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The invisibility of African Americans in the Arkansas Gazette

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Title:
The invisibility of African Americans in the Arkansas Gazette
Uniform Title:
Arkansas Gazette
Creator:
Green, Lauren McDonald
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
xii, 114 leaves : illustrations ; 28 cm

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Subjects / Keywords:
Arkansas gazette ( lcsh )
African Americans in mass media ( lcsh )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 110-114).
General Note:
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree, Master of Arts.
General Note:
Department of History
Statement of Responsibility:
by Lauren McDonald Green.

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Source Institution:
University of Colorado Denver
Holding Location:
Auraria Library
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
33981110 ( OCLC )
ocm33981110
Classification:
LD1190.L57 1995m .G74 ( lcc )

Full Text
THE INVISIBILITY OF AFRICAN AMERICANS IN
THE ARKANSAS GAZETTE
by
Lauren McDonald Green
B.A., Randolph-Macon Woman's College, 1987
A thesis submitted to the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
History

1995


This thesis for the Master of Arts
degree by-
Lauren McDonald Green
has been approved
by
Frederick S. Allen
(T. X I'D .
J.V
Date
ames B. Whiteside


Green, Lauren McDonald (M.A., History)
The Invisibility of African Americans in the Arkansas
Gazette
Thesis directed by Associate Professor Myra Rich
ABSTRACT
Historians have written much about the negative
stereotypes of black Americans perpetuated by the white
press. Unfortunately, they have ignored the availability
of other images of African Americans in the newspapers.
This thesis will address two main questions. One, were
there images of African-American life across a given
newspaper's topic spectrum? Two, if so, what were those
images? In light of these questions, the purpose of this
thesis is to examine the Arkansas Gazette to determine
the degree and nature of the visibility of African
Americans in the print media in Little Rock, Arkansas. In
addition, this thesis compares the images of black life
in Little Rock found in two newspapers.
Little Rock, Arkansas, the state capitol, was the
most cosmopolitan locale in the mostly rural state. Its


population was diverse and racially integrated. Yet, its
white newspapers consistently ignored some elements of
the black community which represented nearly one-third of
Little Rock's ever growing population.
At the turn of the century, the white press rarely
depicted blacks. On the few occasions when the white
press featured blacks in a news item the topic usually
was crime-related. Therefore the dominant image of
African Americans in the majority press was that of a
criminal. In addition, throughout the country non-crime-
related African-American subjects were absent almost
entirely from white newspapers.
Despite the invisibility of positive black images in
the white press, the last decade of the nineteenth
century was a dynamic period in African-American history.
During this time blacks were actively creating new images
for themselves to replace those forced upon them during
the many years of slavery and oppression. At the same,
they were confronting segregation and disfranchisement.
The black press, which played many different roles within
the African-American community, was instrumental in
disseminating these images. The writer perused the
IV


American Guide (Little Rock) to examine the images found
in African-American newspapers. The time chosen for
comparison was the nine-month period from March to
December 1896. The writer hoped to uncover the true
images of black life by using papers published during the
same period in the same city.
This abstract accurately represents the content of the
candidate's thesis. I recommend its publication.
Signed
v


DEDICATION
To Kevin and Vincent, with love and respect.


CONTENTS
Dedication...................................... vi
Figures......................................... ix
Tables........................................... x
Acknowledgment.................................. xi
CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION................................ 1
2. LITTLE ROCK, 1896.......................... 11
3. ARKANSAS GAZETTE........................... 27
4. AMERICAN GUIDE............................. 43
5. INVISIBILITY AND ITS APPLICATION TO....... 60
AFRICAN-AMERICAN ARKANSANS
6. CONCLUSION................................. 75
APPENDIX
A. LISTING OF ARKANSAS GAZETTE................ 84
ADVERTISERS
B. LISTING OF AMERICAN GUIDE.................. 90
ADVERTISERS
C. LISTING OF ADVERTISERS FOUND IN BOTH_ 94
THE ARKANSAS GAZETTE AND THE
AMERICAN GUIDE
D. PHOTOCOPY OF AN ISSUE OF THE ARKANSAS... 96
GAZETTE
VII


E. PHOTOCOPY OF AN ISSUE OF THE AMERICAN. . 105
GUIDE
BIBLIOGRAPHY...................................... 110
VIII


FIGURES
FIGURE
1. Distribution of Articles by Page with........... 34
African-American Subjects in the Arkansas
Gazette
2. Topic Distribution of Arkansas Gazette.......... 36
Articles with African-American Subjects
3. Distribution of Articles by Page with........... 53
African-American Subjects in the
American Guide
4. Topic Distribution of American Guide............ 54
Articles with African-American Subjects.
5. Distribution of Articles by Page with........... 67
African-American Subjects in the Arkansas
Gazette
6. Topic Distribution of Arkansas Gazette.......... 67
Articles with African-American Subjects
7. Distribution of Articles by Page with........... 69
African-American Subjects in the
American Guide
8. Topic Distribution of American Guide............ 69
Articles with African-American Subjects.
IX


LIST OF TABLES
TABLE
1. Population Figures for Arkansas and Little...... 13
Rock from 1880-1900
2. African American Illiterate Population.......... 18
of the United States 10 Years of Age
and Older
3. Illiterate Population of Arkansas 10 Years...... 19
of Age and Older
4. African American Illiterate Population of....... 20
Arkansas 10 Years of Age and Older
5. Little Rock's Illiterate Population 10 Years... 21
of Age and Older
6. A Comparison of the Vital Statistics of the.... 70
Arkansas Gazette and the American Guide
x


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
As my advisor reminded me, "no one writes a major
paper alone." So it has been with this paper. Not only
did I not write this without help and support, but the
research would not have been possible without the help of
many unselfish people. The bulk of the research for this
paper was done at Mullins Library, University of
Arkansas, Fayetteville. The reference librarians,
audio/visual personnel, interlibrary loan personnel, and
the special collections assistants were all extremely
helpful in locating appropriate resources for this paper.
I appreciate the generosity of Drs. Jeannie Whayne
and Randall Woods of the University of Arkansas and Dr.
C. Calvin Smith of Arkansas State University. Drs.
Whayne, Woods, and Smith recommended reading materials,
and Drs. Whayne and Woods read rough drafts and helped me
to focus my efforts throughout this process. I shudder to
think what the final product would look like without
their support.
XI


None of this would have been possible without the
support and encouragement of my advisor, Dr. Myra Rich.
Throughout this process, she has endured long letters and
seemingly endless phone conversations with the greatest
grace. Thanks to all the above mentioned, and to those
countless others who helped along the way.
XII


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Could this compulsion to put invisibility down in black
and white be thus an urge to make music of invisibility?1
During the summer 1994 I found myself researching
the Phyllis Wheatley Branch of the YWCA of Metropolitan
Denver (1915-1964). Not realizing that George and Gertie
Ross were publishing the African-American-owned Denver
Star during this period, I limited my search for
information on the branch's activities to the Rocky
Mountain News and the Denver Post. I found that African
Americans were rarely the subject of news articles unless
the topic was crime-related. Disenchanted with the lack
of information about my topic in the newspapers, I drew
the conclusion that the dominant white press would not
acknowledge Denver's black community because of its small
size. When, later in 1994, fate took me to Fayetteville,
Arkansas, I thought resurrecting the unanswered questions
I had regarding white newspapers, black newspapers, and
African Americans would be interesting.
Little has been done on the triangular relationship
which exists between white and black newspapers and
1


African-American Arkansans. Initial reading about the
relationship between white and black newspapers and black
Americans led me to the works of I. Garland Penn, The
Afro-American Press and Its Editors, and Martin Dann, The
Black Press, 1827-1890. Countless others who have been
interested in the history of the African-American press
have used these two books in particular. However, Penn,
Dann, and others have focused on the availability of
negative images in the white press and, although my own
reading found similar results, neglected in other works
was any discussion of the availability of images of black
life across a given newspaper's topic spectrum.
At the same time, at the suggestion of Dr. Randall
Woods, professor of history at the University of
Arkansas, I read Ralph Ellison's Invisible Man. Ellison
tells the story of a young man who comes to the
realization that he, as an African American, is invisible
to the dominant culture of the United States. The main
character constantly struggles for his identity,
recognizing that invisibility has positive and negative
aspects associated with it. Ellison's Invisible Man
epitomizes the way in which white newspapers treated
African Americans. Even though his work is a fictional
account, Ellison's whole notion of invisibility
2


effectively captured for me an image of the need for and
the function of the black press.
Black Americans have published newspapers for nearly
170 years, and the important role of the black newspapers
in their communities has not diminished with their
numbers.2 My first experience with "race rags" occurred as
a young child growing up in Baltimore in the 1960s and
1970s. I liked the Afro-American much better than the
other dailies for its positive portrayal, including
photographs, of African Americans. Through the years this
is what has endeared African-American newspapers to many
blacks. Providing positive images of blacks to the
readers of African-American newspapers was even more
important in the late nineteenth century when African
Americans were striving to erase the negative images of
their race created during many years of slavery and
oppression, and at the same time they were confronting
segregation and disfranchisement.
Through their participation in the Civil War, which
had delivered them from centuries of bondage, African
Americans had developed a new set of images for
themselves. The advances that they had made in politics,
economics, and education in the first quarter-century
following their liberation were yet another source of
3


pride. However, by the turn of the century, Jim Crow
legislation had considerably eroded the political power
of African Americans. According to C. Vann Woodward,
blacks found themselves with little or no access to the
ballot after every southern state had passed Jim Crow
laws.3 With virtually no political voice, and typically a
dwindling economic voice, the black newspapers and their
editors emerged to speak for the yet unrecognized
African-American community.
Black editors, many of whom were among the most
educated members of their communities, used their
newspapers in a variety of ways.4 The role of the black
newspaper was not just to inform the reading public, but,
often, to educate that public. Many editors believed,
perhaps naively, that the larger white population would
more readily accept African Americans if they received a
better education. Thus these men, and a few women, took
it upon themselves to educate the black population, which
was still largely illiterate.
Nevertheless, education was not the only role of the
black press. Before the creation of the ANP (Associated
Negro Press) in 1919, which was a black news service,
access to national newsmakers and news services, which
covered national and international news, often was denied
4


to African-American reporters.5 Consequently, most
African-American papers were relegated almost exclusively
to coverage of local or regional news. The black press
frequently featured news and events in the black
community not ordinarily covered by the white press.
Society news and advertisements for black-owned
businesses and products helped to fill black journals.6 In
addition to completing the paper, these items helped to
provide a contrasting image of African Americans to that
available in the white dailies.
During the last decade of the nineteenth century,
the white press rarely depicted blacks. On the few
occasions when the white press did feature blacks in a
news item the topic usually was crime-related. Therefore
the dominant image of African Americans in the majority
press was that of a criminal. In white newspapers
throughout the country, other images of African Americans
were virtually invisible.
The papers in Little Rock were not exceptions to
this trend. By the beginning of the twentieth century,
African Americans represented nearly 30 percent of
Arkansas's population.7 Thus I could eliminate the concern
I had in Colorado regarding coverage of African-American
subjects in the newspapers and the size of the black
5


community. More than twenty papers were published in
Little Rock just prior to 1900; however, not all of these
were published on a daily basis.8 Of the published papers
the vast majority were not owned nor operated by African
Americans. In fact, only four African-American newspapers
were published in Little Rock in 1896.9 Of all the
newspapers published in the "City of Roses" the largest,
and probably the most prominent, was the Arkansas
Gazette.
Some of the Gazette's visibility stemmed from its
being the first newspaper founded in Arkansas and the
first newspaper established west of the Mississippi
River. Of course, much of its distinction derived from
the men who owned and operated the paper.10 The owners and
managers of the Gazette were among the most prominent men
in Little Rock and in the state. The community often
quickly accepted the views which they espoused in the
paper. People felt, as many still do, that if someone
took the time to print it, it must be true. With no other
means of communicating to a large audience, the images
portrayed by the newspapers of the period had a profound
impact on the reading public.
All of the effect on a newspaper's audience was not
intentional. Certainly, some of the racial turmoil
6


promoted by the press was intentional, but some
historians believe that some of the side effects were
not. Ben Bagdikian hypothesized, in Carolyn Martindale's
The White Press and Black America, that the continuous
promotion of negative stereotypes of blacks in the print
media was detrimental to the entire population.11 If this
were indeed the case, then editors of white dailies,
including those at the Gazette, were doing disservice not
only to blacks, but unknowingly to themselves. Yet by
focusing on the availability of the negative images it
seems that historians, like Ms. Martindale, have made an
assumption regarding the availability of other images of
African Americans in the majority print media. Were there
images of African Americans across a given newspaper's
topic spectrum? If so, what were those images? The
purpose of this thesis is to examine the Arkansas Gazette
to determine the degree and nature of the visibility of
African Americans in the print media in Little Rock,
Arkansas. Additionally, this thesis compares the images
found in the Gazette to those found in the African-
American owned American Guide (Little Rock).
Since there are few copies of many of Arkansas's
black newspapers, and I could with the help of the
interlibrary loan office here at the University of
7


Arkansas-Fayetteville obtain photocopies of the American
Guide, I chose the Guide to represent the images of
African-American life found in Little Rock's black
newspapers. The majority of the issues of the Guide which
are available on microfilm were printed in 1896; thus,
this thesis focuses on this period. The research method
used is relatively direct: I read each newspaper during a
nine-month period noting advertisers and all articles in
which the editors and writers mentioned African
Americans. During the last decade of the nineteenth
century, editors of white newspapers alerted their
readers to articles with black American subjects in a
variety of ways. Words typically used to refer to African
Americans included colored, Negro, and "brute." Although
women rarely were the subjects of newspaper articles, the
press frequently called African-American women "dusky
damsels."12 These were the appellations searched for by
the writer in attempting to discern quickly the subject
of an article. The final step was to compare the
available images found in both newspapers. The images of
African Americans these newspapers provided to their
readers were often contradictory, and both newspapers
were guilty of making certain aspects of the African-
American community invisible.
8


NOTES
1 Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man, (New York: Random
House, 1952), 11.
2 I. Garland Penn, The Afro-American Press and Its
Editors, (New York: Arno Press and The New York Times,
1969), 26. Other scholars that have consulted Penn's work
include, Maxwell R. Brooks, The Negro Press Re-examined,
(Boston: Christopher Publishing House, 1959); Sharon
Murphy, Other Voices: Black, Chicano, and American Indian
Press, (Dayton, OH: Pflaum/Standard, 1974); Henry Lewis
Suggs, editor, The Black Press in the South, 1865-1979,
(Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1983); Roland Wolseley,
The Black Press, U.S.A.,2nd ed., (Ames, IA: Iowa State
University Press, 1990).
3 C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow,
3rd revised edition, (New York: Oxford University Press,
1974), 6-7. Jim Crow legislation in Arkansas is discussed
in John W. Graves, "The Arkansas Negro and Segregation,
1890-1903" (M.A. thesis, University of Arkansas, 1967).
4 Martin E. Dann, The Black Press, 1827-1890, (New
York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1971), 22; Sharon Murphy, Other
Voices: Black, Chicano, and American Indian Press,
(Dayton, OH: Pflaum/Standard, 1974), 80, 84.
5 George W. Gore found that another organization
existed prior to the creation of the ANP. See Gore, Negro
Journalism: An Essay on the History and Present
Conditions of the Negro Press, (Greencastle, IN:
Journalism Press, 1922), 14; Roland Wolseley, The Black
Press, U.S.A., 2nd ed., (Ames, IA: Iowa State University
Press, 1990), 350.
6 Vishnu V. Oak, The Negro Newspaper, (Yellow
Springs, OH: Antioch Press, 1048), 25.
7 United States Census Office. Census Bulletin Number
101-125: Preliminary Results of the 11th Census, 1890, 2;
Department of Commerce and Labor. Bureau of the Census.
Bulletin Number 7 & 8. Estimates of Population of the
Larger Cities of the United States in 1901, 1902, 1903,
(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1904), 9.
8 Ayer Newspapers Annual, (Philadelphia: N.W. Ayer &
Sons, 1897), 27.
9 Amanda Saar, Black Arkansas Newspapers 1869-1975: A
Checklist, (Fayetteville, AR: University of Arkansas and
9


Arkansas American Revolution Bicentennial Celebration,
1976), 28-44.
10 Fred W. Allsopp, History of the Arkansas Press for
a Hundred Years and More, (Little Rock: Parke-Harper
Publishing Company, 1922), 17, 23; O.E. McKnight and Boyd
W. Johnson, The Arkansas Story, (Oklahoma City: Harlow
Publishing Corporation, 1956), 86-88.
11 Carolyn Martindale, The White Press and Black
American (New York: Greenwood Press, 1986), 54-55.
12 Little Rock Arkansas Gazette, 28 March 19
December 1896. These appellations still were used twenty
years later. See Robert T. Kerlin, The Voice of the
Negro, (New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., 1920), 3.
10


CHAPTER 2
LITTLE ROCK, 1896
I remember that I am invisible and walk softly so as
not to awaken the sleeping ones. Sometimes it is best
not to awaken them; there are few things in the world
as dangerous as sleepwalkers.1
The white residents of Crittenden County, Arkansas,
which is just across the river from Memphis, Tennessee,
resolved to terminate African-American political power in
their county. They formed a committee, gathered guns and
ammunition, and then they met to decide the best way to
expel the county's black leadership. Men, armed with
rifles, assembled the county's elected black officials
whom they told, "this county is too small for you and us.
You'll have to leave." Marched to the railroad station,
the officials all received one-way tickets to Memphis.2
The African Americans in this story were some of the
fortunate ones; they escaped with their lives. Yet, this
form of racial injustice, though quite prevalent
throughout Arkansas in the late nineteenth century, was
not common in Little Rock.
Saturday, 28 March 1896, began the nine-month period
studied in this thesis. Photographs of Little Rock during
11


the period revealed that trees, which were already in
full bloom, lined the streets of the city. Situated on
the south bank of the Arkansas River as it winds its way
through the heart of the state, Little Rock, the county
seat of Pulaski County, was then, as it is now, the state
capitol. One could argue that at the turn of the
twentieth century, Little Rock was the most cosmopolitan
locale within this mostly rural state. By 1896 the
population of Little Rock had grown to approximately
thirty-three thousand due to the influx of German and
Irish immigrants and African Americans. Of this number,
which represented less than 3 percent of the state's
total population, approximately one-third of Little
Rock's residents were African Americans.3 The following
table, "Population Figures for Arkansas and Little Rock
from 1880-1900," shows the growth in the overall
population and in the African-American population for
Little Rock and Arkansas.
12


Table 1. Population Figures for Arkansas and Little Rock
from 1880-19004
Year Total Pop. in Little Rock African- American Pop. in Little Rock Total Pop. in Arkansas African- American Pop. in Arkansas
1880 13,138 4,507 802,525 210,666
1890 25,874 9,739 1,128,179 309,117
1900 38,307 14,694 1,311,564 366,856
African Americans, seeking broader opportunities,
affordable land, and harmonious living conditions, had
flocked to the state; more affluent blacks chose Little
Rock as their final destination.5 Many who lived there
considered Little Rock a pleasant place to live, and the
1890s had brought new improvements such as street paving,
gas street lighting, and trolley cars.6 These
developments, coupled with the city's diverse population,
gave a cosmopolitan ambiance to the city which no other
in Arkansas possessed. In fact, the living conditions of
the city's African-American elite were so highly
acclaimed that John Bush, a member of Little Rock's black
aristocracy and the owner and editor of the American
13


Guide, wrote several articles about the topic. In an
article published in the Colored American Magazine Bush
stated,
Among the handsomest and most artistic homes in the
city are those belonging to the wealthier class of the
colored people. There are 1,500 to 2,000 homes owned
by the Negroes, ., and you can no longer tell the
house or the residence that a Negro live [sic] in,
neither from its shape nor its size.7
Unfortunately many issues from which some of Little
Rock's residents sought refuge would reappear.
Although segregated housing was rarely a serious
issue, African-American residents found Little Rock an
increasingly hostile environment during the last decade
of the nineteenth century.8 Besides the many modern
advances which made Little Rock an attractive city, the
1890s also witnessed an increase in the number of
lynchings. Although blacks were more likely to be lynched
in rural areas, at least one such heinous event happened
in the streets of downtown Little Rock.9 A mob assaulted
the governor of Arkansas, James Eagle, when he tried to
deter a lynching. Not only did he not prevent the black
man's lynching, but Eagle's friends had to rescue him.10
The physical threat to African Americans was only part of
the dramatic increase in hostility.
14


African-American Arkansans were also politically
threatened and repressed. During this same period, the
Democrat-dominated state legislature passed several
pieces of racially-motivated legislation. The Separate
Coach Law of 1891 and the Poll Tax Law of 1893 relegated
blacks to unequal status along Arkansas's railways and
simultaneously began the process of disfranchisement.11
Arkansas was a "solidly Democratic state," though
Little Rock managed to maintain the semblance of a "two-
party system."12 Political wrangling both inside and
outside the Republican Party made it increasingly
difficult for blacks to be elected to office. Those who
were in office found it difficult to stay there during
the "black broom" period when black Republicans were
swept from office.13 The members of the black middle-
class, those most affected by the changing social and
political environment, led an unsuccessful effort to halt
the passage of Jim Crow laws.
The success it had managed to achieve, especially in
light of the changing milieu, did not satisfy the
African-American aristocracy. In arguing against Jim Crow
legislation, American Guide editor John Bush, a
prominent, black Republican and supporter of Booker T.
Washington, and other representatives of Little Rock's
15


African-American elite eloquently depicted the important
gains that African Americans had made. In his book,
Aristocrats of Color: The Black Elite, 1880-1920,
historian Willard B. Gatewood noted that,
black aristocrats viewed Jim Crow contrivances
as aimed primarily at them--at 'the better class of
colored people'--rather than at the masses of blacks,
as whites often claimed.14
Fearing that their achievements would not only go
unrecognized, but perhaps be eradicated, they worked
diligently to impede Jim Crow legislation that would
affect the lifestyles of all black Arkansans.
Nevertheless, the hostility of the white population, the
dominance of the Democratic Party, and the successful
passage of anti-black legislation made participation in
politics difficult for the average African American in
Little Rock. Thus, by 1896, despite all its southern
charm, warmth, and hospitality, Little Rock was becoming
an immovably segregated city. Historian Fon Louise Gordon
asserted that the growing hostility and violence led to
the exodus of African Americans from Arkansas, and she
dated the beginning of the exodus to this time period.15
Only three years had passed since the devastating
panic of 1893, the crippling effects of which were felt
throughout the country. The farmers and sharecroppers of
16


Arkansas, who represented greater than 90 percent of the
state's population, were particularly hard hit as prices
for cotton and other agricultural products plummeted.16
Notwithstanding physical threats and the weakening of
their political influence, most black residents in Little
Rock recognized that the change in the city's white
residents' attitudes was a reflection of the difficult
economic conditions.
Though a high proportion of Arkansas's citizens were
illiterate, many people relied on the daily newspaper to
keep them abreast of the maneuvers of the politicians who
hoped to end the persistent economic slump. African
Americans were creative in handling the high levels of
illiteracy prevalent in their communities. The Census
Office was of the opinion that,
the test of literacy is based upon one's ability to
read and write not necessarily the English language,
but the language ordinarily spoken by him. The inquiry
on the population schedule called for a definite
answer (Yes or No) as to whether or not a person could
read or could write, and the statistics derived from
these two inquiries include two classes of
illiterates, namely, (1) persons who can neither read
nor write and (2) persons who can read but can not
write.17
People viewed newspapers as essential, yet costly
commodities. Consequently, those who received a daily
newspaper would pass it on after reading it. The
newspaper would be read, sometimes by children, to those
17


who had yet to master this skill. In these ways, the
black community kept itself informed.18
The table, (table 2) "African-American Illiterate
Population of the United States 10 Years of Age and
Older," shows that the illiteracy rate of black Americans
declined between 1880 and 1900; nevertheless, nearly 50
percent of the black population was illiterate. The
Democrats of Arkansas used illiteracy as one of the
justifications for wresting the vote from poor people,
mainly blacks--but whites also. The politicians claimed
that illiterate voters contributed to election fraud.
They believed, or claimed they believed, that
unscrupulous politicians easily manipulated uneducated
voters. And despite the fact that the illiteracy rate
among blacks was declining,
Table 2. African American Illiterate Population of the
United States 10 Years of Age and Older19
Year Total Percent
Population Illiterate
1880 3,220,878 51.6
1890 3,112,128 49.2
1900 2,979,323 48.2
18


they gave no credence to the fact that the high
illiteracy rate was a result of the laws during slavery
which denied African Americans in the South access to
education.20
Although nearly 50 percent of the United States
African-American population was illiterate, the following
table shows the illiteracy rate for all Arkansans which
also declined during the 20 year period from 1880-1900.
The table below, (table 3)"Illiterate Population of
Arkansas 10 Years of Age and Older," shows that the
illiteracy rate for all Arkansans decreased by nearly
one-half.
Table 3. Illiterate Population of Arkansas 10 Years of
Age and Older21
Year Total Illiterate Percent
Population Population Illiterate
1880 531,876 202,015 37.98
1890 787,113 209,745 26.65
1900 934,332 190,655 20.4
Of course, if these numbers are further examined as
in the following table (table 4), one can see that
African Americans represented a considerable portion of
the illiterate population in Arkansas. The following
table, "African-American Illiterate Population of
19


Arkansas 10 Years of Age and Older," shows that although
the percentage of black illiterates dropped by nearly
one-third, by 1900 the percent of illiterate black
Arkansans was still 43 percent of the African-American
Arkansan population.
Table 4. African American Illiterate Population of
Arkansas 10 Years of Age and Older
Year Total Illiterate Percent
Population Population Illiterate
1880 137,971 103,473 75.0
1890 217,454 116,655 53.6
1900 263,923 113,495 43.0
"(includes) persons of negro descent, Chinese, Japanese,
and Indians. "22
Because Little Rock tended to attract the black
elite, its illiteracy rate was below both the national
percentage rate and the state's percentage rate. The
following table, "Little Rock's Illiterate Population 10
Years of Age and Older," illustrates both the percentage
rate for illiteracy in the city and the percentage rate
for illiteracy among the city's African-American
population.
20


Table 5. Little Rock's Illiterate Population 10 Years of
Age and Older23
Year 1890 1900
Total Population 20,507 31,016
Illiterate Pop. 3,409 3,863
Percent Illiterate 16.6 12.5
African-American Population 7,715 12,088
African-American Illiterate Pop. 3,096 9,314
Percent African- American Illiterate 40.1 27.4
Illiteracy was only one of the many issues which the
leaders of Little Rock's black community wanted to
address. The community's leaders, the majority of whom
were members of Little Rock's and the nation's black
elite, sought to achieve distinction for themselves as
well as to distance themselves from the masses.24 For the
most part they were educated, successful, and very
conscious of their economic and social status. They used
their business and social connections to elevate
21


themselves, and occasionally to reach down to help others
less fortunate than themselves. Because of their self-
help stance, some in the African-American community saw
them as role models.
Little Rock's black community was vibrant and
growing at the turn of the century. By 1898, Little Rock
was the home of many black businesses including,
8 Negro-owned wood and coal yards, 10 blacksmith
firms, 29 barber shops, a cigar and tobacco stand, 2
hotels, 9 restaurants, 2 jewelry stores, 3 tailor
shops, 4 newspapers, a drug store, and a mortuary;
there were 15 cobblers, 15 dressmakers, 2 upholsters,
and 2 confectioners.... the same survey named 55
teachers and educators, 38 ministers, 6 lawyers, 5
physicians, and 1 dentist.25
In addition to the many business enterprises owned by
African Americans, the black community of Little Rock
also supported nearly 20 churches and three colleges.
This, of course, was in addition to the visibility of
those Little Rock blacks who worked as laborers and
household help. Clearly, the Little Rock African-American
community could not be considered "concealed from public
knowledge.1,26
22


NOTES
1 Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man, (New York: Random
House, 1952), 4.
2 David M. Tucker, Arkansas: A People and Their
Reputation, (Memphis, TN: Memphis State University Press,
1985), 46-47. Lynching activity was more active in rural
areas as poor blacks and whites vied with one another for
jobs in Arkansas's developing plantation system. See Todd
Lewis, "Mob Justice in the 'American Congo': 'Judge
Lynch' in Arkansas During the Decade After World War I,"
The Arkansas Historical Quarterly, (Summer 1993), p. 157-
180; Walter F. White, "'Massacring Whites' in Arkansas,"
The Nation, (6 December 1919), p. 715-716; William
Pickens, "The American Congo--Burning of Henry Lowry,"
The Nation, (23 March 1921), p. 426-428.
3 United States Census Office, Census Bulletin Number
101-125: Preliminary Results of the 11th Census, 1890, 2;
Department of Commerce and Labor, Bureau of the Census,
Bulletin Number 7 & 8, Estimates of Population of the
Larger Cities of the United States in 1901, 1902, 1903,
(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1904), 9.
4 United States Census Office, Census Bulletin Number
101-125: Preliminary Results of the 11th Census, 1890, 2;
Department of Commerce and Labor, Bureau of the Census,
Bulletin Number 7 & 8, Estimates of Population of the
Larger Cities of the United States in 1901, 1902, 1903,
(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1904), 9. The
growth in the state's population is also discussed in
O.E. McKnight and Boyd W. Johnson, The Arkansas Story,
(Oklahoma City: Harlow Publishing Corporation, 1956),
231-233.
5 John W. Graves, Town and Country: Race Relations in
an Urban-Rural Context, Arkansas, 1865-1905,
(Fayetteville, AR: The University of Arkansas Press,
1990), 102; Tom W. Dillard, "The Black Moses of the West:
A Biography of Mifflin Wistar Gibbs, 1823-1915," (M.A.
thesis, University of Arkansas, 1975), 101; Martin E.
Dann, The Black Press, 1827-1890, (New York: G.P.
Putnam's Sons, 1971), 153.
23


6 Jim Lester and Judy Lester, Greater Little Rock,
(Norfolk, VA: The Donning Company, 1986), 105; William
Grant Still, "My Arkansas Boyhood," Arkansas Historical
Quarterly (Spring-Winter 1967): 285-292.
7 Willard B. Gatewood, Aristocrats of Color: The
Black Elite, 1880-1920, (Bloomington, IN: Indiana
University Press, 1990), 93; John E. Bush, "Afro-American
People of Little Rock," Colored American Magazine,
January 1905, 42.
8 John W. Graves, Town and Country: Race Relations in
an Urban-Rural Context, Arkansas, 1865-1905,
(Fayetteville, AR: The University of Arkansas Press,
1990), 106; Fon Louise Gordon, "The Black Experience in
Arkansas, 1880-1920" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of
Arkansas, 1989), 195.
9 David M. Tucker, Arkansas: A People and Their
Reputation, (Memphis, TN: Memphis State University Press,
1985), 49.
10 David M. Tucker, Arkansas: A People and Their
Reputation, (Memphis, TN: Memphis State University Press,
1985), 46-47.
11 Charles A. Lofgren, The Plessy Case: A Legal-
Historical Interpretation, (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1987), 22, 24. This topic is also discussed in
greater detail in, John W. Graves, "The Arkansas Negro
and Segregation, 1890-1903" (M.A. thesis, University of
Arkansas, 1967).
12 John W. Graves, Town and Country: Race Relations
in an Urban-Rural Context, Arkansas, 1865-1905,
(Fayetteville, AR: The University of Arkansas Press,
1990), 107-108.
13 John W. Graves, Town and Country: Race Relations
in an Urban-Rural Context, Arkansas, 1865-1905,
(Fayetteville, AR: The University of Arkansas Press,
1990), 128; Tom W. Dillard, "The Black Moses of the West:
A Biography of Mifflin Wistar Gibbs, 1823-1915" (M.A.
thesis, University of Arkansas, 1975), 93. For more
detailed information see, Tom W. Dillard's, "To the Back
of the Elephant: Racial Conflict in the Arkansas
Republican Party," Arkansas Historical Quarterly, (Spring
1974), 3-15.
14 Willard B. Gatewood, Aristocrats of Color: The
Black Elite, 1880-1920, (Bloomington, IN: Indiana
University Press, 1990), 78.
24


15
Fon Louise Gordon, "The Black Experience in
Arkansas, 1880-1920" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of
Arkansas, 1989), 277-278.
16 O.E. McKnight and Boyd W. Johnson, The Arkansas
Story, (Oklahoma City: Harlow Publishing Corporation,
1956), 233.
17 Department of the Interior, Census Office, Census
Reports: Twelfth Census of the United States Taken in the
Year 1900, Volume II, (Washington: United States Census
Office, 1902), xcvii. Although the Census Bureau
recognized two classes of illiterate people, most of the
census records lumped both classes together. Therefore,
in the illiteracy charts compiled for this thesis, the
column for the illiterate population contains data for
both groups, those who could not read nor write and those
who could not write, unless otherwise specified.
18 Frederick G. Detweiler, The Negro Press in the
United States, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1922), 6-7. Others that consider the issue of circulation
figures for black newspapers include L.M. Hershaw,
"Negroes in the Press," Charities XV (October 1905) 66-
68; Robert T. Kerlin, The Voice of the Negro, (New York:
E.P. Dutton & Co., 1920), 1; and Vishnu V. Oak, The Negro
Press, (Yellow Springs, OH: Antioch Press, 1948), 68.
19 Report on Population of the United States at the
Eleventh Census, 1890 Part II, (Washington: Government
Printing Office, 1897), xxxi.
20 John W. Graves, "The Arkansas Negro and
Segregation, 1890-1903" (M.A. thesis, University of
Arkansas, 1967), 94.
21 Report on Population of the United States at the
Eleventh Census, 1890 Part II, (Washington: Government
Printing Office, 1897), xxxiii; Department of the
Interior, Census Office, Census Reports: Twelfth Census
of the United States Taken in the Year 1900, Volume II,
(Washington: United States Census Office, 1902), cv.
22 Department of the Interior, Census Office, Census
Reports: Twelfth Census of the United States Taken in the
Year 1900, Volume II, (Washington: United States Census
Office, 1902), cv.
23 Report on Population of the United States at the
Eleventh Census, 1890 Part II, (Washington: Government
Printing Office, 1897), xxxiii; Department of the
Interior, Census Office, Census Reports: Twelfth Census
25


of the United States Taken in the Year 1900, Volume II,
(Washington: United States Census Office, 1902), cv.
24 Willard B. Gatewood, Aristocrats of Color: The
Black Elite, 1880-1920, (Bloomington, IN: Indiana
University Press, 1990), 46.
25 D.B. Gaines, Racial Possibilities as Indicated by
the Negroes of Arkansas, (Little Rock, AR: Printing
Department of Philander Smith College, 1898), 173-84
quoted in John William Graves, Town and Country: Race
Relations and Urban Development in Arkansas 1865 -1905,
(Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms, 1980), 215.
26 Random House Unabridged Dictionary, 2nd ed.
(1993), s.v. "invisible."
26


CHAPTER 3
ARKANSAS GAZETTE
. my invisibility; any way you face it, it is a
denial.1
The Gazette, a pro-silver, Democratic organ, was the
undisputed leader among the newspapers published in
Little Rock. Founded in 1819 by William Woodruff, Sr., it
was the first paper published west of the Mississippi
River. As the pioneer publication in the newly
established Arkansas territory, not only did it operate
as a monopoly for ten years, but at one point the Gazette
served as "the official organ of the State government."
After Woodruff, Sr.'s death, the paper continued to be
owned and operated by his family until 1876.2
In 1889 a group of Democratic Arkansas businessmen
formed the Gazette Publishing Company to purchase the
newspaper from its current owners. Among the board of
directors of this company were several of Little Rock's
most distinguished men. One could say that the local
oligarchy acquired the Gazette as its medium for
communicating to its subjects. In December 1895, W.B.
Worthen, who was renowned for his success in banking,
27


became the president of the Gazette; however his
involvement in the daily operations of the newspaper was
minimal.3 In addition to Worthen, Robert A. Little, who
had been the vice-president of the paper since 1889 and
was well known as a "cotton factor," and W.M. (Williams
Marmaduke) Kavanaugh, secretary and treasurer of the
paper since 1890 and a judge, were officers of the
newspaper.4 Of the three, Kavanaugh, who "started his
career as a reporter on the Gazette," apparently was the
most interested in the newspaper business.5 Not only was
he an officer of the daily paper, but Ayer's Newspapers'
Annual listed him as the editor of the Gazette's weekly
edition.6
Volatility within the newspaper industry was an
accepted part of the business. Some periodicals, started
with the best of intentions and business plans, survived
for only a brief period. The editors of these tabloids
often resurrected these papers after relocating to what
they believed was a more economically hospitable
location. Consequently, successful newspaper enterprises,
like the Gazette, probably did not experiment very much
with style and format. It should not be surprising that
the layout of the Gazette changed little over time.
28


Slightly larger than most of the other newspapers
published in the city, the Gazette measured 15X24 inches.7
Each edition usually was eight pages long. The front page
and page two typically were reserved for international
and national news. The Gazette had very few
advertisements on the front page, and those who purchased
space there included the businesses run by well known
Little Rock businessmen Sydney Johnson and W.S. Holt.
Page two contained more advertisements, and space devoted
to advertising increased through succeeding pages.8 Any
remaining space on page two was devoted to national human
interest articles or politics.
When Worthen was the editor of the paper, from
December 1895 to 10 May 1896, the "City News" column and
"Personal Points" column dominated page three. One-line
advertisements and news of local arrests filled the "City
News" column. Society news could be found in the
"Personal Points" column. Travel plans and announcements
of out-of-town guests also were an essential part of this
column. When J.N. Smithee, a former officer in the
Confederate Army, assumed control of the Gazette, and
once again became its editor, the "City News" and
"Personal Points" columns slowly migrated to page five.9
29


Politics, political announcements, subscription
rates, editorials, and newspaper agent information
dominated page four. This page, like the front page,
usually had very few advertisements. Except some
editorials on this page, none of the articles in the
Gazette had a byline, nor were contributing writers
listed along with the publisher information which was
always found in the upper left-hand corner of page four.
The level of advertising increased on pages five and
six, and page six was also the location of the classified
ads. Local, national, and international perspectives on
the cotton market and other commodities could be found on
page seven with other news of a financial nature.
Advertisements for companies involved in finance and
cotton, like W.B. Worthen & Company and R.A. Little &
Company, could be found on this page. Train schedules,
which moved around considerably within the newspaper,
could occasionally be found along with the financial
news.10 Page eight contained a conglomeration of news and
advertisements. This layout, with occasional minor
changes, was practically the same every day including
Sunday.
According to Fred W. Allsopp, who served as the
secretary and business manager of the paper in 1899,
30


Sunday's paper, gotten up on Saturday night and issued
about five in the morning, is the big issue, that day's
paper containing about twice the number of pages, and
about three times as much advertising ... as week day
issues.11
Though the Sunday paper normally consisted of sixteen
pages, some editions were as small as twelve pages and
others as large as twenty pages. The amount of
advertising usually determined the variance from the
normal number of pages.12 On Sunday, pages nine through
sixteen, which were labeled "Part Two," contained items
which the Gazette normally printed only in this day's
edition. "News of the Churches," a serial column, fashion
notes, and of course, advertisements could all be found
in these last eight pages. In fact whole pages of the
Sunday edition of the paper would be dedicated to the
advertisements of Gus Blass, M.M. Cohn, Gans, and other
large companies located in Little Rock.13
The Gazette, which its owners advertised as "the
only morning Daily published at Little Rock," could be
found in the hands of more than five thousand Little Rock
residents every day except Sunday and Monday. On Sunday
its circulation increased to seven thousand, and
publication was suspended on Mondays.14 Using the
estimated literate population for Little Rock in 1896,
31


more than 30 percent of the population subscribed to the
Gazette and even more probably read it.
The number of regular advertisers, whose businesses
represented a range of products and services, was more
than 200. Running the same advertisement several times on
the same page was customary for a company. Perhaps
businesses were not as creative in regards to using
advertising space. Nevertheless, the constant bombardment
of the same advertisement page after page It seemed as if
they were trying subconsciously to induce readers to buy
their products or services. While the Gazette did not
publish its advertising rates, back in 1869 it agreed to
charge rates consistent with those determined by the
newly formed state press association. According to
Allsopp's history of that organization,
A schedule of advertising was adopted ranging from $1 for
one-half inch up to $16.75 per column for one time, and
$12.50 per month to $150 per year; one inch, one time,
$1.68; one month, $3.33; one year, $15.00.15
Since the Gazette had a much larger circulation than the
other newspapers the association allowed it to charge
more for its advertising space.16 In 1896, more than
twenty-five years later, the Gazette was probably still
able to charge more for its advertising space than its
Little Rock competitors. In each issue of the paper the
32


owners printed a brief statement of the Gazette's
advertising policy: "The patronage of all good
advertisers is solicited."17 A listing of the Gazette's
"good advertisers" can be found in Appendix A (page 70).
Surprisingly, the Gazette's management team could not
find, or did not allow, any "good advertisers" among the
city's African-American-owned businesses. Therefore, the
African-American business community was one aspect of the
black community which the local oligarchy made
imperceptible to the minds of the newspaper's readers.18
Commonly readers of the Gazette could find articles
with African-American subjects. Many articles were found
in the "City News" column.19 However, the editors simply
scattered many other articles throughout the paper. The
headlines of stories with black subjects frequently
alerted the reader to the content of the article.
Typically, these titles would include words like "Negro"
or "colored." They often called African-American males
accused of criminal behavior "brutes" in both the
headline and in the article itself.20 The same writers
used similar derogatory terms to refer to black women who
were seldom the subjects of newspaper articles. These men
frequently labeled African-American women "dusky
damsels."21 The following chart, (figure 1) "Distribution
33


of Articles by Page with African-American Subjects in the
Arkansas Gazette," shows that the preponderance of the
African-American subject articles was found on page
three. Page three, and often page five, was frequently
the location of the "City News" column. Additionally,
what could easily go unrecognized in the graph was the
absence of African-American images beyond page eight. The
Sunday paper was the only edition larger than eight
pages; therefore, the figure 1 shows the total
Figure 1. Distribution of Articles by Page with African-
American Subjects in the Arkansas Gazette
Number
of Articles
j
Page Number (1-8)
1 El2 13 E34 B5 MG B7 B8
34


absence of black American images from a portion of
this issue of the paper. In the Sunday edition, the
second half of the paper, or as they called it, "Part
Two," was devoted to church and society news; yet this
was a section of the paper in which African-Americans
were completely invisible.22
Occasionally the Gazette carried articles about
African-Americans in politics, education, and a few
social events that happened in the African-American
community made it to the pages of the newspaper. Still,
the stories which received the most press were about
African-American criminals. The criminal element within
the black community received enormous visibility. The
chart on the following page, figure two, graphically
displays the topic categories of articles found in the
Gazette with African-American subjects. From 28 March -
19 December 1896 the Gazette published 584 articles with
African-American subjects; of these, 381 articles, or 66
percent, had crime-related topics. And, since stories
regarding lynchings and executions often recounted the
crime situations which deemed the lynching or execution
necessary, these categories are yet more examples of
negative press coverage. Thus, when lynchings and
executions are added to crime, then the Gazette devoted
35


was over 70 percent of its African-American community-
coverage to negative topics.
Obviously, the Gazette insured that the criminal
element within the black community was visible. On a
daily basis, the Arkansas Gazette bombarded its readers
with the latest reports about blacks in Little Rock, and
frequently across the nation, who had
Figure 2. Topic Distribution of Arkansas Gazette Articles
with African-American Subjects
6% 6%
7%
66%
crime
11 politics
accidental & natural
deaths
events
miscellaneous
E lynchings &
executions
perpetrated some reprehensible crime against some
unsuspecting victim. Headlines like, "Negroes Bent on
Murder" screamed of abominable acts. Vague descriptions
36


found in articles, such as, "As near as could be
ascertained the rapist is tall and slim, a mulatto, and
about five feet and three or four inches in height," made
white citizens suspicious of all blacks who fit the
definition of which there were probably many. Not
surprisingly, this sort of article culminated in,
"Several posses are said to be out after him and it is
quite sure that if he be [sic] caught there will be a
lynching," which surely put many unaware and innocent
black men in harms way.24 Most often the victim also was
black; but the implication seemed to be that if blacks
would do this to one another, imagine what they might do
to whites if society granted them any semblance of
equality. Thus, the constant portrayal of negative images
in the print media helped to sustain discrimination by
whites and inferiority complexes in African Americans.23
Remarkably, in spite of the Gazette's overall
antagonistic attitude toward blacks, it did not pursue an
opportunity to denigrate blacks.
A topic which, in hindsight, would have supplied the
Gazette with such an opportunity and, at the same time,
would seem to be of interest to any reader of the Gazette
was the court case Plessy v. Ferguson. Any discussion on
the landmark case was conspicuously absent from the pages
37


of the Gazette in the spring and summer of 1896.
According to Charles A. Lofgren, author of The Plessy
Case: A Legal-Historical Interpretation, the apathetic
attitude toward the Plessy decision was a national
phenomenon.25 Lofgren suggested that the nation's press,
the Gazette included, virtually ignored the Plessy case
because it "was not especially controversial" given the
events of the time.26 Blacks already had discovered that
travel by rail had become increasingly segregated in many
southern states. Therefore, the Plessy decision, which
made "separate-but-equal" the official law of the land,
had not changed the current state of things.
Additionally, according to Lofgren, the "Populist revolt,
railway taxation and rate regulation," and troubles in
Cuba distracted the nation.27 The reasons for the lack of
attention to the Plessy case were numerous, and as a
result, it was not found among the articles in the
Gazette in May, or any other month, of 1896.
African Americans have always complained that white
Americans lack understanding of black culture and people.
The dominant image of the African American in the Gazette
was that of the criminal while other elements--economic,
social, and religious images, of African-American life--
were totally absent from the paper's pages. Therefore,
38


those Gazette readers who were relying upon the newspaper
to give them information with which to make intelligent
decisions about blacks did not receive a complete
picture. It was left to the American Guide, a black-owned
newspaper, to complete the image of African-American
Arkansans.
39


NOTES
1 Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man, (New York: Random
House, 1952), 11.
2 Fred W. Allsopp, History of the Arkansas Press for
a Hundred Years and More, (Little Rock: Parke-Harper
Publishing Company, 1922), 23, 329; O.E. McKnight and
Boyd W. Johnson, The Arkansas Story, (Oklahoma City:
Harlow Publishing Corporation, 1956), 86-88; David M.
Tucker, Arkansas: A People and Their Reputation,
(Memphis, TN: Memphis State University Press, 1985), 5;
One Hundred Years, 1819-1919: Supplement Commemorating
the Founding of Arkansas' First Newspaper, (Little Rock:
Gazette Publishing Company, 1919), 9.
3 Fred W. Allsopp, History of the Arkansas Press for
a Hundred Years and More, (Little Rock: Parke-Harper
Publishing Company, 1922), 329; O.E. McKnight and Boyd W.
Johnson, The Arkansas Story, (Oklahoma City: Harlow
Publishing Corporation, 1956), 143-145.
4 Fred W. Allsopp, Twenty Years in a Newspaper
Office, (Little Rock: Central Printing Company, 1907),
132, 143; Allsopp, History of the Arkansas Press for a
Hundred Years and More, (Little Rock: Parke-Harper
Publishing Company, 1922), 329; The Book of Arkansas,
(Little Rock: The Arkansas Gazette, 1913), 21.
5 Fred W. Allsopp, History of the Arkansas Press for
a Hundred Years and More, (Little Rock: Parke-Harper
Publishing Company, 1922), 319.
6 American Newspapers' Annual, (Philadelphia: N.W.
Ayer & Sons, 1896), 35.
7 American Newspapers' Annual, (Philadelphia: N.W.
Ayer & Sons, 1896), 35.
8 Fred W. Allsopp, Twenty Years in a Newspaper
Office, (Little Rock: Central Printing Company, 1907),
80.
9 Fred W. Allsopp, Twenty Years in a Newspaper
Office, (Little Rock: Central Printing Company, 1907),
80.
40


10
Little Rock Arkansas Gazette, 28 March 19
December 1896, p.7.
11 Fred W. Allsopp, Twenty Years in a Newspaper
Office, (Little Rock: Central Printing Company, 1907),
80.
12 Fred W. Allsopp, Twenty Years in a Newspaper
Office, (Little Rock: Central Printing Company, 1907),
80.
13 Little Rock Arkansas Gazette, 28 March 19
December 1896.
14 American Newspapers' Annual, (Philadelphia: N.W.
Ayer & Sons, 1896), 35.
15 Fred W. Allsopp, History of the Arkansas Press for
a Hundred Years and More, (Little Rock: Parke-Harper
Publishing Company, 1922), 493.
16 Fred W. Allsopp, History of the Arkansas Press for
a Hundred Years and More, (Little Rock: Parke-Harper
Publishing Company, 1922), 493.
17 Little December 1896, Rock P-4 Arkansas Gazette, 28 March - 19
18 Random (1993), s.v. - House Unabridged Dictionary, 2nd invisible." ed.
19 Little December 1896, Rock p. : Arkansas 3, 5. Gazette, 28 March - 19
20 Little December 1896. Rock Arkansas Gazette, 28 March - 19
21 Little December 1896. Rock Arkansas Gazette, 28 March - 19
22 Little Rock Arkansas Gazette, 28 March - 19
December 1896, p. 9.
23 A similar study was done on the Philadelphia press
and found similar results. See George E. Simpson, The
Negro in the Philadelphia Press, (Philadelphia: Univ. of
Pennsylvania Press, 1936) quoted in Carolyn Martindale,
The White Press and Black America, (New York: Greenwood
Press, 1986), 54; 66.
24 Little Rock Arkansas Gazette, 16 April 1896, p. 1;
16 May 1896, p. 2.
25 Charles A. Lofgren, The Plessy Case: A Legal -
Historical Interpretation, (New York: Oxford University
41


Press, 1987), 5. For more information on the Plessy case
and the state of race relations during the last quarter
of the nineteenth century, see Otto H. Olsen, The Thin
Disguise: Turning Point in Negro History, (New York:
Humanities Press, 1967).
26 Charles A. Lofgren, The Plessy Case: A Legal-
Historical Interpretation, (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1987), 5.
27 Charles A. Lofgren, The Plessy Case: A Legal-
Historical Interpretation, (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1987), 197.
42


CHAPTER 4
AMERICAN GUIDE
It is sometimes advantageous to be unseen, although it is
most often rather wearing on the nerves.1
One day in 1882, two men were having a discussion on
a street corner in Little Rock. An elderly black woman
approached them. The woman explained to the gentlemen,
one white, the other black, that her husband had recently
died. She asked the men to make a small donation so she
could bury him. Both men responded to the poor woman's
request, and after she left the white man resumed the
conversation by saying,
I cannot see or understand your race. When they work they
throw their earnings away and whenever a Negro dies or
needs help the public must be worried to death by Negro
beggars--it is a shame!2
These comments angered and spurred the black man, a
young John E. Bush, to action. With the help of his
friend and co-worker, Chester W. Keatts, Bush founded the
Mosaic Templars of America. The Templars, an organization
which embodied the economic, self-help attitude of Booker
T. Washington, was much more than a fraternal
organization. At one time, the Templars provided
insurance and other financial services to its more than
43


80,000 members in the United States, Central America, and
Cuba. In 1916, the Templars acquired the American Guide
as its official organ through which it communicated to
its members.3
By 1889, Bush had become a well-respected man in
Little Rock. This was quite remarkable considering his
humble beginnings. Born into slavery in Moscow, Tennessee
in 1856, he, his mother, and his owner moved to Arkansas
to escape advancing Union troops in 1862.4 Shortly
afterwards, Bush was orphaned and the street urchin,
lacking supervision, soon established a reputation as a
troublemaker. Luckily, Colonel R.C. Lacy forced Bush to
attend school where he became a conscientious student. In
fact, Bush often worked to put himself through school,
but that did not hinder him from graduating with honors
in 1876.5
After graduating, Bush spend the next several years
as a school principal in Little Rock and then in Hot
Springs, Arkansas. A few years after his graduation, Bush
joined Little Rock's black elite when he married Cora
Winfrey whose family was a charter member of Little
Rock's African-American aristocracy. After the formation
of the Bush-Winfrey union, Bush "rose rapidly in the
ranks of the Arkansas Republican party and the black
44


community."6 Although he was an astute politician, Bush
believed his primary function was as a "race man." IN
Bush's words, "I am politician, first for the interest of
my race, and secondly because I like it."7
His sense of race-pride probably was one reason for
the founding of the American Guide which he established
in 1889. The Guide was one of four African-American-owned
newspapers published in Little Rock in 1896. The other
three black newspapers included the Baptist Vanguard,
published by Joseph A. Booker, president of the Arkansas
Baptist college, the Arkansaw Dispatch, owned and
published by William Buford, and the People's Herald,
owned and published by Bush's political nemesis, George
Jones. Like the others, the Guide was published weekly
and typically was four pages long.8
During the nine-month period surveyed in this
thesis, the format of the paper varied little. A column
of advertisements ran down both the right-hand and left-
hand side of each page. The center of each page, free of
advertisements, was where the news could be found.
Political news frequently dominated page one. The
Guide published many articles regarding the upcoming
election between McKinley and Bryan. Bush, an ardent
supporter of the Republican Party and the recipient of a
45


politically appointed position, firmly supported
McKinley. The articles and editorials featured in the
Guide reflected Bush's political proclivities. In
addition to politics, three other columns, "Arkansas
State News," "Texas State News," and "Throughout
Louisiana" often were positioned on this page.9 In these
columns was found news of the nation's black citizenry.
Editorials, subscription rates, publishing
information, and postal schedules filled page two. Bush
would often address editorials from other papers which
questioned his opinion, and underneath the reprinted
editorial he would respond. Using this method, he would
reply to personal or political attacks. For example, Bush
and Smithee, editor of the Gazette, carried out an
editorial conversation regarding "The Negro and Silver"
during September 1896. Bush lamented the horrible
economic situation facing the nation's farmers, and
Smithee responded by saying that Bush should not
encourage blacks to support McKinley because the
Republicans were not capable of fixing the country's
economic ills. Smithee accused Bush of voting strictly
according to party lines, but he admitted that this was
not typical John E. Bush behavior. Bush, on the other
hand, responded by saying that, "Coming from the source
46


they do, the personal allusions to the editor of the
Guide are highly prized." He went on further to state
that an imbalance in the supply-demand equation caused
the economic conditions. Prices were low because supply
was high and demand was low. He recommended that farmers
reevaluate their crop choices and acreage. Additionally,
he stated that he did not support McKinley because both
he and McKinley belonged to the same party--quite the
contrary. Bush supported McKinley because McKinley was
capable of leading.10
The "Personal Mention," "Local Happenings,"
"Correspondence," "Church Notices" columns frequently
eclipsed all other news printed on page three. In
actuality, rarely was there any additional news printed
on this page. The "Personal Mention" column was the
society column for the African-American community. Bush
filled it with the itineraries, weddings, and birth
announcements of Little Rock's and Arkansas's black
aristocracy.11 The "Local Happenings" column was little
more than the repeated, one-line advertisements for local
businesses. Occasionally, Bush would include micro-
editorials, but for the most part the items in the "Local
Happenings" column did not vary from week to week.12 The
social engagements of the black elite in other
47


communities in Arkansas and surrounding states filled the
"Correspondence" column. As many as six black churches
regularly published their upcoming event schedules in the
"Church Notices" column. A few of the churches would even
include a Sunday-services program.13
Page four commonly contained the greatest number of
advertisement. Usually, the "Market Report" column and
the train schedules were the only columns regularly
printed on page four. When additional space was
available, Bush place comics and verbal quips on this
page.
The American Guide, like many other black newspapers
published during its time, was committed to improving the
level of education among its readers. African-American
editors, naively, believed that the lack of education
among the country's black citizens was a major
encumbrance to equality.14 Irregularly, yet prominently
featured among the Guide's columns was its "Educational"
column.15 This column, written by Prof. Edwin Horne,
included instruction in basic grammar and math. Each week
a test would be printed in the column, and the answers
from the previous week's test would be given. Bush
probably hoped that this column would decrease the number
of illiterate African Americans, and not just in
48


Arkansas, since the banner of the Guide claimed that
10,000 subscribers nationwide read the paper.16 Even
though Bush was a stalwart champion of education, and one
of Horne's most vocal supporters, he was more inclined to
advocate what Booker T. Washington's supporters then
termed "industrial education": i.e., vocational training.
In an editorial Bush opined,
Our girls study latin and algebra and know a smattering
of chemistry, physics and almost everything except those
things that will bring them daily bread. Why not learn
these things?11
In addition to education, another element within the
black community which Bush vociferously endorsed was the
African-American business. Actually, the advertisement in
the Guide probably utilized 50 percent of the newspaper's
available space. Bush's newspaper served as a vehicle in
which black businesses could advertise. African-American
lawyers, doctors, hotels, blacksmiths, and a
conglomeration of other enterprises used the journal's
advertising space. Of the more than 160 businesses which
advertised in the Guide, 30 businesses, or approximately
20 percent, were black-owned enterprises.18 A listing of
the businesses which advertised in the Guide can be found
in Appendix B.
The Guide's advertisers, which represented a
multitude of products and services, promoted themselves
49


as "equal opportunity" businesses. That is to say, they
often relayed a message to the African-American community
that money deserved respect regardless of the color of
the person bearing the money. Thus, in M.M. Cohn's
advertisements in the Guide, potential African-American
customers were told that they should shop in M.M Cohn's,
"Because whether you want to buy 10 cents worth or $1.00
worth, you will always be treated with polite
attention."19 A competitor of M.M. Cohn's, Gus Blass, was
even more explicit in his attempt to attract African-
American customers. Gus Blass & Co., told potential black
clients,
The Colored People of Arkansas Should buy their Dry
Goods, Shoes and Clothing from the House that always
treats their race with uniform courtesy, as well as sell
them the Very Best Goods for the Least Money.20
Bush recognized, probably through both his political
and social relationships, the growing hostility of the
largely Democratic, white community. As a member of
Washington's National Negro Business League, he was a
proponent of African-American economic self-sufficiency.
Not surprisingly, because of his astute business acumen
and his close relationship with Booker T. Washington,
John Bush advocated that his subscribers use the
businesses that advertised in the Guide. Often found
printed among the editorials of the Guide was Bush's plea
50


to his loyal audience: "We want all of our subscribers to
pay particular attention to those that advertise with us
and go trade with them.21 Realizing the economic strength
of a united African-American community and the impact,
both positive and negative, it could have on Little Rock
businesses, he called upon his fellow African-American
Little Rock residents to withdraw economic support to
businesses which failed to "advertise in Negro
journals. "22
Regardless of his somewhat militant position on
race, Bush was a successful, yet conservative,
businessman and politician. During the years that Bush
owned the Guide he was never so radical that the white
community physically threatened him or his property.
Historian Maxwell Brooks determined that most black
newspapers were only radical about one issue: racial
equality. Brooks contends that,
. the Negro newspapers reflect an unquestioned
acceptance of the prevailing middle-class mores and
values. Their criticism is directed against barriers that
tend to restrict the Negro's participation in the social
order, rather than against the nature of the social order
itself.33
Given this information, Bush's decision to print an
editorial opposing the supreme court's decision on Plessy
v. Ferguson was not extraordinary. In fact, except for
the other black-owned newspapers in the city, the white
51


newspaper editors feasibly failed to address the topic.
In the 30 May 1896 issue of the Guide, Bush wrote,
. the supreme court has further stultified itself in
the eyes of the American people by rendering a decision
that in effect says one class of our people is unfit to
ride in common carriers with another class. It is an
annulment of the constitution, which accords to all equal
priviledges and rights. .only a few weeks ago the
same court decided that to try a Negro by a jury of
lawful citizens of his state was good law and must be
construed as being tried by men of his peer. The
first declare [sic] that white men and Negroes are equal
before the law, and then declares that the latter
constitutes a separate and distinct class.24
In spite of his dissatisfaction with the decision, all
that Bush wrote about the case that year would be this
brief editorial; and the Guide continued to focus on
other topics--besides racial equality--which were
important to Bush.
As earlier stated, Bush promoted in his paper
several elements of the black community. Articles about
successful Afro-Americans in business, education, and
religion were often published. Figure 3 is a graph of the
distribution by page of African-American subject articles
in the Guide. It shows that the majority of the articles
with obviously black subjects appeared on page three.
This page was the location of the society and church news
columns. Expectedly, page four, which contained the
"Market Report" column, train schedules, and the least
amount of news overall, had the least number of obviously
52


Figure 3. Distribution of Articles by Page with African-
American Subjects in the American Guide
250
200
Number 150
of Articles
100
50
0
Page Number (1-4)
African-American images. Looking even closer at the
images found in the Guide, a few key categories could
classify most of the images.
Figure 4 shows how the images of black Americans in
the Guide were classified, and the percentage of images
each category represents. The graph, "Topic Distribution
of American Guide Articles with African-American
Subjects," reveals that society and religious news, most
of which was found in the "Personal Mention,"
"Correspondence," and "Church Notices" columns, clearly
dominated all other African-American images in the Guide.
53


Figure 4. Topic Distribution of American Guide Articles
with African-American Subjects
society &
religious
Mevents &
education
crime
political &
editorials
accidental &
natural deaths
miscellaneous
As this graphic indicates, Bush devoted nearly 50 percent
of the Guide's topic coverage to the African-American
community's society and religious news. This is not
surprising when one considers that the four-page journal
had three columns, "Correspondence, Church Notices, and
Personal Mention," devoted to the black community's news.
Historian Maxwell Brooks asserts that society columns in
black newspapers were larger than necessary. While this
may be true given the size of the community, and in this
case the size of the paper, printing this type of news
was necessary to aid in the creation of the community's
self-esteem and self-worth.25 Brooks implies that society
54


news received more attention than it should have, and
that serious issues were not appropriately addressed
because of this. Drawing this conclusion, Brooks
seemingly fails to comprehend, like the editors of the
white newspapers, that the activities of the black
community are just as newsworthy as any other community's
news. The image of blacks in these columns often
confronted and contradicted the images found in white
newspapers.
Social events and educational articles represented
20 percent of the Guide's African-American news, not
surprising given Bush's relationship with Washington and
national politics. When society and religious news,
events and education, and political and editorial news
coverages are combined, more than three-quarters, or 76
percent of the Guide's news coverage was dedicated to the
portrayal of positive African-American images. More
important, the percentage of negative images in the Guide
was less than 20 percent. Consequently, what the Guide,
and other black newspapers in Little Rock, did for their
readers was to provide images which challenged the
existing stereotypes, and which aided in the creation of
a cohesive community dedicated to self-help and
improvement of the race.
55


NOTES
1 Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man, (New York: Random
House, 1952), 3.
2 A.E. Bush and P.L. Dorman, History of the Mosaic
Templars of America--Its Founders and Officials, (Little
Rock: Central Printing Co., 1924), 82-83; 174-75 quoted
in John W. Graves, Town and Country, (Fayetteville, AR:
University of Arkansas Press, 1990), 113-114. C. Calvin
Smith dated the "self-help concept" prior to the founding
of the Templars and much earlier than Booker T.
Washington's popularization of the notion. See C. Calvin
Smith, "Arkansas," chap. 2 of The Black Press in the
South, 1865-1979 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1983).
3 C. Calvin Smith, "John E. Bush of Arkansas," Ozark
Historical Review, Spring 1973, 48; Vishnu V. Oak, The
Negro Newspaper, (Yellow Springs, OH: Antioch Press,
1948), 8; David M. Tucker, Arkansas: A People and Their
Reputation, (Memphis, TN: Memphis State University Press,
1985), 53.
4 C. Calvin Smith, "John E. Bush of Arkansas," Ozark
Historical Review, Spring 1973, 48; Bush's birth year is
given as 1858 in G.P. Hamilton, Beacon Lights of the
Race, (Memphis, TN: P.H. Clarke & Brother, 1911), 139.
This is unlikely since he would have received his first
political appointment at the age of the 17..
5 C. Calvin Smith, "John E. Bush of Arkansas," Ozark
Historical Review, Spring 1973, 48.
6 C. Calvin Smith, "John E. Bush of Arkansas," Ozark
Historical Review, Spring 1973, 48.
7 A.E. Bush and P.L. Dorman, History of the Mosaic
Templars of America, (Little Rock: 1924), 79 quoted in C.
Calvin Smith, "John E. Bush of Arkansas, 1890-1910,"
Ozark Historical Review, Spring 1973, p.48.
8 A.E. Bush and P.L. Dorman, History of the Mosaic
Templars of America, (Little Rock: 1924), 79 quoted in C.
Calvin Smith, "John E. Bush of Arkansas, 1890-1910,"
Ozark Historical Review, Spring 1973, p.48; Henry Lewis
56


Suggs, ed., The Black Press in the South, 1865-1979,
(Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1983), 5; Amanda Saar,
Black Arkansas Newspapers 1869-1975: A Checklist,
(Fayetteville, AR: University of Arkansas and Arkansas
American Revolution Bicentennial Celebration, 1976), 28-
42; Dann, The Black Press, 1827-1890, (New York: G.P.
Putnam's Sons, 1971), 22; 351..
9 Little Rock American Guide, 28 March 19 December
1896, p. 1.
10 Little Rock American Guide, 5, 12 September 1896,
p. 2; Little Rock Arkansas Gazette, 6 September 1896, p.
4.
11 Little Rock American Guide, 28 March 19 December
1896.
12 Little Rock American Guide, 28 March 19 December
1896.
13 Little Rock American Guide, 28 March 19 December
1896; Little Rock American Guide, 28 March 19 December
1896; The African-American press's coverage of black
churches and other black communities is discussed in
Frederick G. Detweiler's, The Negro Press in the United
States, (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1922),
102.
14 Roland E. Wolseley, The Black Press, U.S.A., 2nd
edition, (Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press, 1990),
39; Martin E. Dann, ed., The Black Press, 1827-1890: The
Quest for National Identity, (New York: G.P. Putnam's
Sons, 1971), 301.
15 Little Rock American Guide, 28 March 19 December
1896, p. 1.
16 Little Rock American Guide, 28 March 19 December
1896, p. 1.
17 Little Rock American Guide, 20 June 1896, p. 2. T.
Thomas Fortune, editor of the Globe (New York) and
supporter of Booker T. Washington, agreed with Bush.
According to Fortune, "The flowery education, the
education which develops the mental but neglects the
physical man, is not what we need most at this time. New
York The Globe, 15 December 1883 quoted in Martin E.
Dann, ed., The Black Press, 1827-1890: The Quest for
National Identity, (New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., 1971),
57


359. Also see, L.M. Hershaw, "Negroes in the Press,"
Charities XV (October 1905), 68.
18 Little Rock American Guide, 28 March 19 December
1896; D.B. Gaines, Racial Possibilities as Indicated by
the Negroes of Arkansas, (Little Rock: Printing
Department of Philander Smith College, 1898), 31-35, 81-
89; Little Rock City Directory, (Little Rock: R.L. Polk,
& Co, 1895), 63-581.
19 Little Rock American Guide, 28 March 19 December
1896, p. 1. In the 1890s the slogan for black consumers
may well have been, don't shop where you can't spend your
money. In the 1930s this changed to: "Don't Spend Your
Money Where You Can't Work." See Vishnu V. Oak, The Negro
Newspaper, (Yellow Springs, OH: Antioch Press, 1948), 9.
20 Little Rock American Guide, 28 March 19 December
1896, p. 3; More information on Blass and Cohn can be
found in John W. Graves', Town and Country: Race
Relations and Urban Development in Arkansas, 1865-1905,
(Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms, 1980), 194 and The
Book of Arkansas, (Little Rock: The Arkansas Gazette,
1913), 29-30.
21 Little Rock American Guide, 28 March 19 December
1896, p. 3. For more information about "Buy Black"
campaigns in the black press see, Dann, The Black Press,
1827-1890, (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1971), 345.
22 Little Rock American Guide, 28 March 19 December
1896, p. 1.
23 Maxwell R. Brooks, The Negro Press Re-examined,
(Boston: The Christopher Publishing House, 1959), 102.
Brooks partially based his contention on the words of
(Chicago) Defender owner, Robert S. Abbott. Abbott
believed that blacks would support African-American
newspapers as long as those newspapers fought for
"complete equality and justice." Quoted in Dewey Roscoe
Jones, "Effects of the Negro Press on Race Relations in
the South" (M.A. thesis, Columbia University, New York,
1932), p. 3.
2i Little Rock American Guide, 30 May 1896, p. 2. For
a more detailed analysis of the case and its coverage in
the media see Lofgren, The Plessy Case, (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1987) and Olsen, The Thin Disguise,
(New York: Humanities Press, 1967).
58


25
Martin E. Dann, The Black Press, 1827-1890, (New
York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1971), 293.
59


CHAPTER 5
INVISIBILITY AND ITS APPLICATION TO AFRICAN-
AMERICAN ARKANSANS
That invisibility to which I refer occurs because of a
peculiar disposition of the eyes of those with whom I
come in contact.1
The fictional character in Ralph Ellison's the
Invisible Man, "ache[s] with the need to convince
yourself that you do exist."2 Certainly some African-
American readers of the Arkansas Gazette experienced
similar feelings upon their daily perusal of the
newspaper. Elements of African-American life were
"hidden" or "concealed from public knowledge" to all who
read that paper in 1896.3 Black Americans did some of the
screening, but whites also participated in concealing
normal African-American images. In researching this
topic, the writer found that the Gazette, as the primary
disseminator of information in Little Rock, had a major
role to play in making African-American Arkansans
invisible.
Even though the research method used was virtually
identical for both papers, the writer customized some
elements for each paper. Although underrepresentation of
60


African-American images was an obstacle in researching
both papers, it occurred in the Gazette to a lesser
degree. This is because African-American subject articles
in the Gazette were fairly conspicuous, except those
printed in the "City News" column. Headlines like, "Afro-
Americans Call on McKinley and He Entertains Them With a
Speech" or "Colored Wheelmen Compete" alerted the reader
that the story contained an African-American subject.4
This made it relatively easy to examine the paper and
detect black subject articles. However, in the Guide, and
in other black newspapers, this was rarely the case.
Since Bush, a black man, wrote the Guide primarily
for African-American consumption, he seldomly mentioned
race in the headlines or the articles themselves. As a
result, most of the information found in the Guide had to
be thoroughly investigated to be considered for this
thesis. All of the advertisers were researched in the
Little Rock City Directory or several other sources
before they could be counted as African-American
businesses. The same was true of the churches that
advertised in the paper and people mentioned in the
society columns. Consequently, the percentage of African-
American business advertisement and the percentage of
61


African-American society news in the Guide may have been
higher than this thesis can demonstrate.
Although not likely, underrepresentation may also
account for the paucity of black advertisement in white
newspapers. The Gazette helped to perpetuate the
stereotype that African-Americans were economically
incompetent. The editors did this by not providing images
of African-American businesses to the white community of
Little Rock. Indubitably, blacks were visible as laborers
and consumers, but in the newspapers they were never
visible as providers of services and goods. In the
listing of the Gazette's advertisers (see Appendix A),
African Americans did not own any of the businesses
listed.5 Three years after the period covered in this
thesis,
. Charles Stewart, a Chicago Negro reporter,
observed, 'While in Little Rock I have visited the
offices of successful negro lawyers and have seen
white men go in to consult them. Negro doctors have white
patients. Negro merchants have white customers and the
like.'
D.B. Gaines also made a similar observation noting that,
Many of them [black businesses] enjoying not only the
support of their own color but a very extensive trade
from the white citizens in their respective localities.6
Stewart's and Gaines' observations show that Little
Rock's black businesses were respected and supported by
62


both communities, but unfortunately they were unable to
secure the Gazette's respect.
The Arkansas Gazette did not have a printed policy
sustaining discrimination, and unfortunately advertising
rates were not available for either paper. The writer can
only speculate at the possible reasons for the lack of
African-American economic images in the Gazette. Perhaps
economic reasons compelled the newspaper's management
team to deny African-American businesses access to
advertising space. The Gazette's owners may have
considered that the success of African-American
businesses would threaten the economic viability of some
white businesses; therefore, if black businesses were not
as visible their chances of succeeding would be
diminished. This would make African Americans not only
economically disadvantaged, but would assist in eroding
some of their remaining political power.
Another possible reason for the dearth of black
business advertising in the Gazette may have been
financial. Of course, this presupposes that the Gazette's
advertising space was more expensive. Consequently black
businesses chose less expensive advertising alternatives
like African-American newspapers and word-of-mouth.
63


Perhaps African-American businesses believed that
the Gazette was not serving their customers; thus
advertising in the Gazette would be of no use because
their customers did not subscribe to Gazette. Although
this hardly seems likely since historian Maxwell Brooks
has already established that, "The day by day reporting
of the news is followed by colored people in the dailies.
. . "7 Whatever the reason, it seems that the Gazette's
management concluded that African-American businesses
were not "good advertisers."8
Fortunately, there existed other advertising
avenues, besides the Gazette, for black businesses. More
than 160 companies, 20 percent of which were African-
American owned and operated, consistently advertised in
the Guide (see Appendix B). Like those found in the
Gazette, the Guide's advertisers represented a variety of
services and products. Even Scipio A. Jones, the noted
African-American Arkansan attorney could be counted among
the Guide's advertisers.9 Only 18 companies, most of them
in Little Rock, advertised in both the Gazette and the
Guide. Providing advertising space for black-owned
businesses would not be the only responsibility for the
African-American owned Guide.
64


The absence of African Americans from the church and
society columns of the Gazette seemed unusual due to the
number of black churches in Little Rock.10 By neglecting
to print the activities and programs of Little Rock's
twenty-two black churches, it was not "discernible by the
minds" of the Gazette's readers that African Americans
were a religious people.11 Additionally, the events
sponsored by the church would have displayed the black
community's determination to improve its situation in
Arkansas. Thus the Gazette helped to perpetuate the
stereotype that African Americans were heathens, and the
coverage of African-American society news was performed
just as atrociously.
"Personal Points" and "Society News" were the
society columns printed in the Gazette. The "Personal
Points" column was printed daily, and the "Society News"
column was printed each Sunday.12 Each column was filled
with the latest tidbits of information about Little
Rock's aristocracy--that is Little Rock's white
aristocracy. Whenever W.B. Worthen, Governor-elect Dan
Jones, or anyone among the city's elite traveled, whether
it was for business or pleasure, the Gazette informed its
readers. Their weddings, engagements, and births were all
in these columns. However, the same was not true of the
65


comings, goings, weddings, engagements, and births of
Little Rock black elite.
M.W. Gibbs, John Bush, and many others in the
African-American aristocracy traveled frequently during
1896, yet the only time any of them was mentioned was in
connection with the Republican National Convention held
in St. Louis that year. Noted attorney Scipio A. Jones
became a father in July 1896; however this never made the
"Personal Points" or the "Society News" columns of the
Gazette.13 Once again it was the Guide that provided the
social images of the African-American community.
Nearly 50 percent of the Guide's African-American
subject articles were regarding the black community's
society and religious news. An additional 20 percent was
devoted to the coverage of social events and education.
On a weekly basis, approximately one-third of the black
churches in Little Rock published their programs in the
newspaper. Social events from black communities
throughout Arkansas, and in neighboring states, were
published. The itineraries of Little Rock's black
aristocracy business and pleasure excursions were
printed. The social image of black Americans promoted in
the Guide, as opposed to the image available in the
Gazette, was one of an advancing people. The graphs on
66


the following page, figures five and six, visually shows
how different the images of African Americans were in the
Figure 5. Topic Distribution of Arkansas Gazette Articles
with African-American Subjects
6% 8%
62%
crime
politics
accidental & natural
deaths
events
miscellaneous
lynchings &
executions
Figure 6. Topic Distribution of American Guide Articles
with African-American Subjects
society &
religious
El events &
education
crime
EH political &
editorials
accidental &
natural deaths
miscellaneous
67


two newspapers.The graph, figure five, which shows the
Gazette1s topic distribution, is very different from that
of the Guide's, figure six. At first glance it is
difficult to believe that these two newspapers, the
Gazette and the Guide, were published in the same city
during the same year. Despite the different images of
blacks that the Gazette and the Guide provided, both
papers located African-American subject articles in
similar locations in their respective newspapers.
The graphs on the following page, figures seven and
eight, reveal that the majority of the articles with
African-American subjects were located in the very center
of the newspapers.
When blacks made it to the front page of the Gazette
the topic was either accidental death, frequently
featuring a gruesome accounting, or crime. A typical
front page headline of an article with an African-
American subject is similar to this one printed on
Sunday, September 13: "Two Dusky Damsels Enraged by
Jealousy, Fight Last Night."14 Another headline, which was
as lively as the news itself, was, "Looked Under The Bed
And There She Found a Great Big Burly Negro--She
Screamed, Negro Jumped Out of the Window and Was
Afterwards Arrested and Jailed."15
68


Figure 7. Distribution of Articles by Page with African-
American Subjects in the Arkansas Gazette
Number
of Articles
1
02
3
4
5
6
7
8
i <
Page Number (1-8)
Figure 8. Distribution of Articles by Page with African-
American Subjects in the American Guide
250r
Page Number (1-4)
Surprisingly, as the graphs reveal, the location of
black images in the Guide was not terribly different.
Like the Gazette, most the of the Guide's coverage of
69


African Americans could be found in the inner sections of
the paper. The majority of the articles were found in the
"Personal Mention, Arkansas State News, Texas State News,
or Throughout Louisiana" columns. But despite this
similarity, the two papers differed in most other areas
also. Even comparing the more essential parts of the
newspaper business finds more differences than
similarities between the two.
Table 6. A Comparison of the Vital Statistics of the
Arkansas Gazette and the American Guide
Gazette Gazette Guide
(daily) (Thurs.) (Sat.)
established 1819 1819 1889
size 15X24 15X24 18X24
affiliation Democrat Democrat Republican
pages 8 12 4
circulation 5,100 7,800 10,00017
figures
subscription $10./year $1./year $1./year
rates
70


The reader can deduce from this table that from a
purely financial viewpoint the Gazette seemed to have the
advantage over the Guide. The statistics for the weekly
edition, which agents distributed on Thursdays, are
provided to make comparison easier. The circulation
number for the Guide is quite large, even for a daily
during this period. It is possible that the circulation
number for the Guide is so large because a national
organization, the Mosaic Templars of America which later
purchased the Guide, used it to espouse its views to a
dispersed membership audience. In fact, each member of
the Templars was obligated to subscribe to Guide.18 Of
course, it is also possible that Bush inflated the
circulation number for the Guide, and it seems likely
that this was the case. Regularly appearing in the "Local
Happenings" column of the Guide was a brief editorial
statement from Bush which called upon, "[his] 3500
subscribers to read the advertisements in this paper. .
*19
Subscribers of both the Gazette and the Guide
received contrasting images of Little Rock's minority
population. In fact, the two papers had very little in
common. The Gazette, a large, daily published, white-
owned newspaper, depicted African Americans as criminals,
71


while the Guide, a weekly, supplemental, black-owned
newspaper, portrayed African Americans as Christians
seeking enlightenment and social mobility. Somewhere
between these extremes existed the true image of blacks
that few Little Rock residents ever saw.
72


NOTES
1 Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man, (New York: Random
House, 1952), 3.
2 Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man, (New York: Random
House, 1952), 3.
3 Random House Unabridged Dictionary, 2nd ed. (1993),
s.v. "invisible".
4 Little Rock Arkansas Gazette, 13 August 1896, p. 3;
19 August 1896, p. 5; Southern Regional Council, Inc.,
Race in the News, Atlanta: Southern Regional Council,
Inc., n.d., 2.
5 R.L. Polk & Co., Little Rock City Directory,
(Little Rock: R.L. Polk & Co., 1895), 63-583.
6 Little Rock Arkansas Gazette, 1 January 1899 quoted
in John W. Graves, Town and Country: Race Relations in an
Urban-Rural Context, Arkansas, 1865-1905, (Fayetteville,
AR: University of Arkansas Press, 1990), 125; D.B.
Gaines, Racial Possibilities as Indicated by the Negroes
of Arkansas, (Little Rock: Printing Department of
Philander Smith College, 1898), 28.
7 Maxwell R. Brooks, The Negro Press Re-examined,
(Boston: The Christopher Publishing House, 1959), 62.
8 Little Rock Arkansas Gazette, 28 March 19
December 1896, p. 4.
9 Tom W. Dillard, "The Black Moses of the West: A
Biography of Mifflin Wistar Gibbs, 1823-1915," (M.A.
thesis, University of Arkansas, 1975), 93. Jones's long
and illustrious life is detailed in Dillard's, "Scipio A.
Jones," Arkansas Historical Quarterly, (Autumn 1972),
201-214. Historian and journalist Henry G. La Brie drew
similar conclusions about advertisers in black
newspapers. See La Brie, Perspectives of the Black Press:
1974, (Kennebunkport, ME: Mercer House Press, 1974), 18;
Oak, The Negro Newspaper,(Yellow Springs, OH: Antioch
Press, 1948), 25.
73


10
John E. Bush, "Afro-American People of Little
Rock," Colored American Magazine, January 1905, 39-42;
D.B. Gaines, Racial Possibilities as Indicated by the
Negroes of Arkansas, (Little Rock: Printing Department of
Philander Smith College, 1898),
11 Random House Unabridged Dictionary, 2nd ed.
(1993), s.v. "invisible"; R.L. Polk & Co., Little Rock
City Directory, (Little Rock: R.L. Polk & Co., 1895), 63-
583.
12 Little Rock Arkansas Gazette, 28 March 19
December 1896.
13 Little Rock American Guide, 1, 8 August 1896, p.
3; Carolyn Martindale, The White Press and Black America,
(Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1986), 53-54; Henry G. La
Brie III, ed., Perspectives of the Black Press: 1974,
(Kennebunkport, ME: Mercer House Press, 1974), 199.
14 Little Rock Arkansas Gazette, 13 September 1896,
p. 1.
15 Little Rock Arkansas Gazette, 15 September 1896,
p. 1.
16 American Newspapers Annual, (Philadelphia: N.W.
Ayer & Sons, 1896), 35; American Newspapers Annual
(Philadelphia: N.W. Ayer & Sons, 1897), 37.
17 Little Rock American Guide, 28 March 19 December
1896, p. 2.
18 Little Rock American Guide, 28 March 19 December
1896, p. 1; 3.
19 Little Rock American Guide, 28 March 19 December
1896, p. 3.
74


CHAPTER 6
CONCLUSION
I am invisible, understand, simply because people refuse
to see me.1
This thesis examined the images of black Americans
in the Arkansas Gazette at the turn of the twentieth
century. The writer compared these images to those found
in the American Guide which John E. Bush also published
in Little Rock during the same period. Though many other
historians have analyzed the images of African Americans
in the white press, few have completed a one-to-one
comparison with a black newspaper.2 The writer wanted to
show how different newspapers approached similar topics.
It seems that both newspapers "adjusted their lenses" to
suit their audiences. Thus, during the period surveyed
(28 March 19 December 1896), readers receiving a
complete picture of Little Rock's African-American
community had to read both papers.
The Gilded Age was a time of tremendous growth and
prosperity, and Little Rock enjoyed both characteristics
of this period.3 Nearly one million people moved to
Arkansas searching for new economic opportunities and a
75


better life. African Americans were a large portion of
this population influx, constituting nearly 30 percent of
Arkansas' total population by 1900.4 But for black
Arkansans, the increase in racial hostility tempered the
gains made during this period.
Black Americans found Little Rock, with its racial
diversity, more civil than other southern cities. William
Grant Still, the renowned African-American composer and
musician, grew up in Little Rock at the turn of the
century, and he recalled that Little Rock "was considered
by many of us to be an enlightened community in the
South."5 Little Rock's tolerance was not lost on many
blacks who had chosen other locales within the state to
settle. African Americans flocked to Little Rock not only
increasing the city's population, but heightening racial
tensions between blacks, most of whom were poor and
uneducated, and lower class whites. These tensions
displayed themselves in the form of increased physical
threats, political repression, and legislated
segregation. Politicians used the high illiteracy race
among blacks and the local press first to isolate and,
later, to disfranchise black Arkansans.
Despite the high illiteracy rate among all
Arkansans, people viewed newspapers, which were the one
76


of the most efficient methods of distributing
information, as essential. The Arkansas Gazette was
unquestionably the paper of choice for a large section of
Little Rock's newspaper reading community. Its leadership
position derived from its position as the territory's
first newspaper and the Gazette's outstanding, prominent
management team.6 While the editors of the Gazette would
claim that they were adequately covering all the news in
Little Rock, historian and journalist Henry La Brie best
described their efforts when he said, "A basic weakness
of the American press [was] its careless, uneven, and
sometimes vicious treatment of religious and racial
minorities." The virtually, exclusively negative coverage
of African Americans, when the paper provided any
coverage, led the Gazette's white reading audience "to
believed that blacks are not a normal, ordinary part of
society. "7
Since the scourge of racism made it acceptable to
portray blacks as aberrant, the Gazette ignored
opportunities to portray images of normal Afro-American
Arkansans in business, religion, and society; however, it
never missed a chance to portray the black criminal.
Surprisingly, it did show, although the number was very
small, that blacks were active in politics, education,
77


and sports. It was the job of the black press, in this
case the American Guide, to distribute positive images of
the black community.
John E. Bush was the owner and editor of the Guide
which was one of four Afro-American newspapers published
in Little Rock in 1896. Bush established the Guide in
1889 presumably to keep members of the Mosaic Templars of
America, a benevolent society which he also established,
informed. As a member of the city's aristocracy and a
distinguished Arkansan, Republican politician, he used
his newspaper to espouse the causes he supported.8
Considering its supplementary role, the Guide had
many responsibilities to its community.9 The Guide served
as community educator, advertising medium, community
voice, public social calendar, and self-esteem builder.
Also, conspicuous within the Guide's pages was Bush's
consistent support of Booker T. Washington's economic
self-sufficiency and vocational training policies. More
important, the Guide provided contrasting images to those
available in the white press. Historian Martin Dann noted
that typically the black press warned the African-
American community of approaching danger. Although in
Little Rock opportunities for this type of action
presented themselves, the writer did not observe this
78


aspect of the Guide during the survey period. Lamentably,
the white dailies, and not the weekly black newspapers,
controlled most of the images of African Americans.
In comparing the two papers, the Gazette had the
advantage. It was an older, more established and more
prominent newspaper that traced its roots back to the
state's territory days. The Gazette, which had weekly and
daily editions, had a larger circulation base and could
rely on advertising to defray some of its operational
expenses. Additionally, both the white and black
communities read it. On the other hand, the Guide, a
recent addition to the city's newspaper community, was
physically larger and heavily dependent on a loyal
customer base. Printed weekly, the Guide carried the
advertisements of black-owned businesses and businesses
which relied on black consumers. Presumably, some of the
Guide's subscribers were white, but the majority were
African Americans. For as different as the two were in
regards to newspaper-issues, they were more distinct in
the topics they covered.10
Both newspapers, the Guide to a greater degree,
featured articles with African-American subjects.
Surprisingly, both newspapers positioned most of these
articles in the inner sections of the newspapers.
79


However, this is where the similarities between the two
ends. The Gazette, controlled by Little Rock's white
oligarchy, focused nearly 70 percent of its African-
American coverage on negative events. Crimes committed by
blacks, lynchings of suspected black criminals, and
executions of black convicts consumed 68 percent of the
newspaper's coverage of the black community. The paper
apportioned the balance of its coverage to African
American involvement in politics, education, and events.
During the nine-month period surveyed, news of the black
churches, the backbone of the black community, and news
of the black aristocracy was nonexistent. This is in
stark contrast to the Guide's coverage of African
American Arkansans.
The four-page Guide was virtually a cornucopia of
positive images of Little Rock's black community. Bush
filled the Guide with images of church going, upwardly
mobile, educationally enlightened African Americans.
Nearly three-quarters of the Guide's coverage featured
these types of images. News of black criminals was less
than 20 percent of the Guide's coverage, and Bush
practically excluded news of lynchings and executions.
The images of black Americans portrayed by the two
papers were unquestionably very real. The events and
80


people mentioned in the papers did exist. Unfortunately,
both papers selectively chose images which depicted the
African-American reality the editors wanted to sponsor.
For the Gazette, this meant portraying blacks as
deviating from society norms. In contrast, the Guide
depiction of blacks mainly consisted of Little Rock's
black elite who willingly accepted society's values.
Lost, somewhere in the middle of these conflicting
images, was the average African American who just wanted
to live and die with dignity.
81


NOTES
1 Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man, (New York: Random
House, 1952), 3.
2 George Simpson completed a similar study on the
Philadelphia press. See Simpson, The Negro in the
Philadelphia Press, (Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 1936).
3 O.E. McKnight and Boyd W. Johnson, The Arkansas
Story, (Oklahoma City: Harlow Publishing Corporation,
1956), 238. For a more detailed discussion of the Gilded
Age in the United States and in Arkansas see, George
Brown Tindall and David Shi, America: A Narrative, 3rd
ed., (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1992) and Waddy
William Moore, ed., Arkansas in the Gilded Age, 1874-
1900, (Little Rock: Rose Publishing Co., 1976).
4 Department of Commerce and Labor. Bureau of the
Census. Bulletin Number 7 & 8. Estimates of Population of
the Larger Cities of the United States in 1901, 1902,
1903, (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1904), 9.
A discussion of the fluctuation in the state's black
population is found in Michael F. Sylva, "Black
Population in Arkansas, 1900-1970," (M.A. thesis,
University of Arkansas, 1981).
5 William Grant Still, "My Arkansas Boyhood,"
Arkansas Historical Review, Spring-Winter 1967, 285-292.
6 American Newspapers Annual, (Philadelphia: N.W.
Ayer & Co., 1895), 35. Also see, Fred W. Allsopp, Twenty
Years in a Newspaper Office, (Little Rock: Central
Printing Company, 1907) and Allsopp, History of the
Arkansas Press for a Hundred Years and More, (Little
Rock: Parke-Harper Publishing Company, 1922).
7 Henry G. La Brie, III, Perspectives of the Black
Press: 1974, (Kennebunkport, ME: Mercer House Press,
1974), 42; Carolyn Martindale, The White Press and Black
America, (New York: Greenwood Press, 1986), 54-55.
8 C. Calvin Smith, John E. Bush of Arkansas, Ozark
Historical Review, For more information on the Mosaic
Templars of America see, A.E. Bush and P.L. Dorman,
82


History of the Mosaic Templars of America--Its Founders
and Officials, (Little Rock: Central Printing Co., 1924).
9 Henry G. La Brie, III, A Survey of Black Newspapers
in America, (Kennebunkport, ME: Mercer House Press,
1979), 9.
10 American Newspapers Annual, (Philadelphia: N.W.
Ayer & Co., 1896); American Newspapers Annual,
(Philadelphia: N.W. Ayer & Co., 1897); Allsopp, History
of the Arkansas Press for a Hundred Years and More,
(Little Rock: Parke-Harper Publishing Co., 1922).
83


APPENDIX A
Listing of Arkansas Gazette Advertisers
*Chas T. Abeles & Co.
Acker Medicine Co.
Acton Medical Company
Adams & Boyle
[Allis & Mills
[American Stables
[C. Arber
[Arkansas Book & Paper Company
[Arkansas Building & Loan Association
[Arkansas Carpet & Furniture Co.
'Arkansas Cotton Oil Co.
Arkansas Midland Railway
[Arkansas Pump and Pipe Company
'Armstrong Springs
Atlanta Chemical Co., Atlanta, GA
[Drs. Augspath & Sims, dentists
[joe D. Back & Bro.
[r.P. Bateman & Co.
'Louis C. Bernays
Blackwell's Genuine Durham Tobacco
*Gus Blass & Co.
Bloch Bros. Tobacco Co.
Blood Balm Co., Atlanta, GA
G.S. Brack
Bradfield's Female Regulator, Atlanta, GA
Brown's Bronchial Troches
Brown's Iron Bitters
[Capital Cycle Co.
[Capital Theater
'Capitol Hotel
Carter's Little Liver Pills
Castoria
Dr. Caton's Tansy Pills, Boston, MA
Chamberlain's Cough Remedy
Cheatham's Flour
'Central Lumber Co.
Herbert C. Chivers
*City Fuel Co.
Clairette Soap, St. Louis, MO
Cluett Collars & Cuff
84


*M. M. Cohn
Wm. 0. Coleman
*Conagle Wheel Works
Consumers Cotton Oil Company
[James Cook & Co.
*Cook & Haygood
Cook Remedy, Chicago, IL
[G.B. Cooper
*Edmond Craig & Co.
Cuticura
Davol Medicine Co.
[F. DeChastonay
[Democrat State Convention
[m.R. Denie
[Dickinson Arms
[W.W. Dickinson Hardware Co.
*Draughons Business College
Duke's Mixture
John S. Duffie, attorney-at-law
[Edmonson's
[Edwards & Stewart
*Ellenbogen
Ely's Cream Balm
Ely's Pineola Balm
[Engstroum & Fraser, tailors
*Equitable Building & Loan Association
Erie Medical Co., Buffalo, NY
Eupion Oil
[Fones Bros. Hardware Company
[Fourche Planting Co.
[Forster's
[Chas. F. Fowler & Co.
[French Steam Dyeing
[Galloway's
[Gans
[Miss Garrety, dressmaker
[ Gazette Publishing Co.
[h.J. George Gro. Co.
*The German-American Building Association
The German Hospital Remedy Co.
[Geyer & Adams
*Gleasons Hotel
Gorham Silver
*Gress & Leigh
Pauline Hall Cigar
F. Hammar Paints
J. Harp
Harper & Brothers, New York
85


Hill Medicine Co.
[r. Hochbaum
*Hollenberg Music Co.
Hood's Pills
Hood's Sarsaparilla
Horsford's Acid Phosphate
Hostetter's Stomach Bitters
[Hotel Richelieu
[Noah E. House
Humphrey's Drug Store
Humphrey's Medicine Co.
*W.S. Hutt's
Japanese Pile Cure
[SJ Johnson & Company
[Dudley E. Jones Co.
[T.H. Jones Co.
*Jas. E. Joyce & Co.
John A. Jungkind, druggist
[Katzenstein's
[Kempner's
[Key's Business College
[Kindergarten, Miss Katie Gray
[Louis Koers
[C J. Kramer & Co.
[Mrs. T.Kuttner's
Lafourche Meadow Poultry
Lea & Perrins, New York
*C.J. Lincoln Co.
Lippman Bros.
*R.A. Little & Co.
Little Rock & Memphis Railroad
[Little Rock Ice Co.
[Little Rock Plumbing Co.
Little Rock Tent & Awning
Magnolias a Bloom
J.C. Maquire Med. Co., St. Louis, MO
Dr. Markwell
L.F. Martin Druggist
*Dr. J.R.S. M'Cluer, D.V.S.
McElree's Wine of Cardui, Chattanooga, TN
Mechanics' Building & Loan Association
The Mechem Investment Co.
Merchant's Transfer Co.
Metropolitan Hotel
Meyer Bros. Drug Co.
Dr. Miles's Heart Cure
[jno. A. Mitchell & Co.
*H.B. Mizell & Co.
86


Momarek
Dr. Mott's Chemical Co., Cleveland, OH
Munyon Remedy Challenge
[Drs. Murrell & Vinsonhaler
*Navra Crockery Company
Nederland Life Insurance Co., New York
Nerve Seed Co., Chicago, IL
The New York Journal, New York
New York Life Insurance Co.
North American Review, New York
P.J. O'Brien
Old International
Old North State
["Oliver" Barber Shop
[Edward J. Owens, tailor
*Page Woven Wire Fence Co.
Paines' Celery Compound
Pearline Soap
Dr. Pierce's Favorite Prescription for Weak Women
*Edward Pitts
Pollock & Sons
Pond's Extract Co.
Potash Sulphur Springs
Dr. Price's Cream Baking Powder
The Provident Savings
[Quapaw Catering Co.
The Raleigh Company
Dr. H.D. Reynolds
Rhodes-Haverty Furniture Co.
Ricord's Vital Restorative
Ripan's Tabules
[Rogoski & Duncan
Rollins, Kievits & Co.
Royal Baking Powder
*Sam Rudolph & Co.
St. Louis, Iron Mountain & Southern Railway
Salvation Oil
*C.R. Schaer
Scott's Emulsion
The Security School Shoe
A.P. Simms, St. Louis, MO
[Simpson & Webb
[Southern Cotton Oil Co.
Southwestern Telegraph & Telephone
Smith Bros. & Co., New Orleans, LA
Smith Premier Typewriter Co.
The Stearns Bicycle
The Sterling Remedy Co.
87


[Chas. S. Stifft
*L. Storthz (& St. Louis, MO)
Stover Bros.
*Sulphur Springs Hotel
Sweet Moments Cigarettes
Swift Specific Co., Atlanta, GA
Syrup of Figs
Thoroughbred Poultry
*E. H. Tobey
Dr. P.H. Treadway
*J.F. Trumpler
*J.E. Turpin & Co.
*Union Mnfg. Co.
Wabash Railroad
Warner's Safe Cure
Wilson & Webb Book & Stationery Co.
Mrs. Winslow's Soothing Syrup
[Wolf Bros.
*Wolf & Prather Cycle Co.
World's Dispensary Medical Association
*W.B. Worthen & Co.
[Wyckoff, Seaman's & Bendict, St. Louis, MO
*J.H. Zellin & Co
Denotes Arkansan-owned business.1
"Education" Column Advertisements2
Arkansas Female College, Little Rock
Bellevue High School, Bedford County, VA
Bethel Military Academy, Virginia
Central College for Young Ladies, Lexington, MO
Christian College & School of Music, Columbia, MO
Davis Military School
Edgeworth Boarding and Day School, Baltimore, MD
Galloway College, Searcy, AR
Gordon School, Pewee Valley, KY
Hardin Ladies' college & Conservatory, Mexico, MO
Hogsett Academy, Danville, KY
Hollins Institute, Botetourt Springs, VA
Jefferson Military College, Washington, MS
Jones' College for Young Ladies, Gadsden, AL
Kentucky Military Institute, Lyndon, KY
Little Rock Academy, Little Rock, AR
Mary Baldwin Seminary, Staunton, VA
88