connect to the street through the southern faade. These are important traditional elements that can be ca rried into reconstruction. Third, t raditional configuration of streets and the ex isting fabric must be maintained. The hutong streets are defined as narrow streets that run west to east. Larger streets run south to north. This configuration must be kept. Furthermore, the existing vegetation should be valued as it adds character !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #T< Abramson, "The aesthetics of city scale pr eservation policy in Beijing, 151.

PAGE 131

! "#< a nd definition to the area. Finally, t he grid system must connect the Drum and Bell Tower hutong district to Beijing's central axis. Beijing, and specifically the Drum and Bell Tower district, is built on a grid system. Efforts to recons truct larger sites and extend the building footprint threaten the current configuration. Proper zoning and land use restrictions can help protect Beijing's historic grid system. The second rule of implementing East Asian preservation practices is buildings mus t conform to traditional uses. For the hutong district, this means that the courtyard houses must be maintained as residential units. However, there is more to it tha n that. Currently residential buildings are being built, but the redeveloped high rise s change the environment and dynamic of the neighborhood. Contrary to high rises the historic use of the hutongs is a family courtyard dwelling. The homes are inward facing; this creates "a private world in which rooms can safely open up to interior gar dens for sunlight and a i r 264 The private, single story residential spaces connect directly to the narrow streets through the southern faade. Though the houses are inward facing, the hutongs are a vibrant community space. The districts provide basic necessities for living in modern Beijing; most residents do not need to leave the h utong environment in order to fulfill their basic n e e d s 265 The use of space is directly related to the social fabric of the people who live there. The Drum and Bell Tower hutong district has a strong community. Most of the people have lived there for a long time, often passing the houses down to the next generation. The community's relationship has grown out of an environment "of people living in close !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #T= !Q301+! 1/"6"/C#%&(-*"(;3/20D6(E/",-(5#-#"6 +!"T>: ! #T> THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 41.

PAGE 132

! "#= proximity with twisting communal passageways winding through each maze like u n i t 266 The dense fabric enriches the use by the hutong residents. If you remove the people, you immediately lose the cultural elements that give value and definition to the space. In order to preserve the traditional use of the Drum and Bell Tower hutong district, three standards must be followed. First, he hutong district must be maint ained for residential use. Second, t he residential units must remain low height, south facing, and should be inward focusing. Any deviation would disrupt the tra ditional use of the space. Third, t he current residents must stay in the community. As part of the Weigai system, it is popular to move current residents out to make room for new developments However, this disrupts the historic space. Communities have been created and formed in to the hutong district; in order to preserve the space's use, the communities m ust maintain a presence. The third implementation of East Asian traditional practices is that local craftsmen, or professionals who understand the traditional construction styles, must be part of the rebuilding and reconstruction process. Cur rently, the hutongs exemplify the continuation of handcrafted architecture, "the product of the centuries o ld Chinese building t r a d i t i o n 267 The use of local craftsman is an important part of maintaining the historic form of buildings in East Asia. The co ntinuation of the built heritage, because of the continual rebuilding of structures, relied on craftsman; "as long as representative pieces of battered historic buildings still survived to serve as templates, the wooden !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #TT !Q301+! 1/"6"/C#%&(-*"(;3/20D6(E/",-(5#-#"6 +!"T>: ! #T_ !Q301+! 1/"6"/C#%&(-*"(;3/20D6(E/",-(5#-#"6 +!"T=: !

PAGE 133

! "#> architecture of the traditional city could be r e e s t a b l i s h e d 268 This is an important part of East Asian preservation traditions. The continuation of building techniques is equally as important as the continuation of the structure. In Japan, craftsmanship plays an important role in heritag e. A special program, popularly known as National Living Treasures, sets Japanese preservation apart from all other nations. Like historic sites, specific people and their talents have been chosen by the government to be protected and supported. The peo ple have certain tasks they must maintain: they must teach, train, perform, or exhibit their work continually. The aim is "to keep the ancient crafts a l i v e 269 The result is the continual strength of Japanese culture and design: despite the "further adopt ion of contemporary modes, the Japane se remain resolutely J a p a n e s e 270 This program allows the reconstruction of sites to be true to traditional forms and techniques. Although China does not necessarily need to implement a program like the National Living Treasures, China must support local artisans and craftsman in the reconstruction of the historic hutongs The fourth implementation of East Asian traditional practices is that rebuilding is an acceptable practice for preservation, so long as the tradit ional form and use of the site are maintained. Beijing's local government is pushing to modernize. This is a sentiment felt by the local populace, especially those living in the Old City. Most hutongs do not have running water or electricity. Beijing's local government has supplied the area with restrooms and bathhouses. However, as the standard of living continues to rise !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #Td !Q301+! 1/"6"/C#%&( -*"(;3/20D6(E/",-(5#-#"6 +!"TT: ! #TG National Geographic. Living Treasures of Japan National G eographic Video. July 8, 1997. #_c !`%7.)0%4!f()19%O8.&+! G#C#%&()/",6./"6(34(H,7,% :

PAGE 134

! "#T throughout the city and nation, mo st living in Qing Dynasty homes feel that they are being left behind. Nonetheless, 60% expresse d their preference to stay in their present h utong lane" even if offered compensation to l e a v e 271 Why is this the case? Residents understand the historic and cultural importance of their community and homes; "80% of the residents suggested that the h utongs should be preserved and passed down to the coming generations as an important part of Chinese cultural h e r i t a g e 272 The fabric is important to the Chinese culture and way of life. This is what must be maintained. Reconstruction is perfectly accep table, as it has been throughout Chinese and East Asian history. But the reconstruction must follow set guidelines: 1) the traditional height, design, and footprint must be maintained; 2) the existing community must remain; 3) local craftsman must be used to retain local building traditions; 4) the streets, urban configuration, and vegetation must continue the historic character of the hutong district. By following these standards, preservation of the historic hutong district can, and will, reflect local traditions. The fifth implementation is that the local government must lead the preservation effort. A strong local government that supports existing legislation is vital for the continual success of Beijing's preservation. As detailed before, t he Drum and Bell Tower hutong district is a designated historic area. Following existing height restrictions, land use, zoning restrictions, and design guidelines will help in aligning the hutong 's built fabric along traditional forms and usages. As s tat ed previously, residents do no t want to put money and time into a structure that might be destroyed if the local !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #_" THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 44. #_# THF, Beijing Hutong Conservatio n Plan 45.

PAGE 135

! "#_ government or redevelopment agency decides to do so. Establishing transparency in enforcement and a timeline for all planning measures related to historic structures must be taken into account. This will protect the resident from sudden demolition and establish standardized methods. Good preservation legislation and codes already exist in Beijing; now it is time to follow and enforce them. Th is can be done in three ways: 1) implementing existing legislation, including height and zoning restrictions, 2) establishing public outreach to inform and educate the public on issues, and 3) creating transparency in the redevelopment process in order to boost confidence among residents. These three basic steps will strengthen the government's role in the preservation of sites. The sixth way to implement East Asian preservation practices is that the community must play an important role in the preservatio n process. The Beijing Cultu ral Heritage Protection Center is a good model for educating and encouraging varying neighborhoods. Their aim is "to assist local communities to preserve tangible and intangible local culture through training and capacity b u i l d i n g 273 Education, training, lectures, and workshops, with the aid of local professional, were all aimed at local residents. By providing the necessary skills, CHP allowed the communities the ability to represent themselves and their local customs in preservation efforts. Currently, a lack of partnership between the local government and the communities is stifling any potential growth: "large portions of China's rich cultural heritage are at risk due to low awareness !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #_< CHP, "Drum Bell Tower Neighborhood."

PAGE 136

! "#d and poor enforcement of heritage p rotection l a w s 274 This must be fixed through education, awareness, and involvement of the local community But as stated earlier, a commanding 84% of Beijing residents believe that the government is responsible for implementing and overseeing preser vation e f f o r t s 275 Due to the failures of the local government, it is only natural that the residents should feel that they are not responsible. Therefore, it is the local government's role to establish the relationship with the communities. It is important tha t residents "participate in the rehabilitation program right from the initial planning s t a g e 276 Currently, they are left out; development companies are the only entities that have a voice. This is insufficie nt. Furthermore, existing NGOs such as CHP are educating residents on preservative practices and proper maintenance techniques. CHP sponsored monthly lectures over a two year period to a total of over 2,000 attendants. The aim was "to educate local residents on cultural heritage conservation and enc ourage active contribution from the ge neral public toward the i s s u e 277 This bolsters the public's participation and role. Residents of the Drum and Bell Tower hutong districts can be part of Beijing's preservation with the implementation of three principl es: 1) Establishing transparency in the local government with a set of planning guidelines and timetable for the planning review. This provides the residents insurance that their property will not be demolished without a set process first taking place. 2 ) Support of local non governmental agencies by both the government and the people. The existing NGOs have been significant in the !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! #_= CHP, "Drum Bell Tower Neighborhood." #_> CHP, "Drum Bell Tower Neighborhood." #_T THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan 58. #__ CHP, "Drum Bell Tower Neighborhood."

PAGE 137

! "#G preservation process. It is important that the local people and the government work with the NGOs to strengthen their effor ts. 3) The residents must take some responsibility for the preservation of their property and community. They must call for action and be a continual part of the process. Preservation only works with the resid ent s support. Following these six guideline s will do two things. First, they will strengthen modern preservation practices in Beijing by implementing principles found within East Asian traditions. Second, Beijing's built fabric will be preserved and protected in accordance to traditional configur ation and plans. Beijing can and will modernize. But it is important, for the preservation of cultural identity, that the traditional philosophies and values of space be upheld.

PAGE 138

! "
PAGE 139

! "<" remain, and local traditions are ignored, Beijing, and the Drum and Bell Tower hutong district, will remain in flux.

PAGE 140

! "<# REFERENCES Abramson, Daniel Benjamin. "The aesthetics of city scale preservation policy in Beijing." Planning Perspectives. (London: Routledge, April, 2007) Agnew, Neville and Martha Demas. Principles for the Conservation of Heritage Sites in China: English language Text (Los Angeles: The Getty Institute, 2002) Australia ICOMOS. The Burra Charter: The Australian ICOMOS Charter for Places of Cultural Significance 1999. (Australia: Australia ICOMOS, Incorporated, 2000). Barboza, David. "China Passes Japan as Second Largest Economy." The New York Times August 15, 2010. Breen, Colin. "Advocacy, international development and World Heritage Sites in sub Saharan Africa." World Archaeology Vol. 39, No. 3, The Archaeology of World Heritage (September, 2007) pp. 355 370 Bryne, Denis. "Buddhist Stupa and Thai Social Practice." World Archaeology Vol. 27, No. 2, Buddhist Archaeology (October, 1995) pp. 266 281 Chesneaux, Jean. China from the Opium Wars to the 1911 Revolution. (New York : Pantheon Books, 1976). China Daily. "Battle of the hutong." June 4, 2007. CHP. "Drum Bell Tower Neighborhood." Beijing Cultural Heritage Protection Center 2010. Clark, Liesl. NOVA: Lost Treasures of Tibet PBS, April 24, 2007. De Bary, W M. Theodore, ed. Introduction to Oriental Civilizations: Sources of Chinese Tradition Volume I (New York: Columbia University Press, 1960).

PAGE 141

! "<< DiStefano, Lynne and Ho Yin Lee. "Hong Kong: Cultural Heritage Conservation in a City of Change." Simon Frase r University, Vancouver: February 19, 2009. Ebery, Patricia Buckley. The Cambridge Illustrated History of China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). Eckholm, Erik. "Back in time in old Beijing." The New York Times February 13, 2000. Edahiro, Junko. Rebuilding Every 20 Years Renders Sanctuaries Eternal the Sengu Ceremony at Jingu Shrine in Ise." Japan for Sustainability Newsletter No. 026. October, 2004. Eitel, Ernest J. Feng Shui: The Science of Sacred Landscape in Old Ch ina. Sixth Edition. (Tucson, Synergetic Press, 1988). Frank, Andre Gunder. Dependent Accumulation and Underdevelopment (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1979). Ford, Peter. "The Olympics in China: a moment of pride and world scrutiny." The Chr istian Science Monitor January 7, 2008. Gungwu, Wang. The Chinese Overseas: From Earthbound China to the Quest for Autonomy (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000). International Committee on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS). The ICOMOS Charter for the Interpretation and Preservation of Cultural Heritage Sites. Quebec, 2008. International Committee on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS). International Charter for the Conservation and Restoration of Monuments and Sites: The Venice Charter. 1964. International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation. Athens Charter for the Restoration of Historic Monuments 1932.

PAGE 142

! "<= Jingu. "The Ise Grand Shrine." IseJingu. 2002 Jokilehto, Jukka. The History of Architecture Conservation: The Contribution of English, French, German, and Italian Thoughts towards an International Approach to the Conservation of Cultural Property (York: The University of York, England, 1986). Knapp, Ronald G. China's Old Dwellings (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 20 00). Lakshmanan, Indira A.R. "Restoring Beijing's ancient walls." The Dallas Morning News April 6, 1997. Lan, Yang. "The generation that's remaking China." TEDGlobal. July, 2011. Latourette, Kenneth Scott. The Chinese: Their History and Cultur e, 4 th Edition. (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1968). Li, Na. "Preserving Urban Landscape as Public History Asian Context." University of Massachusetts. 2008. Li, Na. "Urban Landscapes as Public History: The Chinese Context." The Public Historian Vol. 32, No. 4 (Fall 2010), pp. 51 61. Lin, Wei Cheng. "Preserving China: Liang Sicheng's Survey Photos from the 1930s and 1940s." Visual Resources (London: Routledge, June, 2011) MacLeod, Calum. "Beijing bulldozes its old neighborhoods." USA Today May 26, 2010. http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/2010 05 26 old beijing_N.htm (Accessed March 1, 2012). Marsden, William, ed. The Travels of Marco Polo: The Venetian (New York: Doubleday and Company Inc., 1948).

PAGE 143

! "<> Michell, John. "Foreword." Feng Shui: The Science of Sacred Landscape in Old China. Sixth Edition. (Tucson, Synergetic Press, 1988). Na tional Centre for the Performing Arts. "Mission Statement." CHNCPA.org. (Accessed September, 2011). National Geographic. Living Treasures of Japan National Geographic Video. July 8, 1997. Said, Edward. Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 19 78). Schuster, Mark, John de Monchaux, and Charles A. Riley II, editors. Preserving the Built Heritage: Tools for Implementation (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 1997). Sit, Victor. Beijing: The Nature and Planning of a Chinese Capita l City (Chichester: John Wiley and Sons, 1995). Smith, Laurajane. Uses of Heritage (New York: Routledge, 2006). Spence, Jonathan. To Change China: Western Advisers in China 1620 1960. (New York: Penguin Books, Ltd., 1969). Stanley Price, Nicholas and Joseph King, ed. Conserving the Authentic: Essays in Honor of Jukka Jokilheto (Rome: ICCROM International Centre for the Study of Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property, 2009). Stutz, Werner. "Old Town Preservat ion in Kunming." Sustainable Urban and Regional Development in China DISP 151. April, 2002. THF, Beijing Hutong Conservation Plan. Tung, Anthony. Preserving the World's Great Cities: The Destruction and Renewal of the Historic Metropolis (New Yo rk: Clarkson Potter/ Publishers, 2001)

PAGE 144

! "