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Forgiveness or condemnation

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Title:
Forgiveness or condemnation a discourse analysis of professional athlete DUI arrest articles
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Seggelke, Jonathan J
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Discourse analysis -- Social aspects -- United States ( lcsh )
Racism -- United States ( lcsh )
Drunk driving ( lcsh )
Discourse analysis -- Social aspects ( fast )
Drunk driving ( fast )
Racism ( fast )
United States ( fast )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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This study sets out to examine the subtle ways in which the media create and reinforces racist themes. The cultural significance of sport is widely known, but the potential ways in which discourses related to sport proliferate troubling conceptions of race is less often investigated. While some of these discourses, such as TV broadcasting and newspaper editorials, have been investigated, but there has been little scholarship on athletes and the law. This study looks at the confluence of professional athletics and criminal behavior and argues that articles written about professional basketball, baseball, and football players characterize white and non-white athletes differently. To do this investigation, it uses Discourse Analysis, as outlined by James P. Gee. Gee's theories allow for an in-depth look at the social and grammatical themes present in the discourse of the articles. This analysis argues that such articles use Discourse models, intertextualities, Conversations, social languages, identities, and grammatical structures to embed troubling racist themes. It contends that athletes of color are typically cast as criminals who should be condemned while white athletes are shown as "humans" who should be forgiven.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Jonathan J. Seggelke.

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|University of Colorado Denver
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University of Colorado Denver

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Full Text
FORGIVENESS OR CONDEMNATION: A DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF
PROFESSIONAL ATHLETE DUI ARREST ARTICLES
by
Jonathan J. Seggelke
B.A., Saint Johns University, 2006
A thesis submitted to the
Faculty of the Graduate School of the
University of Colorado in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
Rhetoric and Teaching Writing
2012


This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by
Jonathan J. Seggelke
has been approved for the
Rhetoric and Teaching Writing Program
by
Michelle Comstock, Chair
Michelle Comstock, Advisor
Rodney Herring
Amy Vidali
Date
11


Seggelke, Jonathan J. (M.A., Rhetoric and Teaching Writing)
Forgiveness or Condemnation: A Discourse Analysis of Professional Athlete DUI Arrest
Articles
Thesis directed by Associate Professor Michelle Comstock.
ABSTRACT
This study sets out to examine the subtle ways in which the media create and
reinforces racist themes. The cultural significance of sport is widely known, but the
potential ways in which discourses related to sport proliferate troubling conceptions of
race is less often investigated. While some of these discourses, such as TV broadcasting
and newspaper editiorials, have been investigated, but there has been little scholarship on
athletes and the law. This study looks at the confluence of professional athletics and
criminal behavior and argues that articles written about professional basketball, baseball,
and football players characterize white and non-white athletes differently. To do this
investigation, it uses Discourse Analysis, as outlined by James P. Gee. Gees theories
allow for an in-depth look at the social and grammatical themes present in the discourse
of the articles. This analysis argues that such articles use Discourse models,
intertextualities, Conversations, social languages, identities, and grammatical structures
to embed troubling racist themes. It contends that athletes of color are typically cast as
criminals who should be condemned while white athletes are shown as humans who
should be forgiven.
The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication.
m
Approved: Michelle Comstock


TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER
CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION........................................ 1
Background Information....................................1
Literature Review.........................................4
CHAPTER II: INTERTEXTUALITIES, SOCIAL LANGUAGES, AND IDENTITY .14
Table II. 1: Use of Social Language............................16
CHAPTER III: SITUATIONS AND APOLOGIES..........................24
Table III. 1: Use of Apology...................................25
CHAPTER IV: USE OF SUBORDINATE/DEPENDENT CLAUSES...............29
Table IV. 1: Use of Dependent Clauses..........................29
CHAPTER V: CONCLUSION..........................................35
WORKS CITED....................................................39
APPENDIX.......................................................40
A: Full Text Articles....................................40
IV


LIST OF TABLES
Table
II. l Use of Social Language...........................................16
III. 1 Use of Apology...................................................26
IV. 1 Use of Dependent Clauses.........................................30
v


CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION
Background Information
I remember being constantly surrounded by sports growing upwatching them,
playing them, talking about them. The first book I remember reading cover-to-cover was
the autobiography of Boston Celtics great Larry Bird. I was six. While most of my
classmates were weighing the benefits of green eggs and/or ham, I was developing a
fondness for the turn-around jumper. The themes and beliefs I gleaned from Birds life
story were reaffirmed in my participation in sports leagues from my youth well into early
adulthood. Themes like teamwork and unselfishness, hard work and persistence
permeated my development. I saw the men11 watched running up and down the field or
court as the embodiments of those beliefs. With every drop of sweat and twitch of
muscle, I saw the professional athletes of my youth as the personification of the themes I
held dear. Whether from playing sports or reading Birds life story, I was imbued with
certain beliefs and themes that would resonate with me as I grew older.
But more recently, however, I noticed a troubling new theme beginning to creep
its way into my sports-addled brain. I started to notice my perceptions of professional
athletes changing. Instead of being the bastions of quality characterthe people whom I
had looked up to during my formative yearsI began thinking of all professional athletes
as criminals.
1 As I grew up as the youngest of three boys, my access to female athletes was limited. Long story short,
my perception of professional athletes, therefore, is certainly skewed toward the male. An investigation into
my acculturation this conception would certainly be illuminating, but ultimately outside the purview of this
particular study.
1


I cant pinpoint exactly when this change started to happen, but at first I wrote it
off as childhood naivete that had morphed into the cynicism of my late 20s. As I
reflected on that, though, I realized it could not be the full explanation. Like a true cynic,
I started to reflect on what had caused the erosion of my faith in the players of games that
I had emulated for so long. After some consideration, I turned my gaze toward the media
representations of pro athletes.
Its not hard to notice the amount of press professional athletes accumulate, both
good and bad. In these days of the 24-hour news cycle, however, pro athletes seem to
attract a staggering amount of negative ink. Whether it be the result of a poorly thought
out tweet, a volcanic post-game interview, or an over the top celebration, the topic of pro
athletes misbehaving often wiggles its way into the popular conversation. That, in and
of itself, may not be so troubling. Since athletes do possess a certain amount of celebrity,
it is not necessarily shocking to find them woven into the threads of discussion.
After all, much of my exposure to athletes as a kid came via the media as well.
But what really began to trouble me was just how much of that conversation focused on
pro athletes getting arrested. When athletes ran afoul the law, their transgressions seemed
to be cause for newspaper attention. In fact, I noticed how newspaper articles about pro
athletes accused of breaking the law began to become nearly commonplaceit got to the
point where it was more shocking when I did not read or hear news stories about my
favorite athletes getting arrested. As a sports fan, I noticed that these reports began to
become almost normative and the connection between professional athletes and crime
became a givenalong with being great at sports, pro athletes were also criminals. And
the more I noticed the connections between pro sports and crime, the more I became
2


convinced there were serious racial overtones to my perceptions. I have never considered
myself a racist, but I found myself making troubling assumptions about the criminality of
athletes of color. So I began to wonderif I was seeing pro athletes, particularly athletes
of color, as merely criminals, what was causing it? Was there something in the discourse
around professional athletes that led to my perceptions?
In researching those initial questions, I was able to narrow down both the scope of
my analysis and the question I was seeking to answer. Eventually, I sought to answer
these questions: How might the discourse of articles about athletes arrested for DUI
differently characterize white and black athletes, and how does that characterization lead
to and perpetuate racist attitudes? How does the discourse show black athletes as more
criminal than white athletes? Are there differences in the discourse between pro sports
leagues?
To attempt an answer to those questions, I chose to use the tools of Discourse
Analysis and apply them to a body of articles that shared similar themes and exigencies. I
settled on articles written about the DUI arrests of professional athletes. I decided to
focus on DUI arrests because 1) they are reported frequently and 2) focusing on the same
crime across the study meant each article would be in response to the same situation.
Since the situations leading these reports were similar, I anticipated I would find
similar discursive techniques and themes. I also chose to focus on articles that originated
from Associated Press writers which were subsequently posted on ESPN.com,
YahooSports.com, Foxsports.com, and SportsIllustrated.com. The choice of using AP
articles was due to their lofty standard of journalism, and their high circulation numbers
(AP.org). I also assumed the articles would be unbiased and free from editorializing,
3


which I thought would make them ideal targets for Discourse Analysis. Articles free from
opinion would be an ideal source of embedded problematic discourse. In choosing the
sites which posted the articles, I turned to the four most frequently visited sports related
web sites (businessinsider.com). That way, I could be assured that the articles had
widespread dissemination, thus making their potential for coloring reader perceptions
higher.
The purpose of this study is not to prove that there is racism in popular discourse
about sports. That point has been well proven up to this point. Instead, this analysis seeks
to examine the subtle and overlooked ways in which racist attitudes are created and
perpetuated through this discourse. So it is not a question of the existence of racism in the
articles I analyze here, or even why for that matter. The question I will investigate is
merely how racist attitudes are purveyed, and how Discourse Analysis can uncover those
mechanics.
In this analysis, I argue that the articles that are the subject of my study use social
languages based on sports and the law to create identities of expertise and reliability. By
drawing on those simultaneous identities, the discourse is able to use situations of
apology and grammatical structures to allow forgiveness for white athletes while
condemning athletes of color.
Literature Review
Sports and sports culture have been both maligned as a realm of serious study and
widely as a great confluence of social interaction rich for study. Lawrence Wenner,
author/editor of Media, Sports, and Society, is firmly in the latter camp. The aim of his
collection is to show how This mass-communicated and highly commercialized sports
4


culture is easily related to myriad issues concerning socialization, interpersonal
communication, value formation, racial and gender assessments, and the balance of
political and economic power (Wenner 16). He sees the realm of sports as a fruitful
intersection of values and ideologies, and studying it with a critical eye can illuminate
very interesting trends in culture, especially when it comes to the relationship between
the media and sports.
Like Wenner, myriad scholars have addressed the need to be critical of the media.
For instance, in his discussion of the ideologies present in UK news of newspapers, Terry
Trew asserts that it is in the media that we find the most common and familiar kind of
discourse which presents the social in terms of given ideologies and repairs the breaches
opened up by the intrusion of what is not supposed to happen, since it is the media which
present information about what is happening, including the very events which give rise to
the need for reinterpretation (Trew 98). The common discourse examined by Trew is
exactly where I hope to situate this analysis to show the subtle aspects of language that
have large consequences.
In connecting sports and the media, Wenners work outlines the symbiotic
relationship sports and the media have cultivated, where the press and sports figures work
together to their mutual benefit. He argues that with the sports.. .press gaining an
audience and the sports organizationif all goes wellgaining the public goodwill,
which leads to an audience (22). According to Wenner, then, the media and sports feed
off of each other. Both entities need audiences, so it is in their mutual benefit not to
alienate them. Therefore, part of the exigence of articles like those I examine here is to
5


return the athletes and fans to that status of mutual goodwill. But that idea of mutual
goodwill becomes complicated when crime is thrown into the mix.
Few scholars have addressed the overlap of crime and sport as Richard Lapchick
has. Several of his works deal with popular perceptions of athletes in trouble with the
law. Lapchick, who has a long history connecting sports and social equity (particularly
related to issues of race), argues that not only are pro athletes arrested less frequently in
the US among comparable populations, but also that the media reports athlete arrests with
startling frequency (268-273). His work directly links problematic characterizations of
professional athletes to the proliferation of articles about their arrests.
But although many will have a hard time sympathizing with professional athletes
for being falsely characterized in the media, Lapchick also notes,Like all stereotypes,
the stereotype of the athlete as a criminal is hazardous and powerful, and harmful to the
athletes and society (281). And often, the language we use is at the root of those
stereotypes.
James Paul Gee has written at length about the power of language in social
settings, and I base many of my assumptions on the potentially problematic nature of the
characterizations I found myself forming about athletes that spurred this study on his
assertion that language has meaning only in and through social practices (8). That is,
language is meaningful only in that it has societal interactions giving it significance, and
vice versa. Language, in this view, both creates and is created by the institutions in which
it exists. Through language, therefore, we can see just how these standards and
institutions maintain and create power, which makes it inherently politicalthere is
always something at stake when language is used (2). If all language is political, it then
6


reflects both the distribution and creation of social goods; therefore, it has immense
power. Gee defines those social goods as anything a group of people consider valuable
(2). Therefore, Ill be using his definition of political language to prove that there are
social goods at stake, particularly in the form of personal identity.
Since language is inherently political and reflective of the distribution of social
goods, it must also reflect the different levels of access to those goods. In that case then,
it follows that different groups of people would have different levels of access to those
goods. According to Gee, then, the fact that people have different access to different
identities and activities, connected to different sorts of status and social goods, is a root
source of inequality in society. Thus, intervening in these moments of language
[through discourse analysis] is necessary to talk about social equity and justice {Social
Literacies 22). Since language is inherently political and reflective of the distribution of
social goods, it must also reflect the different levels of access to those goods. In that case
then, it follows that different groups of people would have different levels of access to
those goods.
The contexts of language use can directly influence the access and distribution of
social goods. When language is used in a particular context, that context limits the
languages potential meanings. From contextual clues in both the language and situation,
we are able to make sense of a piece of discourse. This ability to make sense of language
in specific situations results from what Gee calls the situated meaning of language. This
means that part of the way we use context to make meaning in discourse is through the
interpretation of patterns. Those patterns, according to Gee, are specific and significant to
certain sociocultural groups (59). In that sense, we interpret discourses in way that is
7


specific to our Discourseswho we are and what we have experienced color how we
understand language. The context that creates meaning, then, always involves social
relationships and social identities.
I think it apt here to pause to explain what I interpret Gee to mean by the idea of
Discourse. When discussing language-in-use, Gee uses the term little d discourse. He
applies this term to the words used in a specific moments of interaction. When he uses
big D Discourse, he is talking about all the way that we enact certain identities in
addition to the language we use (7). The things that make up Discourse include attitudes,
body language, and more importantly for this analysis, values and beliefs. In order to
pull off a certain Discourse, Gee argues, a person needs to get all the non-language
things that create identity right (7). So, Discourse therefore involves the assuming of
different identities.
In his discussion of Discourse models then, Gee complicates other theorists use
of the cultural model, where the patterns are interpreted though only a cultural lens, and
adapts it into a Discourse model, where meaning is created through a wider lens of
Discourse. So while cultural models are are theories about language rooted in practices
of socioculturally defined groups of people (60), Discourse models are theories
(storylines, images, explanatory frameworks) that people hold, often unconsciously, and
use to make sense of the world and their experiences in it (61). If Discourse determines
the identity we enact or take up, Discourse models are the ways we make sense of
experiences in that Discourse.
For this analysis, I will argue that Discourse models create problematic
characterizations of professional athletes by creating and changing the simulations
8


readers have of athletes. Instead of a Discourse model that characterizes athletes as those
who engage in sports at a high level, these articles create models that characterize athletes
as those who engage in criminal behavior. If the articles are playing on, informing, or
otherwise using those Discourse models, they can and will shape the way we make sense
of the world. If, as Gee asserts, we learn our theories on life from prior experience, and
those experiences are shaped and normed by the social and cultural groups to which we
belong, then these articles have the power to influence the way we interpret our
experiences (71). Thus they are creating the Discourse models through which we
understand the situations and language presented in the articles.
We infer what is normal or typical from our experiences in the world, as
individuals and people doing Discourse. Because we have shared and repeated patterns
created by either experience or by ideas conveyed by our social groups or other media,
our minds use those experiences as raw materials that our minds can work oncan seek
to find order and pattern inin order to think about and prepare actions in regard to
future.. .related events (73). This creates simulations in our minds. We use past
experiences to prepare us to interact with new information. Furthermore, Gee argues that
these simulations are never neutral, and that they in fact are meant to take a
perspective on our interactions (74). Even in the simulations, we privilege certain
information and leave other information in the background. When I am faced with a job
interview, I create a simulation of what the interview will be like, and I will leave out the
information I feel is less important. If I was particularly nervous and sweaty, I will
remember that rather than what my interviewer looked like, or even what questions I was
asked. For future interviews, using the simulation in my mind of me dripping with sweat
9


clenching the arms of the chair, I will try to remember to be less nervous. I will prepare
more. My future interaction will be altered by the past experience I had.
If these simulations were individual and isolated, there would be no need for an
analysis like this. But, as Gee states, Thanks to the fact that our experiences in the world
are shared with others who are members of the same social and cultural groups as
ourselves, our simulations.. .come to overlap with other peoples simulations (75).
Drawing from shared experiencesat least enough to make conversation possible
groups of similar Discourses tend to have similar simulations which will color future
interactions. In this view, through the very nature of these discourse models, we set up a
binary between what we include in our Discourses and what we do not and what lines up
with what we expect and what does not. And these simulations that we use to navigate
the world have the potential to label things that dont line up with our expectations as
deviant (76). Therefore, any repeated exposure to the experience of associating pro
athletes with criminal behavior could certainly create a biased view of athletes as a
whole.
If we are influenced by our past experiences, and those experiences are shared
with others in our Discourse in order to make communication possible, I argue that the
proliferation of articles like the ones I analyze here are actively shaping the simulations
we have of professional athletes. Since all the articles I analyzed characterize athletes as
criminal, they create problematic simulations that will cause people to think of athletes in
general as criminal. Lapchick indicates how troubling Discourse models of athletes can
be, especially when race is considered. Quoting Roslyn Dunlap, he mentions how
Discourse models like the ones I have described so far create.. .dangerous mindset[s]
10


with heavy racial overtones (266). The Discourse models the articles create or use for
athlete is that of a criminal, but the word athlete often carries with it racial
connotations. Perhaps even before athletes can be characterized as criminal through these
Discourse models, athletes have already been characterized as black through other
Discourse models.
Gee defines Conversations as the larger social/cultural discussions, themes,
or motifs that most people enter into knowing what sides there are (35).
Conversations, since they rely on themes or motifs common to certain Discourses,
depend on Discourse models for understanding. People may not know the ins and outs of
such Conversations, but in general terms we know what different arguments are made
from different groups about such issues because we know the arguments made from our
own Discourses. For example, one common Conversation surrounds the issue of liberal
arts degrees. Some Discourses, say for instance a Discourse made up of engineering
majors (as several of my friends happen to be) might hold the belief that a liberal arts
degree is useless. This knowledge, according to Gee, helps us sort through the many
different Conversations we come into contact with, as it is an ever-present background
you can bring to interpret things you hear or read (49). Our familiarity with
Conversations allow us to situate the information we take in and sort out whos on what
side, and where we place ourselves as well.
Additionally, Conversations, as Gee defines them, are inherently value laden.
Although we may not know the history or all the facts surrounding a certain debate, we
certainly attribute social beliefs and values to them. Furthermore, within this
Conversation, an object or an institution.. .take on meaningssymbolic valueswithin
11


the Conversation and people who know about the conversation can select certain
meanings of those values (Gee 52). People can pick up those values without knowing the
specifics of the debates themselves, in terms of history. We can know about
Conversations, such as in the smoking example Gee uses, unconsciously. Another
example of how Conversations work can be found in the topic of literacy. Some
Discourses, such as the academic Discourse, value literacy as a means of self-growth or
knowledge seeking. Other Discourses, such as the school board or administrative
Discourse, might see it as something to be measured and assessed in terms of success.
These two Discourses have different beliefs about this Conversation, and each attributes
different values to it. One sees literacy as a way to better oneself. The other sees it as a
way to mark educational successes or failures. The values inherent in the literacy
Conversation depend on Discourse.
Those values, I argue, come chock full of racist sentiments. But since it is readily
apparent that racism and sports discourse unfortunately go hand in hand, I will only start
my discussion there. I will not endeavor to prove it exists. As Lapchick mentions,
because of the makeup of most American professional sports leagues, whites tend to
think black when it they think about major sports (266). Racial stereotypes already
pervade sports discourse. But how did they get there? One way, I argue here, is through
the discourse of articles that relate the events of athlete arrests. I argue that the discourse
of the articles I analyzed contains/uses statements of apologies, sports and legal expert
identities, and descriptive sentences to criminalize and condemn black athletes while
humanizing and forgiving non-black athletes. I have yet to find a study that has looked at
the confluence between professional athletes, race, and crime. Looking into this moment
12


when the athletes clash with dominant institutions could provide a provocative lens
through which we can view race relations. It can also illuminate the subtle ways in which
language-in-use constructs and reflects perception.
13


CHAPTER II: INTERTEXTUALITIES, SOCIAL LANGUAGES, AND
IDENTITY
In order to effectively create criminal identity for black players, the
discourse of the article must first use the correct social languages to assume an
identity that readers will recognize as authoritative. The use of these social
languages can signify different socially significant identities which gives
audiences (readers in this case) the clues needed to interpret meanings (Gee 35,
105). In interpreting those clues in these articles, I found two separate but
simultaneous identities being createdone of a sports expert and one of a legal
expert. Both create a sense of knowledge about each respective subject. And by
creating identities that use clues to make readers perceive them as knowledgeable
about and part of the Discourses at hand in these articles, the discourse creates a
sense of authority. That authority will then make readers more easily buy in to
the subtle racism I argue exists. Once readers have bought in, they will consume
the articles, racism and all, without a need to question what they are reading. To
put it another way, in order to mediate the flow of social goods (which in the case
of these articles, comes in the form of reputation and social standing), the
discourse needs readers to buy in to the expertise it offers. One way the articles
assume such an identity is by using sports- and law-related intertextualities,
including specific sports and legal terms; references to player performance and
police reports; and statements from lawyers and team representatives. This allows
the discourse to enact an identity that enables it to pass judgment on the players as
14


athletes and criminals. Once that judgment is assumed, the articles can further
complicate the identities of the athletes, particularly the black athletes.
While being posted on popular sports websites has an effect on the
situated meaning of the language used in the articles, it is not enough to assure
readers of familiarity with sports discourse. To that end, all the articles I analyzed
used sports-specific languagei.e., words and phrases that only make sense in the
sports centered discourse of the articles. Table 1 shows the data I gathered from
the articles in terms of the amount of meaningful words and phrases significant to
a sports Discourse. It also shows the intertextualities and legal language used,
both of which will be discussed at length.
15


Table II.1: Use of Social Language
Aldon Alex Carmelo Cristhain Marcus Shin-So o
Smith White Anthony Martinez Johnson Choo
Race/league Black/NFL White/MLB Black/NBA Hispanic/ MLB Black/NFL South Korean/ MLB
References to 'X 8 0
Performance D A
Inte rtextualatie s 4 0 6 8 2 30
Sports terms 15 16 30 15 2 43
Legal Terms 12 3 17 16 5 23
Coco Crisp Derek DJ Hines Migeul Vincent
Lowe Williams Ward Cabrera Jackson
Race/league Black/MLB White/MLB Black/NFL Black/NFL Venezuelan/ MLB Black/ NFL
References to A f: f: 1 'X
Performance H D O O
Inte rtextualatie s 14 16 10 5 4 11
Sports terms 32 21 34 7 7 29
Legal Terms 15 16 16 16 23 22
In my classification of the data in Table II. 1,1 considered any moments when the
discourse directly used other sources, such as quotes from coaches or police
statements, as intertextual. I decided to code references to performance and sports
and legal jargon as separate from intertextualities. While each of these could be
considered intertextual in itself, I chose to count them as distinct language usages
in order to give me more data to analyze. By separating the data this way, I was
able to see more clearly the patterns that emerged.
16


From the data I parsed out of these articles, it is clear the discourse uses a
good deal of sports terms (which I considered anything that referred to teams,
positions, or jargon and language which would lose its significance outside of a
sports context). This in itself is not completely surprising, considering these
articles were all posted on popular sports websites. But it does show attempts by
the discourse to identify itself in the Discourse of sports by using the correct
social language. If the articles had reflected an unfamiliarity with this Discourse, I
argue the articles would have a null effect on proliferating racist attitudes. Since
the discourse does assume this correct identity through its use of sports language,
readers are more likely to take the information for granted, given its context. By
assuming the correct identity for the correct audience, the discourse makes its
message in a way that is easily accepted and understood by those familiar with
this Discourse. If I use a similar example, say that of my teaching a composition
class, we can further see how this might work. When I stand in front of a class to
assume the role of teacher, I have to use language that marks me as such in
order to get my students to buy in. If I were to stand in front of the class and use
language from one of my other discursive identities, say that of me talking with
friends at a bar, the students would not give what I had to teach them much
credence (and likewise, I doubt my friends would be thrilled to hear me go on
about the rhetorical triangle). So when the discourse uses terms and phrases such
as practice and NBA All-Star, it is making the assumptions 1) that it knows
who its readers are and 2) that its readers will recognize its identity as well.
17


The discourse also uses references to in-game performance (see Table 1)
to enact an identity befitting the situation. This discursive movethe intertextual
reference to past in-game performanceshows the emphasis the articles place on
game day. This emphasis not only adds to the sports expert identity, but it also
shows how in-game performance is privileged by the Discourse. Every article,
save one, had some reference to on-field performance. By citing performance this
way and this frequently (there was an average of over three references per article),
the discourse shows how much it values performance. Readers too, if they
recognize it or not, may also buy in to the Discourse model that reflects and
values good performance from top-tier athletes. The discourse uses this particular
set of intertextualities to further embed itself in an identity that is familiar with
and critical of player performance, not unlike the identity a fan enacts when
discussing the latest game with friends. This identity can be seen as reliable by
readers, who will take the discourse for granted.
The discourse also directly quotes sources of perceived authority such as
the police and team spokespeople to give those institutions power and value,
while de-valuing the voice of the athlete. Many if the intertextualities used in the
articles are direct quotes pulled from prepared statements that come from sources
with actual authority. Often these statements come from police sources, who have
the power to exercise legal authority, or team representatives, who have the power
to exercise financial authority. These two referents clearly reflect the distribution
of social goods, and what social goods the discourse deems valuable. In this case,
the value is placed on those who hold power in terms of money and social order.
18


In using these two main sources of intertextual quotations, the discourse of the
articles aligns itself with those power structures. And in turn, since readers are
simultaneously being encouraged to line themselves up with the identities
assumed by the discourse, readers are also aligned with those authority figures.
Therefore, readers too are in a position to judge and condemn athletes or forgive
and understand athletes depending on the other discursive factors present in the
articles. By using intertexuatilities to enact sports centered identities, the articles
are able to lead readers to their opinions of the athletes.
To add to the sport-themed identities used by the discourse, the articles
also use language that reflects a more legal identity. This identity shows
knowledge of the workings of the countrys laws and expertise and of how people
should interact with those laws. This identity is enacted simultaneously with the
sports-centered identity I discussed earlier. It is important to note that sports
Discourse and legal Discourse have nothing inherently to do with each other, but
these articles connect them, making the athlete-criminal identity significant.
Furthermore, through creating a legal expert identity, the articles are able to
change readers perceptions of situations when athletes are arrested. In order to
enact an identity that seems at ease discussing legal matters, the articles use
jargon and intertextual references to legal documents in much the same way it
maintains its sports identity. Every article I analyzed had legal jargon in it, which
creates the same sort of expertise I mentioned in my above discussion of sports
terms in the discourse. For example, the articles frequently refer to bonds,
sobriety tests, and lawyers. That language, similar to the sports language
19


mentioned earlier, takes on specific meanings in the context of the articles. This
legal language adds to the credibility of this identity.
Since many readers may not be familiar with the workings of the legal
system, articles like these serve to fill in the gaps in their simulations. In this case,
the gaps filled in by the discourse serve to connect athletes of color to crime and
guilt. To wit, in articles about players of color, the discourse frequently mentions
the presence of lawyers. In fact, even when lawyers are neither quoted nor in the
employ of the athletes, the discourse mentions legal representation, which tends to
imply guilt. By contrast, the articles about white players do not mention lawyers.
Those unfamiliar with the legal system may assume that the presence of a lawyer
implies guilt, based on previous experience and Discourse models they may draw
upon. On one hand, these Discourse models may be created through experiences
with other sources of media, including TV or references to popular culture. While
most people have not felt handcuffs on their wrists personally, they are more
likely to have seen the guilty parties on any of the iterations of detective dramas
on TV lawyer up when they get caught. Likewise, they may have been exposed
to articles like those analyzed here, which could create a looping effectwherein
these articles simultaneously create, reinforce, and influence reader Discourse
models. Therefore, no matter what Discourse model readers carry into these
articles, they readers will connect athletes of color and lawyers, which will change
the Discourse model used in the future. When confronted with future athletes of
color and legal situations, the discourse of these articles will factor into future
simulations and proliferate attitudes of racism toward athletes of color. Thus, after
20


being exposed to discourse like this, readers interpretations of other situations
similar to those in the articles will change and they will perceive athletes of color
as criminals.
To close out this discussion on social languages, identity, and
intertextuality, I will now use an article from my study in full to illustrate the
identities at work in it. As an example, it will help demonstrate how the discourse
uses the two different social languages I have addressed to enact two different
simultaneous identities, which combine to create a sense of believability in order
to create and reinforce an idea of forgiveness (for white athletes) or condemnation
(for athletes of color). The following article relates the arrest of NBA player
Carmelo Anthony. Anthonys arrest happened in 2008, while he was playing for
the Denver Nuggets.
Anthony arrested on suspicion of driving under the influence
Associated Press
DENVER NBA All-Star Carmelo Anthony was arrested early Monday
on suspicion of driving under the influence of alcohol, hours after his
worst game of the season. The Denver Nuggets forward was arrested on
Interstate 25, police said. He was alone in the car and pulled over for
weaving and not dimming his lights. Detective Sharon Hahn said Anthony
failed a series of sobriety tests. He was charged with DUI and then taken
to police headquarters before being released to a "sober responsible party,"
21


Hahn said. Anthony is due in court May 14. Mark Warkentien, the
Nuggets' vice president of basketball operations, said the team was aware
of the situation but declined comment. The Nuggets did not practice
Monday and Anthony wasn't available. He's expected at practice Tuesday.
Anthony's attorney, Dan Recht, said his client consented to a blood test,
but results won't be available for about two weeks. "Carmelo apologizes to
his fans, the Denver community, his teammates and the Nuggets
organization for the distraction this is causing them," Recht said. The
Nuggets (49-32) clinched their fifth straight playoff berth Monday night
when Golden State lost at Phoenix. Denver had beaten Houston 111-94
Sunday night to move a-half game ahead of the Warriors for the eighth
spot in the Western Conference. Anthony was held to 11 points on 3-of-14
shooting against a Rockets team that was missing defensive
specialist Shane Battier. Anthony did extend his NBA-best streak of
double-digit games to 206. On Saturday, he committed a flagrant foul
against Utah's Deron Williams that changed the course of a close game.
The Jazz went on to win 124-97. Anthony was named an All-Star starter
for the first time this year. He's fourth in the NBA in scoring (25.8) and is
averaging a career-best 7.4 rebounds. Last season, he was involved in a
brawl at Madison Square Garden. After J.R. Smith was collared on his
way to a breakaway basket in the closing minutes of a rout, Anthony, then
the league's leading scorer, dropped the New York Knicks' Mardy
Collins with a punch that drew a 15-game suspension. In February,
22


Anthony was ticketed in Colorado for driving 25 mph over the posted
speed limit. A hearing is set for next month. (Carmelo Anthony)
This article is reflective of the theories of identity I outlined above. Readers get a
sense of the different identities assumed by the discourse and how they play out.
First, readers see the sports identity in the opening phrase NBA All-Star Carmelo
Anthony. That particular phrase sets the whole article up in terms of a reliable
identity familiar with sports. This identity shows knowledge of the sport and its
hierarchy of talent. Anthony is marked as an All-Star in the first sentence, which
shows both familiarity with his level of talent and connects it to the events in the
article. In the very same sentence, the legal identity appears in the phrase
suspicion of driving under the influence of alcohol. This part of the sentence
shows familiarity with legal terminology, thus casting the discourse in an
authoritative light in legal matters. Both legal and sports Discourse models have
been activated in readers in the very first sentence of the article. The article also
quotes both Anthonys lawyer and a Denver Nuggets executive, which shows
which institutions it aligns itselfand readerswith. By giving voice to those
institutions, it shows which power structures it values. Lastly, the article also
references Anthonys on court play several times, thus making the connection
between performance and skill to criminal behavior. By using intertextualities,
social language, and different simultaneous identities, the articles are able to
create bias in readers against athletes of color. I will now turn to more specific
analysis for the rest of this study.
23


CHAPTER III: SITUATIONS AND APOLOGIES
Once the identities of the articles have been established and readers know which
Discourse models will help make sense of the athletes arrests, the discourse is free to use
that situation as a moment to allow players to either apologize directly or not. In my
analysis, every article about a non-black athlete contained a directly attributed apology
from the athlete. In articles about athletes of color, however, there was either no apology
or one from a secondary source, usually the athletes lawyer. The breakdown of these
apologies in is Table III. 1 below2 3.
In my analysis, I found that only white players were given the opportunity to
apologize about being arrested in their own words and address this discourse situation in
typical ways. By typical, I mean ways that line up with common and acceptable
Discourse models and simulations. Specifically, the Discourse model in play here is the
expectation of expressions of regret when a person does something wrong. In this
Discourse model, once a person apologizes properly as expected, that person can then be
forgiven. Likewise, that same model calls for forgiveness once a satisfactory apology is
issued. But this model only works when there is a direct apology. Therefore, I argue that
white players apologies, made possible by the articles, are in line with what most
Discourse models and simulations would consider proper and acceptable. But when the
articles do not allow the athletes to apologize in their own words, as is the case with non-
white athletes, the discourse denies them access to that valued, typical discourse
situation. Instead, when the athletes apologies come from mediated sources such as
21 included any statement expressing regret in the category of apology in this data set.
3 With one notable exception, Korean bom MLB player Shin-Soo Choo, only white players directly
apologized in the articles.
24


lawyers, the discourse forces them into a marginalized discourse situation. This contrast
between the marginalized situation of the non-white athletes and the normative situation
of white ones reflects a troubling racist theme in the discourse. In directly attributing
quotes to the white athletes as they apologize, the discourse allows for understanding and
forgiveness to occur.
Table III. 1 shows the result of the coding the articles according to the amount of
writing devoted to apologies or remorseful language. I counted any sentence mentioning
apology or regret as apologetic language instances:
Table III.1: Use of Apology
Alex White Carmelo Anthony
Race/League White/ MLB Black/ NBA
Apologetic Language Instances 2 1
Source of
Apologetic Language Self Lawyer
Cristhain Marcus Coco
Martinez Johnson Crisp
Hispanic/ Black/ Black/
MLB NFL MLB
0 0 0
N/A N/A N/A
Derek D.J. Hines
Lowe Williams Ward
White/ Black/ Black/
MLB NFL NFL
4 0 1
Self N/A Lawyer
The discourse of apologies4 as reflected by my analysis shows that the white
athletes recognize the situation as one that requires contrition, which I argue is based on
previous experience and simulations in their Discourses. In similar past situations, when a
4 This could be a particularly rich sub-genre of discourse for analysis. McDorman addressed apologia from
a rhetorical and cultural perspective, but I think an analysis such as this one could also be applied to a set of
apologetic discourse for a fruitful discussion.
25


person has done wrong, the athletes have seen that person expresses remorse and
therefore can be forgiven. It also shows awareness of the Conversations surrounding
sports and crime, namely that when an athlete has apologized (for anything) in a
satisfactory way, he should be forgiven and given a second chance. In fact, there have
been entire studies have been devoted to this particular situation of an athlete admitting
wrongdoing and being let back into the discourse communitys good graces. For instance,
McDorman analyzed the situation surrounding Pete Rose5 and found that Roses lack of
apology, despite the feelings of goodwill from many sports writers and pundits, is the
sole reason for fans and media not absolving him (18-19). If an athlete does not
apologize, or is not allowed to by a particular discourse such as the one I analyzed, he
cannot be given a second chance. Only by recognizing the situationand being allowed
to make the correct discursive move of apologycan an athlete gain access to the
privilege of a second chance.
But, as I mentioned, it is not just the athlete that must be aware of the situation
and the Conversations inherent in itthe articles too must recognize that situation as
well. And by including the directly quoted apologies from white players, the articles play
an active role in perpetuating the cycle of forgiveness among white athletes. That
forgiveness results in, and plays upon, the second chance Conversation that is prevalent
in sports discourse. This direct apology leading to a second chance plays out in the article
detailing the arrest of Alex White, a pitcher for the Colorado Rockies. Even though this
article is only 96 words long, it still manages to fit in an apology from White, saying, he
has apologized to his teammates after being briefly jailed following an arrest on
5 Rose, Major League Baseballs all-time leading hitter, was accused of gambling on games as a manager
of the Cincinnati Reds. The accusations resulted in a tarnished image and a lifetime ban from the Hall of
Fame. Rose has continues to deny the allegations.
26


suspicion of drunken driving (Alex White). While this is not a directly quoted
apology, as many other apologies in articles on white players are, it is not mediated
through a lawyer or other mouthpiece. Indeed, it is directly attributed to him, a discursive
move missing from articles on athletes of color. In allowing the white athletes a voice to
apologize to readers, the articles reflexively create a space that condones the forgiveness
of those athletes. Accounts such as the ones I analyzed, by including apologies from
white players, make it possible to perpetuate that Conversation.
Athletes of color were given no such access to the second chance Conversation in
these articles. While the discourse shows how relatable and human white athletes are, that
kind of language never appeared in an article about athletes of color athletes in my
analysis. They were, however, given access to a different Conversation which draws
upon the Discourse model of a guilty criminal. The only time athletes of color apologized
in these articles, it was through a lawyer. By only granting these athletes apologies
through a legal representative, the discourse insinuates guilt. The legal mouthpiece
changes the Discourse model to one that readers unfamiliar with criminality directly (i.e.
those who have never been arrested) will automatically equate to guilt and a lack of
remorse. In this Discourse model reader will assume guilt because using a lawyer to
avoid apologizing smacks of arrogance and avoidance of responsibility. When the
discourse about non-white players denies direct apologies, it effectively strips those
athletes of potential to be forgiven. In the Carmelo Anthony article, for example, the lack
of direct apology in this way is evident. The article reads, Carmelo apologizes to his
fans, the Denver community, his teammates and the Nuggets organization for the
27


distraction this is causing them, Recht6 7 said (Carmelo Anthony). In this instance, it is
clear the discourse mediates Anthonys apology by using his lawyer. Anthony is not
n
afforded a direct apology, and as is the case with the non-white athletes in this analysis ,
he is therefore criminalized and afforded no opportunity for a second chance.
6 Dan Recht is identified as Anthonys lawyer earlier in the article.
7 It bears mentioning that in the analysis (and as evident from Table 2) only two non-white articles even got
lawyer-filtered apologies. The remainder of articles I analyzed about athletes of color were not even
afforded a lawerly apology.
28


CHAPTER IV: USE OF SUBORDINATE/DEPENDENT CLAUSES
In addition to determining who is allowed to apologize, the discourse of the
articles uses dependent clauses to reflect the habitual nature of black crimes or to show
major flaws in black athletes, while they are used in articles about white players to paint
them as apologetic or to simply clarify unrelated information. At first glance, the use of
dependent clauses in the discourse of articles seems unremarkable, and they turn up
frequently. But when the effect of these clauses is analyzed further, differences become
readily apparent. As evident from the data in Table IV. 1, the total number of dependent
clauses in the articles varied and was unreflective of any trend. In the breakdown,
however, it is clear that their use differs depending on the race of the subject. I
categorized the dependent clauses in terms of what their function was, and grouped
them accordingly. My categories were as follows: The addition of past behavioral
information, appositives, cause-effect relationships, and time or temporal clauses.
Table IV. 1: Use of Dependent Clauses
Cristhain Martinez Derek Lowe D.J. Williams Hines Ward Miguel Cabrera Vincent Jackson
Race/ Hispanic/ White/ Black/ Black/ Hispanic/ Black/ NFL
League MLB MLB NFL NFL MLB
Dependent
Clauses 4 5 7 2 4 3
Type Past Info, Appositive, Time Cause- effect, Background Past info Appositive Past info Background, Appositive
29


The table shows how I quantified the usage of dependent clauses and how I categorized
each clause. But the table does not explicitly show when dependent clauses appear in
articles about black and Hispanic athletes, they are used in ways that add information
about prior arrests or misdeeds, which adds to their air of criminality. In the articles about
white athletes, the dependent clauses emphasized their humanity and even served to
distance them from such criminal behavior. To further exemplify the distinct ways in
which the articles use dependent clauses in cases of black (or, in the case of the following
example, Venezuelan) and white athletes, I will now examine two articles as illustrative
of this problematic difference. Both articles are about Major League Baseball players,
o
one white and one Venezuelan I will begin with a discussion of the dependent clauses
in the article of the Venezuelan-born Miguel Cabrera and their problematic effects.
Cabreras article reflects the troubling racist undertones that this analysis
uncovered. The use of dependent clauses in this article depicts Cabrera as habitually
criminal and unable to control his anti-social behavior. In the following example, we can
see this in action:
Detroit Tigers slugger Miguel Cabrera was arrested late Wednesday on drunken driving
charges in Florida, police said, the latest episode for the first baseman who has struggled
with a drinking problem. (Miguel Cabrera, italics mine)
8 Major League Baseballs ethnic makeup is one where 25% of the players are of Hispanic descent, thus
making them the largest minority in the league. In both the National Basketball Association and National
Football League, black players make up 77% and 65% of the players, respectively (Lapchick). Therefore,
my comparison of Venezuelan-bom Cabrera to the other black athletes in this analysis is apt, as they both
represent the largest percentage of non-white players in their leagues.
30


As in any use of a dependent clause, the information included in it is inessential to the
meaning of the sentence. That is, it does not change or create the main idea of the
sentence. It is, as Gee says, less salient than the main clause of the sentence (74). But in
this case, the added information reflects attitudes toward Cabrera and his past behavior,
particularly that it is unacceptable. Readers do not need to know that Cabrera has had
issues with alcohol in his past for an article of his arrest to make sense. But in adding it,
the discourse characterizes him as perpetually misbehaving. Readers are meant to know
that this behavior from Cabrera is not an anomaly. It is, in fact, the norm for this player.
Interestingly, there is no hint of an attempt to evoke either pity or empathy for Cabrera.
Instead, the language used, especially the phrase latest episode, is evocative of
frustration. It implies that readers should be fed up with this sort of behavior from this
player. The dependent clause in this instance depicts Cabrera as a habitual drinker who
cannot stop himself from running afoul of the law.
In the next dependent clauses from Cabreras article, readers are told that
Cabreras perpetual misbehavior is his fault. The insinuation in the following example is
that his excessive drinking is the result of his own failed responsibility:
During spring training last year, Cabrera said he was done drinking alcohol after he
spent much of the offseason in counseling. (Miguel Cabrera, italics mine)
The dependent clauses used in this sentence emphasize Cabreras failure to rehabilitate
himself. The first clause in the sentence emphasizes the temporality of his attempts at
counseling. This emphasis tells readers that he should have addressed this problem over a
31


year ago, but he has failed. Additionally, by using the timeframe of last year to
background his struggles, it emphasizes how the new occurrence should be all the more
frustrating. The article encourages readers to buy into the oversimplified implication that
an alcoholic (as Cabrera is insinuated to be) can be cured in the matter of a year,
therefore characterizing him as a failure and unreliable.
The second dependent clause reinforces this idea of Cabrera as a failure, since the
counseling he sought was clearly not enough to fix him, as the insinuation of the article
makes it seem. More troublingly, the dependent clause here makes him out to be a liar,
since he apparently swore off drinking. This implicationthat he is untrustworthy as
wellfurther characterizes him as habitually anti-social.
While the dependent clauses in Cabreras article reinforce the idea of his anti-
social behavior as habitual, the dependent clauses in the article about the white Derek
Lowe show him as being repentant and his behavior as normative. In the following
examples, I will show how the discourse in this case shows Lowe as buying into larger,
socially acceptable Conversations and distances him from the crime of DUI. The first use
of dependent clauses in this article shows Lowe as penitent and contrite in the aftermath
of his arrest:
Atlanta Braves pitcher Derek Lowe apologized Friday after being charged with drunken
driving, saying he hoped his arrest would not be a distraction to the team. (Derek
Lowe, italics mine)
32


The use of the dependent clause after the comma (Ill discuss the clause directly
preceding the comma briefly next) paints a sympathetic picture for readers. It shows
Lowe as recognizing the unpleasantness of the incident, and reflects his regret while
avoiding any insinuations of actual culpability. Interestingly, his apology is for the
potential distraction his arrest may cause, which serves to distance him from the guilt that
we expect to come from breaking the law. But, since readers are never led to see Lowe as
guilty through the discourse, his deference to his team redeems him from any inclinations
readers might have that he is a bad person. Instead, readers are led to see him as nothing
more than a team player. That kind of selfless attitude aligns with the teamwork
Conversation that sports discourse is often steeped. In this Conversation, the value of the
team comes before the individual. Often this is summed up by the cliched expression
There is no I in team. Lowe, in apologizing to his team for singling himself out in
this way, clearly aligns him with that Conversation, which is often taken from granted by
those in on sports Discourse. Those in on sports Discourse and familiar with that
Conversation, would find Lowe easier to empathize with, and thus forgive.
Additionally, the first dependent clause in the sentence above uses a subordination
to encourage readers to view the whole sentence through the lens of Lowes apology.
While I previously addressed the overall effect of including apologies in the situation of
articles, this particular sentence has a slightly different result. By foregrounding Lowes
apology, then tacking on a subordinate clause, the article makes that apology taken-for-
granted, while putting the actual charge of drunk driving up for debate, so to speak. The
use of after indicates a temporal relationship, which could imply a causal effect
33


between the apology and his arrest, but another dependent clause used in the article
serves to weaken that link.
While the discourse uses Lowes apology as context through which readers
should read about his arrest (with empathy and forgiveness), another dependent clause
toward the end of the article deflects Lowes responsibility in the events around his
arrest:
The trooper detected an odor of alcohol and administered a field sobriety test, which
resulted in Lowe's arrest. (Derek Lowe italics mine)
In this case, the cause-effect relationship behind the arrest is shiftedit is not Lowes act
of drinking before driving that resulted in his arrest; it is the sobriety tests given by the
trooper on the scene. Therefore, Lowe is removed from having any direct responsibility
for the incident.
34


CHAPTER V: CONCLUSION
There are still some questions this analysis was unable to answer. I was
unable to make sense of the article about Chin-Soo Choos arrest. He is non-white, but
the discourse of that article treated him as if he were. I can speculate as to the reasons for
that anamoly, but further study would be required. I was also unable to conclude whether
there were differences between the leagues through my analysis. There were more
articles about Major League Baseball players, but that could have been a result of the
timing of the new season as I gathered resources. This analysis was also unable to show if
articles written after the arrests had similar discourse features, and whether the
undercurrent of racism would still be there.
I was drawn to this investigation because, by all rights, professional athletes
should enjoy privileged status. They do their jobs at the highest possible levels, and they
earn inordinate sums of money for doing so. They should be the ones enjoying the fruits
of topping the social hierarchies. But the reports analyzed herein dont suggest that.
These articles cast athletes in a disparaging light, and ultimately, as I have argued, use
their status as professionals to characterize them as criminals. Once the athletes have
been thoroughly criminalized, through the processes I described here, the discourse to
strip them of any status they achieved through being professional athletes. Their contracts
become bad investments. They are painted as bad role models and bad people. If
language does show how social goods are dispersed, and I have argued here that it does,
then the characterization of these athletes redistributes goods like social standing and
value. The discourse of these articles might do this because it cannot strip the athletes of
their salaries or notoriety. No matter what, the athletes will maintain a certain amount of
35


wealth and fame. But what it can do is correct the imbalance by taking away their
reputations and social standing. In short, it can make them bad people.
Perhaps, as Lapchick mentions, these corrections to imbalanced social goods is
the result of envy. Maybe it is the result of envy, that a typical person can never achieve
the athletic success or financial boon that comes with it (267). Or perhaps these articles
are the result of potentially deep rooted ideas that black athletes (or black people in
general) are criminal. I do not know if an analysis such as this is the best way to answer
such questions. My analysis has shown, however, that the discourse of these articles does
characterize athletes in problematic ways, and it has done so in a way I believe is valid.
For any discourse analysis of this sort to be valid, (Gees term) it must live up
to certain criteria. First, it must answer to Gees notion of convergence. That is to say, the
examination of the discourse should add up to something. Using the tools of discourse
analysis that he outlines, a careful analysis should have compatible and convincing
results (114). I argue that my analysis does just that. A valid analysis will also have to
answer to the principle of agreement. This criterion is somewhat trickier to fulfill. While
other investigators have indeed found problematic discourse in news media (Fowler et
al), research on the particular scenarios that this study centered on is scarce. But if the
research of Fowler and Hodge is any indication, there is agreement among scholars and
analysts that the themes uncovered here are consistent with other investigations. Id also
argue that this study is consistent with Gees criterion of coverage. The themes and
characterizations argued for here could be applied to other published articles of this sort,
and the data would be consistent. I was careful not to include articles that were
uncommon or out of the ordinary. The type of articles I examined here, I argue, are the
36


rule and not the exception. Lastly, Gee argues that any discourse analysis must focus on
the linguistic details of the discourse. While my analysis includes features that go beyond
just the grammar and function of these articles, I have thoroughly examined the way the
devices in this discourse are functioning in characterizing the athletes.
I fully recognize the limits of my analysis. First, there are the practical limitations.
The body of articles I was able to analyze was large, around 20, but a larger scope may
add more meat to an analysis of this sort. My time frame was limited too. In terms of
theory, my work is also limited by the extent to which an analyst can investigate ideology
and social language while still being a living, breathing part of the social context that is
the subject of analysis.
Discourse analysis of any kind is often subject to skepticism and criticism. That is
not to say this is a bad thingskepticism and criticism are two of my favorite isms and
what led me to this study in the first place. But analyses such as this one are already
given to criticism based a common accusation of subjectivity. I expect some of the
connections Ive made here have raised some eyebrows, and expect some to accuse me of
taking liberties with the articles I analyzed. I only sought to explain what I found to be a
troubling trend in my perceptions of professional athletes (which, if the informal
conversations I have with friends and peers are any indication, might also reflect a larger
trend as well). As Gee says, No piece of work can, or should, ask all possible questions,
seek all possible sources of agreement, cover all data conceivably related to the data
under analysis, or seek to deal with every possible relevant linguistic detail (115) This
analysis is not a sweeping, catch-all type answer to what is in all likelihood a larger issue.
In fact, the scope of this study is far too insufficient to be such an answer. But in what I
37


set out to doexamine the discourse of these articles to see what I could find as to how
they were characterizing pro athletesI argue it is successful.
38


WORKS CITED
Fowler, Roger, Bob Hodge, Gunther Kress, and Tony Trew. Language and Control.
London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1979. Print.
Gee, James Paul. An Introduction to Discourse Analysis: Theory and Method. London:
Routledge, 2005. ebook.
. Social Linguistics and Literacies: Ideology in Discourses. Bristol, PA: The Falmer
Press and Taylor & Francis Inc., 1990. Print.
Lapchick, Richard. Smashing Barriers: Race and Sport in the New Millennium. Lanahm,
MD: Madison Books, 2001. Print.
McDorman, Todd F. The Rhetorical Resurgence of Pete Rose. Eds. Robert S. Brown
and Daniel J. ORourke III. Case Studies in Sport Communication. Westport, CT:
Prager, 2003. 1-25. Print.
Wenner, Lawrence A. Media Sports and Society: The Research Agenda. Ed. Lawrence
A. Wenner. Media, Sports, and Society. Newbury Park, CA: SAGE Publications,
1989. 13-48. Print.
39


APPENDIX
A: Full Text Articles
49ers' Aldon Smith charged with DUI
Associated Press
MIAMI San Francisco 49ers linebacker Aldon Smith was charged Saturday with
driving under the influence in Miami Beach.
Miami-Dade County jail records show Smith was booked Saturday morning and held on
$1,000 bond. Jail records did not show whether Smith was represented by an attorney.
A Miami-Dade County Corrections spokeswoman said Smith was arrested by Miami
Beach police. A police spokesman said he had no information immediately available
about the arrest.
Smith was drafted as the seventh overall draft pick in 2011. During his first season, he
had 14 sacks, a franchise record for a rookie linebacker. He also ranked first in the NFL
in sacks among rookies.
The 49ers said in a statement Saturday that they were aware of the arrest.
"We take these issues very seriously, but will reserve further comment at this time, as this
is an ongoing legal matter," the team said. "The 49ers will continue to gather the facts
and monitor the developments closely."
http://espn.go.eom/nfl/story/_/id/7513852/san-francisco-49ers-aldon-smith-arrested-
charged-dui
40


Rockies pitcher Alex White faces DUI charge
Associated Press
SCOTTSDALE, Ariz. (AP) Colorado Rockies pitcher Alex White has apologized to
his teammates after being briefly jailed following an arrest on suspicion of drunken
driving.
White was arrested on Saturday while in Arizona at spring training. He spoke with team
management Sunday morning.
The Rockies say White understands he made a mistake and the embarrassment it has
caused.
The 23-year-old White was acquired last summer from Cleveland in the trade for Ubaldo
Jimenez.
White is vying for a spot in the Colorado rotation. He went 2-4 with an 8.42 ERA in
seven starts with the Rockies last season.
http://sportsillustrated.cnn.com/2012/baseball/mlb/03/04/rockies-white-
dui. ap/index. html#ixzz 1 svny 1 MPv
41


Anthony arrested on suspicion of driving under the influence
Associated Press
DENVER NBA All-Star Carmelo Anthony was arrested early Monday on suspicion of
driving under the influence of alcohol, hours after his worst game of the season.
The Denver Nuggets forward was arrested on Interstate 25, police said. He was alone in
the car and pulled over for weaving and not dimming his lights.
Detective Sharon Hahn said Anthony failed a series of sobriety tests. He was charged
with DUI and then taken to police headquarters before being released to a "sober
responsible party," Hahn said. Anthony is due in court May 14.
Mark Warkentien, the Nuggets' vice president of basketball operations, said the team was
aware of the situation but declined comment. The Nuggets did not practice Monday and
Anthony wasn't available. He's expected at practice Tuesday.
Anthony's attorney, Dan Recht, said his client consented to a blood test, but results won't
be available for about two weeks.
"Carmelo apologizes to his fans, the Denver community, his teammates and the Nuggets
organization for the distraction this is causing them," Recht said.
The Nuggets (49-32) clinched their fifth straight playoff berth Monday night when
Golden State lost at Phoenix. Denver had beaten Houston 111-94 Sunday night to move
a-half game ahead of the Warriors for the eighth spot in the Western Conference.
Anthony was held to 11 points on 3-of-14 shooting against a Rockets team that was
missing defensive specialist Shane Battier. Anthony did extend his NBA-best streak of
double-digit games to 206.
On Saturday, he committed a flagrant foul against Utah's Deron Williams that changed
the course of a close game. The Jazz went on to win 124-97.
Anthony was named an All-Star starter for the first time this year. He's fourth in the NBA
in scoring (25.8) and is averaging a career-best 7.4 rebounds.
Last season, he was involved in a brawl at Madison Square Garden. After J.R. Smith was
collared on his way to a breakaway basket in the closing minutes of a rout, Anthony, then
the league's leading scorer, dropped the New York Knicks' Mardy Collins with a punch
that drew a 15-game suspension.
In February, Anthony was ticketed in Colorado for driving 25 mph over the posted speed
limit. A hearing is set for next month.
42


http: //sports. espn. go. com/nb a/ news/ story? id=3346621
43


Atlanta Braves reliever Martinez charged with DUI
Associated Press
ATLANTA (AP)Atlanta Braves relief pitcher Cristhian Martinez was arrested early
Monday and charged with drunken driving, days before the teams regular season starts.
Martinez was charged with DUI, impeding the flow of traffic and improper lane change
after police say he was stopped on Interstate 85 in Gwinnett County. A test showed his
blood alcohol level registered at 0.13, according to a police report. The legal limit to
drive in Georgia is 0.08.
Martinez was initially stopped after two officers spotted him driving around 40 mph and
erratically at around 2:45 a.m. on Monday, according to a police report. They decided to
give Martinez a Breathalyzer test after noticing his eyes were bloodshot, watery and
glazed and that his speech was slurred, the report said.
Gwinnett County officer C. Bailey said in the report that Martinez told him he had one
beer and was driving slowly to be safe. He said when Martinez was pressed on how much
alcohol he had consumed, the reliever repeatedly said Im good.
When Martinez stepped out of the car, he staggered and had to catch himself on the
vehicle, the report said. He then dropped his key on the ground, and soon told officers he
actually had two drinks, the report said.
When Bailey asked Martinez where he had come from, the pitcher said he just returned
from spring training in Florida and was going to see a girl, the officer said in the report. A
language barrier also could have complicated the arrest. The officer said he had trouble
understanding Martinez, who is from the Dominican Republic.
The more I talked with the driver, the more I saw we were having a language barrier,
he said in the report. I was having to repeat myself several times before he would
understand what I was asking and even then not picking up all I was saying.
Martinez was booked into the Gwinnett County Detention Center at 4:24 a.m. and
released on bond of about $1,600 a few hours later.
Martinez is the second Atlanta Braves pitcher in less than a year to be arrested on DUI
charges. Derek Lowe, who has since been traded to theCleveland Indians, was arrested
for DUI in April 2011 in Atlanta. The charges against him were dropped a few weeks
later.
Team officials said in a statement they were very concerned to learn of Martinezs
arrest and that he will be required to be evaluated by an independent professional.
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Gwinnett County authorities say a video of his arrest wont be available until the court
case is finished.
Martinez, 30, is in his third season in the Braves organization. The right-hander had
secured a spot in Atlantas bullpen after a solid spring training performance, and he was
among a group of several pitchers who returned early from the clubs facility in Orlando,
Fla., to prepare for the regular season.
http://sports.yahoo.com/mlb/news;_ylt=A2KJ3CTvCJdPszoAaTNNbK5_?slug=ap-
braves-martinez
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Bucs football player released after DUI arrest
Associated Press
TAMPA, FLA.(AP) The Tampa Bay Buccaneers have released offensive
lineman Marcus Johnson after his arrest on a charge of driving under the influence.
A Tampa police lieutenant says he found Johnson sleeping Tuesday in a car near the
Bucs stadium.
Tampa police say the lieutenant woke up the 27-year-old. A DUI investigator reported
smelling alcohol on Johnsons breath and police say he had glassy eyes and swayed when
standing up unsupported.
Johnson was arrested and later released on $500 bail. Jail records did not indicate if he
had an attorney.
The team announced later Tuesday that he was released.
http://sports.yahoo.com/nfl/news7slugMxbucsplayerarrest
46


Indians' Choo charged with DUI
Associated Press
OAKLAND, Calif. (AP) Shin-Soo Choo spent Tuesday afternoon talking to each of his
teammates, one by one, to express how sorry he is for his off-field arrest on suspicion of
drunken driving and the embarrassment it caused.
The Indians outfielder was arrested Monday after a breathalyzer test showed he had a
blood-alcohol level of .201 more than double Ohio's legal limit of .08.
"I don't want to make trouble on the team," Choo said in the dugout before the first-place
Indians opened a three-game series against the Athletics. "Every person has to learn. I
regret that this happened. ... I apologize."
After speaking to each player in the clubhouse, Choo also pulled the Indians into a tight
huddle near their dugout before the team began warmups and batting practice.
Choo, the sixth major league player to be cited on a drunken driving charge this year, was
arrested by police in Sheffield Lake, Ohio, after he failed a field sobriety test. An officer
following Choo's white Cadillac SUV said he was driving erratically before he was
stopped.
"I talked to him. He's human, just like every one of us," Indians manager Manny Acta
said. "He made a mistake. We all make mistakes. The main thing is he's learning from it.
He's very remorseful. He's a guy I'm not going to look at any differently because of that.
He's a great kid, very high character and we're moving on."
Choo on Tuesday also formally apologized to fans, the team, the club and his family "for
the attention stemming from this matter."
"I am hopeful that this incident will not be a distraction to the Indians organization while
we remain focused on continuing to play winning baseball," he said in a statement
released by the Indians.
The 28-year-old South Korean traveled with the team and was in the starting lineup in
right field and batting third against the A's. Cleveland began the week with the best
record in the majors.
Third baseman Jack Hannahan said Choo's approach with his teammates was sincere and
appreciated.
"He's a great guy and a great teammate," Hannahan said. "Choo's a big leader on this
team. He's tough as nails. He's being a man about it and accepting it. It'd be easy to kind
47


of hide and let it blow over. He's not letting it be a distraction. Now it's behind us, we're
moving forward and we're not going to let it affect the team."
Acta doesn't expect Choo to have any issues with his teammates because "they know
what he's about."
Indians general manager Chris Antonetti said the club spoke to Choo about the incident.
"The Indians organization takes these issues very seriously and we are disappointed in the
matter," Antonetti said in a statement. "We will continue to monitor the situation and we
will not have any further comment at this time."
According to police, a patrolman first spoke to Choo at 2:25 a.m. He told the officer he
was lost and needed directions to Avon Lake. Choo was allowed to continue driving, but
was later pulled over when he twice crossed the double-yellow lines and drifted into a
bike path. He told the officer his GPS had broken and he was unable to get directions
home.
Choo's eyes were bloodshot and he smelled of "an alcoholic beverage," police said, and
he was ordered out of the SUV.
Choo was unable to complete a heel-to-toe walking test, losing his balance and he failed
two other sobriety tests, the report said. He was taken to the police station and was given
the breathalyzer test.
Choo was charged with operating a vehicle under the influence, having an excessive
blood-alcohol level and a traffic violation.
He was released without bond and was driven home. While being escorted outside by an
officer, Choo reportedly smashed his camera in the parking lot.
The case has been scheduled for Sheffield Lake Mayor's Court at 5 p.m. Thursday,
according to David Graves, the city law director. Choo's attorney may enter a not guilty
plea on his behalf without Choo present or may ask for a continuance, Graves said.
Acta said this is a bigger problem than just in baseball or professional sports.
"It's a society issue," the skipper said. "Everybody needs to be responsible for their own
actions."
Arguably Cleveland's best all-around player, Choo joins teammate Austin Kearns,
Seattle's Adam Kennedy, Detroit's Miguel Cabrera, Oakland's Coco Crisp and
Atlanta's Derek Lowe as players arrested since Jan. 1 on suspicion of DUI.
One of the game's most underrated players, Choo batted .300 last season. He was the only
AL player to hit .300 with at least 20 homers and 20 steals. He entered Tuesday's game
48


batting .250 with four homers and 15 RBIs for the surprising Indians, who are 19-8 and
lead the AL Central by 4 1/2 games.
Choo said he will do all he can to block out his mistake and stay focused on his job.
"It's OK. I'm good," he said. "This happened outside the team. I'm going to be the same
guy."
http://sportsillustrated.cnn.eom/2011/baseball/mlb/05/03/indians.choo.dui.ap/index.html#
ixzzlsvpf8AOD
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A's OF Crisp arrested on DUI charge
Associated Press
PHOENIX (AP)Major league security officials met with the Oakland Athletics on
Wednesday and delivered their annual spring lecture to the players on the pitfalls of their
profession. One of the subjects discussed was the danger of drinking and driving.
Coco Crisp attended the meeting. Hours earlier he was in jail.
Crisp was arrested early Wednesday in Scottsdale, Ariz., on suspicion of drunk driving,
the third major league player to be charged with DUI during spring training.
The A's released a statement on the matter.
"Coco Crisp was arrested and detained early this morning under the suspicion of driving
under the influence of alcohol," the club said. "He was released from the City of
Scottsdale Jail this morning and arrived at Phoenix Municipal Stadium on time for team
pre-game drills.
"The A's are aware of the situation and take such matters seriously. The team and Coco
will have no further comment until further details are available."
Scottsdale police didn't immediately respond to calls Wednesday requesting information
on the arrest.
Crisp was on the field for the morning workout, and he was in the clubhouse before the
A's hosted the Cleveland Indians in an exhibition. Crisp did not speak with reporters
before leaving Phoenix Municipal Stadium.
Following the game, manager Bob Geren offered little information on Crisp's situation.
"I talked to Coco," he said. "The club put out a statement which speaks for all of us at this
point."
Geren said Crisp will play on Thursday when the A's play a road game against
the Milwaukee Brewers. The team has not indicated if Crisp faces any team discipline.
The 31-year-old Crisp is the latest major leaguer to face a DUI charge since training
camps opened.
Detroit first baseman Miguel Cabrera was arrested in Florida on Feb. 16 on suspicion of
driving under the influence and resisting an officer without violence. He is to be
arraigned on March 16.
On Tuesday, the Indians learned that outfielder Austin Kearns was arrested on Feb. 12 in
Kentucky. He chose not to tell that team on advice of his attorneys, and the team was put
in the awkward position of addressing his situation without knowing many facts.
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Crisp is coming off an injury-riddled 2010, when he played in just 75 games. He was on
the disabled list in April with a broken pinkie finger and went on the DL again in May
with a strained rib muscle. Crisp broke the pinkie a second time on Sept. 18 and missed
the remainder of the season.
He batted .279 with eight homers, 38 RBIs and had 32 steals.
In November, the A's exercised their $5.75 million option on Crisp for 2011. He's eligible
for free agency after this season.
http://msn.foxsports.com/mlb/story/Oakland-Athletics-outfiedler-Coco-Crisp-arrested-
on-DUI-charge-030211
51


Braves' Derek Lowe charged with DUI
Associated Press
ATLANTA Atlanta Braves pitcher Derek Lowe apologized Friday after being charged
with drunken driving, saying he hoped his arrest would not be a distraction to the team.
Gordy Wright, a spokesman for the Georgia State Patrol, said a trooper stopped Lowe's
vehicle about 10 p.m. Thursday after it was spotted racing another car down an Atlanta
street. The trooper detected an odor of alcohol and administered a field sobriety test,
which resulted in Lowe's arrest.
The 37-year-old right-hander was charged with DUI, reckless driving and improper lane
change, Wright said. Lowe declined to take a breath test before he was released, the
spokesman added. The other driver was also stopped, but there were no details on
whether he was charged.
"I would like to apologize to my family, teammates, fans and the Braves organization for
the attention arising from this matter," Lowe said in a statement. "However, I am hopeful
that this incident will not be a distraction to the Braves organization while we are focused
on returning to the playoffs."
The Braves were off Thursday after returning home from a West Coast road trip. They
opened a three-game series against the St. Louis Cardinals on Friday night.
"This is a legal matter and I anticipate this case can promptly be resolved within the court
system," Lowe said.
The Braves said they would wait for the case to be resolved in the courts before they
considered any disciplinary action against Lowe. He will make his next scheduled start
Sunday against the Cardinals.
"We don't condone it. We don't like it," manager Fredi Gonzalez said. "But it happens. It
happens in all walks of life, all professions. It's not good. He's got to go through some
legal stuff that everybody goes through. Hopefully, our guys learn a lesson from it."
Lowe's arrest came while the team was already dealing with allegations that pitching
coach Roger McDowell made homophobic comments, along with crude and threatening
gestures, while bantering with fans before a game at San Francisco last weekend.
McDowell was placed on administrative leave Friday while the team investigated his
conduct. Dave Wallace, the Braves' minor league pitching coordinator, took over as the
interim pitching coach.
Lowe is in the third season of a four-year, $60 million contract with the Braves. He has
been the team's opening day starter all three years.
52


This season, Lowe is 2-3 with a 3.21 ERA.
http: //sports. espn. go. com/mlb/news/ story? id=6448504
53


D. J. Williams charged with DUI
Associated Press
DENVER (AP)The Denver Broncos face the loss of leading tackier D.J. Williams to an
NFL suspension following his second drunken driving arrest.
The linebacker and defensive co-captain was charged with driving under the influence
after being arrested in Denver early Friday morning, just hours before he was supposed to
report to work at Dove Valley.
It's his second such arrest. He pleaded guilty in September 2005 to driving drunk and was
ordered to perform 24 hours of community service. After that, he said he realized he
needed to get a designated driver whenever he went out partying, and the team provides
drivers to its players but Williams didn't use one Friday.
District attorney's spokeswoman Lynn Kimbrough said Williams was pulled over at 2:40
a.m. Friday for driving without headlights on. He was cited with DUI, a misdemeanor, as
well as driving without headlights.
He was ordered to appear in court Dec. 13.
"We're certainly disappointed and don't condone that behavior from any of our players or
anybody within our organization," coach Josh McDaniels said.
Williams, a seventh-year pro from the University of Miami, will likely be suspended for
multiple games for violating the NFL's personal conduct policy. San Diego receiver
Vincent Jackson is serving a three-game suspension for multiple DUI arrests, which was
reduced from an original four-game penalty.
A conviction isn't required for NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell to suspend a player
without pay. The league's policy states: "If the Commissioner finds that... the player has
had prior drug or alcohol-related misconduct, increased discipline up to and including
suspension may be imposed."
It could take time for the league to review Williams' case, so there's a chance he could
still play Sunday.
Williams showed up only briefly at the team's headquarters just before noon Friday
before driving off while his teammates were at practice.
The Broncos (2-6) face the league's top rushing team Sunday when the Kansas City
Chiefs (5-3) visit Invesco Field.
"We don't know that yet," McDaniels said when asked about Williams' availability for
Sunday. "I don't know all the facts on that and this is going to involve more people than
just us but we're certainly going to do what's in the best interest of our organization."
54


If he doesn't play, other options include inserting Wesley Woodyard or Joe Mays at his
position at right inside linebacker or moving outside linebacker Mario Haggan back
inside and playing Jarvis Moss on the outside.
None of those options are better than Williams, the fierce tackier whose leadership has
been praised profusely by McDaniels and defensive coordinator Don Martindale in recent
weeks.
Williams' trouble comes just as the Broncos were talking about getting healthy following
their bye week and exuding an optimism about salvaging their season and getting back
into the AFC West race.
The Broncos have relied on Williams more heavily this season with outside
linebackers Elvis Dumervil (chest) and Robert Ayers (foot) sidelined, and he's responded
with a team-leading 3 1/2 sacks and a team-best 57 tackles, which put him on pace for a
career-high 114.
That Williams is a captain made his arrest all the more disheartening to an organization
that's been shrouded in negativity during a monthlong skid that included a 45-point loss
at home to archrival Oakland.
"It's disappointing no matter who it is," McDaniels said. "The behavior and the fact we're
two days away from a game is very disappointing to me and our entire organization."
http://msn.foxsports.com/nfl/story/Denver-Broncos-DJ-Williams-charged-with-DUI
55


Steelers' Ward arrested on DUI charge
Associated Press
DECATUR, GA. (AP)Pittsburgh Steelers wide receiver Hines Ward was arrested early
Saturday outside Atlanta on a drunken driving charge, sheriffs officials said.
The former Super Bowl MVP and reigning "Dancing With the Stars" champ was booked
into the DeKalb County jail at 3:41 a.m. and charged with driving under the influence. A
jail official said he was released on $1,300 bond, though the sheriffs office website said
his bond was set at $1,000. The discrepancy couldn't be immediately resolved Saturday.
The sheriffs office said it had turned over paperwork to the courts and couldn't release
any further information about the player's arrest. DeKalb County police did not return
repeated emails and phone calls seeking details of the arrest.
Atlanta lawyer Andrew Ree issued a statement saying the 35-year-old Ward cooperated
fully with police and truthfully answered their questions.
"From our preliminary investigation we can tell you that we are confident that the facts
will show that Hines was NOT impaired by alcohol while driving," Ree wrote. "However,
Hines is deeply saddened by this incident and apologizes to his fans and the Steelers
organization for this distraction."
A Steelers spokesman did not immediately respond to a message.
Since being drafted in the third round out of Georgia in 1998, Ward has been a four-time
Pro Bowl selection, playing on teams that won two Super Bowls.
Dancing with professional partner Kym Johnson, Ward in May became the second
professional football player to win the "Dancing" crown after Emmitt Smith won in 2006.
He bested actresses Kirstie Alley and Chelsea Kane to become the season 12 champion of
the TV celebrity dance competition.
http://msn.foxsports.com/nfl/story/Pittsburgh-Steelers-Hines-Ward-arrested-DUI-charge-
070911
56


Jackson arrested on DUI charge
Associated Press
SAN DIEGO San Diego Chargers wide receiver Vincent Jackson was arrested Tuesday
on suspicion of drunken driving.
Jackson failed sobriety tests shortly after 2 a.m. on state Route 52 in San Diego, said
California Highway Patrol Officer Ray Scheidnes. He said he didn't know Jackson's
blood alcohol level.
An officer stopped Jackson after spotting the player braking abruptly, speeding and
weaving in a 2008 GMC Sierra, said Highway Patrol Officer Brad Baehr. Jackson was on
probation for a previous DUI arrest, he said.
The player was taken to the San Diego County jail and released.
Chargers general manager A.J. Smith said he was aware of Jackson's "off-the-field
issue."
"Obviously we're disappointed," Smith said. "We take these issues very seriously.
Moving forward, we will monitor the situation and have no further comment."
Jackson, in a brief statement released through the team, said he didn't think charges
would be filed against him.
"In the event they are, I look forward to clearing my name and proving my innocence,"
he said.
The Highway Patrol will submit the arrest report within "the next couple days" to the San
Diego city attorney's office for possible misdemeanor prosecution, Baehr said.
Jackson just had the first 1,000-yard season of his career, for a team-high 1,098 yards and
seven touchdowns. He became the first Chargers wide receiver to have 1,000 yards
receiving since Curtis Conway in 2001.
Jackson caught 59 passes, second on the team behind Pro Bowl tight end Antonio Gates,
but didn't catch any in Saturday's 23-17 overtime playoff win over the Indianapolis Colts.
San Diego visits Pittsburgh for a playoff game Sunday.
The Chargers have had their share of off-field problems.
In 2006, there were six run-ins with the law by Chargers players, including
linebacker Steve Foley's shooting by an off-duty Coronado police officer who suspected
him of drunken driving, and another player who was arrested for investigation of DUI.
57


Besides the arrests, linebacker Shawne Merriman was suspended for four games for
testing positive for steroids, and linebacker Stephen Cooper was suspended for the first
four games of this season by the NFL after testing positive for a banned stimulant.
http: //sports. espn. go. com/nfl/ news/story? id=3814251
Tigers' Cabrera charged with DUI
Associated Press
FORT PIERCE, FLA. (AP)Detroit Tigers slugger Miguel Cabrera was arrested late
Wednesday on drunken driving charges in Florida, police said, the latest episode for the
first baseman who has struggled with a drinking problem.
Cabrera, 27, was spotted by a deputy in a car that's engine was smoking alongside a road
in Fort Pierce.
Inside the vehicle, Cabrera smelled of alcohol, had slurred speech and took a swig from a
bottle of scotch in front of a deputy, according to St. Lucie County Sheriffs Office said.
He refused to cooperate and more deputies were called to the scene.
He was wandering into the road with his hands up before he was handcuffed, the report
said. He kept saying, "Do you know who I am, you don't know anything about my
problems," and cursed at deputies who tried to get him into a patrol car.
One deputy struck Cabrera in the left thigh several times with his knee after Cabrera
pushed into him, causing the ballplayer to fall into the patrol car. Cabrera refused to take
a breath test, deputies said.
He was charged with driving under the influence of alcohol and resisting an officer
without violence. He posted $1,350 bond and was released from jail early Thursday. The
arrest occurred about 110 miles southeast of Lakeland, where the Tigers hold spring
training.
In 2009, the All-Star first baseman got into a fight with his wife after a night of drinking,
right before his team surrendered the American League Central Division title to the
Twins.
Police at that time said Cabrera had a 0.26 blood-alcohol reading three times above
Michigan's legal limit for driving and Tigers general manager Dave Dombrowski had
to pick up Cabrera at the station. No charges were filed.
58


During spring training last year, Cabrera said he was done drinking alcohol after he spent
much of the offseason in counseling.
"You guys write in the paper 'alcoholic,' that's not right," he said last March before a
spring training workout. "I don't know how to explain, but it's not an alcohol problem."
http://msn.foxsports.com/mlb/story/Tigers-Miguel-Cabrera-charged-with-DUI-in-Fla-
021711
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Full Text

PAGE 1

FORGIVENESS OR CONDEMNATION: A DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF PROFESSIONAL ATHLETE DUI ARREST ARTICLES by Jonathan J. Seggelke B.A., 2006 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in par tial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Rhetoric and Teaching Writing 2012

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ii This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Jonathan J. Seggelke has been approved for the Rhetoric and Teaching Writing Program by Michelle C omstock Chair Michelle Comstock Advisor Rodney Herring Amy Vidali Date ___ __ ____ _________ ___

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iii Seggelke, Jonathan J. ( M.A ., Rhetoric and Teaching Writing) Forgiveness or Condemnation: A Discourse Analysis of Professional Athlete DUI Arrest Articles Thesis directed by Associate Professor Michelle Comstock ABSTRACT This study sets out to examine the subtle ways in which the media create and reinforces racist themes. The cultural significance of sport is widely known, but the potential ways in which discourses related to sport proliferate troubling conceptions of race is less often investigated. While some of these discourses, such as TV broadcasting and newspaper editiorials, have been investigated, but there has been little scholarship on athletes a nd the law. This study looks at the confluence of professional athletics and criminal behavior and argues that articles written about professional basketball, baseball, and football players characterize white and non white athletes differently. To do this investigation, it uses Discourse Analysis, as outlined by James P. Gee allow for an in depth look at the social and grammatical themes present in the discourse of the articles. This analysis argues that such articles use Discourse models, i ntertextualities, Conversations, social languages, identities, and grammatical structures to embed troubling racist themes. It contends that athletes of color are typically cast as should be forgiven. The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication. Approved: Michelle Comstock

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iv TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ........................ 1 Background Information ................................ ................................ ......................... 1 Literature Review ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 4 CHAPTER II: INTERTEXTUALITIES, SOCIAL LANGUAGES, AND IDENTITY .. 14 Table II.1: Use of Social Language ................................ ................................ .................. 16 CHAPTER III: SITUATIONS AND APOLOGIES ................................ ......................... 24 Table III.1: Use of Apology ................................ ................................ .............................. 25 CHAPTER IV: USE OF SUBORDINATE/DEPENDENT CLAUSES ........................... 29 Table IV.1: Use of Dependent Clauses ................................ ................................ ............. 29 CHAPTER V: CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ........................ 35 WORKS CITED ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 39 APPENDIX ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 40 A: Full Text Articles ................................ ................................ ............................. 40

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v LIST OF TABLES T able II.1 III.1 IV.1

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1 CHAPTER I : INTRODUCTION Background Information I remember being constantly surrounded by sports growing up watching them, playing them, talking about them. The first book I remember reading cover to cover was the autobiography of Boston Celtics great Larry Bird. I was six. While most of my classmates were weighing the benefits of green eggs and/or ham, I was developing a fondness for the turn story were reaffirmed in my participation in sports leag ues from my youth well into early adulthood. Themes like teamwork and unselfishness, hard work and persistence permeated my development. I saw the men 1 I watched running up and down the field or court as the embodiments of those beliefs. With every drop of sweat and twitch of muscle, I saw the professional athletes of my youth as the personification of the themes I certain beliefs and themes that would resonate with me as I grew older. But more recently, however, I noticed a troubling new theme beginning to creep its way into my sports addled brain. I started to notice my perceptions of professional athletes changing. Instead of being the bastions of quality character the people whom I had looked up to during my formative years I began thinking of all professional athletes as criminals. 1 As I grew up as the youngest of three boys, my access to female athletes was limited. Long story short, my perception of professional athletes, therefore, is certainly skewed toward the male. An investigation into my accultur ation this conception would certainly be illuminating, but ultimately outside the purview of this particular study.

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2 off as childhood naivet that had morphed into the cy reflected on that, though, I realized it could not be the full explanation. Like a true cynic, I started to reflect on what had caused the erosion of my faith in the players of games that I had emulated for so long. After some consideration, I turned my gaze toward the media representations of pro athletes. good and bad. In these days of the 24 hour news cycle, however, pro athletes seem to attrac t a staggering amount of negative ink. Whether it be the result of a poorly thought out tweet, a volcanic post game interview, or an over the top celebration, the topic of pro in and of itself, may not be so troubling. Since athletes do possess a certain amount of celebrity, it is not necessarily shocking to find them woven into the threads of discussion. After all, much of my exposure to athletes as a kid came via the media as well. But what really began to trouble me was just how much of that conversation focused on pro athletes getting arrested. When athletes ran afoul the law, their transgressions seemed to be cause for newspaper attention. In fact, I noticed how newspape r articles about pro athletes accused of breaking the law began to become nearly commonplace it got to the point where it was more shocking when I did not read or hear news stories about my favorite athletes getting arrested. As a sports fan, I noticed tha t these reports began to become almost normative and the connection between professional athletes and crime became a given along with being great at sports, pro athletes were also criminals. And the more I noticed the connections between pro sports and cri me, the more I became

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3 convinced there were serious racial overtones to my perceptions. I have never considered myself a racist, but I found myself making troubling assumptions about the criminality of athletes of color. So I began to wonder if I was seeing pro athletes, particularly athletes of color, as merely criminals, what was causing it? Was there something in the discourse around professional athletes that led to my perceptions? In researching those initial questions, I was able to narrow down both t he scope of my analysis and the question I was seeking to answer. Eventually, I sought to answer these questions: How might the discourse of articles about athletes arrested for DUI differently characterize white and black athletes, and how does that chara cterization lead leagues? To attempt an answer to those questions, I chose to u se the tools of Discourse Analysis and apply them to a body of articles that shared similar themes and exigencies. I settled on articles written about the DUI arrests of professional athletes. I decided to focus on DUI arrests because 1) they are reported frequently and 2) focusing on the same crime across the study meant each article would be in response to the same situation. Since the situations leading these reports were similar, I anticipated I would find similar discursive techniques and themes. I al so chose to focus on articles that originated from Associated Press writers which were subsequently posted on ESPN.com, YahooSports.com, Foxsports.com, and SportsIllustrated.com. The choice of using AP articles was due to their lofty standard of journalism and the ir high circulation numbers

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4 which I thought would make them ideal targets for Discourse Analysis. Articles free from opinion would be an ideal source of embedd ed problematic discourse. In choosing the sites which posted the articles, I turned to the four most frequently visited sports related web sites (businessinsider.com). That way, I could be assured that the articles had widespread dissemination, thus making their potential for coloring reader perceptions higher. The purpose of this study is not to prove that there is racism in popular discourse about sports. That point has been well proven up to this point. Instead, this analysis seeks to examine the subtle and overlooked ways in which racist attitudes are created and perpetuated through this discourse. So it is not a question of the existence of racism in the articles I analyze here, or even why for that matter. The question I will investigate is merely how racist attitudes are purveyed, and how Discourse Analysis can uncover those mechanics. In this analysis, I argue that the articles that are the subject of my study use social languages based on sports and the law to create identities of expertise and reli ability. By drawing on those simultaneous identities, the discourse is ab le to use situations of apology and grammatical structures to allow forgiveness for white athletes while condemning athletes of color. Literature Review Sports and sports culture hav e been both maligned as a realm of serious study and widely as a great confluence of social interaction rich for study. Lawrence Wenner, author/editor of Media, Sports, and Society is firmly in the latter camp. The aim o f his collection is to show how is mass communicated and highly commercialized sports

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5 culture is easily related to myriad issues concerning socialization, interpersonal communication, value formation, racial and gender assessments, and the balance of r 16). He sees the realm of sports as a fruitful intersection of values and ideologies, and studying it with a critical eye can illuminate very interesting trends in culture, especially when it comes to the relationship between the media and sports. Like W enner, myriad scholars have addressed the need to be critical of the media. For instance, in his discussion of the ideologies present in UK news of newspapers, Terry di scourse which presents the social in terms of given ideologies and repairs the breaches opened up by the intrusion of what is not supposed to happen, since it is the media which present information about what is happening, including the very events which g ive rise to exactly where I hope to situate this analysis to show the subtle aspects of language that have large consequences. ork outlines the symbiotic relationship sports and the media have cultivated, where the press and sports figures work audience and the sports organization if all goes well g aining the public goodwill, off of each other. Both entities need audiences, so it is in their mutual benefit not to alienate them. Therefore, part of the exigence of ar ticles like those I examine here is to

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6 return the athletes and fans to that status of mutual goodwill. But that idea of mutual goodwill becomes complicated when crime is thrown into the mix. Few scholars have addressed th e overlap of crime and sport as Ri chard Lapchick has. Several of his works deal with popular perceptions of athletes in trouble with the law. Lapchick, who has a long history connecting sports and social equity (particularly related to issues of race), argues that not only are pro athletes arrested less frequently in the US among comparable populations, but also that the media reports athlete arrests with startling frequency (268 273). His work directly links problematic characterizations of professional athletes to the proliferation of art icles about their arrests. But although many will have a hard time sympathizing with professional athletes the stereotype of the athlete as a criminal is hazardous and powerful, and harmful to the stereotypes. James Paul Gee has written at length about the power of language in social settings, and I base many of my assumptions on the pot entially problematic nature of the characterizations I found myself forming about athletes that spurred this study on his language is meaningful only in that it has so cietal interactions giving it significance, and vice versa. Language, in this view, both creates and is created by the institutions in which it exists. Through language, therefore, we can see just how these standards and institutions maintain and create po wer, which makes it inherently political there is always something at stake when language is used (2). If all language is political, it then

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7 reflects both the distribution and creation of social goods; therefore, it has immense power. Gee defines those so cial goods as anything a group of people consider valuable social goods at stake, particularly in the form of personal identity. Since language is inherently politic al and reflective of the distribution of social goods, it must also reflect the different levels of access to those goods. In that case then, it follows that different groups of people would have different levels of access to those goods. According to Gee, identities and activities, connected to different sorts of status and social goods, is a root [through discour Social Literacies 22). Since language is inherently political and reflective of the distribution of social goods, it must also reflect the different levels of access to those goods. In tha t case then, it follows that different groups of people would have different l evels of access to those goods. The contexts of language use can directly influence the access and distribution of social goods. When language is used in a particular context, t hat context limits the we are able to make sense of a piece of discourse. This ability to make sense of language in specific situations results from what Gee calls the situated meaning of language. This means that part of the way we use context to make meaning in discourse is through the interpretation of patterns. Those patterns, according to Gee, are specific and significant to certain sociocultural groups (59). In th at sense, we interpret discourses in way that is

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8 specific to our Discourses who we are and what we have experienced color how we understand language. The context that creates meaning, then, always involves social relationships and social identities. I th ink it apt here to pause to explain what I interpret Gee to mean by the idea of Discourse. When discussing language in use, Gee uses the term applies this term to the words used in a specific moments of interaction. When he uses addition to the language we use (7). The things that make up Discourse include attitudes, body language, and more importantly for this analysis, values and beliefs. In ord er to language different identities. In his discussion of Discourse models then, Gee com of the cultural model, where the patterns are interpreted though only a cultural lens, and adapts it into a Discourse model, where meaning is created through a wider lens of s about language rooted in practices (storylines, images, explanatory frameworks) that people hold, often unconsciously, and use to make sense of the world and their experie the identity we enact or take up, Discourse models are the ways we make sense of experiences in that Discourse. For this analysis, I will argue that Discourse models create problematic characterizations of profes sional athletes by creating and changing the simulations

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9 readers have of athletes. Instead of a Discourse model that characterizes athletes as those who engage in sports at a high level, these articles create models that characterize athletes as those who engage in criminal behavior. If the articles are playing on, informing, or otherwise using those Discourse models, they can and will shape the way we make sense th ose experiences are shaped and normed by the social and cultural groups to which we belong, then these articles have the power to influence the way we interpret our experiences (71). Thus they are creating the Discourse models through which we understand t he situations and language presented in the articles. We infer what is normal or typical from our experiences in the world, as individuals and people doing Discourse. Because we have shared and repeated patterns created by either experience or by ideas co nveyed by our social groups or other media, can seek to find order and pattern in in order to think about and prepare actions in regard to s simulations in our minds. We use past experiences to prepare us to interact with new information. Furthermore, Gee argues that n the simulations, we privilege certain information and leave other information in the background. When I am faced with a job interview, I create a simulation of what the interview will be like, and I will leave out the information I feel is less important If I was particularly nervous and sweaty, I will remember that rather than what my interviewer looked like, or even what questions I was asked. For future interviews, using the simulation in my mind of me dripping with sweat

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10 clenching the arms of the cha ir, I will try to remember to be less nervous. I will prepare more. My future interaction will be altered by the past experience I had. If these simulations were individual and isolated, there would be no need for an analysis like this. But, as Gee states, are shared with others who are members of the same social and cultural groups as Drawing from shared experiences at lea st enough to make conversation possible groups of similar Discourses tend to have similar simulations which will color future interactions. In this view, through the very nature of these discourse models, we set up a binary between what we include in our D iscourses and what we do not and what lines up peated exposure to the experience of associating pro athletes with criminal behavior could certainly create a biased view of athletes as a whole. If we are influenced by our past experiences, and those experiences are shared with others in our Discourse i n order to make communication possible, I argue that the proliferation of articles like the ones I analyze here are actively shaping the simulations we have of professional athletes. Since all the articles I analyzed characterize athletes as criminal, they create problematic simulations that will cause people to think of athletes in general as criminal. Lapchick indicates how troubling Discourse models of athletes can be, especially when race is considered. Quoting Roslyn Dunlap, he mentions how Discourse m

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11 connotatio ns. Perhaps even before athletes can be characterized as criminal through these Discourse models, athletes have already been characterized as black through other Discourse models. Conversations, since they rely on themes or motifs common to certain Discourses, depend on Discourse models for understanding. People may not know the ins and outs of such Conversations, but in general terms we know what different arguments are made from different groups about such issues because we know the arguments made from our own Discourses. For example, one common Conversation surrounds the issue of liberal arts degre es. Some Discourses, say for instance a Discourse made up of engineering majors (as several of my friends happen to be) might hold the belief that a liberal arts degree is useless. This knowledge, according to Gee, helps us sort through the many different present background side, and w here we place ourselves as well. Additionally, Conversations, as Gee defines them, are inherently value laden. Although we may not know the history or all the facts surrounding a certain debate, we certainly attribute social beliefs and values to them. symbolic values within

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12 meanings of those values (Gee 52). People can pick up those values w ithout knowing the specifics of the debates themselves, in terms of history. We can know about Conversations, such as in the smoking example Gee uses, unconsciously. Another example of how Conversations work can be found in the topic of literacy. Some Disc growth or knowledge seeking. Other Discourses, such as the school board or administrative Discourse, might see it as something to be measured and assessed in terms of success. Thes e two Discourses have different beliefs about this Conversation, and each attributes different values to it. One sees literacy as a way to better oneself. The other sees it as a way to mark educational successes or failures. The values inherent in the lite racy Conversation depend on Discourse. Those values, I argue, come chock full of racist sentiments. But since it is readily apparent that racism and sports discourse unfortunately go hand in hand, I will only start my discussion there. I will not endeavor to prove it exists. As Lapchick mentions, pervade sports discourse. But how did they get there? One way, I argue here, is through the discourse of articles that relate the events of athlete arrests. I argue that the discourse of the articles I analyzed contains/uses statements of apologies, sports and legal expert identities, and descripti ve sentences to criminalize and condemn black athletes while humanizing and forgiving non black athletes. I have yet to find a study that has looked at the confluence between professional athletes, race, and crime. Looking into this moment

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13 when the athlete s clash with dominant institutions could provide a provocative lens through which we can view race relations. It can also illuminate the subtle ways in which language in use constructs and reflects perception.

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14 CHAPTER II : INTERTEXTUALITIES, SOCIAL LANGUA GES, AND IDENTITY In order to effectively create criminal identity for black players, the identity that readers will recognize as authoritative. The use of these social la audiences (readers in this case) the clues needed to interpret meanings (Gee 35, 105). In interpreting those clues in these articles, I found two separate but simultaneous identiti es being created one of a sports expert and one of a legal expert. Both create a sense of knowledge about each respective subject. And by creating identities that use clues to make readers perceive them as knowledgeable about and part of the Discourses at hand in these articles, the discourse creates a the subtle racism I argue exists. Once readers have bought in, they will consume the articles, racism and all, without a need to question what they are reading. To put it another way, in order to mediate the flow of social goods (which in the case of these articles, comes in the form of reputation and social standing), the discourse needs readers to buy in to the expertise it off ers. One way the articles assume such an identity is by using sports and law related intertextualities, including specific sports and legal terms ; references to player performance and police reports; and statements from lawyers and team representatives This allows the discourse to enact an identity that enables it to pass judgment on the players as

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15 athletes and criminals Once that judgment is assumed, the articles can further complicate the identities of the athletes, particularly the black athletes. Wh ile being posted on popular sports websites has an effect on the situated meaning of the language used in the articles, it is not enough to assure readers of familiarity with sports discourse. To that end, all the articles I analyzed used sports specific l anguage i.e., words and phrases that only make sense in the sports centered discourse of the articles. Table 1 shows the data I gathered from the articles in terms of the amount of meaningful words and phrases significant to a sports Discourse. It also sho ws the intertextualities and legal language used, both of w hich will be discussed at length

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16 Table I I .1 : Use of Social Language In my classification of the data in Table II.1 I considered any moments when the discourse direct ly used other sources, such as quotes from coaches or police statements, as intertextual. I decided to code references to performance and sports and legal jargon as separate from intertextualities. While each of these could be considered intertextual in it self, I chose to count them as distinct language usages in order to give me more data to analyze. By separating the data this way, I was able to see more clearly the patterns that emerged

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17 From the data I parsed out of these articles, it is clear the dis course uses a good deal of sports terms (which I considered anything that referred to teams, positions, or jargon and language which would lose its significance outside of a sports context). T his in itself is not completely surprising, considering these ar ticles were all posted on popular sports websites. But it does show attempts by social language. If the articles had reflected an unfamiliarity with this Discourse, I argue the articles would have a null effect on proliferating racist attitudes. Since the discourse does assume this correct identity through its use of sports language, readers are more likely to take the information for granted, given its context. By assuming t he correct identity for the correct audience, the discourse makes its message in a way that is easily accepted and understood by those familiar with this Discourse. If I use a similar example, say that of my teaching a composition class, we can further se e how this might work. When I stand in front of a class to order to get my students to buy in. If I were to stand in front of the class and use language from one of my other disc ursive identities, say that of me talking with friends at a bar, the students would not give what I had to teach them much credence (and likewise, I doubt my friends would be thrilled to hear me go on about the rhetorical triangle). So when the discourse u ses terms and phrases such who its readers are and 2) that its readers will recognize its identity as well.

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18 The discourse also uses references to in game performance (see Tab le 1) to enact an identity befitting the situation This discursive move the intertextual reference to past in game performance shows the emphasis the articles place on game day. This emphasis not only adds to the sports expert identity, but it also shows how in game performance is privileged by the Discourse. Every article, save one, had some reference to on field performance. By citing performance this way and this frequently (there was an average of over three references per article) the discourse shows how much it values performance. Readers too, if they recognize it or not, may also buy in to the Discourse model that reflects and values good performance from top tier athletes. The discourse uses this particular set of intertextualities to further embed itself in an identity that is familiar with and critical of player performance, not unlike the identity a fan enacts when discussing the latest game with friends. This identity can be seen as reliable by readers, who will take the discourse for granted. T he discourse also directly quotes sources of perceived authority such as the police and team spokespeople to give tho se institutions power and value, while de valuing the voice of the athlete. Many if the intertextualities used in the articles are direct q uotes pulled from prepared statements that come from sources with actual authority. Often these statements come from police sources, who have the power to exercise legal authority, or team representatives, who have the power to exercise financial authority These two referents clearly reflect the distribution of social goods, and what social goods the discourse deems valuable. In this case, the value is placed on those who hold power in terms of money and social order.

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19 In using these two main sources of in tertextual quotations, the discourse of the articles aligns itself with those power structures. And in turn, since readers are simultaneously being encouraged to line themselves up with the identities assumed by the discourse, readers are also aligned with those authority figures. Therefore, readers too are in a position to judge and condemn athletes or forgive and understand athletes depending on the other discursive factors present in the articles. By using intertexuatilities to enact sports centered iden tities, the articles are able to lead readers to their opinions of the athletes. To add to the sport themed identities used by the discourse, the articles also use language that reflects a more legal identity. This identity shows knowledge of the workings and of how people should interact with those laws. This identity is enacted simultaneously with the sports centered identity I discussed earlier. It is important to note that sports Discourse and legal Discourse have not hing inherently to do with each other, but these articles connect them, making the athlete criminal identity significant. Furthermore, through creating a legal expert identity, the articles are able to s are arrested. In order to enact an identity that seems at ease discussing legal matters, the articles use jargon and intertextual references to legal documents in much the same way it maintains its sports identity Every article I analyzed had legal jar gon in it, which creates the same sort of expertise I mentioned in my above discussion of sports

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20 m entioned earlier, takes on specific meanings in the context of the articles. This legal language adds to the credibility of this identity. Since many readers may not be familiar with the workings of the legal system, articles like these serve to fill i n th e gaps in their simulations. In this case, the gaps filled in by the discourse serve to connect athletes of color to crime and guilt. To wit, in articles about players of color, the discourse frequently mentions the presence of lawyers. In fact, even when lawyers are neither quoted nor in the employ of the athletes, the discourse mentions legal representation, which tends to imply guilt. By contrast, the articles about white players do not mention lawyers. Those unfamiliar with the legal system may assume t hat the presence of a lawyer i mplies guilt, based on previous experience and Discourse models they may draw upon. On one hand, these Discourse models may be created through experiences with other sources of media, including TV or references to popular cult ure. While most people have not felt handcuffs on their wrists personally, they are more likely to have seen the guilty parties on any of the iterations of detective dramas to art icles like those analyzed here, which could create a looping effect wherein these articles simultaneously create, reinforce, and influence reader Discourse models. Therefore, no matter what Discourse model readers carry into these articles, they readers w ill connect athletes of color and lawyers, which will change the Discourse model used in the future. When confronted with future athletes of color and legal situations the discourse of these articles will factor into future simulations and proliferate att itudes of racism toward athletes of color. Thus, after

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21 similar to those in the articles will change and they will perceive athletes of color as criminals To close out this discussion on social languages, identity, and intertextuality I will now use an article from my study in full to illustrate the identities at work in it. As an example, it will help demonstrate how the discourse uses the two different social languages I h ave addressed to enact two different simultaneous identities, which combine to create a sense of believability in order to create and reinforce an idea of forgiveness (for white athletes) or condemnation (for athletes of color). The following article relat es the arrest of NBA player the Denver Nuggets. Anthony arrested on suspicion of driving under the influence Associated Press DENVER -NBA All Star Carmelo Anthony was arrested early Monday on suspicion of driving under the influence of alcohol, hours after his worst game of the season. The D enver Nuggets forward was arrested on Interstate 25, police said. He was alone in the car and pulled over for weaving and not dimming his lights. Detective Sharon Hahn said Anthony failed a series of sobriety tests. He was charged with DUI and then taken to police headquarters before being released to a "sober responsible party,"

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22 Hahn said. Anthony is due in court May 14. Mark Warkentien, the Nuggets' vice president of basketball operations, said the team was aware of the situation but declined comment. Th e Nuggets did not practice Monday and Anthony wasn't available. He's expected at practice Tuesday. Anthony's attorney, Dan Recht, said his client consented to a blood test, but results won't be available for about two weeks. "Carmelo apologizes to his fans the Denver community, his teammates and the Nuggets organization for the distraction this is causing them," Recht said. The Nuggets (49 32) clinched their fifth straight playoff berth Monday night when Golden State lost at Phoenix. Denver had beaten Hous ton 111 94 Sunday night to move a half game ahead of the Warriors for the eighth spot in the Western Conference. Anthony was held to 11 points on 3 of 14 shooting against a Rockets team that was missing defensive specialist Shane Battier Anthony did extend his NBA best streak of double digit games to 206. On Saturday, he committed a flagrant foul against Utah's Deron Williams that changed the course of a close game. The Jazz went on to win 124 97. Anthony was named an All Star starter for the first time this year. He's fourth in the NBA in scoring (25.8) and is averaging a career best 7.4 rebounds. Last season he was involved in a brawl at Madison Square Garden. After J.R. Smith was collared on his way to a breakaway basket in the closing minutes of a rout, Anthony, then the league's le ading scorer, dropped the New York Knicks Mardy Collins with a punch that drew a 15 game suspension. In February,

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23 A nthony was ticketed in Colorado for driving 25 mph over the posted speed limit. A hearing is set for next month Carmelo This article is reflective of the theories of identity I outlined above. Readers get a sense of the different identities a ssumed by the discourse and how they play out Star Carmelo identity familiar with sports This identity shows knowledge of the sport and its hierarchy of talent. Anthony is marked as an All Star in the first sentence, which shows both familiarity with his level of talent and connects it to the events in the article In the very same sentence, the legal iden tity appears in the phrase This part of the sentence shows familiarity with legal terminology, thus casting the discourse in an authoritative light in legal matters. Both legal and sports Discourse mod els have been activated in readers in the very first sentence of the article. The article also which institutions it aligns itself and readers with. By giving voice to those instituti ons, it shows which power structures it values. Lastly, the article also between performance and skill to criminal behavior. By using intertextualities, social language, and diffe rent simultaneous identities, the articles are able to create bias in readers against athletes of color. I will now turn to more specific analysis for the rest of this study.

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24 CHAPTER III : SITUATIONS AND APOLOGIES Once the identities of the articles have b een established and readers know which Discourse models will help make sense of the the discourse is free to use that situation as a moment to allow players to either apologize directly or not. In my analysis, every article about a non b lack athlete contained a directly attributed apology from the athlete. In articles about athletes of color, however, there was either no apology or one of these apologies in is Table III. 1 below 2 In my analysis, I found that only white players were given the opportunity to apologize about being arrested in their own words and address this discourse situation in typical ways. By typical, I mean ways that line up with common and acceptabl e Discourse models and simulations. Specifically, the Discourse model in play here is the Discourse model, once a person apologizes properly as expected, that person can the n be forgiven. Likewise, that same model calls for forgiveness once a satisfactory apology is issued. But this model only works when there is a direct apology. Therefore, I argue that apologies, made possible by the articles, are in line wit h what most Discourse models and simulations would consider proper and acceptable. But when the articles do not allow the athletes to apologize in their own words, as is the case with non white 3 athletes, the discourse denies them access to that valued, ty pical discourse 2 I included any statement expressing regret in the category of apology in this data set. 3 With one notable exception, Korean born MLB pla yer Shin Soo Choo, only white players directly apologized in the articles.

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25 lawyers, the discourse forces them into a marginalized discourse situation. This contrast between the marginalized situation of the non white athletes and t he normative situation of white ones reflects a troubling racist theme in the discourse. In directly attributing quotes to the white athletes as they apologize, the discourse allows for understanding and forgiveness to occur. Table III.1 shows the result of the coding the articles according to the amount of writing devoted to apologies or remorseful language. I counted any sentence mentioning Table III.1: Use of Apology Alex White Carmelo Anthony Cristhain Martinez Marcus Johnson Coco Crisp Derek Lowe D.J. Williams Hines Ward Race/League White/ MLB Black/ NBA Hispanic/ MLB Black/ NFL Black/ MLB White/ MLB Black/ NFL Black/ NFL Language Instances 2 1 0 0 0 4 0 1 Source of A pologetic Language Self Lawyer N/A N/A N/A Self N/A Lawyer The discourse of apologies 4 as reflected by my analysis shows that the white athletes recognize the situation as one that requires contrition, which I argue is based on previous experien ce and simulations in their Discourses. In similar past situations, when a 4 This could be a particularly rich sub genre of discourse for analysis. McDorman addressed apologia from a rhetorical and cultural perspective, but I think an analysis such as thi s one could also be applied to a set of apologetic discourse for a fruitful discussion.

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26 therefore can be forgiven. It also shows awareness of the Conversations surrounding sports and crim e, namely that when an athlete has apologized (for anything) in a satisfactory way, he should be forgiven and given a second chance. In fact, there have been e ntire studies have been devoted to this particular situation of an athlete admitting wrongdoing a For instance, McDorman analyzed the situation surrounding Pete Rose 5 apology, despite the feelings of goodwill from many sports writers and pundits, is the sole rea son for fans and media not absolving him (18 19) If an athlete does not apologize, or is not allowed to by a particular discourse such as the one I analyzed, he cannot be given a second chance. Only by recognizing the situation and being allowed to make t can an athlete gain access to the privilege of a second chance. But, as I mentioned, it is not just the athlete that must be aware of the situation and the Conversations inherent in it the articles too must recognize that situation as well. And by including the directly quoted apologies from white players, the articles play an active role in perpetuating the cycle of forgiveness among white athletes. That forgiveness results in, and plays upon, the second chance Conve rsation that is prevalent in sports discourse. This direct apology leading to a second chance plays out in the article detailing the arrest of Alex White, a pitcher for the Colorado Rockies. Even though this article is only 96 words long, it still manages to fit in an apology from White, saying, he 5 time leading hitter, was accused of gambling on games as a manager of the Cincinnati Reds. The accusations resulted in a tarnished i mage and a lifetime ban from the Hall of Fame. Rose has continues to deny the allegations.

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27 While this is not a directly quoted apology, as many other apologies in articles on white players are, it is not mediated through a lawyer or other mouthpiece. Indeed, it is directly attributed to him, a discursive move missing from articles on athletes of color. In allowing the white athletes a voice to apologize to readers, the article s reflexively create a space that condones the forgiveness of those athletes. Accounts such as the ones I analyzed, by including apologies from white players, make it possible to perpetuate that Conversation. Athletes of color were given no such access t o the second chance Conversation in these articles. While the discourse shows how relatable and human white athletes are, that kind of language never appeared in an article about athletes of color athletes in my analysis. They were, however, given access t o a different Conversation which draws upon the Discourse model of a guilty criminal. The only time athletes of color apologized in these articles, it was through a lawyer. By only granting these athletes apologies through a legal representative, the disco urse insinuates guilt. The legal mouthpiece changes the Discourse model to one that readers unfamiliar with criminality directly (i.e. those who have never been arrested) will automatically equate to guilt and a lack of remorse. In this Discourse model rea der will assume guilt because using a lawyer to avoid apologizing smacks of arrogance and avoidance of responsibility. When the discourse about non white players denies direct apologies, it effectively strips those athletes of potential to be forgiven. In the Carmelo Anthony article, for example, the lack of direct apology in this way is evident. The article fans, the Denver community, his teammates and the Nuggets organization for the

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28 cht 6 In this instance, it is afforded a direct apology, and as is the case with the non white athletes in this analysis 7 he is therefore criminal ized and afforded no opportunity for a second chance. 6 7 It bears mentioning that in the analysis (and as evident from Table 2) only two non white art icles even got lawyer filtered apologies. The remainder of articles I analyzed about athletes of color were not even

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29 CHAPTER IV : USE OF SUBORDINATE/DEPENDENT CLAUSES In addition to determining who is allowed to apologize, t he discourse of the articles uses dependent clauses to reflect the habitual nature of black crimes or to show major flaws in black athletes, while they are used in articles about white players to paint them as apologetic or to simply clarify unrelated information. At first glance, the use of dependent clauses in the discourse of articles seems u nremarkable, and they turn up frequently. But when the effect of these clauses is analyzed further, differences become readily apparent. As evident from the data in Table IV.1 the total number of dependent clauses in the articles varied and was unreflecti ve of any trend. In the breakdown, however, it is clear that their use differs depending on the race of the subject. I them accordingly. My categories were as follows: Th e addition of past behavioral information, appositives, cause effect relationships, and time or temporal clauses. Table IV.1 : Use of Dependent Clauses Cristhain Martinez Derek Lowe D.J. Williams Hines Ward Miguel Cabrera Vincent Jackson Race/ League Hispanic/ MLB White/ MLB Black/ NFL Black/ NFL Hispanic/ MLB Black/ NFL Dependent Clauses 4 5 7 2 4 3 Type Past Info, Appositive, Time Cause effect, Background Past info Appositive Past info Background, Appositive

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30 The table shows how I q uantified the usage of dependent clauses and how I categorized each clause But the table does not explicitly show when dependent clauses appear in articles about black and Hispanic athletes, they are used in ways that add information about prior arrests o r misdeeds, which adds to their air of criminality. In the articles about distance them from such criminal behavior. To further exemplify the distinct ways in which the ar ticles use dependent clauses in cases of black (or, in the case of the following example, Venezuelan) and white athletes, I will now examine two articles as illustrative of this problematic difference. Both articles are about Major League Baseball players, one white and one Venezuelan 8 I will begin with a discussion of the dependent clauses in the article of the Venezuelan born Miguel Cabrera and their problematic effects. unco vered. The use of dependent clauses in this article depicts Cabrera as habitually criminal and unable to control his anti social behavior. In the following example, we can see this in action: Detroit Tigers slugger Miguel Cabrera w as arrested late Wednesday on drunken driving charges in Florida, police said, the latest episode for the first baseman who has struggled with a drinking problem 8 making Football League, black players make up 77% and 65% of the players, respectively (Lapchick). Therefore, my comparison of Venezuelan born Cabrera to the othe r black athletes in this analysis is apt, as they both represent the largest percentage of non white players in their leagues.

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31 As in any use of a dependent clause, the information included in it is inessential to the meaning of the sentence. That is, it does not change or create the mai n idea of the sentence. It is, as Gee says, less salient than the main clause of the sentence (74). But in this case, the added information reflects attitudes toward Cabrera and his past behavior, particularly that it is unacceptable. Readers do not need t o know that Cabrera has had issues with alcohol in his past for an article of his arrest to make sense. But in adding it, the discourse characterizes him as perpetually misbehaving. Readers are meant to know that this behavior from Cabrera is not an anomal y. It is, in fact, the norm for this player. Interestingly, there is no hint of an attempt to evoke either pity or empathy for Cabrera. frustration. It implies that readers should be fed up with this sort of behavior from this player. The dependent clause in this instance depicts Cabrera as a habitual drinker who cannot stop himself from running afoul of the law. s are told that that his excessive drinking is the result of his own failed responsibility: During spring training last year Cabrera said he was done drinking alcoh ol after he spent much of the offseason in counseling The dependent clauses used in this sentence emphasize failure to rehabilitate himself. The first clause in the sentence emphasizes the temporality of his att empts at counseling. This emphasis tells readers that he should have addressed this problem over a

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32 background his struggles, it emphasizes how the new occurrence should be all the more frustrating. The article encourages readers to buy into the oversimplified implication that therefore characterizing him as a failure and unreliable. The s econd dependent clause reinforces this idea of Cabrera as a failure, since the makes it seem. More troublingly, the dependent clause here makes him out to be a liar since he apparently swore off drinking. This implication that he is untrustworthy as well further characterizes him as habitually anti social. social behavior as habitual, t he dependent clauses in the article about the white Derek Lowe show him as being repentant and his behavior as normative. In the following examples, I will show how the discourse in this case shows Lowe as buying into larger, socially acceptable Conversati ons and distances him from the crime of DUI. The first use of dependent clauses in this article shows Lowe as penitent and contrite in the aftermath of his arrest: Atlanta Braves pitche r Derek Lowe a pologized Friday after being charged with drunken driving saying he hoped his arrest would not be a distraction to the team.

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33 The use of the depe preceding the comma briefly next) paints a sympathetic picture for readers. It shows Lowe as recognizing the unpleasantness of the incident, and reflects his regret while avoiding any insinuati ons of actual culpability. Interestingly, h is apology is for the potential distraction his arrest may cause which serves to distance him from the guilt that we expect to come from breaking the law. But, since readers are never led to see Lowe as guilty th rough the discourse, his deference to his team redeems him from any inclinations readers might have that he is a bad person. Instead, readers are led to see him as nothing Conversation that sports discourse is often steeped. In this Conversation, the value of the team comes before the individual. Often this is summed up by the clichd expression elf out in this way, clearly aligns him with that Conversation, which is often taken from granted by those in on sports Discourse. Those in on sports Discourse and familiar with that Conversation, would find Lowe easier to empathize with, and thus forgive. Additionally, the first dependent clause in the sentence above uses a subordination While I previously addressed the overall effect of including apologies in the situati on of apology, then tacking on a subordinate clause, the article makes that apology taken for granted, while putting the actual charge of drunk driving up for d ebat e, so to speak. The

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34 between the apology and his arrest, but another dependent clause used in the article serves to weaken that link. as context through which readers should read about his arrest (with empathy and forgiveness), another dependent clause arrest: The trooper detected an odor of alcohol and administered a field sobriety test, which resulted in Lowe's arrest. In this case, the cause effect relationship behind the arrest is shifted of drinking before driving that resulted in his arrest; it is the sobriety tests given by the trooper on the scene. Therefore, Lowe is removed from having any direct responsibility for the incident.

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35 CHAPTER V : CONCLUSION There are still some questions this analysis was unable to answer. I was unable to make se nse of the article about Chin white, but the discourse of that article treated him as if he were. I can speculate as to the reasons for that anamoly, but further study would be required. I was also unable to conclude whether th ere were differences between the leagues through my analysis. There were more articles about Major League Baseball players, but that could have been a result of the timing of the new season as I gathered resources. This analysis was also unable to show if articles written after the arrests had similar discourse features, and whether the undercurrent of racism would still be there. I was drawn to this investigation because, by all rights, professional athletes should enjoy privileged status. They do their j obs at the highest possible levels, and they earn inordinate sums of money for doing so. They should be the ones enjoying the fruits These articles cast athletes in a di sparaging light, and ultimately, as I have argued, use their status as professionals to characterize them as criminals. Once the athletes have been thoroughly criminalized, through the processes I described here, the discourse to strip them of any status t hey achieved through being professional athletes. Their contracts become bad investments. They are painted as bad role models and bad people. If language does show how social goods are dispersed, and I have argued here that it does, then the characterizati on of these athletes redistributes goods like social standing and value. The discourse of these articles might do this because it cannot strip the athletes of their salaries or notoriety. No matter what, the athletes will maintain a certain amount of

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36 wealt h and fame. But what it can do is correct the imbalance by taking away their the result of envy. Mayb e it is the result of envy, that a typical person can never achieve the athletic success or financial boon that comes with it (267). Or perhaps these articles are the result of potentially deep rooted ideas that black athletes (or black people in general) are criminal. I do not know if an analysis such as this is the best way to answer such questions. My analysis has shown, however, that the discourse of these articles does characterize athletes in problematic ways, and it has done so in a way I believe is valid. examination of the discourse should add up to something. Using the to ols of discourse answer to the principle of agreement. This criterion is somewh at trickier to fulfill. While other investigators have indeed found problematic discourse in news media (Fowler et al), research on the particular scenarios that this study centered on is scarce. But if the research of Fowler and Hodge is any indication, t here is agreement among scholars and characterizations argued for here could be applied to other published articles of this sort, and the data would be consistent. I was careful not to include articles that were uncommon or out of the ordinary. The type of articles I examined here, I argue, are the

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37 rule and not the exception. Lastly, Gee argues that any discourse analysis must focus on the linguistic details of the discourse. While my analysis includes features that go beyond just the grammar and function of these articles, I have thoroughly examined the way the urse are functioning in characterizing the athletes. I fully recognize the limits of my analysis. First, there are the practical limitations. The body of articles I was able to analyze was large, around 20, but a larger scope may add more meat to an analy sis of this sort. My time frame was limited too. In terms of theory, my work is also limited by the extent to which an analyst can investigate ideology and social language while still being a living, breathing part of the social context that is the subject of analysis. Discourse analysis of any kind is often subject to skepticism and criticism. That is not to say this is a bad thing what led me to this study in the first place. But analyses such as this one are already given to criticism based a common accusation of subjectivity. I expect some of the taking liberties with the articles I analyzed. I only sought to explain what I found to be a troubling trend in my perceptions of professional athletes (which, if the informal conversations I have with friends and peers are any indication, might also reflect a larger or should, ask all possible questions, seek all possible sources of agreement, cover all data conceivably related to the data This analysis is not a sweeping, catch all type answer to what is in all likelihood a larger issue. In fact, the scope of this study is far too insufficient to be such an answer. But in what I

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38 set out to do examine the discourse of these articles to see what I could find as to how they were charact erizing pro athletes I argue it is successful

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39 WORKS CITED Fowler, Roger, Bob Hodge, Gunther Kress, and Tony Trew. Language and Control London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1979. Print. Gee, James Paul. An Introduction to Discourse Analysis: Theory and Method London: Routledge, 2005. ebook. Social Linguistics and Literacies: Ideology in Discourses. Bristol, PA: The Falmer Press and Taylor & Francis Inc., 1990. Print. Lapchick, Richard. Smashing Barriers: Race and Sport in the New Millennium. Lanahm, MD: Madison Books, 2001. Print. Case Studies in Sport Communication. Westport, CT: Prager, 2003. 1 25. Print. A. Wenner. Media, Sports, and Society. Newbury Park, CA: SAGE Publications, 1989. 13 48. Print.

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40 APPENDIX A: Full Text Articles 49ers' Aldon Smith charged with DUI Associated Press MIAMI -San Francisco 49ers linebacker Aldon Smith was charged Saturday with driving under the influence in Miami Beach. Miami Dade Count y jail records show Smith was booked Saturday morning and held on $1,000 bond. Jail records did not show whether Smith was represented by an attorney. A Miami Dade County Corrections spokeswoman said Smith was arrested by Miami Beach police. A police spok esman said he had no information immediately available about the arrest. Smith was drafted as the seventh overall draft pick in 2011. During his first season, he had 14 sacks, a franchise record for a rookie linebacker. He also ranked first in the NFL in sacks among rookies. The 49ers said in a statement Saturday that they were aware of the arrest. "We take these issues very seriously, but will reserve further comment at this time, as this is an ongoing legal matter," the team said. "The 49ers will conti nue to gather the facts and monitor the developments closely." http://espn.go.com/nfl/story/_/id/7513852/san francisco 49ers aldon smith arreste d charged dui

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41 Rockies pitcher Alex White faces DUI charge Associated Press SCOTTSDALE, Ariz. (AP) -Colorado Rockies pitcher Alex White has apologized to his teammates after being briefly jailed following an arrest on suspicion of drunken driving. White was arrested on Saturday while in Arizona at spring training. He spoke with team management Sunday morning. The Rockies say White understands he made a mistake and the embarrassment it has caused. The 23 year old White was acquired last summer from Cleveland in the trade for Ub aldo Jimenez White is vying for a spot in the Colorado rotation. He went 2 4 with an 8.42 ERA in seven starts with the Rockies last season. http://sportsillustrated.cnn.com/2012/baseball/mlb/03/04/rockies white dui.ap/index.html#ixzz1svny1MPv

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4 2 Anthony arrested on suspicion of driving under the influence Associated Press DENVER -NBA All Star Carmelo Anthony was arrested early Monday on suspicion of driving under the influence of alcohol, hours after his worst game of the season. The Denver Nuggets forward was arrested on Interstate 25, police said. He was alone in the car and pulled over for weaving and not dimming his lights. Detective Sharon Hahn said Anthony failed a series of sobriety tests. He was charged with DUI and then taken to po lice headquarters before being released to a "sober responsible party," Hahn said. Anthony is due in court May 14. Mark Warkentien, the Nuggets' vice president of basketball operations, said the team was aware of the situation but declined comment. The Nu ggets did not practice Monday and Anthony wasn't available. He's expected at practice Tuesday. Anthony's attorney, Dan Recht, said his client consented to a blood test, but results won't be available for about two weeks. "Carmelo apologizes to his fans, the Denver community, his teammates and the Nuggets organization for the distraction this is causing them," Recht said. The Nuggets (49 32) clinched their fifth straight playoff berth Monday night when Golden State lost at Phoenix. Denver had beaten Houst on 111 94 Sunday night to move a half game ahead of the Warriors for the eighth spot in the Western Conference. Anthony was held to 11 points on 3 of 14 shooting against a Rockets team that was missing defensive specialist Shane Battier Anthony did extend his NBA best streak of double digit games to 206. On Saturday, he committed a flagrant foul against Utah's Deron Williams that changed the course of a close game. The Jazz went on to win 124 97. Anthony was named an All Star starter for the first time this year. He's fourth in the NBA in scoring (25.8) and is averaging a career best 7.4 rebounds. Last seas on, he was involved in a brawl at Madison Square Garden. After J.R. Smith was collared on his way to a breakaway basket in the closing minutes of a rout, Anthony, then the league's leading scorer, dropped the New York Knicks Mardy Collins with a punch that drew a 15 game suspension. In February Anthony was ticketed in Colorado for driving 25 mph over the posted speed limit. A hearing is set for next month.

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43 http://sports.espn.go.com/nba/news/story?id=3346621

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44 Atlanta Braves reliever Martinez charged with DUI Associated Press ATLANTA (AP) Atlanta Braves relief pitcher Cristhian Martinez was arrested early Monday an Martinez was charged with DUI, impeding the flow of traffic and improper lane change after police say he was stopped on Interstate 85 in Gwinnett County. A test showed his blood alcohol level registered at 0.13, according to a police report. The legal limit to drive in Georgia is 0.08. Martinez was initially stopped after two officers spotted him driving around 40 mph and erratically at around 2:45 a.m. on Monday, according to a police report. They decided to give Martinez a Breathalyzer test after noticing his eyes were bloodshot, watery and glazed and that his speech was slurred, the report said. Gwinnett County officer C. Bailey said in the report that Martinez told him he ha d one beer and was driving slowly to be safe. He said when Martinez was pressed on how much When Martinez stepped out of the car, he staggered and had to catch himself on the vehicle, the r eport said. He then dropped his key on the ground, and soon told officers he actually had two drinks, the report said. When Bailey asked Martinez where he had come from, the pitcher said he just returned from spring training in Florida and was going to se e a girl, the officer said in the report. A language barrier also could have complicated the arrest. The officer said he had trouble understanding Martinez, who is from the Dominican Republic. Martinez was booked into the Gwinnett County Detention Center at 4:24 a.m. and released on bond of about $1,600 a few hours later. Martinez is the second Atlanta Braves pitcher in less than a year to be arrested on DUI charges. Derek Lowe who has since been traded to the Cleveland Indians was arrested for DUI in April 2011 in Atlanta. The charges against him were dropped a few weeks later. arrest and that he will be required to be evaluated by an independent professional.

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45 case is finished. Martinez, 30, is in his third season in the Braves organization. The right hander had Fla., to prepare for the regular season. http://sports.yahoo.com/mlb/news;_ylt=A2KJ3CTvCJdPszoAaTNNbK5_?slug=ap braves martinez

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46 Bucs football player released after DUI arrest Associated Press TAMPA, FLA.(AP) The Tampa Bay Buccaneers have released offensive lineman Marcus Johnson after his arrest on a charge of driving under the in fluence. A Tampa police lieutenant says he found Johnson sleeping Tuesday in a car near the Tampa police say the lieutenant woke up the 27 year old. A DUI investigator reported ssy eyes and swayed when standing up unsupported. Johnson was arrested and later released on $500 bail. Jail records did not indicate if he had an attorney. The team announced later Tuesday that he was released. http://sports.yahoo.com/nfl/news?slug=txbucsplayerarrest

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47 Indians' Choo charged with DUI Associated Press OAKLAND, Calif. (AP) -Shin Soo Choo spent Tuesday afternoon talking to each of his teammates, one by one, to exp ress how sorry he is for his off field arrest on suspicion of drunken driving and the embarrassment it caused. The Indians outfielder was arrested Monday after a breathalyzer test showed he had a blood alcohol level of .201 -more than double Ohio's lega l limit of .08. "I don't want to make trouble on the team," Choo said in the dugout before the first place Indians opened a three game series against the Athletics. "Every person has to learn. I regret that this happened. ... I apologize." After speaking to each player in the clubhouse, Choo also pulled the Indians into a tight huddle near their dugout before the team began warmups and batting practice. Choo, the sixth major league player to be cited on a drunken driving charge this year, was arrested by police in Sheffield Lake, Ohio, after he failed a field sobriety test. An officer following Choo's white Cadillac SUV said he was driving erratically before he was stopped. "I talked to him. He's human, just like every one of us," Indians manager Manny A cta said. "He made a mistake. We all make mistakes. The main thing is he's learning from it. He's very remorseful. He's a guy I'm not going to look at any differently because of that. He's a great kid, very high character and we're moving on." Choo on Tue sday also formally apologized to fans, the team, the club and his family "for the attention stemming from this matter." "I am hopeful that this incident will not be a distraction to the Indians organization while we remain focused on continuing to play wi nning baseball," he said in a statement released by the Indians. The 28 year old South Korean traveled with the team and was in the starting lineup in right field and batting third against the A's. Cleveland began the week with the best record in the majo rs. Third baseman Jack Hannahan said Choo's approach with his teammates was sincere and appreciated. "He's a great guy and a great teammate," Hannahan said. "Choo's a big leader on this team. He's tough as nails. He's being a man about it and accepting i t. It'd be easy to kind

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48 of hide and let it blow over. He's not letting it be a distraction. Now it's behind us, we're moving forward and we're not going to let it affect the team." Acta doesn't expect Choo to have any issues with his teammates because "th ey know what he's about." Indians general manager Chris Antonetti said the club spoke to Choo about the incident. "The Indians organization takes these issues very seriously and we are disappointed in the matter," Antonetti said in a statement. "We will continue to monitor the situation and we will not have any further comment at this time." According to police, a patrolman first spoke to Choo at 2:25 a.m. He told the officer he was lost and needed directions to Avon Lake. Choo was allowed to continue dr iving, but was later pulled over when he twice crossed the double yellow lines and drifted into a bike path. He told the officer his GPS had broken and he was unable to get directions home. Choo's eyes were bloodshot and he smelled of "an alcoholic bevera ge," police said, and he was ordered out of the SUV. Choo was unable to complete a heel to toe walking test, losing his balance and he failed two other sobriety tests, the report said. He was taken to the police station and was given the breathalyzer test Choo was charged with operating a vehicle under the influence, having an excessive blood alcohol level and a traffic violation. He was released without bond and was driven home. While being escorted outside by an officer, Choo reportedly smashed his c amera in the parking lot. The case has been scheduled for Sheffield Lake Mayor's Court at 5 p.m. Thursday, according to David Graves, the city law director. Choo's attorney may enter a not guilty plea on his behalf without Choo present or may ask for a co ntinuance, Graves said. Acta said this is a bigger problem than just in baseball or professional sports. "It's a society issue," the skipper said. "Everybody needs to be responsible for their own actions." Arguably Cleveland's best all around player, Ch oo joins teammate Austin Kearns Seattle's Adam Kennedy, Detroit's Miguel Cabrera Oakland's Coco Crisp and Atlanta's Derek Lowe as players arrested since Jan. 1 on suspicion of DUI. One of the game's most under rated players, Choo batted .300 last season. He was the only AL player to hit .300 with at least 20 homers and 20 steals. He entered Tuesday's game

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49 batting .250 with four homers and 15 RBIs for the surprising Indians, who are 19 8 and lead the AL Central b y 4 1/2 games. Choo said he will do all he can to block out his mistake and stay focused on his job. "It's OK. I'm good," he said. "This happened outside the team. I'm going to be the same guy." http://sportsillustrated.cnn.com/2011/baseball/mlb/05/03/indians.choo.dui.ap/index.html# ixzz1svpf8AOD

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50 A's OF Crisp arrested on DUI charge Associated Press PHOENIX (AP) -Major league secur ity officials met with the Oakland Athletics on Wednesday and delivered their annual spring lecture to the players on the pitfalls of their profession. One of the subjects discussed was the danger of drinking and driving. Coco Crisp attended the meeting. Hours earlier he was in jail. Crisp was arrested early Wednesday in Scottsdale Ariz., on suspicion of drunk driving, the third major league player to be charged with DUI during spring training. The A's released a statement on the matter. ''Coco Crisp was arrested and detained early this morning under the suspicion of driving unde r the influence of alcohol,'' the club said. ''He was released from the City of Scottsdale Jail this morning and arrived at Phoenix Municipal Stadium on time for team pre game drills. ''The A's are aware of the situation and take such matters seriously. T he team and Coco will have no further comment until further details are available.'' Scottsdale police didn't immediately respond to calls Wednesday requesting information on the arrest. Crisp was on the field for the morning workout, and he was in the cl ubhouse before the A's hosted the Cleveland Indians in an exhibition. Crisp did not speak with reporters before leaving Phoenix Municipal Stadium. Following the game, manager Bob Geren offered little information on Crisp's situation. ''I talked to Coco,'' he said. ''The club put out a statement which speaks for all of us at this point.'' Geren said Crisp will play on Thursday when the A's play a road game against the Milwaukee Brewers The team has not indicated if Crisp faces any team discipline. The 31 year old Crisp is the latest major leaguer to face a DUI charge sinc e training camps opened. Detroit first baseman Miguel Cabrera was arrested in Florida on Feb. 16 on suspicion of driving under the influence and resisting an officer without violence. He is to be arraigned on March 16. On Tuesday, the Indians learned that outfielder Austin Kearns was arrested on Feb. 12 in Kentucky. He chose not to tell that team on advice of his attorneys, and the team was put in the awkward position of addressing his situation without knowing many facts.

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51 Crisp is coming off an injury riddled 2010, when he played in just 75 games. He was on the disabled list in April with a broken pinkie finger and went on the DL again in May with a strained rib muscl e. Crisp broke the pinkie a second time on Sept. 18 and missed the remainder of the season. He batted .279 with eight homers, 38 RBIs and had 32 steals. In November, the A's exercised their $5.75 million option on Crisp for 2011. He's eligible for free a gency after this season. http://msn.foxsports.com/mlb/story/Oakland Athletics outfiedler Coco Crisp arrested on DUI charge 030211

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52 Bra ves' Derek Lowe charged with DUI Associated Press ATLANTA -Atlanta Braves pitcher Derek Lowe apologized Friday after being charged with drunken driving, saying he hoped his arrest would not be a distraction to the team. Gordy Wright, a spokesman for the Georgia State Patrol, said a trooper stopped Lowe's vehicle about 10 p.m. Thursday after it was spotted racing anothe r car down an Atlanta street. The trooper detected an odor of alcohol and administered a field sobriety test, which resulted in Lowe's arrest. The 37 year old right hander was charged with DUI, reckless driving and improper lane change, Wright said. Lowe declined to take a breath test before he was released, the spokesman added. The other driver was also stopped, but there were no details on whether he was charged. "I would like to apologize to my family, teammates, fans and the Braves organization for th e attention arising from this matter," Lowe said in a statement. "However, I am hopeful that this incident will not be a distraction to the Braves organization while we are focused on returning to the playoffs." The Braves were off Thursday after returnin g home from a West Coast road trip. They opened a three game series against the St. Louis Cardinals on Friday night. "This is a legal matter and I anticipate this case can promptly be resolved within the court system," Lowe said. The Braves said they would wait for the case to be resolved in the courts before they considered any disciplinary action against Lowe. He will make his next scheduled start Sunday against the Cardinals. "W e don't condone it. We don't like it," manager Fredi Gonzalez said. "But it happens. It happens in all walks of life, all professions. It's not good. He's got to go through some legal stuff that everybody goes through. Hopefully, our guys learn a lesson fr om it." Lowe's arrest came while the team was already dealing with allegations that pitching coach Roger McDowell made homophobic comments, along with crude and threatening gestures, while bantering with fans before a game at San Francisco last weekend. McDowell was placed on administrative leave Friday while the team investigated his conduct. Dave Wallace, the Braves' minor league pitching coordinator, took over as the interim pitching coach. Lowe is in the third season of a four year, $60 million contr act with the Braves. He has been the team's opening day starter all three years.

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53 This season, Lowe is 2 3 with a 3.21 ERA. http://sports.espn.go.com/mlb/news/story?id=6448504

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54 D.J. Wi lliams charged with DUI Associated Press DENVER (AP) -The Denver Broncos face the loss of leading tackler D.J. Wi lliams to an NFL suspension following his second drunken driving arrest. The linebacker and defensive co captain was charged with driving under the influence after being arrested in Denver early Friday morning, just hours before he was supposed to report to work at Dove Valley. It's his second such arrest. He pleaded guilty in September 2005 to driving drunk and was ordered to perform 24 hours of community service. After that, he said he realized he needed to get a designated driver whenever he went out partying, and the team provides drivers to its players but Williams didn't use one Friday. District attorney's spokeswoman Lynn Kimbrough said Williams was pulled over at 2:40 a.m. Friday for driving without headlights on. He was cited with DUI, a misdeme anor, as well as driving without headlights. He was ordered to appear in court Dec. 13. ''We're certainly disappointed and don't condone that behavior from any of our players or anybody within our organization,'' coach Josh McDaniels said. Williams, a s eventh year pro from the University of Miami, will likely be suspended for multiple games for violating the NFL's personal conduct policy. San Diego receiver Vincent Jackson is serving a three game suspension for multiple DUI arrests, which was reduced fro m an original four game penalty. A conviction isn't required for NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell to suspend a player without pay. The league's policy states: ''If the Commissioner finds that ... the player has had prior drug or alcohol related misconduct, increased discipline up to and including suspension may be imposed.'' It could take time for the league to review Williams' case, so there's a chance he could still play Sunday. Williams showed up only briefly at the team's headquarters just before noon F riday before driving off while his teammates were at practice. The Broncos (2 6) face the league's top rushing team Sunday when the Kansas City Chiefs (5 3) visit Invesco Field. 'We don't know that yet,'' McDaniels said when asked about Williams' availability for Sunday. ''I don't know all the facts on that and this is going to involve more people than just us but we're certainly going to do what's in the best interest of our orga nization.''

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55 If he doesn't play, other options include inserting Wesley Woodyard or Joe Mays at his position at r ight inside linebacker or moving outside linebacker Mario Haggan back inside and playing Jarvis Moss on the outsi de. None of those options are better than Williams, the fierce tackler whose leadership has been praised profusely by McDaniels and defensive coordinator Don Martindale in recent weeks. Williams' trouble comes just as the Broncos were talking about getti ng healthy following their bye week and exuding an optimism about salvaging their season and getting back into the AFC West race. The Broncos have relied on Williams more heavily this season with outside linebackers Elvis Dumervil (chest) and Robert Ayers (foot) sidelined, and he's responded with a team leading 3 1/2 sacks and a team best 57 tackles, which put hi m on pace for a career high 114. That Williams is a captain made his arrest all the more disheartening to an organization that's been shrouded in negativity during a monthlong skid that included a 45 point loss at home to archrival Oakland. ''It's disapp ointing no matter who it is,'' McDaniels said. ''The behavior and the fact we're two days away from a game is very disappointing to me and our entire organization.'' http://msn.foxsports.com/nfl/story/Denver Broncos DJ Williams charged with DUI

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56 Steelers' Ward arrested on DUI charge Associated Press DECATUR, GA. (AP) -Pittsburgh Steeler s wide receiver Hines Ward was arrested early Saturday outside Atlanta on a drunken driving charge, sheriff's officials said. The former Super Bowl MVP and reigning ''Dancing With the S tars'' champ was booked into the DeKalb County jail at 3:41 a.m. and charged with driving under the influence. A jail official said he was released on $1,300 bond, though the sheriff's office website said his bond was set at $1,000. The discrepancy couldn' t be immediately resolved Saturday. The sheriff's office said it had turned over paperwork to the courts and couldn't release any further information about the player's arrest. DeKalb County police did not return repeated emails and phone calls seeking de tails of the arrest. Atlanta lawyer Andrew Ree issued a statement saying the 35 year old Ward cooperated fully with police and truthfully answered their questions. ''From our preliminary investigation we can tell you that we are confident that the facts will show that Hines was NOT impaired by alcohol while driving,'' Ree wrote. ''However, Hines is deeply saddened by this incident and apologizes to his fans and the Steelers organization for this distraction.'' A Steelers spokesman did not immediately res pond to a message. Since being drafted in the third round out of Georgia in 1998, Ward has been a four time Pro Bowl selection, playing on teams that won two Super Bowls. Dancing with professional partner Kym Johnson, Ward in May became the second profes sional football player to win the ''Dancing'' crown after Emmitt Smith won in 2006. He bested actresses Kirstie Alley and Chelsea Kane to become the season 12 champion of the TV celebrity dance competition. http://msn.foxsports.com/nfl/story/Pittsburgh Steelers Hines Ward arrested DUI charge 070911

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57 Jackson arrested on DUI charge Associated Press SAN DIEGO -San Diego Chargers wide receiver Vincent Jackson was arrested Tuesday on suspicion of drunken driving. Jackson failed sobriety tests shortly after 2 a. m. on state Route 52 in San Diego, said California Highway Patrol Officer Ray Scheidnes. He said he didn't know Jackson's blood alcohol level. An officer stopped Jackson after spotting the player braking abruptly, speeding and weaving in a 2008 GMC Sierra said Highway Patrol Officer Brad Baehr. Jackson was on probation for a previous DUI arrest, he said. The player was taken to the San Diego County jail and released. Chargers general manager A.J. Smith said he was aware of Jackson's "off the field issue ." "Obviously we're disappointed," Smith said. "We take these issues very seriously. Moving forward, we will monitor the situation and have no further comment." Jackson, in a brief statement released through the team, said he didn't think charges would b e filed against him. "In the event they are, I look forward to clearing my name and proving my innocence," he said. The Highway Patrol will submit the arrest report within "the next couple days" to the San Diego city attorney's office for possible misdeme anor prosecution, Baehr said. Jackson just had the first 1,000 yard season of his career, for a team high 1,098 yards and seven touchdowns. He became the first Chargers wide receiver to have 1,000 yards receiving since Curtis Conway in 2001. Jackson caught 59 passes, second on the team behind Pro Bowl tight end Antonio Gates but didn't catch any in Saturda y's 23 17 overtime playoff win over the Indianapolis Colts San Diego visits Pittsburgh for a playoff game Sunday. The Chargers have had their share of off field problems. In 2006, there we re six run ins with the law by Chargers players, including linebacker Steve Foley 's shooting by an off duty Coronado police officer who suspected him of drunken driving, and anothe r player who was arrested for investigation of DUI.

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58 Besides the arrests, linebacker Shawne Merriman was suspended for four games for testing positive for steroids, and linebacker Stephen Cooper was suspended for the first four games of this season by the NFL after testing positive for a banned stimulant. http://sports.espn.go.com/nfl/news/story?id=3814251 Tigers' Cabrera charged with DUI Associated Press FORT PIERCE, FLA. (AP) -Detroit Tigers slugg er Miguel Cabrera was arrested late Wednesday on drunken driving charges in Florida, police said, the latest episode for the first baseman who has struggled with a d rinking problem. Cabrera, 27, was spotted by a deputy in a car that's engine was smoking alongside a road in Fort Pierce. Inside the vehicle, Cabrera smelled of alcohol, had slurred speec h and took a swig from a bottle of scotch in front of a deputy, according to St. Lucie County Sheriff's Office said. He refused to cooperate and more deputies were called to the scene. He was wandering into the road with his hands up before he was handcuf fed, the report said. He kept saying, "Do you know who I am, you don't know anything about my problems," and cursed at deputies who tried to get him into a patrol car. One deputy struck Cabrera in the left thigh several times with his knee after Cabrera p ushed into him, causing the ballplayer to fall into the patrol car. Cabrera refused to take a breath test, deputies said. He was charged with driving under the influence of alcohol and resisting an officer without violence. He posted $1,350 bond and was r eleased from jail early Thursday. The arrest occurred about 110 miles southeast of Lakeland, where the Tigers hold spring training. In 2009, the All Star first baseman got into a fight with his wife after a night of drinking, right before his team surrend ered the American League Central Division title to the Twins. Police at that time said Cabrera had a 0.26 blood alcohol reading -three times above Michigan's legal limit for driving -and Tigers general manager Dave Dombrowski had to pick up Cabrera at the station. No charges were filed.

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59 During spring training last year, Cabrera said he was done drinking alcohol after he spent much of the offseason in counseling. "You guys write in the paper 'alcoholic,' that's not right," he said last March before a spring training workout. "I don't know how to explain, but it's not an alcohol problem." http://msn.foxsports.com/mlb/story/Tigers Miguel Cabrera charge d with DUI in Fla 021711