Redefining "place"

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Redefining "place" changes in urban structure in the new economy with case studies from the Great Plains
Shepard, John Carl
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City planning -- Economic aspects -- Case studies -- Great Plains ( lcsh )
Regional planning -- Economic aspects -- Case studies -- Great Plains ( lcsh )
City planning -- Economic aspects ( fast )
Regional planning -- Economic aspects ( fast )
Great Plains ( fast )
Case studies. ( fast )
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )
Case studies ( fast )


M.U.R.P.--University of Colorado at Denver, 1992.
Includes bibliographical references.
General Note:
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree, Master of Urban and Regional Planning, College of Architecture and Planning.
General Note:
Department of Urban and Regional Planning
Statement of Responsibility:
by John Carl Shepard.

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Full Text
Changes in Urban Structure in the New Economy
With Case Studies from the Great Plains
John Carl Shepard
Bachelor of Arts of Urban Planning
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1990
A thesis submitted to the
Faculty of the College of Architecture and Planning of the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Urban and Regional Planning

Copyright 1992 by John Carl Shepard
All Rights Reserved
This paper was composed in MS Word 5.0 and published in Pagemaker4.2 in
Avant Garde and Times fonts on a Macintosh SE/30 system.

This thesis for the Master of Urban and Regional Planning
degree by
John Carl Shepard
has been approved for the
College of Architecture and Planning
(J Date
Peter Schaeffer

Shepard, John Carl (B.A.U.P)
Redefining Place: Changes in Urban Structure in the New Economy With
Case Studies from the Great Plains.
An historical revolution is underway, transforming how people relate to each
other spatially, how they make and use towns and cities. Out of the transforma-
tion arises a new paradigm for regional development: an emerging "Archi-
pelago Society,' supporting "island-like communities' of different types and sizes
of places, connected to each other in spatially extensive networks.
Economic change over the past thirty years has given rise to the New
Economy, characterized by the importance of innovation, information and
technology and global markets. The impact of the New Economy on metropoli-
tan areas in communities of networks, edge cities and the mailing of America
is well documented. These same shifts, which enabled people and their
businesses to choose the suburbs in addition to downtown, today also enable
them to relocate in almost any town or rural area throughout the nation.
Communities across America are adapting to change. One popular way is
multicommunity collaboration cooperative efforts on selected activities to
achieve economies of scale without sacrificing economies of scope.
This study uses community case studies from the Great Plains and concludes
with implications and recommendations for community economic development
in the 1990s.
This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidate's thesis. I recom-
mend its publication.
Peter Schaeffer

The people of the Great Plains have inspired and made possible this project
Although the topics addressed may seem remote to many, I hope these ideas are useful in
understanding a radical transformation under way in the region. My father and mother, Bob
and Ruth Shepard, moved a young family west to the Plains and taught me the value of
strong families, education and an open mind.
This thesis has been made possible by the members of the Center for the New
West, flie Aspen Institute and The Ford Foundation. I wish to thank Phil Burgess, Colleen
Murphy and Lou Higgs: for taking a chance on a green graduate student, for blunt but
invaluable guidance and for drawing maps when driving yourselves might have been easier.
Thanks, too, to fellow researchers Claudia Giannetti, Cathy Quantic and Matthew
Muehlbauer. I greatly appreciate the efforts of the entire staff, both present and past
The staff of the Denver Public Library and the CU-Boulder Business Research
Division have been of special assistance over the past year as I compiled a great quantity
and I hope great qualityof resources for this project
Special acknowledgment is reserved for the 12 members of the Great Plains Project
Advisory Group. Your contributions have given me a unique opportunity to test and refine
these contents.
Finally, thanks must be given to my thesis advisors: Dr. Peter Schaeffer, Dr.
Thomas Clark and Dr. Michael Holleran. I hope I have lived up to your expectations.

1 Introduction Purpose, Scope & Methodology Structure of Paper 1
2 Americas New City Communities of Networks Beyond Edge City The Historical View 8
3 The New Economy and an Archipelago Society The New Economy Central Place and the Great Plains An Archipelago Society 24
4 Changing Relationship of Community and Place Multicommunity Collaboration Capturing the Spirit of Our Place 44
5 Case Studies from the Great Plains Dependent Communities Tentative Winners Entrpreneurial Communities 52
6 Conclusions and Recommendations Implications for Economic Development Next Steps Appendix 62
A. Glossary of Terms 68
B. Great Plains Study Area 77
C. Edge Cities of the Great Plains 78
D. Bibliography 79

1. Population of the Great Plains States, 1990. 5
2. The net of mixed beads office clusters. 11
3a. High-Tech Business Locations, Denver, CO, 1991. 12
3b. High-Tech Business Locations, Minneapolis, MN, 1991. 13
4. Great Plains MSAs, 1990. 17
5. Distribution of Great Plains Population by Economic Sector. 26
6. Job Creation by Small and Large Business in the West, 1988-90. 27
7. Great Plains Exports, 1989. 29
8a. Railroad locational strategies for town building. 33
8b. The Central Place hierarchy of towns and economic linkages. 34
9. Kraenzels Yonland and Sutland Trends of social organization. 40

Chapter 1
"A place is nothing in itself. It has no meaning, it can hardly be said to exist, except
in terms of human perception, use, and response. The wealth and resources and
usefulness of any region are only inert potential until mans hands and brain have
gone to work; and natural beauty is nothing until it comes to the eye of the
Wallace Stegner, 19551
An historical revolution is underway, transforming how people relate to
each other spatially, how they make and use towns and cities. Out of the transfor-
mation arises a new paradigm for regional development: an emerging Archi-
pelago Society, supporting island-like communities of different types and sizes
of places, connected to each other in spatially extensive networks. Within these
new dynamics in the relationship of rural and urban areas, and other important
new forces, lies opportunity for the future.
That we live in an Information Age is cliche. For a generation, the won-
ders of the transistor, then the microchip, to impact our lives have been heralded
from every mountain top technology guru. Since the 1960s, our social and eco-
nomic systems have gone through an extraordinary transformation. Planes, trains
and automobiles with the help of their mobile phones unite the entire world
in one global village.
1 This is Dinosaur: Echo Park country and Us magic rivers, ed.. New York; Knopf, reprinted Boulder:
Roberts Rinehart, 1985, p. 15. The quote continues: The natural world, actually, is the test by which each
man proves himself: I see, I feel, I love, I use, I alter, I appropriate, therefore I am. Or the natural world is a
screen unto which we project our own images; without our images there, it is as blank as the cold screen of an
empty movie house. We cannot even describe a place except in terms of its human use.

The impact of the Information Age on town and country is not so evident
in everyday life. We still do not zoom around in flying cars. Yet, the impact is
there if we choose to look, creeping incrementally greater day by day. While I
may not fly in my car, it would seem that I do to the 19th century wheelwright as
I cover the same distance in an hour on the Interstate as he could in three days by
wagon. We can no longer look at the world solely through the perspective of
horse and buggy-era theories of urban form and structure.
Advances in transportation, telecommunications and information systems
technology have the potential to give everyone immediate vocal and digital
and soon visual access to everyone else. Where we were previously limited to
the resources available within a short area, today many of the resources of the
world are as available to the citizens of the legendary Two-Dot, Montana, as to
Wall Street executives in New York City. Once more, as greater opportunity has
been opened, so too has the overall pace of everyday life, so that constant change
is the only constant, requiring rapid and frequent entrepreneurial socioeconomic
adaptation in an increasingly diverse and interconnected world. This is the basis
of the information-based New Economy.
The New Economy is characterized by competition in global markets,
niche markets growing out of mass markets, information and technology intensity,
entrepreneurship and innovation, rapid turnover in products and markets, and the
growing importance of recreation and tourism. The impact of the New Economy
in metropolitan (and some smaller urban areas) has been fairly well documented:
for example, Fishmans Communities of Networks [1990], Garreaus Edge

Qties [1991], Thomas Micropolitan growth centers [1989] and their founda-
tions in the historical works of Frank Lloyd Wright, Jane Jacobs and Lewis
Mumford for sub/urban areas at the microeconomy, municipal/ intermunicipal
level; and the spectrum of views of Burgess [1992,1990a, 1990b], Birch [1987]
and Peters [1988], and Sassen [1991], Clark [1991a] and others at the
macroeconomy, regional/global level. I have attempted to explore the spatial
impact of the New Economy at the regional, macioeconomy interstate level,
especially for nonmetropolitan areas and smaller metropolitan cities in the Great
Plains region of the United States and Canada. The ideas expressed within greatly
parallel those of planner Melvin Webber [1964] in his essay, The Urban Place
and the Nonplace Urban Realm.
The new paradigm within the Archipelago Society offers opportunity for
community economic development Traditional communities of places the
small market towns and trade centers have been joined by communities of
networks, built on telematics, advanced communication and transportation tech-
nologies. These are the linkages, formerly only obtained through physical con-
tact, which provide the ties that strengthen communities and create opportunity
and wealth.
Not all will participate in the Archipelago, but those which join, working
together in new and innovative ways, increase their potential for social and eco-
nomic vitality. Multicommunity collaboration, one such way, is increasingly
popular across the Heartland.

Websters dictionary defines place as a particular area or locality,
region. Traditionally, this has been limited to that particular area a person
perceives most easily and is the most comfortable in. It includes community,
neighborhood, town, city, nation. It indicates something special, something
unique that creates a spirit a value, good or bad. Yet with the collapse of time
and space these terms are taking on radically new connotations.
We are rapidly redefining the meaning of place in a New Economy.
Purpose, Scope & Methodology
The purpose of this paper is to explore the idea and function of place in
the regional sense, in light of recent economic, social and technological changes,
referred to here as the New Economy. Certain changes in urban form and func-
tion have been documented at the local and metropolitan level. My hypothesis is
that there is similar change in regional urban systems, and many policy makers
and economic development practitioners (including planners) are already adapting
to new roles in relationship to places in what has been termed an Archipelago
The method of study is literature assessment, community case studies, and
limited census and economic data trend analysis. It is intended to be an overview
of broad trends rather than a specific treatise on documented processes. This
work has been completed as part of, and in addition to, the Great Plains Project
A New Vision of the Heartland: The Great Plains in Transition of the Center
for the New West, a Denver-based public-private partnership for economic policy

Figure 1: Population of the Great Plains States, 1990.
Total Population 1990 % Change Total Population 1980-1990 Total Population in. Urban Pieces (over 2,500) 1990 % Change Population in Urban Places (over 2,500) 1960-1990 Total % Change Urban Pop. Urban Pop. Outside of Outside of Urbanized Areas Urbanized Areas (UAs) 1990 (UAs)1980-1990 Total Rural Population 1990 % Change Rural Population 1980-1990
Colorado 3,294,394 13.99% 2,715,517 16.6% 337,697 6.0% 578,877 3.4%
Iowa 2,776,755 -4.70% 1,663,065 -1.5% 740,412 -4.6% 1,093,690 -9.3%
Kansas 2,477,574 4.82% 1.712,564 8.7% 693,960 3.6% 765,010 -2.9%
Minnesota 4,375,099 12.88% 3,056,474 12.2% 685,539 2.1% 1,316,625 14.6%
Montana 799,065 1.57% 419,826 0.8% 210,943 1.5% 379,239 2.4%
Nebraska 1,578,365 0.55% 1,043,984 5.7% 356,109 0.7% 534,401 -8.2%
New Mexico 1,515,069 16.28% 1,105,651 17.6% 455,658 9.9% 409,416 12.8%
North Dakota 638,600 2.13% 340,339 6.9% 138,005 2.4% . 298,461 10.7%
Oklahoma 3,145,585 3.98% 2,130,149 47.0% 775,796 1.0% 1,015,446 2.5%
South Dakota 696,004 0.76% 347,903 8.5% 183,917 1.0% 348,101 5.9%
Texas 16,986,510 19.38% 13,634,517 20.3% 2,262,271 2.6% 3,351,993 15.7%
Wyoming 453.58B 3.40% 294.635 0.0% 180.497 2.0% 158.953 -9.1%
Great Plains States 38,736,826 11.41% 26,464,624 14.0% 7,021,004 1.3% 10,252,214 4.8%
U.S. Total 248,709,873 9.78% 167,051,543 12.0% 28,792,665 3.3% 61,658,330 3.6%
Not*: UcHMiiMiomiideifwaTwMnsdu UA.fortWO.
Soureu: US Consul Bureau, STF-1C CO-ROM IMO.
research and communications. [See Shepard et al.t 1992a.] The Great Plains
Project has been funded, in part, by the Aspen Institute/Ford Foundation, the
Denver regional office of the Economic Development Administration (US De-
partment of Commerce) and the members of the Center for the New West.
The area of study is limited for the most part to North America. I have
taken a regional approach, centered on the Great Plains area of Canada and the
United States, including all or part of thirteen states and three provinces.2 (See
Figure 1 for a summary of state population characteristics and Appendix B for a
county-level study area map.) In this study, I have concentrated on urban places
in non-metropolitan counties, as defined by the US Bureau of the Census and the
The Center for the New West Great Plains study area, a region approximately between 1-25 and 1-35,
includes: North and South Dakota and Nebraska, and parts of Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, Kansas, Oklahoma,
Texas, New Mexico, Colorado, Wyoming, and Montana. All state-level statistics exclude Missouri. In
addition, for this study I have explicitly considered non-statistical evidence from the Canadian provinces of
Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta.

US Office of Management and Budget (OMB) for i990.3
The Plains region in the US study area covers 741,000 square miles with
675 counties. This area is larger than every country in western Europe and more
than three-fourths the size of the entire 12-nation European community. If the
states in this region were treated as a nation, it would be the seventh largest
industrial economy, behind Italy and ahead of Canada [US Department of Com-
merce 1991, US Census Bureau 1991]. Even without the state of Texas, Plains
states together would rank among the top 10 economies in the world. Measured
by population, the Great Plains would be number 29, about the size of Argentina
[US Census Bureau 1990]. The Great Plains has world class industries and
generates some of the nations most important exports. It is also a region experi-
encing turbulent change: its population is shifting; agriculture and extractive
industries are restructuring; and advanced technologies are driving new economic
activities and reshaping traditional ones.
To some observers, this intensive and turbulent change is a sign that the
Great Plains is a region in irreversible decline. I believe that they are misreading
change for decline, an incomplete and sterile interpretation of what is occurring
across North America, especially in the Plains. The new regional urban structure
that is emerging demonstrates the new paradigm for regional development in an
Archipelago Society.
D Urban places are defined as towns over 2,500 population. Nometropolitan (Nonmetro) is a residual
category, taking up all counties that are not part of Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MS As). MS As are
defined by OMB as one or more entire counties which are economically and socially integrated; having a
large population nucleus (a central city of 50,000+ population) or with an urbanized area that reaches 50,000
in population; and is located in a county or counties with at least 100,000 population. See Appendix A for a
Glossary of Terms.

Structure of Paper
This paper is presented in four parts:
I. Chapter 1 (this chapter) contains introductory material. Chapter 2
then gives a background review of current literature on important
urban changes at the sub/urban and interurban metropolitan level,
n. Chapters 3 and 4 examine some of the intense and turbulent social
and economic changes over the last 30 years. Chapter 3 looks at the
New Economy and contrasting perspectives on its impact on the
traditional Central Place heirarchies, as well as an outline of the
idea of the Archipelago Society. Chapter 4 relates these emerging
socioeconomic structures to their relation to communities, high-
lighting the trend towards multicommunity collaboration and a
renewed interest in the spirit of place.
HI. Chapter 5 examines the impact of the formation of the Archipelago
Society in brief case study comparison/contrasts, centered on:
1) A variety of examples from debilitated communities;
2) Superior, Nebraska, a community that is tentatively adapting;
3) Brush, Colorado, which is forging its own path ahead
IV. Chapter 6 presents my conclusions and recommendations from this
research. Appendices include a glossary of terms used, a map
showing the primary area of study, a list of Edge Cities in the Great
Plains and a list of references.

Chapter 2
Americas New City
The big city is no longer modern
Frank Lloyd Wright, 19234
The majority of Americans now live in suburbs. Since World War n,
people have continued to leave the countryside for the bright lights of the big city.
At the same time, people from the big city have rapidly fled towards the country-
side. These two groups have met in the suburbs of metropolitan areas and in the
secondary cities that dot the heartland. These same shifts that enabled people
and their businesses to choose the suburbs in addition to downtown today also
enable them to relocate in almost any city or town throughout the nation.
Americas New City is rising out of the established urban system, states
Rutgers University historian Robert Fishman in a provocative 1990 Wilson Quar-
terly article subtided Megalopolis Unbound. This new form is a post-modem,
post-urban collage of this, that, and the other thing. Exclusive condominiums
are being built next to high-tech manufacturing plants and branches of chic
Manhattan shops sprout from Midwestern cornfields. Skyscrapers rise from the
^ Quoted in Robert Fishman, Americas New City: Megalopolis Unbound. The Wilson Quarterly, Vol,
XIV, No. 1, Winter 1990, p. 26.

Fishman calls on Lewis Mumford and Frank Lloyd Wright to explain the
decentralization of the metropolis away from a system that is high-density, pedes-
trian and monocentric to one that is low-density, high speed and multicentric.
Growth apparently is coalescing in more-or-less unified clusters what
Fishman [1987] calls technoburbs. As the complex economy of the formerly
subordinate areas has reached a critical mass, Fishman contends, the peripheries
have replaced the urban cores as the heartlands of our civilization [1991,27].
Joel Garreau, a reporter and social observer with The Washington Post,
has named these clusters Edge Cities of America [1991]. Fishman is the bridge
Garreau uses to connect a virtual whos who Kotkin and Toffler, Lynch and
Jacobs, Alexander and Cervero5 for his theoretical groundwork. Edge City is a
new and different type of city. The traditional view of city is a highly struc-
tured downtown central business district (CBD) ringed by tightly planned bed-
room suburbs. But in the past decade many suburbs and secondary cities (despite,
more often than because of, the best efforts of planners) have been transformed by
market-driven public and private sector development from quiet, sleepy places to
bustling economic powerhouses. The majority of suburban dwellers work at new
jobs in the suburbs, not in the old central city and, says Garreau, a good portion
are working in Edge Cities.
^ See Appendix C for a list of Edge Cities in the Great Plains study area. Garreau relies heavily on popular
works (some not included in my References in Appendix D) of: Joel Kotkin and Yoriko Kishimoto,77ie
Third Century: America's Resurgence in the Asian Era, New York: Crown, 1988; Alvin Toffler, The Third
Wave, New York: Morrow, 1980; Kevin Lynch, Image of the City, Cambridge: MIT Press, 1960; What
Time Is This Place? 1972; Jane Jacobs,77ie Death and Life of Great American Cities. New York: Random
House, 1961; Cities and the Wealth of Nations, New York: Vintage, 1984; Christopher Alexander, et al., A
Pattern Language, New York: Oxford University Press, 1977; Robert Cervero, Suburban Gridlock. New
Brunswick, NJ: Center for Urban Policy Research, Rutgers University, 1986.

There are trade-offs for communities that follow these market-based
solutions to growth. For example, in the suburbs of Chicago, Illinois, a common
slogan is we dont want to be another Schaumburg as residents battle against
traffic and for open space preservation. Tom Koenig, Director of Planning for the
Village of Schaumburg, attributes that attitude more to jealousy than anything
else: the Villages problems, he says, are the result of 45,000 new jobs and
50,000 new residents (for a total of 68,500 population) in the past 20 years. These
are the problems of Edge City.
Basically, Garreaus model is one of multinucleated growth centers. Gary
Pivo [1990] of the University of Washington has taken a closer look at western
US metropolises and sees a net of mixed beads pattern (Figure 2). Two or three
megaclusters emerge (including the old CBD) and stabilize in a metropolitan area,
an observation that Garreau also made. A melange of scatteration, clusters, and
corridors [1990,465] fill space in between. Another study of high-tech busi-
nesses in the West found similar clusters in Denver and Minneapolis (Figures 3 a
and 3b) [Sullivan 1991].
The new city is more than a mere permutation, but something very differ-
ent from what has gone before. These areas have expanded to the point where
people cannot tell where one ends and another begins. Fishman writes:
Familiar as we all are with the features of the new city, most of us
do not recognize how radically it departs from the cities of old.
The most obvious difference is scale. The basic unit of the new city
is not the street measured in blocks but the 'growth corridor
stretching 50 to 100 miles.... Not urban, not rural, not suburban,

Figure 2: The net of mixed beads office clusters in the Western US and Toronto, Canada.
Source: Pivo 1990,465-7.


Figure 3a: High-Tech Business Locations, Denver, CO, 1991.
Source: Sullivan 1991, Appendix A.

Figure 3b: High-Tech Business Locations, Minneapolis, MN, 1991.
£ CCmjTO? SVCS CM* 5CFTUUJE C5i: 737200)
Source: Sullivan 1991, Appendix A.

but possessing elements of all three the new city eludes all the
conventional terminology of the urban planner and the historian.
In other words, the basic unit of urban growth today is regional: the Front Range,
not Front Street; an entire watershed, not Water Street. It is a new and amazing
beast, but before we can improve it we need to understand it.
Communities of Networks
However, the real key to understanding these centers is the emergence of
communities of networks as many of the costs of distance have been reduced.
The essential element in the structure of the new city, Fishman [1990, 38]
writes, is a megalopolis based on time rather than space. Networks have re-
placed neighbors* he contends, identifying three networks Household, Con-
sumption and Workplace. These are built around the people we socialize with,
buy things and services from and work with. These three sectors of our socioeco-
nomic system are increasingly independent of each other and increasingly less
dependent on place, linking people together across the globe just as easily as
across the street, each with its own spatial logic.
The new urban form is a result of post-fordism the decentralization of
production and postmodernism the decentralization of philosophy and
culture, contends Paul Knox [1991] of Virginia Polytechs Department of Urban
Affairs and Planning. Linking the post-fordist economy, postmodern society and

post-public transportation is what Fishman [1990,29] describes as a complex
pattern of multi-directional travel that largely by-passes the old central cities; the
very concept of center and periphery becomes obsolete. (This economic
restructuring is an important topic to which I will return in the next chapter.)
Knox details how the new practitioners of the service professions - Bourdieus
[1984] new bourgeoisie during the 1980s demanded places built on
neotraditional design6 and large-scale mixed use development (spurred by
increased investment in real estate, partially in response to tax laws), the
privatization of public space and continued rule of the automobile.
The concept of the networked community is not so novel as it may seem.
This framework is perhaps best spelled out by planner Melvin Webber [1964] in
The Urban Place and the Non-Place Urban Realm. Webber defines the commu-
nity on the basis of human interaction. Cities have largely grown up, he posits, to
defeat barriers to communication and interaction, that is to overcome the penalties
of distance. Webber views two distinct but related perspectives one in which
interactions occur in a particular location (the urban place or what Ill term com-
munity of places) and one in which interactions occur in a widely scattered pat-
tern across the nation or world (the urban realm or community of networks).
Another early example is provided by sociologist Herbert Gans [1962].
He observed a similar system of distinct community networks during the same
6 A response to typical generic suburban sprawl, examples of neotraditional mixed use design include
Seaside, Florida, the Kentlands at Gaithersburg, Maryland, and the new town of Poundbuiy, England. They
are characterized by narrow streets and alleys, front porches and high value appreciation. For contrasting
impressions, see, for example. Eve M. Kahn, "Model Community That Isnt, The Wall Street Journal, June
1 1992, p. A10; and Tom Salyer, Their Town: Andres Duany and Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk. Historic
Preservation, May/June 1992.

period as Webber in his classic study The Urban Villagers. Advances in technol-
ogy and transportation have served to make an old phenomenon more obvious.
Communities of shared concerns emerge out of a network that is web-like and
individualized. No longer are people bound by the borders and centers of cities
and regions. At the same time, citizens of the communities of networks go be-
yond the concerns of their immediate place and unite on issues and questions of
special historic, architectural or environmental value. Although some argue that
community must be bound by a specific place [Sim 1988, 61], as I discuss in
Chapter Four the redefinition of the term place allows people to go beyond the
pedestrian scale of yesterday to craft their own.
The community of networks is a community with expanded hope and
opportunity. Yet it is not perfect it is still evolving and growing, and may yet
fall under its own weight in efforts to manage growth. Great cities in the
future, write Behrman and Rondinelli [1992,116], will be those that can adapt
their cultures to become part of a new international urban network with global
economic and cross-cultural ties. The community of networks is different for
each person and group, changing daily as each chooses their own path. Fishman
relates the promise of the new city:
The pattern formed by destinations represents the city for a
particular family or individual. The more varied ones destina-
tions, the richer and more diverse is ones personal city. The
new city is a city £ la carte [1990, 38].

Beyond Edge City
New growth and vitality in the second tier of cities (metro size, but not
monster size) is following the emergence of suburban and exurban growth cen-
ters. While older smokestack
Figure 4: Great Plains MSAs, 1990.
cities of the industrial northeast
and midwest stagnate, young
upstarts such as Wichita, Albu-
querque, Sioux Falls, Fargo and
Grand Forks are taking the lead in
population growth and economic
vitality [A. Stone 1991, Ferguson
1991, Kosnett 1991]. (See Figure
4.) And these cities cant rest on
past accomplishments, because
micropolitan growth centers of
15-50,000 places like Minot,
North Dakota; Ponca City, Okla-
homa; and Manhattan, Kansas
are fast on their heels [Thomas
1989, Swager 1991], Jack
Lessinger [1986,1991] has
chronicled the movement of
Americans that is fueling this
Rank In U.S. Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA) Population 1990
9 Dallas-Fort Worth, IX 3,885,415
16 Minneapolis-St. Paul, MN 2,464,124
22 Denver-Boulder, CO 1,848,319
25 Kansas City, MO-KS 1,566,280
42 Oklahoma City, OK 958,839
63 Omaha, NE 618,262
75 Wichita, KS 485,270
77 Albuquerque, NM 480,577
90 Colorado Springs, CO 397,014
94 Des Moines, IA 392,928
147 Lubbock, TX 222,636
151 Lincoln, NE 213,641
159 St. Cloud, MN 190,921
164 Amarillo, TX 187,547
165 Fort Collins-Loveland, CO 186,136
179 Topeka, KS 160,976
185 Fargo-Moorhead, ND-MN 153,296
209 Greeley, CO 131,821
224 Sioux Falls, SD 123,809
226 Pueblo, CO 123,051
228 Wichita Falls, TX 122,378
235 Abilene, TX 119,655
236 Odessa, TX 118,934
240 Santa Fe, NM 117,043
244 Sioux Falls, IA-NE 115,018
246 Billings, MT 113,419
250 Lawton, OK 111,486
255 Midland, TX 106,611
261 San Angelo, TX 98,458
273 Bismarck, ND 83,831
274 St. Joseph, MO 83,083
275 Lawrence, KS 81,798
276 Rapid City, SD 81,343
279 Great Falls, MT 77,691
281 Cheyenne, WY 73,142
282 Grand Forks, ND 70,683
283 Casper, WY 61,226
284 Enid, OK 56,735
Source: US Census Bureau.

trend, what he believes to be an epochal new migration of people who seek to
escape the many constraints of life in large metropolitan cities.
Business consultant David Heenan, in his 1991 book The New Corporate
Frontier: The Big Move to Small Town, USA, unites economic and business trends
with growth in secondary cities, which syndicated columnist Louis Rukeyser
[1991] termed the revenge of Americas small towns. Heenan focuses on
places freestanding cities of 50,000 to 200,000 like Colorado Springs, Fort
Collins or Des Moines. He is careful to distinguish this big move from the so-
called rural renaissance of the 1970s this move is being instigated by
ambitious, career-oriented professionals... searching for a serious business
environment [1991,5], the same new bourgeoisie that Knox [1991] and others
Moving to the new corporate frontier would not be possible without new
technology redefining the center. The list is well known by now: fiber optic and
cellular communications* satellite pagers, express mail, fax machines and personal
computers with printshop quality laser printers, all made available to the masses
within the last decade. Even the most remote businesspeople can be close to
where the action is and still have access to home base, Hennan writes [1991,68].
Basically, the rise of secondary cities emerges on the thesis of business
building a frontier culture based on low costs, pride in workmanship and a high
quality of life the last of increasing importance to corporate location decisions.
Thirty years ago, Hennan [1991,61] observes, lifestyle issues did not crack the
top nine locational factors. However, they have ranked first for each year since

1988.7 A survey of recent inmigrants to the Gallatin Valley of Montana
(Bozeman-area) found an emerging ethic dictated by a search primarily for life
quality, and in which economic security is only an incidental consideration [A.
Williams and Jobes 1990,187]. Quality of life factors, indicates a report of the
US Congress Office of Technology Assessment [1991,93], are inputs to as well
as products of economic well being. An educated workforce, relative freedom
from crime and affordable housing combine to offer a lifestyle unavailable in
many metropolitan areas. As the Sage of Omaha, multibillionaire investor
Warren Buffet said, I think its a saner existence here... Its much easier to think
[Davis 1990,64].
The influence of technology reducing space-based penalties and the
increasing importance of quality of life factors has combined with the rise of
knowledge workers. Knowledge workers are a new breed of employees and
managers valued for their brainpower, decision-making skills and solid grasp of
technology [Sullivan 1991,4], and include the fastest growing occupations for
the next decade. A subset termed Lone Eagles are professionals such as con-
sultants, freelance professionals, independent brokers, manufacturers reps, finan-
cial advisors, writers, analysts and others who have more freedom in how they
work and where they live. Recent estimates show Lone Eagles now number about
nine million nationwide and can offer quality inmigration to communities [Bur-
gess 1992]. Knowledge workers are spurring companies to take a worker-
^ Attributed to Site Selection, Whats in a Lifestyle? August 1989, p. 948.

centered approach to location decisions as employees become their most valu-
able asset in an information-based New Economy.
The Historical View
These ideas are not entirely new, and as mentioned spring lightly from
their weighty heritage in the thoughts and words of great thinkers. Three form a
foundation: Frank Lloyd Wright, Lewis Mumford and Jane Jacobs.
Wrights The Living City [1958] detailed his vision for the ideal decentral-
ized American city as Broadacre City. A remarkable element of that vision was
its emphasis of the need for a totally new treatment of highways the infra-
structure to support the revolutionary growth of the automobile at a time when
their effect was just beginning to be felt. A decentralized system of highways
would open up a vast area of land for single family homes, outside of the con-
gested cities.
In Wrights utopian plan, what he called Usonia, the individual home
became the center of each persons universe. Usonia was to be the great liberator
from the established power structure of centralized cities: When democracy
triumphs and builds the great new city, no man will live as a servile or savage
animal; holing in or trapped in some cubicle on an upended extension of some
narrow street [1958,110]. Inherent in his purpose was the desire to expand the
choices available to individuals, to enable individuals to craft their own personal-
ized city.

Mumford closely followed the evolution of Americas primary urban
center, New York City. His conception of the city was of the point of maximum
concentration for the power and culture of a community [yet also] a product of
time [Miller ed. 1986,104-5]. In The City in History [1961], Mumford traced
the evolution of the city form through time. The large, 20th century metropolitan
center was a manifestation of the forces at work at that time such as an infatua-
tion with giganticism and the power of the robber barons but which must be
subsumed to the current time in decentralization. The modem metropolis,
Mumford wrote, is an outstanding example of a peculiar cultural lag within the
realm of technics itself: namely, the continuation by highly advanced technical
means of the obsolete forms and ends of a socially retarded civilization [1961,
Like Wright, though no fan of modem suburbia, Mumford saw in this
decentralization the vehicle to reestablish the home as the center of modem life, in
an effort of the individual to gain control of ones life:
We must now conceive the city, accordingly, not primarily as a
place of business or government, but as an essential organ for
expressing and actualizing the new human personality that of
"One World Man. The old separation of man and nature ... can
no longer be maintained: for communication, the entire planet is
becoming a village... Now it is not the will of a single deified
ruler, but the individual and corporate will of its citizens, aiming
at self knowledge, self-government, and self-actualization, that
must be embodied in the city. Not industry but education will be
the center of their activities .... [1961,573].

Jacobs bases her work on the experience of New York City as well. She is
enamored with the richness and diversity of the city and its neighborhoods and a
relentless critic of establishment treatment of cities. Her first book, The Death
and Life of Great American Cities [1961], took on the traditional methods of
dealing with urban problems through large scale urban renewal. Later, in 1985,
Jacobs shifted to regional economics with Cities and the Wealth of Nations. This
effort issued the challenge to rethink our basic unit of economic analysis, the
nation-state. Jacobs contends that nations are political and military entities; but
it doesnt necessarily follow from this that they are also the basic,
salient entities of economic life or that they are particularly useful
for probing the mysteries of economic structure, the reasons for
rise and decline of wealth____[AJmong all the various types of
economies, cities are unique in their abilities to shape and reshape
the economies of other settlements, including those far removed
from them geographically [1985,31-32].
Much of the blame for modem economic woes, Jacobs believes, lies in the failure
to make a distinction between national and city economies. To understand wealth
creation, we should look at the process of creativity, innovation and trade between
A new way to look at the city is needed. After three decades of change
change in the economy, technology, transportation, government and culture
the old urban center is now one among equals, albeit still a bit more equal than
most. Edge Cities have sprouted up along the peripheries of major metropolitan

areas as people adjust to communities of networks in addition to communities of
places. Secondary cities, whose size makes change easier (economies of scope)
but can still offer economies of scale, show signs of leading the next wave of
innovation and creativity. Change is redefining the center as people and commu-
nities adapt to profound economic, social and demographic changes. They are
redefining place in the New Economy.

Chapter 3
The New Economy and an Archipelago Society
The most important economic development of our lifetime has been the rise of
a new system for creating wealth, based no longer on muscle but on.mind"
Alvin Toffler, 19908
America has not built a new traditional downtown since 1915, the first
year automobile production passed one million annually. Yet the 19th centurys
central place theory, based on horse-and-buggy urban systems and technology,
dominates our thought on urban structures and development. Using outdated
paradigms inevitably leads to outdated answers, especially when examining a
region experiencing rapid, transformational change such as the Great Plains. This
incongruity calls for integration between old economy, central place theory and a
New Economy theory: the Archipelago Society.
The New Economy
Between September 1990 and 1991, companies in the state of Nebraska
added 5.31 percent more nonagricultural jobs, the highest growth rate in the
nation [Ferguson 1991]. Right behind Nebraska were number 2 South Dakota
(3.06 percent), number 5 North Dakota (2.35 percent), number 7 Montana (1.91
percent) and number 9 Colorado (1.44 percent). All of the top 10 states were west
of the Mississippi. The Wall Street Journal credits Nebraskas twin foundation of
8 Powershift, New York: Bantam, p. 9.

telemarketing and food processing both New Economy industries for that
states recent growth.
The New Economy is here to stay. The economy of the 90s is going to
be a whole different ball game, comments David Birch, president of Cognetics
Consultants, Inc. [US WEST Communications 1991,2]. More than just an
information economy, the New Economy, like capitalism itself, is based on
creative destruction [Schumpeter 1942] and on what Birch calls churnings; on
the changing role of agriculture and small businesses; and On the rise of technol-
ogy, telecommunications and global trade.
Innovate or die. Balanced growth is not the norm in the New Economy.
The name of the game is rapid adaptation to changing situations. Its all about
managing chaos to innovate or die [Peters 1988] or, at least, looking at
change from a strategic rather than static standpoint [Cartwright 1991]. Changes
in transportation and technology, consolidation of agriculture, and the mailing of
America (consolidation of retail outlets [Kowinski 1985]) have changed how
people relate. The centuries old movement from farm to town has been reinforced
by an urbanization of rural taste [Stabler 1991] and an increasing willingness to
trade transportation costs for price savings [Hudson 1985, Kowinski 1985,
Stinson 1990, Lukermann et al 1991]. Radical, fast paced economic change is a
fact of life in both urban and rural areas. Although still largely dependent on
agriculture, the Plains region is diversifying its economic base (Figure 5).

Figure 5: Distribution of Great Plains Population by Economic Sector.
Number Share of total population Share of nonmetro population
of Counties 1969 1979 1989_________ 1969 1979 1989
Metropolitan 80 64% 66% 70%
Nonmetropolitan 565 36% 34% 30% 100% 100% 100%
Nonmetropolitan County Economic Base Dependency
Farming 306 12% 10% 8% 32% 30% 28%
Goverment 37 4% 4% 3% 10% 11% 11%
Manufacturing 16 2% 2% 2% 5% 5% 5%
Mining 24 2% 2% 1% 4% 5% 5%
Mixed 25 1% 1% 1% 3% 3% 3%
Other 2 2% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0%
Retirement 19 2% 2% 1% 4% 5% 5%
Trade 166 15% 14% 13% 41% 42% 43%
Source: Drabenstott and Smith 1992.
Adding value to agriculture. Agricultural industry has experienced a
well-documented extensive metamorphosis during this century. Economists
believe that US and Great Plains agriculture will remain competitive on the world
market, but any growth will depend on sparking trade [Clark 1991a, Drabenstott
and Smith 1992] or capitalizing on increased efficiencies to lower production and
transportation costs [Antle 1988]. Many look to filling niche markets and increas-
ing the value added to agricultural products while they are still in the Plains
[Luther 1991, Broadway 1991]. Examples include mushrooms grown in Park
River, North Dakota [Thriving Hometowns Network 1990], beefpacking in Lex-
ington, Nebraska [Podraza 1990, Broadway 1991], organically grown and pro-
cessed grain from a homemade co-op mill in Leoti, Kansas [Watts and Lee 1991].
Small business, many jobs. The average farm today is a professionally
run small business, requiring advanced management and capital resources. Small
businesses, those with under 100 employees, are the lifeblood of the American

Figure 6: Job Creation by Small and Large Business In the West, 1988-90.
Who is Creating Jobs?
Small vs. Large Business -
Employment Growth Rate: 1988-90
New Mexico
North Dakota
South Dakota
I Small Business EZ3 Large Business
For Existing Businesses (1988-90). Small-100 or tower employeas. Data Source: Cofloata Consultants, Inc.
O Copyright Cognotlca Consultants. Inc. 1991
Source: US WEST Communications. Inc. 1991.

economy [Birch 1987, Haider 1992]. Montana, for example, offset 4,000 corpo-
rate jobs lost in the 1980s with 6,200 new jobs created by small businesses [Rich-
ard 1990]. According to a study conducted for US WEST Communications in
1991, small businesses in the West employ more than half (52.4 percent) of all
workers and created new jobs at twice the rate of large firms (Figure 6). Another
study found that, of new or expanding, export-oriented firms, almost 70 percent of
the sectors new jobs were from startups and expansion by existing firms
[Leistritz 1991b]. Not only do small firms create jobs, but they offer the flexibil-
ity for adaptation to rapid change and niche marketing.
Technology. Technology is driving change in the 1990s. Telecommuni-
cations is one good example. As Parker and Hudson [1992,29-30] write in their
study for the Aspen Institute, To be competitive in today's economy, rural
America needs a telecommunications infrastructure that allows it to exchange
information with the rest Of the economy___rural businesses must be connected
by telephone, facsimile and data networks to their customers and suppliers.
Nebraskas leaders have been repaid for their initiative in taking advan-
tage of telecommunications opportunities, with well over 10,000 jobs created in
Omaha alone since the beginning of their programs of deregulation and other state
assistance [Feder 1991]. Progressive visionaries are taking a similar approach in
places across the Plains. Linton, North Dakota, population 1,460, houses back
office operations for a national travel agency (Worthington 1991]. Oberlin,
Kansas, population 2,387, has included fiber-optic teleconferencing facilities in a
new community center and is pursuing an economic development strategy to

encourage long-distance telecommuting for knowledge workers [Fear 1992].
Grain elevators and grocery stores use technology scanners, satellites, software
to replace many of the specialists so necessary only a few years ago. The end
effect is not just on so-called high tech industries, but on all aspects of our lives.
Global trade and tourism. Technological advances open the door to
trade and tourism in the global village. [See, for example, Quantic 1991;
Behrman and Rondinelli 1992.] Globalization in the coming decades will require
communities to make the most of international trade. Already, Great Plains states
export over $54 billion a year, 35% of which is within the North American trad-
ing block of the US, Canada and Mexico. (See Figure 7.) Emerging organiza-
tions, such as the Red River Trade Corridor in Minnesota, North Dakota and
Figure 7: Great Plains Exports, 1989.
To Canada To Mexico To World % World Trade to Canada
(in thousands of U.S. Dollars) and Mexico
Texas $3,047,137 $11,010,627 $38,093,254 37%
Minnesota $1,521,259 $162,347 $5,309,694 32%
Iowa $784,214 $116,720 $2,583,277 35%
Colorado $390,440 $96,397 $2,526,651 19%
Kansas $443,431 $221,210 $2,032,379 33%
Oklahoma $517,182 $62,369 $1,637,516 35%
Nebraska $193,456 $50,581 $824,510 30%
North Dakota $206,286 $51,651 $382,900 67%
Montana $121,773 $19,948 $346,422 41%
Wyoming $48,204 $3,824 $247,182 21%
New Mexico $20,150 $14,479 $213,660 16%
South Dakota $72,744 $5,251 $158,446 49%
Great Plains States $7,366,276 $11,815,403 $54,355,891 35%
U.S. Total $78,852,584 $24,968,823 $603,169,000 17%
Note: Original Canadian statistics converted to U.S. Dollars at exchange rate of 1.184:1.
Source: Statistics Canada 1991; US Department of Commerce, Office of Trade and
Investment Analysis 1991, from Quantic 1991, Table 1.

Manitoba [Nagel 1991] and the Rocky Mountain Trade Corridor linking Alberta,
Montana, Wyoming, Colorado, New Mexico and Mexico [Rocky Mountain Trade
Corridor Steering Committee 1991]; are building on new opportunities of expand-
ing markets in an increasingly borderless economy. As well, some jobs that were
lost overseas are coming back home as post-fordist business seeks quicker
design-to-production cycles, higher quality and better service to customers
[Faltermayer 1991, Barkley and Hinschberger 1992]. Firms operating in rural
areas need not be excluded from the international arena, as the volume of exports
has been found to be unrelated to the size of the place where firms are located
[Stabler and Howe 1988,313].9
With $2.1 trillion spent on all forms of recreation industries in 1988,
tourism is the worlds largest industry [Hansen 1991]. John Hunt [1992] of the
University of Idaho states that although rural and adventure tourism are by no
means new, nonmetropolitan communities are increasingly giving recreation and
multiple-use activities a fair shake for the potential to diversify economies that
may be overly dependent on a single economic sector as away to smooth out
the year-in, year-out cycle of boom and bust. The trick is to develop recreation
activities without eliminating or even injuring the primary economic sector,
especially in terms of agriculture, forestry, fishing or mining. And as tourism
grows, more people are rediscovering places in the Plains: the International Peace
Gardens, Little Bighorn National Monument, Dodge City, Mount Rushmore and
Stabler and Howe examined service exports in western Canada (Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta and
British Columbia) for 1974 and 1979. Their study points to a significant role for the service sector in
regional development.

Carlsbad Caverns; musicals at Medora, fishing at Fort Peck, Carhenge at Alliance,
Lady Vesty Days in Superior, rodeo in Brush and many others.
Central Place and the Great Plains
The Great Plains, to a greater degree than any other region, were settled on
the grand plan of a central place hierarchy, under which larger places controlled
smaller places through the railroads. Railroads were the lifelines of small com-
munities, their main connection to the outside world. Towns collected goods
from the surrounding countryside and sent them on up the line relatively un-
touched. They had no choice; the railroad determined how many towns would be
built and where. The railroad was the only game in town.
Central place theory attempts to explain why specific goods and services
are or are not present in a particular community [Shaffer 1989,125] in a neo-
classical free-market economy framework [Lapping, Daniels and Keller 1989,
105]. Communities - as central places are ranked in a hierarchy of popula-
tion or services central functions. As Alao et al [1977] observed, central place
theory attempts to move beyond the individual city and looks at economic rela-
tionships with other places, based primarily on theories developed by von Thiinen
[1842] and Christaller [1933] in Germany and further refined by Losch [1954].
The theory can be Summarized as a tree-like system where, on a featureless plain,
the smallest villages are connected to the nearest larger service town, which is
connected to the nearest larger wholesaling center, and so forth [Shaffer 1989,

Bokemann 1973, Yeates 1990], Each higher level is defined by offering higher
order goods and services than the one below.
Central place theory is based on the pre-information age, agriculture-based
old economy. Villages did well when nearby farms were doing well and towns
did well when linked villages did well. The old economy depended on a manu-
facturing-export economic base [Shaffer 1989] where goods and services gener-
ally either went up or down, not across the hierarchy, with New York City at the
top of the North American pecking order.
Northwestern University geographer John Hudson [1985] explains the
process of town development in the Great Plains in the context of central place
theory. Since almost all of the region was settled through railroad development,
Plains towns were sited, designed and sold with the sole purpose of furthering
commerce in adjacent areas and creating wealth for rail interests, based on the
idea of the medieval bastide of western Europe. Beginning with the Illinois
Central, railroad officials and townsite developers worked in close cooperation to
construct the most efficient regional model [Hedges 1926, Gates 1934]. Their
actions established a standard, unadaptive system of small market towns served
by larger distribution points in a classic central place system (Figures 8a and 8b).
Hudson explains:
[The] better solution for the railroad was to segregate all farmers
farthest from a railroad station into that portion of the market area
also farthest from the railroad track. The market areas resulting
from such a strategy were oblong. Towns, whether platted by
railroad affiliates or independents, were perhaps eight miles apart
along the track but three times farther apart across the back

Town | |
Orientation ol (arm la market road grid
Market boundary
2) Unstable solution Track miles reduced, but towns fA. A') too widely spaced, allowing independent townsites (a. a)
or a competing railroad and townsites (b. b') to appear
31 More stable solution. Towns'closely spaced along line Railroad line cuts short axis of oblong market area.
Competing railroad and townsites (c. cl toreed away from existing towns
Figure 8a: Locational strategies for railroad towns. Source: Hudson 1985, p. 65.

Figure 28. Hierarchy of towns and economic linkages. Wholesale and retail trade
took place within, and helped to shape, the hierarchy of places. Chains of
banks, grain elevators, lumber yards, and general stores evolved to exploit the
commercial opportunities present in the hierarchy. The mail-order house with
parcel-post delivery was the ultimate line chain, creating retail outlets dispersed
to the level of individual consumers.
Figure 8b: Hierarchy of towns and economic linkages, illustration from the upper midwest.
Source: Hudson 1985, p. 113.

country between lines. This pattern was the common result in the
Great Plains. The distribution benefited the railroads
Recent studies find central place systems to still be very evident in por-
tions of the Plains region, which one would expect since the region was settled on
the "neo-classical" economic theory of central places serving a primarily agri-
cultural market. Current linkages have been tracked in parts of the Great Plains
region by Borchert and Adams [1963], Anding et al [1990], and Bangsund et al
[1991].10 Lukermann et al [1991] examined the trade hierarchy in three case
studies of northcentral Iowa, southeastern Montana, and northwestern Wisconsin,
building on the Anding report. While the central places studied have grown in
population over the past 30 years, most have stayed within the same relative
levels in the hierarchy, as measured by retail functions. A similar study of central
places in Saskatchewan, Canada, between 1961 and 1981 revealed much different
conclusions, finding that the conventional Christaller-type models produce
unsatisfactory descriptions of the Saskatchewan trade center [Stabler 1987,239].
On a national level, a quaternary control (information-based) hierarchy has
been tracked using ratios of Federal Express pickups and deliveries in 48 US
metropolitan areas during 1982, which was updated for 1990 [Wheeler and
Mitchelson 1989,1991]. This hierarchical system is dominated by the largest
cities: New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, Atlanta and Dallas-Fort Worth, in that
order of decreasing control. Wheeler and Mitchelson [1989] note that the first
Both the Bangsund and Anding studies are based on John Borchert and Russel Adams' 1963 study. Trade
Centers and Trade Areas of the Upper Midwest.

study was completed before wide spread fax use, which should decrease depen-
dence on express mail service. Yet, Wheelers update for 1990 appears to con-
firm the hierarchy using similar Federal Express data [Schwartz 1991].
These studies measure the central place structure imposed on the industrial
urban system. The theory breaks down, however, when applyed to dynamics,
especially important in the rapidly shifting modem economy; it fails to explain
the evolution of places... The theory is not dynamic [Shaffer 1989,141].
Scholars have noted that central place theory explains less than it used to, and
that limitations must be recognized [Einsweiler 1991]. For example, the theory
assumes space as the dominant factor in competitive price structures, emphasizes
demand without considering supply factors, and excludes the multipurpose shop-
ping trip from consideration.
At an international level, Sassen [1991] has examined the impact of
globalization and economic restructuring (the post-fordism and
postmodernism which Knox [1991] applied to edge cities), and sees the
global cities of New York, London and Tokyo as control centers of finance and
global services through multinational corporations that function as a distinct
transterritorial marketplace. Increasingly, Sassen found, similarly to Jacobs
[1984], the economies of cities are independent of the economies of nations. Yet
the domination of global cities may be eroding as costs of telecommunications
fall and the costs of agglomeration density, social and economic polarization
outpace the benefits of centralized expertise.

Thomas Clark [1991a] of the University of Colorado has approached the
effects of restructuring of the international economy on nonmetropolitan areas.
Clark sees three cycles of development in rural (nonmetro) areas over the past
thirty years, a 1960-1973 urban boom, a 1973-1981 rural commodity boom, and a
1981-present period of rural consolidation.11 Overall, Clark sees continuity
instead of the major swings of the rural renaissance and subsequent reversal of
nonmetro development, yet in the 1980s, low commodity prices and drought, and
a slowdown in rural manufacturing and services growth retarded growth. A result
of economic restructuring, the combination of metro domination of financial
markets and the loss of political influence through redistricting may critically alter
the position of nonmetro areas in the previous urban hierarchy. One important
consequence for economic development is the decreasing propensity for corpora-
tions to respond to industrial recruitment for branch plants in nonmetro locations,
which Barkley and Hinschberger [1992] also found to be true.
Manuel Castells [1989] links the breakdown in the usefulness of classical
location theory with the simultaneous impact of an informational mode of devel-
opment and a restructuring of the capitalist economy. Castells, too, points out
that the traditional methods miss the flows:
The new industrial space and the new service economy organize
their operations around the dynamics of their information-generat-
ing units, while connecting their different functions to disparate
11 Clark adopts Harveys [1978] framework for urban development, which is built on the twin themes of
accumulation and class struggle" (sic) [1978,101] and divides the economy into interrelated primary,
secondary and tertiary circuits of capital. These can be characterized as production (labor), capital, and
technology and education.

spaces assigned to each task to be performed; the overall process
is then reintegrated through communication systems. The new
professional-managerial class colonizes exclusive spatial segments
that connect with one another across the city, the country, and the
world... [1989,348].
Again emerge the themes of communities of networks, connected over space and
time with litde regard to the old central place structures.
The automobile and truck drove the first stake into the heart of the mo-
nopolistic railroad system that shaped the settlement of the Plains. New technol-
ogy, especially in telecommunications and transportation, has changed the social
and economic function the reasons for being of many towns across the
Plains. Changing functions are enabling communities to make the final break
away from the old economy hierarchy and redefine their place in the New
An Archipelago Society
The New Economy emerging in the United States and Canada is based on
services instead of manufacturing, on inspiration instead of perspiration. A
simultaneous shift is occurring from the rigid hierarchies of central place theory
as a new paradigm for urban and rural development emerges: an Archipelago
Society, which already describes the Great Plains, increasingly descriptive of the
relationship of cities and towns nationwide.
An Archipelago Society supports island-like communities,12 different
Kraenzel [19SS, p. 228]: The residents of the in island-like communities separated from
each other in many ways and for many reasons. Kraenzel, however, used the term in a more disparaging
manner and tone, to describe the balkanization of power and economy in the.Great Plains.

types and sizes of places, connected to each other in networks across time and
space. Technological innovations like the personal computer and fax machine,
points out Dr. Philip M. Burgess, president and senior fellow of the Center for the
New West, link even the most rural into the national and international economic
system [Knickerbocker 1990]. While places draw sustenance from the surround-
ing area, as Webber [1964,95] contended, these linkages provide the ties that
strengthen communities and create opportunity and wealth.
The rise or decline of the Great Plains region, comments Burgess
[1990b], will depend primarily on the health and vitality of its cities and towns.
In the New Economy, healthy cities and towns promote rural vitality. Villages
do well when other towns to which they are linked do well [Jacobs 1984, Harrison
and Seib 1990]. Like Fishmans extended web of networks, these linkages are
not always with the nearest places or only with the center occupying the next
higher slot in the old central place hierarchy. The old theory does not describe
the new system.
Hinterland and backyard. While I apply these ideas, consider the
following. All towns and cities have a hinterland, an area from which they draw
labor, capital or other resources, similar to Fishmans communities of production
and consumption [1990,39]. Towns and cities also have a backyard, a contigu-
ous area surrounding the urban place. In the past, the hinterland and the backyard
almost always shared contiguous borders. Today, the backyard and the hinterland
are often two different places.

Open country
Tlic rum) school
Tlc family
Tlic farm organization locals
The cilUt!*c as rt Acrrirr station
The co-operatives (nr farmers ami other
local business enterprises Midi as:
(a) Crain elevators
(h) Oil .stations
(e) Stores
(d) Cri*aim*ris*s ami others
The bars. pool and g.umng lulls
Tlie movies
The church
' The rlenirntary 'chunk i ami ^uinetinii'S
high schools aim)
7*/ic disappearing
neighborhood and
- comm imiff/, and
emergence of
areas of local
The formalized
group level
of service
on a service "
area basis.
7'h/r is not
now a com-
m unify in
most instances.
The town
("enrrtiUu the county seat)
Kletnenturv M-hnnl. hu hiding
l.tutilns wim move to town
More Mvaali/od huymg and trading
The Inch .school
The church
The hospital ami health services
Co-operative group services such, as:
Irrigation districts
Soil conservation districts
Weed control districts
Marketing organizations for wool,
livestock, and feed
Formal county lunctions
Formal farm organizations
The citi/
Highly specialized services
Crazing district headquarters
Livestock marketing centers
Fir.. 15: The trend of social organization in the Creat Plains.
The trend of social organization in the Creat Plains involves the ten*
dency (a) of rural population to decrease as urban population
increases: (b) of service areas, both rural and urban, to increase in
size; and (c) of all organizations to move toward increased formality
and to emphasize legal status. Social pressure is such that, in all
activity ana organization, progress is considered always in terms of
away from the yonland, toward the sutland.
Figure 9: Kraenzels Yonland and Sutland." Source: Kraenzel 1955, p. 208.

In the 19th century, a places hinterland was quite closely aligned with the
next lower place or places on the central place hierarchy and fairly limited to a
contiguous region. Today, a fracture has occurred between the hinterland and
the backyard.
Carl F. Kraenzel used the idea of yonland and sutland in his book, The
Great Plains in Transition [1955,208], to distinguish between these concepts. He
used yonland to describe the immediate area near a town what we call the
backyard - and sutland to describe the urban towns and places that are areas of
economic vitality. Residents of the yonland depend on the sutland for services
and economic opportunities. The sutland then trades with a hinterland that may
include the rest of the world.
This fracture can be seen if we compare the old and new economies. In
the old economy, elevators in small market towns purchased local crops with
imported capital and sent them to large milling towns for processing. Then bread
came back to the market town and was sold to farmers living nearby in the towns
backyard. Today, the same town is as likely to be dependent on manufacturing,
services, retirees, tourism or a mixture of these new sectors [Bender et al 1985].
Thus, the town draws resources from around the state, region or nation to provide
goods and services to an internationalized market as well as local markets. The
only resource the town may draw on from the backyard is a labor force the
people to work in the town. The region and even the world is now its hinterland.
Basic functions originally allocated to the smallest villages buying
produce and selling basic supplies have been reallocated, by progress to

larger centers farther away from rural producers and consumers and closer to the
majority urban population [Bangsund et al. 1991, Lukermann et al 1991]. One
need only mention the name Wal-Mart in many small towns across the Plains to
find an opinion of the costs and benefits of this change. [See, for example, Stone
1989, Rawn 1990, Marsh 1991]. In many cases, these central functions have been
reallocated not only to places across county lines (as in the case of Wal-Mart), but
also across the global economy [Swager 1991, Peters 1988]. Credit cards are an
excellent example: a merchant in Superior, Nebraska, accepts a customers New
York Citibank Visa card and is paid from Sioux Falls, South Dakota.
In the New Economy, the advantages and disadvantages of location are
rapidly changing. In the old days, location on a railhead or interstate was tanta-
mount to success. Today, the shift to the New Economy especially new
transportation and telecommunications technologies, including information and
computer technologies combined in telecomputing networks are bringing
new advantages to formerly isolated places. The New Economy is a great equal-
izer of place-based limitations. For example, when one thinks of high-technology
firms, one usually pictures the Silicon Valley of California or the Route 128
Corridor around Boston. Yet, Great Plains Software, Inc., calls Fargo, North
Dakota, home, and Mortek Industries manufactures telecommunications equip-
ment in Brush, Colorado, for a global market. Along the front range of Colorado
and New Mexico, one can find NCR, Hewlett-Packard, Digital, Intel, IBM and
Apple Computer establishments.

An Archipelago Society network model is replacing the central place
control hierarchy, breaking down traditional distinctions between urban and rural.
Every place can now be someplace, depending on the quality of telecommuni-
cations and transportation infrastructure the quality of local leadership to build on
this base to build networks. The linkage of people and their communities has
changed as well, from a rigid hierarchy to a continuum. As Robert Einsweiler of
the Lincoln Land Institute points out [1992]:
Places are nodes in the network, and may be part of different
networks depending on the function.
If central place can be compared to the Copemican model of the universe, with
distinct levels of hierarchy, the archipelago runs on the chaos model, with no
apparent order but boundless opportunity for those willing to look.
The Great Plains was settled during the economic and social transition
called the Industrial Revolution. Now, another transition the Information
Revolution is causing great and troubling change in the region as the economy
adjusts. This transformation does not necessarily indicate decline. Understanding
the Archipelago aspects of the New Economy is mandatory for those wishing to
understand and deal with public policy and the political economy.

Chapter 4
Changing Relationship of Community and Place
When place changes rapidly people no longer know how to behave. They
must expend effort to test and choose a new form of behavior and to build group
Kevin Lynch, 197213
In the middle of the rolling sand hills of Nebraska, a quiet revolution is
taking place.
Its called cooperation.
Custer County sits off of the beaten path, just north of 1-80 in central
Nebraska. Residents are not sitting around complaining about the regions farm
economy, nor blaming Broken Bow, the county seat, for siphoning off business
from the neighboring small towns. Instead, they have recognized the changing
relationship between communities and the places they inhabit, joining together in
a bamraising type of cooperative effort. County residents have embraced
NEST Builders, Broken Bows economic development organization which now
works for a cluster of county towns.
The traditional ideal of community has been a town which occupied a
place, a place that was contiguous and compact, usually composed of a hinterland/
backyard, the combination of which was self-sufficient. As I have noted, the rise
of the New Economy and the split of the hinterland and backyard have changed
the very structure of community.
I3 What Time Is This Place? Cambridge: MIT Press, p. 40,1990 printing.

There are many interpretations of this change. In one version, small
communities die out as their residents move to larger communities, while aid is
given only to those deemed most likely to survive by so-called experts. Daniels
and Lapping [1987] proposed one such scheme for rural triage. Popper and
Popper [1987] proposed a similar, region-wide program to empty vast stretches of
the Great Plains region.
Another version is an archetypical tale of small town decline. Sim [1988,
81], for example, weaves a dreary story of a whatmighthavebeen place, a
residential enclave whose stores have closed, leaving hardy citizens with a 30-
mile/30-minute drive to the nearest larger town. The need for little places
disappeared, concludes US Department of Agriculture demographer Calvin
Beale [Usdansky 1991].
A third interpretation recognizes the importance of community within the
regional framework and the need for cooperation at the regional level. This
alternative recognizes many small town problems as urban problems that all
urban societies face: Nonmetro residents commute between census places at
rates similar to Metro residents (Fugitt 1991); yet in many traffic-clogged cities,
people often travel as long (in time if not distance) to go to work, to shop or to go
to a movie. Except for the occasional Stop-n-Go or 7-11, commercial trade has
left the neighborhoods of both town and country. However, as Lukerman et al
[1991,66] acknowledge, loss of trade functions does not necessarily lead to loss
of community. The small town community is a neighborhood in the regional
urban networkreflecting the changing face of a neighborhood and the chang-

ing patterns of travel and interaction among the activities of household, consump-
tion and workplace.
Multicommunity Collaboration
Grassroots leaders are recognizing the role of the community within the
regional framework and the need for cooperation at the regional level. Collabora-
tive clusters, described by Timothy Borich of Iowa State University as the
only serious new idea in rural development,14 are designed to give communities
the ability to take advantage of the strengths of the small local place (such as
economies of scope, low crime, high volunteerism) and to capitalize on the
benefits of larger community clusters (such as economies of scale in marketing
tourism sites, offering advanced educational classes or economic development
Although initially developed in rural Alberta in the 1970s, clusters didnt
catch on in the US until the farm crisis of the mid-1980s. The cooperative route is
becoming more attractive, says Harold Baker [1991] of the University of
Saskatchewan, for communities trying to achieve a critical mass of population,
economic power and expertise in a community of communities.
According to Borich, the majority of the 955 places [in Iowa] are
involved in clustering, with 78 clusters operating and many more in planning
stages [Iowa State University 1991]. For example, the Area Community Com-
monwealth (ACC) cluster outside Mason City, which gained international atten-
14 Quoted in Jim Schwab, Hanging Together, Planning, January 1990.

tion when it landed Walt Disneys 60th anniversary party for Mickey Mouse,
includes communities from several counties and conducts a broad range of eco-
nomic development and tourism activities [Schwab 1990]. The Extreme North-
west Iowa Cluster (ENIC), based in Sibley, also includes communities from
several counties but focuses only on recycling activities. The Winterset Incentive
Network, Inc. (WIN Inc), is a cluster of five communities within one county
(Madison) that conducts both economic and community development activities.
While the Canadian effort is subsidized by federal money, most US
clusters are locally funded from both public and private sources. In Nebraska,
Custer Countys NEST Builders raised $40,000 for economic development from
private sources in just a few weeks [Luther and Wall 1990] and the ACC group in
Iowa netted a $48,000 profit from the Disney celebration in its first year.
Throughout Iowa, funding methods differ according to group organization and
need. For example, ENIC received a Kellogg Foundation grant of a few hundred
dollars, while Winterset Incentive Network Inc. was capitalized by a multimillion
dollar stock sale.
A team of researchers associated with the North Central Regional Center
for Regional Development from the US and Canada completed case studies
during 1991 of multisector collaborative efforts in Michigan, Alberta, and Ne-
braska.15 These communities, which voluntarily united in response to radical
changes in their economic base, were able to increase linkages with each other
15 These were Gratiot County (Alma), Michigan; Wild Rose Community Futures area in southern Alberta;
and Custer County (Broken Bow), Nebraska. Additional case studies using similar methodology were
completed in 11 states for the NCRCRD conference.

and with outside places and institutions. These lateral linkages foster economic
growth and innovation, strengthening local networks through trade and informa-
tion sharing.
Some fear, however, that community collaboration may cripple local
organizations, leaving localities vulnerable in the event the regional group dis-
solves. Nonetheless, civic leaders increasingly look to collaboration to overcome
local limitations. Geographer Ronald Swager reports on a recent study from the
American Economic Development Council which predicts:
Interregional and interagency cooperation will expand, prompted
by the need for local unity, efficiency, and pooling of expertise and
viewpoints, by budget considerations, and by increased recogni-
tion that functional economic areas encompass multiple jurisdic-
tions. The "team approach will yield the greatest potential for
successful economic development [1991,9].
Capturing the Spirit of our Place
Community is being pulled in two quite different directions. It is being
pulled away from real, identifiable places hometowns, downtowns and other
geographically demarcated places into Fishmans communities of networks
and the global economy. As people move into more fluid and less well defined
environments, they are also trying to recapture the magic and spirit of the classic
community as seen in the widespread support for programs like the National
Trusts Main Street effort and the movements to smaller cities chronicled by
Heenan [1991], Lessinger [1991] and others.

The Main Street program of the Natural Trust for Historic Preservation is
a timely example of new support for traditional places [Skelcher 1990, Shepard
1992]. Since 1983, 187 communities in 10 states in the Great Plains study area
have participated in the program, reviving moribund downtowns, helping to save
important historic resources and prompting local reinvestment. Still, the program
relies on the latest economic development tools to foster retail, office and residen-
tial redevelopment Communities compete to participate in the program and are
primarily responsible for its support. As well, the Main Street program of the
Iowa Department of Commerce is also adapting its programs to serve
Place is many different things to different people: the local, physical
space; the area of common geographic similarities; the entire region with its own
particularities; an arena of shared experiences. What it is to all people is what
they have in common while engaged in the project of inhabiting a place. Daniel
Kemmis urges the citizens of the West, both rural and urban, to recapture the
spirit of their place in his 1990 book, Community and the Politics of Place.
Kemmis questions what we all Americans will now do with the
West, this last best place. What role will this region and its residents play in
the next phase of American history? Will the Plains become a half-forgotten and
exploited colony? Will it become a museum, a return to the past as a common
repository of nostalgia? Will we settle with maintaining the status quo, continu-
ing the special interest battles and bidding wars for industrial recruitment?

The answer, Kemmis proposes, lies in cooperation to build a better place.
All parties must come to the public table, not only to engage in the debate on
our future but to improve on what we have, to find the common ground:
What'we' do depends upon who we are (or who we think we
are). It depends, in other words, upon how we choose to relate to
each other, to the place we inhabit, and to the issues which that
inhabiting raises for Us... If in fact there is a connection between
the places we inhabit and the political culture which our inhabiting
of them produces, then perhaps it makes sense to begin with the
place, with a sense of what it is, and then try to imagine a way of
being public which would fit the place. [1990,41]
Carl Kraenzel, 40 years ago, urged us to remember the unique assets and
liabilities of the Plains, to tailor our way of living to the needs of the Plains. If we
truly want to fit the place, to inhabit instead of merely stop on our way through,
we need to take on the challenge of fitting the place integrating the needs of
the place with the activities of everyday life. As William Hornby [1992] ob-
serves, we are looking beyond the canyons rural, urban, environmental,
economic, cultural. We are beginning to stop yelling and start listening to each
The existing urban system of villages, towns and cities in the Great Plains
was settled for a specific purpose to serve the railroads farm to market indus-
trial interests. The advent of new forms of transportation, technology and trade
indelibly changed the need for these places, and changed their relationships to

each other, the relationship of the hinterland and the backyard. However, the
supposed agents of their destruction also offer an opportunity for communities to
redefine their place. Collaboration towards the shared goal of a better life welds
global networks with the spirit of our place, bringing the circle back onto itself.

Chapter 5
Case Studies from the Great Plains
"Development is a do-it-yourself process; for any economy it is either do it
yourself or don't develop. All of todays highly developed economies were
backward at one time, yet transcended that condition.
Jane Jacobs, 198416
This chapter summarizes examples of how different communities have (or
have not) adapted to changes in urban structure (the formation of the Archipelago
Society) that have accompanied the shift to the New Economy. Three examples
are given: Boomtown, a composite of a number of communities which have not
adapted; Superior, Nebraska, which is making a tentative adaptation; and Brush,
Colorado, which seems to be in line to benefit from the opportunities of the New
Boomtown, Great Plains
Shipwrecked: A dependent community.
We all know Boomtown. Its only a composite of a hundred different
places, yet it is the classic whatmighthavebeen place founded on a dream.
Boomtown is Hamberg, North Dakota, and Last Chance, Colorado, and the
myriad of other broken places hanging on to yesterdays promise. Today
Boomtown is only hanging on: hanging on to a boom-bust, undiversified re-
source-dependent or company town economy, hanging on to the tried and true in
^ Cities and the Wealth of Nations: Principles of Economic Life, New York: Vintage, p. 140.

face of global transformation. Boomtown is the town many of us have left be-
Many see Boomtown as characterizing most of rural America, with theo-
ries of predestined decline. Boomtown is what Daniels and Lapping wrote about
in 1987, when they urged governments to cut off towns that they deemed beyond
saving in a system of small town triage. Frank and Deborah Popper [1987,
1989] have spent the last five years trying to convince the residents of the Plains
that they, the eastern academics, do know redemption. They not only know it, but
know what to do about it resettle the Plains citizenry and deprivatize the land
in a pogrom that would empty about a third of the region. They believe that
Uncle Sam would be a better steward, even after Frank Popper has spent consider-
able energy disparaging federal lands policy [e.g. 1984,1989]. Recently, how-
ever, they have softened their stance on federal ownership, looking to private
organizations to take the lead.
These observers, many others believe, have mistaken change for decline.
Students of the Plains, such as Luebke [1990] and Luther [1991], have already
responded to the inadequacies of the decline theorists. The key is that this is not
just another swing of the old familiar boom-bust cycle. The New Economy
revolution is transforming the American economy and society. While Boomtown
has not yet taken steps to adapt to change, two other real places Superior,
Nebraska, and Brush, Colorado whose residents have taken steps to adapt are
discussed later in Chapters 6 and 7.

The tendency to resist change is not unique to small towns or the Great
Plains region. The tide of progress has wreaked the ship of state through the
years. Jane Jacobs [1985,32-35] tells of the hamlet of Bardou, in the Cevennes
Mountains of modem France, originally constructed to service iron mines for the
Roman Empire. Through the centuries the area was abandoned, resettled, aban-
doned and resetded again, serving the needs of distant urban empires. A similar
story can be told about steel mill towns in Pennsylvania, factory neighborhoods in
the inner cities of Chicago or Los Angeles, or any number of horse-and-buggy
plantation crossroads across the South. The place is the same, yet it has been
Boomtowns problem is its attitude of dependency, clinging to the domi-
nant economic sector (a passive economy as Jacobs would say) but not looking
for opportunities to build on it. In agriculture or mining, Boomtown ships out all
of the wheat, com or cattle; coal, gas or oil produced all around without lifting a
finger to process it. Even worse, it may no longer even serve the central function
of market town, watching the bountiful harvests and brimming coal trucks take
the bypass around town. When the wells dry up, or the mill shuts down, or the
forests are declared off limits, Boomtowns response is to throw arms up in
desperation or angrily place blame anywhere but at home.
Basically, Boomtowns today is todays history. Boomtown will not adapt
its the old line if it was good enough for my father/mother, its good enough
for me. Boomtown is risk averse technology is something somebody else
tries, preferring certain decline to possible failure. Boomtown is isolationist and

protectionist trade and tourism mean making an effort to understand things that
are different. Boomtown is on a slow boat to nowhere because it chooses to be.
That slow boat is already wrecked on the rugged shores of the New Economy.
Another key to Boomtowns dependency is that it is mired in the central
place hierarchy. Boomtowns merchants sell to a small, local, well-defined mass
market and buy from a few large wholesalers in the closest wholesale retail
center. But they have already been bypassed by their former customers who now
travel directly to that center in search of better price, selection and service. The
merchants complain about the shopping malls, yet offer nothing more in response
than to attempt blackmail, admonishing local citizens to shop downtown or
else. Even within Boomtown, downtown has not learned the lessons of the
National Trusts Main Street program [Shepard 1992] or that shopping mall
managers have known for close to fifty years, the lessons the forebears of many of
these same merchants knew well only a generation ago: Give customers a quality
product with quality service for a quality price and they will reward the merchant.
But in Boomtown, neither merchant or consumer will change, so they will both
continue to face economic decline outside the Archipelago Society.
Superior, Nebraska
Heads or Tails, A Tentative Winner.
Superior, Nebraska, is nestled into a bend of the Republican River on the
Kansas-Nebraska border just west of the 98th meridian. This town of 2,400
seems to have reached a truce with itself: it is comfortable where it is, comfort-

able with what it is, but by no means comfortable with the status quo. The truce
is uneasy, but the residents of Superior seem to be making the best of a situation
that some predicted would lead to despair.
If Superior is anything, it is not in despair. Superior is in one of the
counties that Popper and Popper [1987] put on their collectivist deprivatization hit
list. Superior paid them no heed. Although not the county seat of Nuckolls
County, the town is the economic center of the county of 5,786. Government is
the largest non-agricultural employer, followed by services and retail trade. Over
the last decade, growth in the retail sector has helped offset job losses in manufac-
turing and transportation. The retail pull factor for the county, even though
having fallen from 1.588 to 1.405 over the past 20 years, suggests that the county
pulls in more retail sales than its population would otherwise indicate.
Innovation is alive and well in successful small towns and cities across the
US, in their large and small businesses, in community and economic development
activities. Says one resident, Our town [Superior] is doing business differently
today. If you dont change the way you think, your business will decline.17
Mid-America Dairymen employs about 170 at its cheese factory in Superior.
Mid-American is a leader in technological adaptation and is routinely visited as a
model for innovation, even though is in just a branch of a large company with its
headquarters in another state (Missouri). The product is primarily to top the
pizzas of Godfathers, Dominos and Pizza Hut chains across the nation.
17 Mike Moore in Heartland Center for Leadership Development, A Case Study of Superior, Nebraska,
Lincoln: Heartland Center for Leadership Development and Denver: Center for the New West, Report 91-
704, November 1991, p. 1.

Superiors grain elevators are not just stopping points for local ag prod-
ucts. AGREX, as subsidary of Japans Mitsubishi Corp., ships unit trains directly
to Latin American and Asian markets. The Co-Op elevator has tripled its busi-
ness in the last five years. In fact, the elevators seldom take title to the product
instead they act as markets, linking up local producers with distant buyers.
The large firms are important, but small firms are also having an impact.
The two local banks have expanded their market areas as far as 200 miles outside
of town and are expanding into niches to capitalize on the effects of financial
market deregulation. Famawife Addie Meyer has converted a hobby making
porcelain dolls into a national mail-order business, and several local craft makers
joined forces in a Main Street business incubator. Newspaper publisher Bill
Blauvelt, faced with declining readership, found a niche with Country Connec-
tions, a newsletter that matches up men and women in rural areas across the
A change in community attitudes has been helped along by a new eco-
nomic development program called START, after the state of Nebraska program
that fostered it. This strategic planning process stresses the community aspect:
250 people attended the first organizational Town Hall meeting; 100 signed up
and are active in five task forces. One lasting impact has been an emphasis on the
towns Victorian heritage. The annual Lady Vesty Days festival, named after a
community member who was the highest paid woman executive in the world at
the turn of the century, has prompted community pride in their historic resources
and drawn tourists off the Interstates.

Although no programs have yet been organized, Superior is looking
outside its borders at opportunities for cooperation. Nearby Red Wing is the site
of the childhood home of author Willa Cather, a friend of Lady Vesty; yet Red
Wing is reluctant to enter into collaborative efforts. Residents recognize that their
community reaches beyond the town, bringing in shoppers and employees from
a large radius at the same time as residents travel to Wal-Mart and the shopping
malls in Grand Island and Lincoln. You cant compete with Wal-Mart, com-
ments publisher Blauvelt, Youve got to find a niche.
In their summary of the case study of Superior, the Heartland Center for
Leadership Development [1991,5] put it well: From an economic standpoint,
Superior is trying to learn how to keep up with the highly volatile, increasingly
global economy that every city, large and small, must face. It is a tentative
adaptation to the Archipelago Society, but one taken with an ethusiasm that just
could make the difference.
Brush, Colorado
Catching the Next Wave: An Entrepreneurial Community18
Five years ago, Brush, Colorado, appeared to be another small town in
decline. Empty storefronts pocked the downtown with the closure of several
major local employers and an unemployment rate hovering around 14 percent.
Brush appeared to be destined to join the hit list of communities in decline.
18 Colleen Murphy, John C. Shepard and Louis D. Higgs, A Case Study of Brush, Colorado, Denver: Center
for the New West, Report 92-708, May 1992.

Today, Brush appears the opposite, a healthy, activist growing town, not
booming but on solid ground. That is just how many in the community want it,
Brush (population 4,165) is nestled along the side of the South Platte
River Valley of northeastern Colorado, straddling the Burlington Northern rail-
road. Settled in 1882 as a cattle shipping point, Brush remains a transshipment
point, but Interstate 76 to Denver, 90 minutes to the southwest, and Interstate 80
in Nebraska, two hours northeast, are the preferred routes. In addition, US-34
connects Brush to the rest of cattle country in eastern Colorado and western
Nebraska and Kansas, as well as to Fort Morgan and Rocky Mountain National
Park to the west.
Fort Morgan, 10 miles west of Brush, is the seat of Morgan County.
While Brushs population grew about two percent (2.03%) in the last decade, the
Countys dropped about two and a half percent (2.55%). Employment in the
County is up about six percent (5.95%) over the same period, but only one and a
half percent (1.63%) if government jobs are discounted. The strongest employ-
ment sectors (industries with highest location quotients) are agriculture-related
(e.g. contracted labor, custom harvesters, farm managers,, veterinarians), whole-
sale trade, mining (oil and gas), health services and manufacturing.
The New Economy is taking hold in this seeming bastion of the agricul-
ture-based old economy. In Brush, the cattle industry has adapted not only to the
advantages of new transportation infrastructure, but to computers and satellites as
well. The Livestock Exchange, Inc. (LEI) is the fourth largest cattle auction

house in the US, yet primarily covers about a 250-mile radius. The Superior
Livestock Auction Company markets cattle by video auction to buyers all over the
US. Mortec, a subsidary of cattle feeder fabricator Mohrlang Manufacturing, is in
agricultural communications and electronics equipment and service. All are
examples of innovation diversifying a traditional resource-dependent economy.
Others are building on existing strengths by capitalizing on other ventures
or capturing the value added to agricultural goods in processing before they leave
Morgan County. Colorado Power Partners (CPP) does both their cogeneration
plant generates and sells electricity to the Colorado Public Service Company
Pawnee power plant, located nearby, while using excess steam heat for its 18-acre
greenhouse, where the company raises and sells tomatoes in major urban markets
all over the US. CPP is currently developing 25 additional acres of greenhouses,
part of which will be used to grow melons for the Japanese market.
Small businesses have always been the norm in small towns, yet many
economic developers and politicians have been mesmerized by the allure of the
hunting game of industrial recruitment. Brush is no different, and many small
businessmen and women feel left out in the process. As one Brush rancher said,
Its like the farmer who gets so interested in his new horse that he forgets to feed
the old ones. Now, after landing CPP and a private youth detention facility (the
High Plains Youth Center, HPYC) and being burned on a failed attempt to reopen
a pork processing facility, local leadership recognizes this and there is now re-
newed interest in local development and training programs.

Entrepreneurs in Brush are on the forefront of technology. CPP has
adapted a Danish technique with organic nutrient systems and new hydroponic
methods, which is not only more efficient but also requires little to no use of
pesticides or herbicides. The Radio Schack off of US-34 is not just an electronics
store, but also offers fax service since US WEST Communications updated the
local phone system to digital switches that enable special services such as call
waiting and direct-dial modems.
Global trade and tourism would seem to be limited to ag products being
traded and local residents being tourists elsewhere. Today, consultants in Brush
compete overseas, and Mohrlang Manufacturing sells its feeders nationally as
well as in Australia, Japan, the CIS, China and the Middle East. As well, the city
is considering working with other northeastern Colorado communities to open a
regional trading company to facilitate the entry of local firms into new markets.
Brush has linked up with the Archipelago Society. While the traditional
agricultural economic and social base is still important, citizens of Brush are
hedging their bets. Progress will only be achieved. wrote City Administrator
Jim Collard [1991] by a positive attitude combined with hard work, good plan-
ning and an inherent belief in the ability of the citizens of Brush to make a differ-
Its not glamorous or really exciting. Its people taking charge of their
own futures in a rapidly changing environment. Its people redefining their own

Chapter 6
Conclusions and Recommendations
Creating employment opportunities or expanding tax bases are not the mission
of the economic development profession: budding better communities is.
Mark D. Waterhouse, 1991*9
Francis Fukuyama has theorized that mankind has reached the end of
history in his 1992 book of that title. This is not the end of events, but the
concensus that liberal democracy offers our best hope of the best system of
governance. Whether or not that may be true, today we are immersed in a radi-
cally different environment from that which existed when current social and
economic theories were constructed.
Urban restructuring in the 1980s and beyond has changed the built fabric
of our nation. There seems to be agreement in the literature that, at the metropoli-
tan level, new suburban centers have emerged to form a polinucleated structures.
One compelling theory posits that the reason is the preeminance of communities
of networkshouseholds, consumption and workplace which connect people
across the global village regardless of their community of place. The New
Economy rapid change, the rising importance of information and technology,
the collapse of time and space is spurring a reworking in how economies relate
to place and places.
Mark D. Waterhouse, Building Viable Communities The Essence of Economic Development,
Economic Development Review, Summer 1991, p. 14.

There is less agreement as to the impact of restructuring at the regional
level. The traditional school, grounded in the theory of central place, argues that
economic change has increased the power of large, multinational corporations and
of the global cities where these companies have their headquarters. An alternative
view, I believe, proposes that, in fact, recent economic change gives opportunity
to level the playing field for smaller businesses and smaller metropolitan cities,
reducing the penalties of distance and letting people take advantage of the unique
attributes of smaller, more manageable places.
I see as a result a changing relationship between community and place,
how people relate to the places they inhabit. People seem to be discovering a
renewed value in special places.
Implications for Economic Development
Numerous studies have found substantial evidence at the local level that
communities, having learned that they cant rely on someone else to come in and
save them, are now learning that they can achieve self determination through
grassroots leadership and by mobilizing and redirecting existing resources
[Shepard et al, Overview, 1992a].20 This New Localism [Shweke and Toft
1991,3] is also spurred by the growing understanding of two maxims: First,
20 Many of the conclusions Shepard et al. [1992] reached during summer and fall 1991 are consistent with
the principles identified by David Osborne and Ted Gaebler in Reinventing Government, Reading, MA:
Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, Inc., January 1992. Osborne and Gaeblers 10 principles of entrepre-
neurial public organizations are: They (1) steer more than they row; (2) empower communities, rather than
simply deliver services; (3) encourage competition rather than monopoly; (4) are driven by their missions, not
their rules; (5) fund outcomes rather than inputs; (6) meet the needs of the customer, not the bureaucracy; (7)
concentrate on earning, not just spending; (8) invest in prevention rather than cure; (9) decentralize authority;
and (10) solve problems by leveraging the marketplace, rather than simply creating public programs.

economic development is everybodys business, not just governments. Second,
even though economies are becoming globalized, economies are still local. Thus,
New Localism in the New Economy means that local areas must take responsibil-
ity for their own economic well-being and find their own niches in the changing
global market.
An emerging paradigm for regional development, the Archipelago Soci-
ety, offers a framework for communities to adapt to changing regional urban
structures and the mercurial New Economy. The important points for economic
development include:
The New Economy is rewriting the rules of the international economy.
Economic development must stress innovation, new opportunities to
capture the value added to agricultural commodities, gardening (paying
attention to established business) as well as hunting, technology applica-
tion, and global trade and tourism.
Economic growth isnt just more population or employment. A
favorite line in politics is are you better than you were before. Better
does not have to mean bigger, better means greater hope, wealth and
Communities of Places are nodes in a regional network. Christallers
self-sufficient farm market town is, admittedly, only a useful idealized
framework for central place theory. Today, the exceptions have proven
the rule with the fracture between the hinterland and the backyard and the
integration of even the smallest urban places into the global economy.

Communities of Networks are built on linkages. Greater hope, wealth
and choices are built on increased linkages to other nodes, communities of
place, in the global network of the non-place urban realm. Transportation
and telecommunications make up an important element of the infrastruc-
ture for these linkages which are not always with the nearest places or
only with the center occupying the next higher slot in the old central place
Encourage collaboration. Economic development is everybodys busi-
ness. Communities cannot afford to be exclusive in times of rapid change.
Opportunity lies in further developing communities of places through
grassroots regionalism and inter-community cooperation, Collaboration
and joint action.
Capitalize on the spirit of the place. Smaller towns, lacking economies
of scale, need to make the most of economies of scope. As well, they need
to build on their unique qualities historic downtowns; good schools,
libraries and health care; or recreational or other tourism draws. It is up to
communities if they are going to make lemonade out of their supposed

Next Steps
This paper points to a number of potential avenues for future research:
First, the framework of the emerging Archipelago Society paradigm
needs to be better tested in statistical and community case studies. The
phenomena of communities of networks and communities of places may be easy to
identify, but their nature and interrelationships are more difficult to understand.
We need a better understanding of the impact of cities, especially the nodes of
smaller MSAs, on other towns and areas in the face of the changing role of place
and the changing relationship between community and place.
Second, many nonmetro communities are recruiting Lone Eagle knowl-
edge workers, who are attracted to high quality of life communities with good
infrastructure and amenities. In further study, the Center for the New West will
develop a telecomputing hospitality index that communities can use to rate their
attractiveness to knowledge workers. The proposed index will focus on
micropolitan cities and towns from 2,500 to 50,000 population.
Third, the impact of the New Economy on nonmetropolitan areas
needs further study. Although much research has been done on the changing
socioeconomic structure of major metropolitan cities, the simultaneous effects on
these rural areas is less well defined. While this paper has made some initial
observations, the speed and magnitude of change demands our attention.

Appendix A:
Appendix B:
Appendix C:
Appendix D:
Glossary of Terms
Great Plains Study Area
Edge Cities of the Great Plains

Appendix A
Glossary of Terms
GREAT PLAINS: An area between the Front Range of the Rocky Mountains and the short-grass
prairies of the Midwest, more or less defined by Interstates 35 and 25, including part or
all of the states of: Colorado, Iowa, Kansas, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, New
Mexico, North Dakota, Montana, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Texas and Wyoming.
ARCHIPELAGO SOCIETY: Urban islands surrounded by sparsely populated areas con-
nected to each other by transportation and telecomputing networks. A typical pattern of
settlement in harsh natural settings such as the American West, much of Australia, or
Alaska. Archipelago societies prosper primarily by the quality of the relationships
among the urban islands.
BACK OFFICE OPERATIONS: Management and support tasks that can be performed away
from a companys headquarters, such as telemarketing, credit card processing, data file
maintenance, and many clerical and accounting functions. In the New Economy, back-
office operations are an economic development opportunity for small communides that
have the appropriate infrastructure (e.g., advanced telecommunications, reliable express
mail services). Back-office operations and other New Economy phenomena are helping
shape a new definition of place, one in which, for example, geographic remoteness is no
longer a liability because of telecommunications and other linkages to the outside
BACKYARD: Old economy hinterland; the contiguous countryside surrounding a city or town,
upon which that place in the past largely depended for its food supplies, raw material for
industries and customers for their products; now mainly a primary service area.
BORDERLESS ECONOMY: The constant flow of capital, technology, products, services and
people across national borders with little or no interference by the state.

BUFFALO COMMONS: A proposal by Frank and Deborah Popper of Rutgers to deprivatize
one-third of the Great Plains and reintroduce buffalo and buffalo hunts, first published in
December 1987.
CENTRAL PLACE THEORY: Central place theory assigns communities to a hierarchy
depending whether or not certain central function specified goods and services like
bakers, grocers, barbers or doctors are present in the town or city; based on theories
developed by von Thiinen, Christaller and Lflsch. These hierarchies, built on the old
industrial economy, are changing with New Economy developments. See Archipelago
CHURNING: Term used by David Birch to describe the behavior of the microeconomy as firms
start up, mature and die.
CIRCUITS OF CAPITAL: Harveys [1978] framework for urban development, in which the
economy is divided into interrelated primary, secondary and tertiary circuits of capital.
These can be characterized as production (labor), capital, and technology and education.
CITY, PRIMARY: The largest cities and their metropolitan areas that exert significant control
over other places about the twelve largest in the US.
CITY, SECONDARY: Other metropolitan cities, generally with a population between 50,000
and three million.
CLUSTER: Sec Multicommunity Collaboration.
COMMERCIAL CENTER: A place where people can obtain frequently purchased items and
services [Anding et al 1990]. Not all places are also commercial centers. See central
place theory.
COMMUNITY: Traditionally, a group of people in a physical setting with geographic, political
and social boundaries and with discernible communication linkages [Shaffer 1989,3].
In this paper, a town, an area or several towns or a group of people having common
interests or linkages (e.g., economic, social, cultural, electronic, technological) without
regard for jurisdictional boundaries, as in communities of interest, communities of
networks or communities of places.

COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: A process through which a community attempts to
improve the social, economic, and cultural situation [J. A. Christensen from Lapping,
Daniels and Keller 1989,282],
COMMUNITY OF NETWORKS: Fishmans idea [1990,39] of how people interact, along
networks defined by household, workplace and consumption contacts. These networks
are emerging as people and economies become less dependent on central places, using
telecommunications, computer databases and transportation to interact.
COMMUNITY OF PLACES: Term for traditional, distinct place-based communities. See also
Multicommunity Collaboration.
CREATIVE DESTRUCTION: Term coined by economist Joseph Schumpeter [1942] to
describe the process of creating new economic vitality through the breakup of existing
structures. This is a primary source of creativity and efficiency in a capitalist system; it is
the way deadwood is cleared out of the system. See churning.
DIGITAL SWITCHING: Modem method of telecommunications control which replaced
mechanical switching for routing telephone calls. Digital switches are required for
enhanced telephone services, such as call waiting, call forwarding and voice mail, and
improve the users ability to use fax and modems and other advanced telecommunica-
tions services.
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT (e.d.): Traditionally, a process to create jobs and enlarge the
tax base. Its focus has been industrial recruitment Modem e.d. is seen as an ongoing
process of mobilizing resources to instill hope, increase wealth and expand choices. E.d.
in the New Economy means more than just hunting (industrial recruitment) or building
roads and sewers. It means an integrated and strategic policy that encourages people and
firms to respond to market forces in innovative ways, thereby creating new products and
services, new jobs and expanded wealth.
ECONOMIC DISTRESS: Term traditionally used to identify a place with shrinking population,
employment or income. More accurately, a place with shrinking hope, wealth and

ECONOMIC DIVERSITY: Dont put all your eggs in one basket; reliance on more than one
economic sector to generate jobs and wealth.
ECONOMIC HEALTH: Having hope, wealth and choices. The alternative to distress.
ECONOMIC VITALITY: Much the same as economic health, but with good prospects for an
expanding economy and expanding options.
ECONOMIES OF SCALE: Savings that arise mainly from increased efficiency due to size,
coupled with an ability to spread fixed costs across a larger base.
ECONOMIES OF SCOPE: Leaders of small towns have a broader range of responsibility and
therefore a broader knowledge of what is going on in the community. Consequently,
leaders of small communities have more leverage and face fewer obstacles to change than
leaders of large communities.
EDGE CITY: Garreaus [1991] term for agglomerations of office and retail space and population
in suburban areas surrounding metropolitan cities. These areas are indicated by five
million square feet of leasable office space; six hundred thousand square feet of retail
space; a net inflow of workers; a perception as a single end destination for a variety of
uses; and conversion to an urban character whithin the last 30 years. See Appendix B
for a listing of Edge Cities in the Great Plains.
ENTREPRENEURIAL: Taking on risks of trying new things and ideas, such as new business or
program formation, expansion, or modernization.
FIBER OPTICS: Fiber-optic technology allows massive quantities of information including
voice, data and video to travel over a single hair-thin strand of glass fiber. For
example, more than 8,000 telephone conversations can be transmitted simultaneously
over a single optical fiber.
FOOD PROCESSING: Taking a raw or unfinished agricultural product and further refining,
enhancing or adding value to it. Examples: seasoned, ready-to-cook pasta; instant, single-
serving oatmeal; ready-to-heal soup. Although basic food processing (wheat to bread, sugar
beets to sugar, pigs to bacon) has long been a way to add value to agricultural products,

processing food for multiple specialty products or for niche markets especially in
rural areas instead of metropolitan cities is a New Economy trend.
FIBER OPTICS: Thin transparent fibers of glass enclosed by nontransparent material that
transmit light by internal reflections. [Websters]
FLOW VARIABLES: Traditional income statement indicators like population, employment
and personal income loss or gain; analogous to expenses on a business income statement
See also Balance Sheet Approach.
FOOD PROCESSING: For example, a beef slaughter house, spaghetti factory or sugerbeet
refinery; a value-added activity.
FRONT RANGE [of the Rocky Mountains]: The first low range of hills dividing the Great
Plains and the Intermountain West; I-2S and US-87 follow the route from Canada to
GARDENING: An economic development strategy that focuses on adding value to existing
assets such as strengthening existing businesses rather than persuading businesses
in other states or towns to relocate; the opposite of smokestack chasing or industrial
GLOBAL VILLAGE: A term implying the worldwide character of a community of networks.
GLOBALISM: The policy of treating the whole world as a single arena of interaction.
GRASSROOTS: Coming from local local sources, bottoms up as opposed to top down or a
state as opposed to a federal approach.
GROSS STATE PRODUCT (GSP): A states share of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), the total
value of all goods and services produced within a particular state, as estimated by the US
Department of Commerce.
HINTERLAND: The area from which a city, town or other place collects raw materials or other
assets, from which it makes value-added goods and services. In the old days, the
hinterland was the contiguous area surrounding a town or city, its sphere of influence.
Today, because of transportation and telecommunications technologies, the hinterland of

a city or town may be located in a noncontiguous area hundreds or even thousands of
miles away, not necessarily just the surrounding area. See also backyard.
HOMESTEAD ACT OF 1862: A system of free land grants of 160 acres (later expanded) for
settlers willing to live on the land for at least five years. The Homestead Act effectively
opened up millions of acres west of the Mississippi to cultivation and settlement.
HUMID AREA STANDARDS: Standards developed in the more humid areas of the eastern
seaboard, southeast or west coast. Kraenzel argued that people cannot understand the
Plains if they apply ideas from the humid area to this non-humid region. [1955,209]
HUNTING [e.d. strategy]: An economic development strategy that uses industrial recruitment
or smokestack chasing See also gardening.
INFORMATION REVOLUTION: The 20th century equivalent of the industrial revolution.
INMIGRATION: People moving into a place or area. Population grows as a consequence of
natural increases (births minus deaths) and migration (foreign and domestic).
KNOWLEDGE WORKERS: A new breed of employees and managers valued for their
brainpower, decision-making skills and solid grasp of technology. [Sullivan 1991,4]
LATERAL LINKAGES: Horizontal ties between communities of similar size and economic
makeup, as opposed to vertical (hierarchical) linkages between larger and smaller
MAIN STREET [program]: A community program combining economic development and
preservation to enhance commercial districts; sponsored by the National Trust for
Historic Preservation in partnership with states and localites.
MALLING OF AMERICA: The trend that challenged the primacy of downtowns with
suburban shopping malls as the center of economic activity in Americas towns and cities
[See Kowinski 1985]. The consolidation of retail outlets (both into bigger stores and the
growth of chain stores) has been significantly fueled by suburbanization, the "urbaniza-
tion of rural taste" and federal tax policies.
MERCANTILISM: A strategy popular in Europe during the Age of Exploration which concen-
trated on using trade, with the nation as the primary unit, to import gold.

MICROPOLITAN AREA: A county of at least 40,000 pop. with a central urban place of
15,000-50,000 population [Thomas 1989].
METROPOLITAN STATISTICAL AREA (MSA): One or more entire counties defined by the
US Office of Management and Budget (OMB) as being economically and socially
integrated; having a large population nucleus (a central city of 50,000+ population) or
with an urbanized area that reaches 50,000 in population; and is located in a county or
counties with at least 100,000 population.
MULTICOMMUNITY COLLABORATION: Cooperative efforts between two or more
communities. These may range from small scale, single purpose projects to long term
multipurpose development corporations. A formalized collaboration may be referred to
as a cluster.
NEST BUILDERS [program]: A multi-community economic development organization in
Custer County (Broken Bow), Nebraska.
NEW BOURGEOISIE: The class of service professionals (e.g. academics, engineers, public
administrators, scientists, consultants) that saw rapid growth in the 1980s, fueling both
suburbanization and growth in secondary cities. [Bourdieu 1984].
NEW ECONOMY: The result of two decades of tumultuous change, the New Economy is
characterized by global competition in global markets, the fragmentation of mass markets
into niche markets, intensive use of information and technology, entrepreneurship and
innovation, rapid turnover in products and markets, and the growing economic impor-
tance of leisure and tourism activities.
NICHE MARKET: The opposite of mass market; small and often rapidly changing markets
that require flexible management systems and specialized or tailored products or services.
to reduce restrictions on trade and investment among Canada, the US and Mexico.
OLD ECONOMY: The traditional old economy is a product of the Industrial Revolution,
based on mass markets, large manufacturing firms, long product cycles, hierarchical

management and labor systems, and protectionist government policy; as opposed to New
OUTMIGRATION: People moving out of a place or area.
PARADIGM: Model; standard; criterion; framework; a mind-set; point of view; perspective.
PLACE: A community of people who interact; a particular geographic area or locality; the region
in which people interact; an arena of shared experiences.
QUALITY OF LIFE: Aspects of a place that are important to people in everyday life such as
good health, solid job prospects, home ownership, financial well-being, leisure time,
education, personal mobility, safety, clean environments, social and cultural amenides.
RED RIVER TRADE CORRIDOR: A grassroots, civic inidadve to make it easier for people
and communides along the Red River of the North in North Dakota, Minnesota and
Manitoba to interact and do business with each other.
ROCKY MOUNTAIN TRADE CORRIDOR: A muld-state initiative to link people and
communides along the spine of the Rocky Mountains from Canada to Mexico.
RURAL: A residual category used to define everyplace except for urban areas', a rural classifi-
cation need not imply farm residence or a sparsely settled area, says the Census Bureau,
since a [place] is rural as long as it is outside an urbanized area and has fewer than
2,500 inhabitants. [Users Guide Glossary of the Census Bureau, 1990]
RURAL RENAISSANCE: During the 1970s many nonmetropolitan areas and smaller towns
gained population after decade of decline; however, the trend reversed in the 1980s as
manufacturing expanded overseas instead of in rural areas and MSA definitions were
expanded by OMB to exclude more fringe areas from a rural definition.
SMALL BUSINESS: Firm with less than 100 employees. [Cognetics 1990]
STANDARD INDUSTRIAL CLASSIFICATION (SIC): A standard system that classifies
firms by function. The largest (single digit) breakouts are agriculture, fishing and
forestry; mining; manufacturing; wholesale trade; retail trade; finance, insurance and real
estate (FIRE); services; and government.

STRATEGIC PLANNING: A systematic, action oriented, method to manage change concen-
trating on selected issues and scarce resources, strengths and weaknesses. [So and Getz,
ed. 1988,406]
TELECOMPUTING: The use of telecommunications and computers in combination, new
telecomputing applications voice mail, fax mail, computer teleconferencing, informa-
tion utilities and others are transforming where and how people and institutions do
TELEMARKETING: Using telecommunications (e.g., phones and faxes) to reach customers
across the nation from an office that can be located anywhere that has the requisite
URBAN: Defined by the US Census Bureau as all places or communities of more than 2,500
URBANIZATION: A process by which the attitudes and practices of urban people are carried
over into a rural area and rural lifestyle.
URBANIZED AREA (UA): A population concentration of at least 50,000 inhabitants, gener-
ally consisting of a central city and the surrounding closely settled, contiguous territory
(suburbs)... based primarily on a population density of at least 1,000 persons per square
mile. [Users Guide Glossary of the Census Bureau, 1990]
VALUE-ADDED: Making wheat into wheaties; taking a raw or unfinished material and
further processing it, thus adding value to the product Using defined by economists as
the dollar value of final sales less the cost of materials purchased [Shaffer 1989,262].

Appendix B
Center for the New West Study Area Boundary

Appendix C
Garreaus Edge Cities of the Great Plains
Dallas-Fort Worth
CBD: Downtown Dallas Downtown Fort Worth
Existing: Turtle Creek-Oak Lawn (Midtown) North Central Expressway (north of Downtown to Beltline) Dallas Galleria-LBJ Freeway area Las Colinas
Emerging: Stemmons Freeway-Love Field Far North Dallas-EDS Richardson-Plano Denver
CBD: Existing: Emerging: Downtown Denver Denver Tech Center area (including Greenwood Plaza) Cherry Creek (including Glendale) Kansas City
CBD: Existing: Emerging: Downtown Kansas City College Boulevard-Overland Park Country Club Plaza Crown Center Kansas City International Airport Minneapolis
CBD: Downtown Minneapolis Downtown Saint Paul
Existing: Bloomington-Edina (southern 1-494 west of the airport)

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