Andean duality spanning the Inca and Spanish conquests

Material Information

Andean duality spanning the Inca and Spanish conquests Pellejo Chico Alto a local site in the Acari Valley, Peru
Fairchild, M. Cheryl
Place of Publication:
Denver, Colo.
University of Colorado Denver
Publication Date:
Physical Description:
xvi, 180 leaves : illustrations ; 28 cm

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Master's ( Master of Arts)
Degree Grantor:
University of Colorado Denver
Degree Divisions:
Department of Anthropology, CU Denver
Degree Disciplines:
Committee Chair:
Stone, Tammy
Committee Members:
Curet, Luis Antonio
Kent, Jonathan


Subjects / Keywords:
Incas -- Antiquities ( lcsh )
Incas -- Social life and customs ( lcsh )
Antiquities ( fast )
Incas -- Antiquities ( fast )
Incas -- Social life and customs ( fast )
Antiquities -- Acarí (Peru) ( lcsh )
Peru -- Acarí ( fast )
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )


Includes bibliographical references (leaves 169-180).
General Note:
Department of Anthropology
Statement of Responsibility:
by M. Cheryl Fairchild.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Colorado Denver
Holding Location:
Auraria Library
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
44077416 ( OCLC )
LD1190.L43 1999m .F34 ( lcc )

Full Text
M. Cheryl Fairchild
B.A., Metropolitan State College, 1993
A thesis submitted to the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts

This thesis for the Master of Arts
degree by
M. Cheryl Fairchild
has been approved

Tammy Stone
Luis Antonio Curet

Fairchild, M. Cheryl (M.A., Anthropology)
Andean Duality Spanning the Inca and Spanish Conquests: Pellejo Chico Alto
A Local Culture in the Acari Valley, Peru
Thesis Directed by Professor Tammy Stone
A hallmark characteristic of the Andean culture system is the concept of duality. This
is evidenced in a wide variety of cultural components: kinship systems, community
organization, architecture, dress, and customs to mention a few. Archaeologists, in the
archaeological record, and cultural anthropologists, contemporarily, have extensively
studied the construct of Andean duality.
This research examines a site located in a peripheral area, the Acari Valley on the
south coast of Peru, which provides archaeological evidence for this concept of duality.
The site, Pellejo Chico Alto, spans the chronological sequence of the Inca and Spanish
conquests making it a very interesting case of duality, with a transitional from the
prehistoric to the historic period. The Acari Valley, contemporarily, continues in its
periphery position in Peruvian social, economic and ecologic realms, providing a useful
template with which to investigate the archaeologic record.
This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidate's thesis. I recommend its

I must begin with acknowledgment of the many people who assisted in my
research in a wide variety of forms. Their untiring work made this project possible;
their knowledge and diligence made this project successful; and their unfailing humor
made this project fun! First and foremost, I wish to thank my sponsoring institutions:
The University of Colorado at Denver, The Universidad Catolica Santa Maria,
Arequipa, Peru and The California Institute for Peruvian Studies, Sacramento,
University of Colorado at Denver
Dr. Tammy Stone of the University of Colorado at Denver is my thesis advisor.
Occasionally you run into great teacher, an unselfish colleague, and a friend. Rarely do
you find the combination in one person. Her guidance and support has made this
project and thesis possible. I am forever grateful.
Universidad Catolica Santa Maria
For the past ten years, The Universidad Catolica Santa Maria (UCSM) has
sponsored and supervised the work of the California Institute for Peruvian Studies
(CIPS) in the Acari, Yauca, Atiquipa and Chala Valleys on the south coast of Peru. I
wish to offer my thanks to the Universidad for its continued support and supervision of
the CIPS projects, in general, and my research at Pellejo Chico Alto, in particular. My
Peruvian mentor, supervisor and friend, Luis Augusto Belan F. of UCSM, and his
wife, Maria Teresa, have unselfishly opened the Universidad, their home and their lives
to me and I am eternally grateful. I would also like to thank Jose Antonio Chavez C.
(UCSM) who has provided me with invaluable insight and advice at the Universidad as

well as at Pellejo Chico Alto. Finally, my friend, Jaime Andrade Sonqo of UCSM
supplied me with great ideas and moral support in a number of visits to Pellejo Chico
Alto for which I am grateful.
California Institute for Peruvian Studies
It is only through the permission and support of CIPS that my project has been
possible. I must thank the Board of Directors of CIPS for allowing me to conduct my
research under its auspices and at its research facility in the Acarf Valley. In particular, I
am in debt to Francis A. Riddell, the President of CIPS, for his tutelage, his faith in my
ability, his untiring efforts at the site and, most of all, his humor. In addition, I must
extend a very, very special acknowledgment to a mentor and friend, Jonathan D. Kent.
Under his influence I became an archaeologist. Under his influence I became a part of
the CIPS organization. Under his influence I ended up in Peru working at Pellejo Chico
Alto. I would also like to extend my gratitude to other members of the CIPS
organization: Grace Katterman, for her expertise in textile conservation, which she
generously shared in field school classes; Roger Robinson and Mark Kowta for their
input on the archaeology of the Acari Valley; and to Sandy Asmussen for her assistance
with field schools.
Initially, the CIPS Research Facility was located in Acari but eventually moved to
Bella Union, a small village on the northwest side of the valley. Over the past twelve
years, the people of Acari have been among our strongest supporters and friends. Their
continued interest is invaluable. Special thanks go to the Nieto family with whom I
have been living since the earthquake in 1996.

Bella Union
At the onset of this research, the CIPS Research Facility was located in Bella
Union. Over a period of three years (1994-1996), I had the opportunity to live in this
lovely village and get to know some of its inhabitants. The village opened its doors,
homes and heart to me which touched me greatly. Particular thanks go to Juan Nemi
Seyan and his wife, Lourdes, my sponsors and friends in Bella Union. They provided
me with a home, transportation, food, companionship and great sapo tournaments to
make my life in the desert a Garden of Eden. Juan Zegarra and his wife, Benancia, kept
the research facility up and running harmoniously, and included me in their family
which made being away from mine so much easier. Finally, a tremendous thanks must
go to all the wonderful people of Bella Union, now a second home, for their friendship
and love. They are very special humans with warm, open hearts. Sadly, a tremendous
earthquake struck the Acarf Valley in November of 1996 destroying nearly 90% of
Bella Union including the CIPS research facility. Since that time, the CIPS research
effort has had to return to Acarf as its temporary home. During the course of the 1995
field season, I conducted two phases of research at Pellejo Chico Alto, with two more
following in 1996. For each phase I was fortunate enough to have top notch field crews
who worked incredibly hard and deserve special mention.
1995: Phase I Field Crew
Phase Imapping and a surface ceramic collection of my project was carried out
between February and May of 1995-summer in the Acarf Valley. It is very, very hot
and sunny. The wind blows incessantly. The dust aggravates your nose and eyes. The
mosquitoes eat you alive. You think you are never going to be clean or cool again. I
was blessed to have members of my family and many dear friends and colleagues by
my side during the entire mapping and surface collection of the site: my son, Josh
Fairchild, University of Colorado at Boulder, whose relentless approach to mapping

and surface collection forced us to go beyond our perceived limits; Alina Aparicio de la
Riva, UCSM, whose insight, physical and moral support pulled me through times
when I questioned whatever was I doing; Andrew Elliot, Metropolitan State College of
Denver, my second son, and Ana Vallone, Universidad Nacional de Cuyo, Mendoza,
Argentina. My heartfelt thanks go out to each and every one of you without whom this
initial phase of the project would never have happened.
Phase II of the project was undertaken in June/July 1995 when a CIPS field school
arrived for a four week session. It was an eclectic group from all over the United
States. Our youngest participant was 14 and our oldest was 74. During Phase II we
conducted excavations in four areas of the site and investigated two very interesting
anomalies encountered during Phase I. Although it was winter during this phase, the
work was still very hard, dirty, dusty and hot. The only saving grace was no
mosquitoes! This group was wonderful. They worked hard and played hard, always
keeping keen senses of humor. As field schools go, I could not have chosen a better
group of folks. My sincere appreciation and thanks go out to all of you.
1995: Phase II Field Crew
Jacob Asmussen
Jaymie Asmussen
Paul Asmussen
Sandy Asmussen
John Giudice
Jonathan Kent
Sharon Murtagh
Carolyn Psenka
Francis Riddell
Nannette Skov
Spencer Wong
Leslie Neff
Frank Katterman
Grace Katterman
1996: Phase III Field Crew
In March of 1996, a two week field school of international students from Fountain

Valley School of Colorado participated in the Phase III work done at the site. The focus
was salvage archaeology on areas looted at PCA during the six month period from July
1995 to February 19% when no research was being conducted at the site. This group
went above and beyond the call of duty jumping into looted tombs, sorting garbage,
reassembling scattered mummies. Many thanks to a wonderful group.
July of 19% saw another international group combining efforts to examine room
function and occupational levels at the site while conducting an analysis of human
remains recovered- during excavation as well as a result of looting. Thanks also to this
group which consisted of:
Joshua D. Fairchild, University of Colorado
Jessica Patterson, Colorado State University
Fountain Valley School:
Mark Dillon
Justin Ray
Robert Matthews
Natalie Kane
Andrea De Los Reyes
Francesca Tappi
Andrew Jenco
Margaret Carr
Adalaida Myers
Shylo Fontenot
19%: Phase IV Field Crew
University of Nevada:
Richard Brooks
Sheilagh Brooks
Universidad Catolica Santa Maria:
Alina Aparicio de la Riva
Ellas Zanabria R.
Maria Cristina Quequezana
Danitza Moscoso Cardenas
Alan Tisnado Vargas
Luis H. Diaz Rodriguez
Liliana T amayo Espinal
Jeimmi Uyen Neme

Metropolitan State College Denver:
Jason Niseiy
Mary Salazar
Beth Derick
San Francisco State University:
Sharon Murtagh
Jaymie Asmussen
Sandy Asmussen
In August of 1996, Patricia Martz from California State at Los Angeles conducted
the final, to date, field excavations at Pellejo which were a series of four units placed in
a terraced area of Sector D to provide additional data about that sector not yet excavated
and to confirm/deny data collected from other sectors of the site. I would like to thank
Dr. Martz and her students for their efforts.
I received tremendous input and support from a number of professionals in two
crucial areas: professional archaeology and the technical production of my report, to
whom I must express my appreciation. Dorothy Menzel graciously offered invaluable
advice and consultation regarding her initial work on Late Acari ceramics for which I
am grateful. Maximo Neira Avendano enlightened me concerning his prolific work on
the south coast of Peru, providing depth to my meager understanding. I would like to
Patricia Martz
Ana Noah,
Steven Schwartz
Carol Schulte
Rafaela Hem~ndez
Lisa Thomas
Carla Boecklin
Terri Liestman,
Marie Cottrell,
A1 ina Aparici o dela Ri va
Helen Cravioto
Audrey Schwartz,
Sandy Asmussen
Joan Spalding

acknowledge Herbert Angulo Valdivia, Vicki Barrett, Mike Keeley and Kalese Lambert
for their help and expertise with technical production which made this report possible.
Thanks also goes to Accurate Consultants for use of their computer drafting facilities.
Eternal special thanks go to my family and friends for their love, support, humor
and patience. Tara, Becky, Josh, Peter, Rosa, Pete and Peggy are always there for me,
without reservation. It would not have been possible for me to get this far without them
in my life. I love you all.

Figures............................................. xv
Tables............................................ xvi
1. INTRODUCTION................................ 1
Purpose of StudyResearch Question.... 1
Geographic Context of Study Area...... 2
Acari Valley..................... 2
Pellejo Chico Alto............... 7
Organization of the Thesis............ 9
BACKGROUND.................................. 10
Cultural Systems Theory Approach...... 10
Andean Culture Systems................ 11
Early Historical Roots of the Andean
Concepts of Ayllu, Verticality and Duality... 14
Continuing Historical Roots of the Andean
Concepts of Ayllu, Verticality and
Duality............................... 15
Late Historical Roots of the Andean
Concepts of Ayllu, Verticality and Duality... 16
Colonial and Contemporary Examples of
the Andean Concepts of Ayllu, Verticality
and Duality........................... 17
Previous Archaeological Research............ 18
South Coast........................... 18
Acari Valley.......................... 19

Pellejo Chico Alto.................. 20
3. CHRONOLOGY...................................... 23
South Coast Chronology.................... 23
Acarf Valley Chronology................... 24
Preceramic period 15,000 BC-2,100 BC... 26
Initial period 2,100 BC-1,400 BC.... 26
Early Horizon 1,400 BC-400 BC....... 27
Early Intermediate period 400 BC-AD 550. 27
Middle Horizon AD 550-AD 900........ 28
Late Intermediate period AD 900-AD 1,400. 29
Late Horizon AD 1,400-AD 1,534...... 29
Colonial AD 1,534 +................. 29
Pellejo Chico Alto.................. 30
4. FIELD INVESTIGATIONS............................ 31
Research Phase 1.......................... 31
Working Map......................... 33
Surface Ceramic Collection.......... 35
Architectural Analysis.............. 35
Research Phase II......................... 36
Topographic Map..................... 36
Excavation Sector B #5, 5a.......... 36
Midden Excavation................... 39
Excavation Sector C #8.............. 43
Radiocarbon Dating.................. 43
Sector A Looted Tomb.................43
Research Phase III........................ 48
Salvage of Looted Site Areas........ 48

Textile Analysis..................... 50
Analysis of Human Remains Sector D.. 52
Research Phase IV.......................... 52
Excavation Sector A #7............... 53
Excavation Sector A #15.............. 54
Excavation Stratigraphic Unit Sector B #2... 55
Excavation Stratigraphic Unit Sector B #4... 56
Excavation Sector B #5a.............. 57
Excavation Sector D.................. 60
Conclusion........................... 63
5. DISCUSSION....................................... 65
The Occupation at Pellejo Chico Alto....... 65
Chronology................................. 69
Radiocarbon Dating................... 69
Architectural Continuity............. 70
Influences in Textile Style and Manufacture.. 71
Design Influences in Ceramics.........71
Lack of Pre-Inca Influence........... 74
Resources............................ 75
Subsistence Activities............... 76
Social Organization........................ 78
Ceramic Analysis and Distribution... 78
Architecture......................... 80
Human Remains and Textiles........... 82
CONCLUSION..................................................... 85

B. CERAMIC ILLUSTRATIONS............... 91
C. KEYS TO DATA FORMS................. 106
D. DATA FORMS......................... Ill
DECORATED CERAMICS................. 166
REFERENCES CITED.............................. 169

1.1 South Coast Culture Area after Lumbreras....................3
1.2 South Coast Culture Area after Menzel.......................4
1.3 Site of Pellejo Chico Alto................................8
2.1 1994 Sketch Map of Pellejo Chico Alto (Kent)...............22
3.1 Chronological Sequence of the South Coast .................25
4.1 Working Map of Pellejo Chico Alto..........................32
4.2 Topographic Map Of Pellejo Chico Alto......................34
4.3 Typical Wall Construction Technique........................37
4.4 Plan View Excavation Sector B Enclosure 5/5A...............38
4.5 Plan View Midden Excavation between Sectors A and B........40
4.6 Plan View Excavation Sector C Enclosure 8, Showing
Fire-affected Rock Ring Below Floor Level...........44
4.7 Profile View of Excavation Sector C 8......................45
4.8 Radiocarbon Dates at Pellejo Chico Alto....................46
4.9 Plan View Excavation Sector B Enclosure 5/5A...............58
5.2 Modern Wall Construction Technique in Bella Union......... 72

3.1 Chronology of the South Coast Peru...........................23
3.2 Cultural Influences on the South Coast...................... 24
3.3 Acarf Valley Site Cultural Affiliations..................... 26
4.1 Shellfish Analysis Midden Remains Level One..................41
4.2 General Midden Remains Level One.............................42
4.3 Cranial Classification of Adult Human Remains
Looted Tomb Sector A..................................47
5.1 Occupation Levels per Sector at Pellejo Chico Alto.......... 65
5.2 Design Elements Represented in the Surface Ceramic
Collection at Pellejo Chico Alto......................73
5.3 Percentage of Sherds other than Late Acari in Ceramics
5.4 Ceramics Analyzed per Sector................................ 79
5.5 Average Square Meter Size of Enclosures per Sector.......... 81
5.6 Architectural Mirror Images................................. 82

Purpose of StudyResearch Question
The research area is defined as the south coast of Peru at its broadest, the Acarf
Valley in the south coast of Peru more locally and the site of Pellejo Chico Alto (PV
74-56) in the Acarf Valley most specifically. Field research was conceived during the
author's participation in a valley wide site settlement survey conducted May-July 1994.
The architecture evident at Pellejo Chico Alto, as well as the plentiful surface collection
of ceramics of the "Late Acarf" style provided ample data for an examination of the site.
A stylistic determination of "Late Acarf" ceramics was made by Dorothy Menzel in the
1950s (Menzel and Riddell 1986) and was controversial from the onset. Dr. Menzel
assigned a Late Horizon (post AD 1476) time frame to the style (Menzel personal
communication 1995). However, this late temporal assignment was never completely
accepted as evidenced by: 1) lack of citation of the style in the literature pertaining to the
Acarf Valley; 2) the majority of work conducted in the Acarf Valley in which the "Late
Acarf" ceramics were coupled with river cobble and pirca architectural construction and
assigned to the Late Intermediate period, pre-Inca (Riddell and Valdez C. 1995); and 3)
"Late Acarf" being negated altogether as a long standing local tradition arising early and
continuing through the Late Intermediate period (Presbitero 1989). Recent research has,
in fact, confirmed that the "Late Acarf" ceramic style and the local inhabitants with
which this complex is associated are temporally positioned in the Late Horizon, which
includes Inca (A.D. 1476) and pre-Inca (back to A.D. 1400) and Colonial periods on
the south coast of Peru (Fairchild 1996a, 1996b). This will be discussed in depth later
in this report.

Proceeding from the accepted stance that "Late Acari" ceramics and cobble and pirca
architecture (as seen at Pellejo Chico Alto) were pre-Inca in the Acari Valley, this
research asked the question: What form of social organization can be seen at Pellejo
Chico Alto and how does it compare to the traditionally accepted notions of Andean
social organization as described in the literature?
Geographic Context of Study Area
The Acari Valley is located in the south coast desert of Peru, west of the other
environmental zones: the Highlands and the Amazon. It is approximately 160
kilometers (seven hours by car) south of Lima. The valley is considered to be part of
the South Coast Culture Area described by Lumbreras (1974: 4) as encompassing the
area from Chincha to the north and Yauca to the south (Figure 1.1). Menzel (1976) also
characterizes this area as extending to Yauca (Figure 1.2). However, recent
publications e.g., (Schreiber 1992:44) extend the South Coast Culture Area from
Chincha to Chala, further south. As indicated in Figures 1.1 and 1.2, the Acari Valley
is situated between the Nazca Valley to the north and the Yauca Valley to the south.
Contemporarily and prehistorically this valley has been a peripheral one in various
terms: geography, politics and economics: of the Nazca culture in the Early Intermediate
Period 200 BC-AD 600 ( Neira A. 1990, Proulx 1968), of the Huari culture in
the Middle Horizon AD 600-AD1000 (Schreiber 1992), of the Ica-Chincha culture in
the Late Intermediate Period AD 1000-AD 1400 (Menzel 1976), of the Inca culture in
the Late Horizon AD 1400-AD 1532 (Rowe 1946), of the Spanish culture in Colonial
times, after 1532 (Cook 1983), and of the Lima economic core in contemporary times
(Fairchild 1996 c).
The south coast is a desert traversed by rivers (Lumbreras 1974: 4) and the Acari
Valley is a classic example. The Rio Acari begins in the highlands and bisects the valley
as it winds its way to the Pacific. Unlike many river valleys on the south coast, the Rio

Figure 1.1 South Coast Culture Area after Lumbreras (1974: 4)

Figure 1.2 South Coast Culture Area after Menzel (1976: 13)


Acarf flows year round. Its maximum water flow is between January and March, the
rainy season in the highlands, when it becomes a large, sometimes raging, river.
During the dry season in the highlands, the water flow slows gradually to a meandering
stream. The river, isolated springs and limited available ground water are the only
sources of water in the valley as it rarely rains. A combination of the cold Humboldt
Current and warm Pacific winds combine to cause coastal moisture to rise, skirt the
coastal valleys and deposit the moisture in the highlands. Rarely, during El Nino
events, the valley will receive rain in the form of harsh downpours. However, during
the field season of 1995 it actually rained, in the form of a light, misty rainfall that
lasted one night and the whole of the next day. This phenomenon occurs cyclically
about every five years (Juan Nemi Seyan, personal communication 1998) and caused a
great stir with locals in the valley as they were sure it would be harmful to newly
planted crops. Additional moisture is derived from la garua, a dew laden night fog
resulting from a cool air inversion that settles over the coast, which covers the valley at
various times of the year.
Vegetation in the valley falls in either of two classes: irrigated areas and desert areas.
Contemporarily, the ability to irrigate is the result of close proximity to the river or
access to an irrigation canal built in the 1950s. The canal supplies the town of Acari but
primarily provides water for the Pampa de Bella Union-a large area in the northwest
sector of the valley where most farming is done. This canal has the ability to supply
water to 5,000 hectares of farm land. In 1996 it was feeding water to approximately
4,000 hectares with plans afoot to expand this production volume (Juan Nemi Seyan,
personal communication 1995). In irrigated areas a variety of food items plus export
crops are grown. Cotton and olives are the primary export crops in the valley today,
while maize, beans, and a wide selection of other fruits and vegetables are produced for
local use and sale. In addition, most homes, particularly in rural areas of the valley,
have a kitchen garden for personal consumption. In those areas of the valley today not
accessible to irrigation, the natural vegetation is minimal, consisting of willow and

algarroba trees (where the water table is sufficiently high), reeds, and the low, scrub
vegetation known as lomas which draws its moisture from la garua.
Having lived in Acarf for the past four years interacting with the local community,
one notes that animal resources today in the valley consist primarily of cows, sheep,
horses, burros, poultry and cuy (guinea pig). Most large farmers maintain herds of
cattle while small farmers tend to keep sheep. Horse and burro are still viable modes of
transportation for many inhabitants of the area. Prehistorically, camelids were included
in the animal repertoire of the valley, with extensive evidence of llama and alpaca use
(Belan F. and Kent 1990; Fairchild 1996 a; Ritter 1994; Robinson 1994). Today,
herders from the highlands are occasionally encountered with their llama caravans
coming through the valley as they migrate to lower elevations for feeding during
periods of plentiful moisture which produce ample lomas growth (Fairchild, personal
experience, 1997).
As one would expect, close proximity to the ocean provides a plethora of marine
resources. Plankton is plentiful along the coast which in turn entices a large fish
population ranging in size from anchovy to sea bass. In addition, numerous species of
shellfish abound. Sea otters are common to the area as well as sea lions. A population
of shore birds rounds out this marine assemblage. In addition, the Rio Acarf produces
freshwater river shrimp that are consumed by locals whenever available. This resource
was extremely plentiful before recent pollution was introduced to the river by mining in
the area (Juan Nemi Seyan, personal communication 1995).
A 1993 census (Estadistica poblacional de la Provincia de Caraveli) indicates that
Acarf has an urban population of 3,593 and a rural population of 888 while Bella Union
is composed of 339 urbanites and 1283 rural dwellers. However, this valley population
of nearly 7,000 is in the process of swelling dramatically as a result of a large influx of
fortune seekers and workers to a newly flourishing gold mining community, Huanca,
about 46 kilometers inland from Acarf. Additionally, an earthquake in November of
1996 devastated the Acarf Valley, destroying major portions of both Acarf and Bella

Union. This natural disaster had two effects. First, it brought many people into the
valleyrelief workers at first, then aid organizations, government officials, construction
workers, material suppliers, engineers, etc. Secondly, it left poor folks with unlivable
or severely damaged homes, and no work as people could not afford to buy seed and
fertilizer to plant crops that year. The El Nino event that occurred during 1997 and 1998
exacerbated the problem, additionally damaging homes and ruining crops. The social
complex of the valley has changed considerably in a very short time. A dramatic shift in
one part of the social system inevitably has an effect on the other parts. On one hand, it
is good for shop keepers and restaurants and selected other service industry businesses.
However, it is bad for the majority of average people farmers, farm workers and their
families. A very stratified and unequal distribution of wealth is gradually creeping into
both Acari and Bella Union. One group is prospering while another group is suffering.
The valley is a very close knit community and strangers are impacting it in a negative
manner. One example is an increase in theft in the local communities. The social
grouping primarily responsible for this phenomenon appears to be young men who are
hard pressed to find gainful employment in the valley (Juan Nemi Seyan, personal
communication 1995).
Pelleio Chico Alto
The site of Pellejo Chico Alto is located on a terrace above the Rio Acari
approximately 16 kilometers inland from the mouth of the river. It is situated on the
west side of the river north of a place called Pellejo Chico and south of Monte Grande
(Figure 1.3). It sits at an elevation of 50-60 m.a.s.l. and is circumscribed by the Rfo
Acari on two sides. The site is approximately 250+ meters east/west by 200 meters
north/south. In the site proper, there is no vegetation, although olive groves, scrub
vegetation and agricultural zones occur below along the riverbed. Water access comes
from the Rfo Acari, in some places a very short 50 meter walking distance (Figure 4.3).
The natural topography is fairly flat with the exception of the eastern most section of the

Figure 1.3 Site of Pellejo Chico Alto
(Carta Nacional Yauca 1: 50,000 Sheet 19341 Zona 18)

site which is raised approximately 6-8 meters. It appears that in the northern most
sector of the site the topography was humanly altered to produce a series of terraces
which increase in elevation as they move south. Typically, year round the site is fog
encased in the early morning, but the fog bums off by about 10 am. Thereafter, it is
extremely dry, hot and sunny for the remainder of the day. The wind rises every day in
the early afternoon and blows from the west (ocean), at times, fiercely. Soil is hard
packed sand with small to medium size rock inclusions. The wind has a tremendous
impact on the soil configuration at the site through continual erosion and redeposition.
Organization of the Thesis
This thesis is organized as follows. Social organization in the Andean culture system
is defined and discussed, focusing on two of its component parts: community
organization and duality. The methodology used and data collected from Pellejo Chico
Alto is presented. This is followed by a discussion about the picture of social
organization that the data from Pellejo Chico Alto present. Social organization at Pellejo
Chico Alto is then compared social organization in the larger Andean culture system.
Finally, suggestions for further research are presented.

Cultural Systems Theory Approach
This thesis derives, at its broadest, from general theories of culture in
anthropology. Culture comprises a variety of components such as politics, economics,
ideology, social organization, geographic location, access to resources, etc. These
components exist in varying degrees at all levels of social evolution but have become
very formal by the time a society reaches state or empire levels of functioning. One
approach to the study of culture is a systems theory tact which arose during the era of
"The New Archaeology" as a processualist tool in analyzing culture change and
development (Flannery 1968; Renfrew 1972,1973, 1984). It proposes that culture (the
system) comprises many parts (sub-systems) each interacting with all the others to
some extent. In systems theory, the total system is geared towards equilibrium (Dark
1995: 172). Shifts in component institutions/sub-systems can disrupt this equilibrium
and therefore change the trajectory of the system. Systems theory provides a conceptual
framework for analyzing these shifts through explanations based on endogenous
change. Contributions of this approach are: 1) emphasis on the great complexity of
cultural processes and organization, and 2) controlled investigation in a holistic manner
(Redman 1973: 18). This approach has successfully been used in archaeology to
explain shifts in settlement patterns (Rathje 1972), activity patterns as they relate to
space and architecture (Rapoport 1990) and social organization (Earle 1994; Earle and
DAltroy, 1989). By using a systems theory approach it is possible to analyze a culture
in light of its component parts, isolating specific parts to note changes, comparisons

and contrasts to itself or other cultural systems. It is possible to reduce the totality and
complexity of a culture to composite parts whose evolution can be followed and
possibly explained. This is the approach taken in this project. It compares evidence
found at the site of Pellejo Chico Alto to various parts of the larger Andean culture
system-specifically related to focusing on social organization.
Andean Culture Systems
A number of scholars have addressed the issue of culture systems from an Andean
world view perspective. One synopsis of the evolution of the culture system in the
Andes is provided by Jonathan Haas:
No one would argue that the entire Andean region underwent
a uniform process of political evolution. Clearly, there were
significant differences from one valley to the next, from the north
highlands to the south highlands and between the coast and the
highlands. At the same time there were broad similarities in the
individual patterns of specific evolution found in different areas.
All of the first states in the Andes, from La Florida to Sechin
Alto to Chavin de Huantar, were marked by strong religious
overtones.With the subsequent rise of warfare between valleys
and between the coast and the highlands, and the intensification
of irrigation and exchange networks, the physical power of the
military and the economic power provided by resource control
began to supersede the ideological power of religion. The
expansion of coastal and highland states by imperialism
ultimately solidified (and reified) the central role of economic
and military power in the governmental organization of all
the Andean states (1987:35)
As this evolution progressed, transforming the focus of early Andean culture from
religious to political and economic institutions, hallmark characteristics of the resultant
Andean culture system began to emerge. Integral components of both economic and
political power in the Andes became institutions such as the ayllu, and concepts like
The ayllu is a kin collective of a number of related individuals and couples who
exchange labor and cooperation in land and herd management. Each ayllu has a
founding ancestor and contains many lineages divided into moieties. The well being of

the individual is tied to the ayllu, thus the size and prestige of the ayllu has an influence
on its members. Membership is through kinship which men trace through male lines
and women trace through female lines (Bastien 1978: 115). Ayllus commonly hold
rights to and control farm and pasture land as well as water management institutions,
e.g. canals, springs, lakes. In the sierra, land holdings are scattered vertically in
elevation to maximize the availability of resources from all areas (Bastien 1978:5).
Each ayllu has a geographic home territory, often a specific village, typically at
elevations of 3,500 m. The ayllu village is usually divided into two sectors: hanan and
hurin (Rowe 1946), a classic example of the concept of duality as evidenced in
architecture. Numerous frameworks within the ayllu, such as reciprocity, labor
obligations, food exchange, cargo systems, karakas (hereditary leaders), and ancestors,
all play a role in structuring the organization of the social fabric.
Duality as a cultural construct of Andean social organization is most frequently
associated with the Inca and their social/architectural division of hanan/hurin (Zuidema
1964, 1977, 1983, 1990a, 1990b). However, the concept of duality is thought to have
begun its evolution very early in Andean prehistory. As mentioned, very often it is
expressed architecturally. As Moseley contends, the paired mounds seen early in Rio
Seco, La Galgada and Kotosh (1992: 110), later in Huaca del Sol and Huaca de la Luna
(1992: 178), still later in paired clusters of Lupaqa dwellings (1992: 232) and villages
divided into two sections such as Jauja (1992: 245) architecturally reflect the construct
of dualism. Netherly and Dillehay (1986) concur adding the mirror image concept to
architectural dualism citing their studies in the Upper Zana Valley. However, other
scholars contend that although "...dual social organization, it is argued (citing Anders
1986), may be reflected in architectural features that form symmetric opposites across
the human landscape" (Moore 1995:168), dualism can exist without architectural
evidence in the archaeological record. Moore cites his analysis of dual social
organization in the Nepefia Valley as an example.

Analysis of Colonial Period documents from the Nepena
Valley demonstrate that local authority was organized
according to the senorio (dual organization) model, but
also suggests that access to corporate labor was hierarchically
organized among the cacique principal, segunda principal
and other lords. It has been hypothesized that such a
political organization, though based on principles of
dual organization, would be reflected in a settlement
hierarchy marked by discrete settlement classes indistinguishable
from those produced by administrative states. This
hypothesis is supported by settlement data from the Nepena
Valley (1995: 177).
However, while seeing architectural dualism in the archaeological record, Anders also
contends that dual social organization in Huari times had tendencies to decentralize
political structureprompting horizontal social relations rather than hierarchical (1992:
249). Thus, it would appear that duality of social organization can often be reflected in
the archaeological record, but is not necessarily a requirement.
Vertical complementarity, as used extensively by the ayllu system, is an adaptive
response to living in dry mountain regions where agriculture was limited. This strategy
allows for obtaining goods from outside of an area by holding rights to dispersed lands
in other ecological settings.
Maintaining direct control over such dispersed environmental
settings is called 'ecological complementarity' by the
ethnohistorian John Murra (1972, 1975), who first
described the adaptive practice. It is also known as
'verticality', because altitude differences produce resource
variation over the shortest distance, and because holdings
tend to be distributed along elevational or vertical axes
(Moseley 1992: 43).
Along with the ayllu, vertical complementarity stands out as a hallmark of political,
social and economic organization inherent in the Andean world view. Combined, the
idea of ayllu, verticality, reciprocity and duality as components of the Andean cultural
system allows the system to be examined and understood on multiple levels.

Early Historical Roots of the Andean Concepts of Avllu, Verticalitv and Duality
A detailed discussion and definition of terms of the prehistoric chronology of Peru is
contained in Chapter 3. Moseley notes" The institutions of statecraft that culminated in
Tahuantinsuyu, [the division of the Inca empire into four geographic quarters], were
ancient ones employed by earlier states, drawn from principles of ayllu and community
organization" (1992: 65). Speculation has the roots of the ayllu, vertical
complementarity and dualism in the Andean world view arising early in the
archaeological record. "It cannot be proven, but it is reasonable to presume that agrarian
corporations of the Initial period (2100 BC-1400 BC) were similar if not ancestral to
the ayllu-like organizations found by the Spanish on the coast" (Moseley 1992:127).
Certainly this form of social structure was evolving on the coast by the Early
Intermediate period (400 BC-AD 550)/ and the Middle Horizon (AD 550-AD 900).
Lumbreras sees the seedlings in the social stratification in the Nazca culture (1974:
126). It can be seen also in the Tiwanaku influence spread over the Andes, recently
evidenced in research conducted in the Osmore drainage far south coast Peru (Bawden
1993; Conrad 1993)."Tiwanaku reflects the evolution of complex economic and
political adaptations. Moquequa indicates that verticality was assuming imperial
importance" (Moseley 1992: 208). Agricultural colonists from Tiwanaku were
dispatched to the Moquequa Valley in Southern Peru, establishing colonies such as
Omo specifically to secure access to maize (Goldstein 1993: 25). Actually, the
Moquequa Valley was a valuable region during the Middle Horizon as both Tiwanaku
and Huari occupied the area at various times. It appears that Huari influence happened
first, and briefly, and was then taken over by Tiwanaku, possibly in quest of
exploitation of minerals in the area (Bruhns 1994: 249). Alan Kolata speaks of long
distance trade, massive llama caravans to and from this area during Tiwanaku times
(1993: 27).

Continuing Historical Roots of the Andean Concepts of Avllu. Verticalitv and Duality
In attempting to narrow our theoretical focus, it is crucial to examine how the
Andean culture system was structured in other coastal regions of Peru, specifically the
south coast from Chincha to Chala, the region encompassing Acarf. A theoretical
construct which has dominated archaeological research in Peru is Krocher's perception
of culture areas (1931,1939). As previously mentioned (Lumbreras 1974; Menzel
1976; Schreiber 1992), the entire Pacific coast is broken up into culture areas based on
geographic location, homogeneous cultural traits, shared ideology and material
remains. Lumbreras notes of the south coast culture area that it shares elements that
imply continuous inter-valley communication and in reality constitute a single culture
(1974: 195). The archaeological context of this research is the Acarf Valley, located in
this south coast culture area. Therefore, the next logical question becomes: "How was
the Andean culture system structured in this part of the south coast culture area between
the fall of the Huari empire in the Middle Horizon and the rise of the Inca empire in the
Late Horizon and into the Colonial period?
The Late Intermediate period (AD 900-AD 1476) is generally enigmatic but
particularly so on the south coast. Population, overall, increased during this period,
affecting settlement patterns, economics and politics (Bruhns 1994: 290). However,
little is known about the Late Intermediate anywhere, including the Acarf Valley. Does
this period evidence the same structure and use of social organization as seen during the
Middle and Late Horizons just on a smaller regional scale? Or does the entire social
complex on the south coast shift to a different pattern?
The prevailing theory of sociopolitical organization during the Late Intermediate
period on the south coast is that of small localized polities (Menzel 1964: 73) with the
lea polity to the north being the predominant political influence in the Acarf Valley
(Kowta 1987: 39; Menzel 1959: 128; Menzel 1976: 234). Dorothy Menzel's
conclusions about the Late Intermediate period in the south coast culture area sum the
body of literature on this subject. She sees the pre-Inca period in the Late Intermediate

as a series of independent nations scattered along the south coast. These nations
showed a stratified social structure with both an elite and commoner population. It
appears to her that the lea polity located in the north end of the culture area had
considerable prestige externally (in this south coast region) as seen in the distribution of
lea ceramics over the entire area. The ayllu structure and architectural duality existed in
the Ica-Chincha culture area prior to the time of the Inca occupation as discussed by
Rossel Castro (1977: 298). It is documented historically noting divisions such as Urin-
Ika/Anan-Ika; Urin-Pisco/Anan-Pisco; Urin-Chincha/Anan Chincha. The spatial
connotations of arribayabajo (upper/lower) are noted in reference to these
social/architectural divisions in lea culture (Rossel Castro 1977:301). One theory
surrounding this division has urin (lower) ayllus being the oldest, original ayllus
located in the lower, more fertile, most expansive valley areas. Anan (upper) ayllus
would have been the later arrivals in the valleyoccupying the higher, less fertile, less
extensive valley areas. A second theory holds that these ayllus were divisions
corresponding to tribute payment (Rossel Castro 1977: 302). This begs the question: If
the Ica-Chincha culture with its dual social organization was the predominant influence
in the Acarf Valley during the Late Intermediate period, would a similar dual social
organization be seen in sites in Acarf?
Late Historical Roots of the Andean Concepts of Avllu. Verticalitv and Duality
The ayllu, verticality, social and architectural duality are well documented in the Inca
empire during the Late Horizon by archaeologists (Lumbreras 1974; Murra 1962,1968;
Rowe 1946; Uhle 1924) as well as the Spanish chroniclers (Cobo 1983 [1655], 1990
[1655]; Guaman Poma de Ayala 1978 [1567-1615]). Lumbreras confirms the pre-Inca
existence of the hanan-hurin duality in the late kingdoms of the Altiplano such as the
Lupaqa (1974: 202) and comments on this same dynastic division in Cuzco (1974:
214). Rossel Castro (1977:303) notes that the Inca divided Chincha into Anan-
Chincha/Urin-Chincha during the Late Horizon. Lumbreras cites verticality as a

component part of the Andean system which could easily be the causal agent for
cultural continuity along the coast as well: "The cultural heterogeneity exhibited by the
coastal valleys from Arequipa southward into northern Chile is a reflection of this
system of verticality" (1974: 202).
Colonial and Contemporary Examples of the Andean Concepts of Avllu. Verticalitv and
Thus, these hallmark characteristics of dualism and ayllu span centuries in the
Andean culture system as it continues with great frequency in present times. "Today,
most traditional villages of Quechua and Aymara communities are divided into two
residential sections, an upper one and a lower one, corresponding to what was called
the hanan and hurin duality in ancient Cuzco" (Moseley 1992: 50). It is evident in such
areas as Colca Canyon where individual villages are architecturally as well as socially
structured to reflect the hanan and hurin divisions (Bolin 1993; Gelles 1993; Mitchell
and Guillet 1993). This continuity of ayllu social organization from prehistory through
contemporary times is reflected in villages such as Copacabana (Neira A. et. al. 1990:
198). "The indigenous people who inhabited the Andes and who conquered them in
entirety did not die out with the arrival of the Spaniards. They persist today, working
the land and maintaining the ayllu while patiently awaiting their redemption by an
Indian messiah, whom they call Inarri" (Lumbreras 1974: 235).
This thesis begins to address the concepts of ayllu, dualism and verticality at the site
of Pellejo Chico Alto. However, more research is necessary to clearly identify the
presence/absence of these component characteristics and to define their form. Dualism
is identified while ayllu and verticality are posited. The thesis becomes a basis from
which future research is directed.

Previous Archaeological Research
South Coast
There has been significant anthropological research, specifically archaeology, done
in the south coast region of Peru beginning in the late 1800s with the work of Max
Uhle on the Inca culture and his discovery of the Nazca culture. Uhle encountered the
Nazca culture first in the lea Valley and subsequently in the Nazca Valley itself (Uhle
1924). This research added the earliest segment, at the time, to the chronology of Peru:
Nazca, Tiwanaku, Inca, Colonial (Rowe 1954). During his investigations, Uhle made
extensive collections of material remains from the Nazca culture as well as local cultures
in the entire south coast region, including the Acarf Valley. This collection is housed at
the Hearst Museum of Anthropology located at the University of California, Berkeley,
and continues to be an important resource for research in the south coast area.
Work by Julio Tello, considered by some as the founder of modem Peruvian
archaeology (Bruhns 1994: 107), and Samuel Lothrop's discovery of the Paracas
culture in the 1920s expanded the chronology backward (Tello 1939). Eventually A.L.
Kroeber and his students, working with the Uhle collections, established the first
Nazca ceramic sequences and chronologies, and the field of south coast Peruvian
archaeology was began to flourish (Gayton and Kroeber 1927; Kroeber 1944, 1953,
1956; Kroeber and Strong 1924; Strong 1954). Strong added the Early and Late
Paracas phases to the south coast chronology and broke the Nazca sequence into four
chronological phases. In addition, he attached early lea to the coastal chronology
between Tiwanaku and Inca (Strong 1957).
Mid-century, work by Victor Von Hagen's Inca Road Project highlighted the
plethora of archaeological sites in this region (Von Hagen 1976). Simultaneously, John
Rowe began work on developing a master sequence for south coast as well as highland
chronology which has become the definitive reference (Rowe and Menzel 1967). Work
by Dawson and Proulx (in Proulx 1968) in the late 1950s and 1960s developed more

sophisticated subdivisions of the Paracas and Nazca sequences. Work by Frederic
Engel during this same time period produced significant data concerning the preceramic
periods on the south coast (Engel 1957,1973, 1976). Peruvian scholars such as
Maximo Neira A. also have conducted extensive work in the south coast area (Neira A.
et. al. 1990). Contemporarily, a large number of scholars conduct research in the South
Coast Cultural Area of Peru.
Acari Valley
Many of these early endeavors brought archaeologists into the Acari area to conduct
research. As mentioned previously, Uhle made a collection from this area in the late
1800s/early 1900s (Kroeber 1944). Ales Hrdlicka (1914) conducted research on human
remains in the area while Alfredo Carpio (1939) excavated burials and middens at a
number of selected sites in the Acari Valley.
In 1954 Dorothy Menzel and Francis Riddell, part of Von Hagen's Inca Highway
Expedition and the Fourth University of California Archaeological Expedition to Peru,
conducted research at a number of sites (Rowe 1956, 1963; Menzel and Riddell 1986).
They mapped sections of the large Acari Valley site of Tambo Viejo, made surface
collections of ceramics and excavated two middens there. In addition, along with John
Rowe, they conducted site surveys in the valley, identifying a number of previously
unknown sites. The Hacha site was visited between 1954 and 1962 by Lawrence
Dawson, John Rowe and others where lithic and ceramic collections were made
(Riddell 1986:5). A.H. Gayton worked on textile analysis from the Yauca Valley
(1961) and from the Hacha site in the Acari Valley (1967), while Lothrop and Mahler
conducted excavations in the Nazca cemetery at Chavina (Lothrop and Mahler 1957).
In the early 1980s, Francis Riddell returned to the valley to do further work which
has produced the only uniform body of research specific to the Acari Valley. In 1984,
he established the California Institute for Peruvian Studies (CIPS), an educational
foundation whose purpose is to further and support anthropological research in the

valley (Kowta 1987). Since that time a number of excavations and analyses have
occurred in the valley at sites like Tambo Viejo (Holdcraft et. al. 1989; Kent et. al.
1988; Kent and Kowta 1994; Menzel and Riddell 1986; Riddell 1985; Riddell and
Robinson 1986), Sahuacari (Wright 1989; Aparicio de la Riva 1996) and Hacha
(Robinson 1986,1991, 1994). Research has been conducted with a concentration on
ceramic (Britt 1991; Presbitero 1989) and textile analysis (Katterman and Riddell
1994). In addition a number of valley survey projects have been conducted in an effort
to identify and incorporate sites in the valley into a valley and region-wide perspective
(Belan and Kent 1990; Kent and Robinson 1995; Riddell 1986,1987, 1989; Riddell
and Valdez C. 1988; Valdez C. 1990). Research has been done on the rock art (Ritter
1994), ground figures (Kent 1987) and camelids in the area (Howell and Kent 1991).
Makoto Kowta has also produced an overview of the archaeology of the valley (Kowta
1987,1987a). A thesis is in progress on mortuary practices from the San Francisco
cemetery (Jaime Andrade Sonqo, personal communication 1995). An archaeological
site survey of the valley was conducted which will advance the integration of the valley
into the regional perspective (Kent, personal communication 1995) and the author is
surveying and excavating at Pellejo Chico Alto, which, hopefully will shed light on
local traditions in the Acarf Valley, specifically, and the Late Intermediate period/Late
Horizon/Colonial periods.
Pellejo Chico Alto
PV 74-56, Pellejo Chico Alto (PCA), was first registered by Riddell and Schaller in
July of 1986. Its letter and numerical designation follow Rowe's system of giving each
coastal valley and each site within the valley a number. For example, PV means
Peruvian Valley, 74 is the valley number for Acarf and 56 is the site number of Pellejo
Chico Alto within the Acarf Valley. In 1986, Pellejo Chico Alto was characterized as a
habitation site associated with a small cemetery. Ceramics and textiles were noted as
material cultural remains along with mollusks, maize, and other botanical and faunal

items. Architectural structures were observed. The cemetery had numerous looted
tombs. Cultural affiliations of lea and Late Acari were initially assigned, placing the site
in the Late Intermediate to Late Horizon time frames (Riddell and Valdez C. 1988:56).
In 1994, the site was revisited by the author as part of a valley site survey being
conducted. The purpose of the revisit was to determine the area of the site which had
not been accomplished in 1986. During the 1994 visit, the site was sketch mapped by
Jon Kent (Figure 2.1), and the description of the site was modified to include distinct
classes of architecture including retaining walls in the northeast sector, platforms,
enclosures with walls, plazas, tombs and viviendas (dwellings) with stone bases. The
site was revised as having possible administrative and/or ceremonial functions in
addition to domestic habitation.Surface ceramic assemblages appeared to be clearly Late
Acari, thus pre-Inca (Riddell and Valdez C. 1995). Therefore, the predominant surface
occupation had previously been thought to be Late Intermediate period to Late Horizon.
Based on ceramic and textile collection from the looted cemetery (which had been
increasingly destroyed), the cultural affiliation of the site was revised to include Huari
and possible Inca influence (Kent and Robinson 1995:30-31). These assignments
positioned the site possibly spanning Middle Horizon to Late Horizon epochs.

Figure 2.1 1994 Sketch Map of Pellejo Chico Alto (Kent)

South Coast Chronology
The definitive chronological sequence for the south coast, still predominantly used
by scholars, is that of John Rowe (Rowe 1967; see also Menzel 1977; Rowe and
Menzel 1967):
Table 3.1 Chronology of the South Coast Peru
Preceramic 15,000 BC - 2,100 BC
Initial period 2,100 BC - 1,400 BC
Early Horizon 1,400 BC - 400 BC
Early Intermediate period 400 BC - AD 550
Middle Horizon AD 550 - AD 900
Late Intermediate period AD 900 - AD 1,400
Late Horizon AD 1,400 - AD 1,534
Rowe perceived the chronology of the south coast to be divided into temporal
segments. Horizons were times of region-wide cultural influence from one area which
dominated the coastal domain. For example, the Chavin culture dominated the north
coast during the Early Horizon while Paracas dominated the south coast. The Huari
Empire was the prevailing coastal influence during the Middle Horizon (Schreiber
1992) while the Inca Empire dominated during the Late Horizon. Periods were epochs
when this regional influence was replaced by local cultural manifestations (Kowta
1987: 11). The Nazca culture dominated the south coast during the Early Intermediate
while the Ica-Chincha culture was the prevailing influence in the Late Intermediate

period. Thus, on the south coast, influence was as follows:
Table 3.2 Cultural Influences on
Initial period
Early Horizon
Early Intermediate period
Middle Horizon
Late Intermediate period
Late Horizon
the South Coast
Appearance of Pottery
Chavfn Influence (N. Highlands)
Paracas (South Coast)
Nazca Regional Influence
Huari-Tiwanaku Influence
(S. Highlands)
lea Regional Influence
Inca Influence (Central Highlands)
Acari Valiev Chronology
Lumbreras (1974: 16) applied this general chronological sequence to each valley of
the south coast (Figure 3.1). Obviously, the Acari Valley had serious gaps in the
sequence due to lack of research in the area. Since that time, research by the CIPS
organization has served to further define the chronology of the valley. Through 1995,
archaeological site surveys had identified and recorded 103 sites ranging from small
lithic scatters (PV 74-35 Platino) and single burials (PV 74-101 La Quebrada II) to
large sites dominated by architecture (PV 74-1 Tambo Viejo, PV 74-2 Sahuacari, PV
74-56 Pellejo Chico Alto). Many sites are multi-component, spanning various periods
and horizons. Therefore, multiple affiliations have been assigned to these sites. Of the
1CB sites in the valley, cultural period affiliations have been categorized (Jonathan
Kent, personal communication, 1995) as:

Figure 3.1 Chronological Sequence of the South Coast
(Lumbreras 1974: 16)

Table 3.3 Acari Valley Site Cultural Affiliations
Preceramic 1 (possible)
Initial period 2
Early Horizon 4
Early Intermediate period 16
Middle Horizon 29
Late Intermediate period 42
Late Horizon 23
Colonial 8
Unknown 22
Preceramic period 15.000 BC-2.100 BC
In Peru, the time from the beginning of occupation to the appearance of pottery is
known as the Preceramic period. It is characterized by the appearance of the first human
occupations in the form of hunter-gatherer groups. In the highlands, these early
cultures evolved in the direction of cultivation of simple crops, and the domestication of
plants and animals. On the coast, these preceramic cultures relied on the rich resources
in coastal and inland waterways and flourished as marine oriented societies (Lanning
1963; Lanning and Patterson 1967; Moseley 1975,1992). Very little is known about
this period in the development of civilization in Acari due to lack of research.
Initial period 2.100 BC-1.400 BC
During the Initial period, Peru saw the rise of increasingly complex society. Local
populations expanded, especially along the resource rich coast. Early cultural traditions
appear in the formative stages while agriculture and two technological inventions
became important: weaving and pottery. In the Acari Valley, to date, there are only two
possible Initial period sites. The site of Hacha has been classified as an Initial period

site, possibly the earliest documented in this sector of the coast. Early investigation of
the site by Dawson, Rowe and others resulted in its Initial period assignment. Research
conducted in 1959 by Vescelius, Menzel and Dawson confirmed this classification with
radiocarbon dating of the site to 1297 + 80 BC and 997 + 90 BC and launched a
discussion of the site as an example of the transition from preceramic life to agriculture
in this area (Neira A. et. al. 1990, Linares Malaga 1991). Recent work by Robinson
(1986,1991,1994) has reconfirmed late Initial period dates for the site (+ 1300 BC),
and he sees Hacha as a site spanning the Preceramic/Agricultural transition in the
Early Horizon 1.400 BC- 400 BC
The Early Horizon brought the rise of the more complex societies in PeruChavin
de Huantar in the Highlands and Paracas on the coast. Monumental architecture
developed along with advances in ceramic and textile technology. The Paracas culture
on the south coast developed a very elaborate and technically complicated textile
technology, which has become the hallmark of this civilization (Kroeber 1953; Paul
1990,1991). In the Acarf Valley very few sites have been recognized as Early Horizon.
However, Paracas ceramic and textile remains have been encountered at a few,
indicating some form of communication/trade/influence of the Paracas polity in the
valley (Fairchild, unpublished field notes 1994, 1995, 1996).
Early Intermediate period 400 BC- AD 550
As mentioned previously, Rowe's perception of the differences in influences
between Horizons and periods ( Horizons = times of strong regional influence/Periods
= times of local influence) is evident in the comparison of the Early Horizon to the
Early Intermediate period. The eventual decline of Chavin influence in the Highlands
and Paracas influence on the South Coast led to the emergence of regional cultures in
coastal and highland valleys. The Moche culture became influential on the North Coast

while the Nazca culture exerted its influence over the South Coast (Kroeber 1956;
Lothrop and Mahler 1957). The Acari Valley sees its first real proliferation of sites
during this period, 16 of which are categorized as manifesting this Nazca cultural
influence in the valley. The site of Tambo Viejo has been the most thoroughly
investigated (Kent et. al.1988; Kent and Kowta 1994; Kowta 1987a; Riddell and
Menzel 1986) and has a definitive Nazca occupation component.
Middle Horizon AD 550-AD 900
Two hallmark cultures flourished during the Middle Horizon, exerting strong
regional influence over wide areas. The Tiwanaku culture located to the south of Lake
Titicaca in the southern highlands was the source for elaborate and highly distinctive
styles of pottery, stone sculptures and textiles. This culture implemented an intricate
cultivation system that could have supported a vast population. The Tiwanaku exerted
direct influence on the extreme south coast in the forms of agricultural colonies, ayllu
communities and verticality (Aldenderfer 1993; Bawden 1993; Conrad 1993; Goldstein
1989, 1993; Moseley et. al. 1991).
The second powerful influence during this Horizon was the Huari culture centered
in Ayacucho, relatively close to Acari. Similarly to Tiwanaku, Huari influence can be
found in the more northerly part of the south coast culture area. Current research is
expanding the body of knowledge about Huari influence on the coast (Anders 1992;
Schreiber 1992) and should provide a fuller picture of these empire-like cultures during
the Middle Horizon.
In the Acari Valley, 29 sites have been assigned to the Middle Horizon with the vast
majority of these exhibiting Huari influence in ceramics and textiles. Similarly,
ceramics and textiles reflect Tiwanaku influence (Menzel and Riddell 1986: 102) but it
would appear that Huari was the predominant influence in this part of the south coast
culture area during this time frame.

Late Intermediate period AD 900-AD 1.400
As happened previously in Peruvian prehistory, the transition from Middle Horizon
to Late Intermediate period is characterized by the fall of the widespread cultures, in this
case those of Tiwanaku and Huari, and cultural fragmentation into local polities
dominating specific areas. Lambayeque dominated on the North Coast followed by
Chimu while the south coast culture area was dominated by Ica-Chincha (Menzel 1964,
1976). In the Acarf Valley, the largest number of sites (42) with similar chronologic
placement, are attributed to this period. One theory has it that the local ceramic style of
the Acari Valley ("Late Acari") was flourishing by this time, having gradually evolved
beginning as early as the Middle Horizon (Presbitero 1989). At any rate, the valley saw
again a proliferation of sites during this time of local influence.
Late Horizon AD 1.400-AD 1,534
The Late Horizon, a short span, is the Pre-Inca and Inca era. The Inca empire arose
to dominate not only Peru but the majority of western South America extending from
Ecuador to Argentina in the highlands, on the coast and spilling over into the selva, the
rainforest portion of Peru east of the Andes. Its influence in the Acari Valley was
apparent. After the Inca conquest of the south coast in AD 1476, the site of Tam bo
Viejo (previously occupied in Paracas, Nazca, Middle Horizon and Late Intermediate
periods) became an administrative center for the Inca (Menzel and Riddell 1986)
evidencing Inca architecture, ceramics and textiles. Inca textile caches were encountered
at other sites in the valley (Katterman and Riddell 1994) possibly relating to the Inca
requirement of taxation. The valley has 23 sites associated with this time frame, down
from 42 in the Late Intermediate.
Colonial AD 1.534 +
With the arrival of the Spanish, the Inca empire fell and conquest happened in
various waves over all of Peru. The Spanish conquest of the South Coast is well

documented ( Menzel 1976) as having taken place during 1533-1534. The Acari Valley
came under the influence of the Spanish who set up shop at the Inca administrative site
of Tambo Viejo (Menzel and Riddell 1986). Additionally, eight other sites have
Colonial affiliation per the valley survey.
Pelleio Chico Alto
As mentioned previously, there is controversy surrounding the dating of the Late
Acari ceramic style. Given that Pellejo Chico Alto is a site exemplifying this style,
understanding its occupation is pertinent to this controversy. As discussed, dating at
Pellejo ranges from Middle Horizon to Colonial depending on the researcher. Linares
Malaga (1991: 259) speculated on a late date for Pellejo (Late Horizon). The research
presented here has confirmed a Late Horizon/Colonial occupation period.
Much research has been conducted on the chronological sequences in various
regions of Peru for a very long time. Some areas of the south coast have received more
attention than others focusing on specific periods or horizons (Figure 3.1) It is also
obvious that the Acari Valley has large gaps in its chronological sequence which need
filling. As noted in this chapter, the Late Intermediate period, the Late Horizon and the
transition into Colonial times are time frames which need investigation to clarify the
archaeological record and chronology in the valley. The field investigation conducted at
Pellejo Chico Alto is a step toward this goal.

Two material culture classes that dominate our investigation of the site of Pellejo
Chico Alto, PV 74-56, are architectural and ceramic remains. Although the architecture
evidences great deterioration due to the passing of time, the elements (erosion from
wind and blowing sand predominantly), and contemporary use by local herders and
farmers, overall it still had sufficient integrity to allow a study based on the architectural
characteristics of the site. Similarly, the widespread surface ceramic collection,
predominately Late Acari in style as defmed by Menzel (Menzel and Riddell 1986) as
mentioned previously, provided specimens for an in depth ceramic analysis. Therefore,
the focus of the study was on these two categories of cultural remains. Similarly to the
work done in the far south coast of Peru by Aldenderfer and colleagues, looking at the
implications of domestic architecture for the social structure and specific hallmarks
within the Andean cultural system i.e. verticality, dualism (Aldenderfer 1993; Bawden
1993; Conrad 1993; Goldstein 1993; Stanish et. al. 1993), this research project used
architecture as one unit of analysis. A second unit of analysis was the ceramic remains,
which were analyzed in a fashion similar to that used by researchers such as Hill at
Broken K Pueblo in the American Southwest (1970) to examine intrasite variation. It
was thought that perhaps both categories could shed some light on the social structure
of the inhabitants of Pellejo Chico Alto.The research was divided into four phases
ultimately spanning three years of field work and one year of artifact analysis.
Research Phase I
The thrust of Phase I was threefold. First we produced an architectural plan map of
the site consisting of the surface architecture readily visible (Figure 4.1). Secondly, we

Figure 4.1 Working Map of Pellejo Chico Alto

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conducted a systematic surface collection of ceramics in a random stratified sample.
Finally, we analyzed both of these surface architecture and ceramic assemblages.
Working Map
Work began in February of 1995 with the Phase I field crew. Initially, the site was
assessed for the architectural layout and the topography of the area.The site was then
photographed from ground level at strategic points and also from Monte Grande, a
large ridge top site to the east side of the river overlooking the site which gave an
overall visual site perspective (Figure 1.3). The plan was to use a 20 x 20 m grid
system and map the architectural features as well as all other features encountered.
However, it quickly became apparent that this plan was ineffective due to disturbance in
areas of the site, resulting in maps with every feature so jumbled as to be useless.
Tactics were revised a number of times, until a mapping strategy that was effective was
encountered. Mapping began in the southeast comer of the site where there was a series
of very defined enclosures, Sector A #1 through #5, (Figure 4.1). Enclosures were
chosen as the unit of analysis and were defined as habitation rooms, storage rooms,
houses, plazas, and unknown bordered open spaces. The comer of each enclosure was
pin flagged, identifying its perimeters. The enclosures were then mapped including
only existing enclosures which could definitively be seen on the landscape. This
process continued throughout the entire site, triangulating from enclosure to enclosure
for map placement.
As work progressed, there seemed to be natural divisions to sections of the site.
Therefore, these divisions were kept intact by identifying them as distinct sectors.
Sector A was designated such based on the fact that all enclosures in that sector are in
an area on the east side of the site which is topographically raised above the remainder
of the site (Figure 4.2). Sectors B and C received their designation as a result of
placement on a lower level but were distinctly separated from each other by the area
called Open Space a/b/c (Figure 4.1). Sector D was designated a separate sector as it

Figure 4.2 Topographic Map of Pellejo Chico Alto
Map: M. Keeley, Accurate Consultants

appears to be somewhat self contained, is oriented east west along the north border of
the site, and, once again, is separated from Sector C by an open space area. Within
each sector, each enclosure was given a number for individual identification. For
example, enclosures would be called Sector A #12 or Sector C #8. Fifty one enclosures
in Sectors A through D were identified in the original architectural map of the site.
These fifty one enclosures were used as the units for the ceramic analysis conducted on
surface ceramics. Size ranges and average size per sector of rooms is discussed in
Chapter 5. In topographic mapping in Phase II, two additional enclosures were added.
Therefore, fifty three enclosures were finally delineated.
Surface Ceramic Collection
The initial ceramic sampling strategy was a stratified random sample based on each
enclosure. However, logic dictated that while each enclosure was pin flagged would be
the best time to make ceramic collections. Therefore, within each enclosure a total
surface ceramic collection including decorated as well as non-decorated sherds was
made. Each of these assemblages was considered its own entity, kept isolated and
assigned an individual lot number. Appendix E contains a breakdown of sherd density
per enclosure and sector. In addition, diagnostic only collections were made from each
sector in areas where no definitive enclosures could be identified as well as from the
surface of a large midden located on the slope between Sector A and Sectors B and C
(Figure 4.1). The intention was to randomly stratify the sample during analysis.
However, ceramic analysis was eventually conducted on the entire ceramic assemblage
in each enclosure. A preliminary analysis of surface ceramics from each enclosure
demonstrated an overwhelmingly large percentage of the Late Acari style as defined by
Dorothy Menzel (Menzel and Riddell 1986).
Architectural Analysis
After the working map was produced, an architectural analysis was conducted of

each enclosure, noting size, shape, area, features, construction technique: wall width,
length, height, condition, size of rock used, use of mortar, indication of pirca
construction and any other noteworthy items. The architectural analysis identified a
primary construction style found throughout the site. Walls were constructed of
rounded river cobbles with or without the use of mud mortar. A two cobble parallel
base (Figure 4.3) was laid with additional cobbles added for height. In some instances
there was evidence for use of quincha construction, hollow reed vertical side walls,
along one side of the cobble wall. Two major stylistic differences manifested
themselves primarily in wall width. There was a predominant modal width of 54 cm
throughout the site, with a lesser predominant mode at 42-44 cm. All enclosures were
rectangular or close to square, as opposed to rounded.
Research Phase II
Topographic Map
Phase II of the archaeological fieldwork consisted of more detailed mapping and
strategic excavations to clarify architectural styles as well as to further investigate the
site. A topographic map of the site was produced (Figure 4.2). The initial plan was to
excavate one enclosure in each sector. 1 x lm units were excavated in the southwest
comer of enclosure 2 and the southeast comer of enclosure 3 in Sector A. The
excavations confirmed the parallel cobble base wall construction technique, and also
confirmed the modal wall widths of 54 cm and 42-44 cm (Figure 4.3). Floor
construction technique was identified as packed mud easing into the walls.
Excavation Sector B #5,5a
Excavation was also carried out in Sector B along the west wall of enclosures #5,
5a (Figure 4.4). The south end of Enclosure #5 had a well defined raised platform area,
a phenomenon not observed elsewhere at the site. The decision was made to excavate
the area. Immediately, in the south west comer of #5, large, very thin, rectangular

Figure 4.3 Typical Wall Construction Technique
Plan View of Wall Adjoining Enclosures
2 and 3 of Sector A
44 cm
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44 cm

Figure 4.4 Plan View Excavation Sector B Enclosure 5/5A
Plan View of Enclosure 5 and 5A in Sector B
( )
9.2 m
o o
00 0C
t -y
42 cm
Adobe Brick
Offrenda Urn
-Section IT

8.4 m
Not to Scale
River Cobble
Adobe Brick
Mud Plaster

adobe bricks were discovered underlying the surface river cobble wall construction.
Further investigation revealed that this adobe foundation extended north/south a
considerable distance. It also indicated use of river cobble under the adobe layer. Thus,
there is architectural diversity at the site manifested in stylistic variations of adobe and
river cobble
Midden Excavation
In an effort to establish stratigraphy at the site, particularly geared toward achieving
a stratigraphic placement of the Late Acari ceramic style, a trench was excavated in the
large midden area between Sectors A and B/C (Figure 4.3). The trench was laid out
following the contour of the slope (Figure 4.5) as the midden descended the slope
between Sectors A and B/C. The eastern and western most 1 x lm units were
excavated. All contents were screened with 1/4 inch mesh and collected. Preliminary
analysis, necessary to guide further work, indicated a wide repertoire of food resources
including a variety of marine and terrestrial fauna and domesticated plants. Of interest
were 16 varieties of shellfish, both sandy and rocky substratum dwellers.

Figure 4.5 Flan View Midden Excavation between Sectors A and B
Main Midden Trench
I x 7.5 meters
Plan View: Main Midden Trench and all Extensions

Main Midden Trench
Section View of Wall, Posts and Main Midden Trench
* N
0 1 2

Table 4.1 Shellfish Analysis Midden Remains Level One
Species Valves MNI
Right Left Total
Choromylilis chorus n 2 4 2
Brachidontespurpuratus 14 ii 25 15
Mesodesma donacium 62 53 115 62
Mactrasp. 1 1 1
Marcia rufa 1 1 1
Fissurella sp. 1 1
Fissurellacrassa 1 1
Concholepas concholepas 6 2
Tegula atra 10 10
Acmaea sp. 1 1
Land Snails 5 5
AccuUhina crassilabra 2 2
Unidentified top shells 2 2
Erizo del mar 23 i
River Shrimp 14 3
Barnacle 1 1
Mesodesma donacium, a sandy substratum dweller, is one of the most common types
of shellfish found exploited in the valley. As noted above, the inhabitants of Pellejo
Chico Alto, located approximately 16 kilometers from the ocean, were utilizing this
resource plentifully. It appears that the exploitation of sandy substratum dwellers was
the primary strategy, however, rocky substratum dwellers such as Tegula, Concha and
Brachidontes are in evidence also. As occurs in contemporary times, the inhabitants at
Pellejo also were exploiting river resources freshwater shrimp. A variety of other
remains including vegetable fiber cordage, cotton wads, camelid fiber, feathers and
textile fragments were noted as present but were not counted.

Table 4.2 General Midden Remains Level One
# Fragments
Small mouse 1 right mandible
Camelid 1 molar
1 inominate
150+ feces
Fish 1 vertebrae
Large Rodent 1 incisors
Bird(?) 1 vertebrae
Large Mammal 1 flat bone
1 vertebrae
Unknown + flat bones
Zea maize 61 cob fragments
Beans misc pieces
Pacay Pods misc pieces
Fruit Parts misc pieces
Peanut Shells misc pieces
Palm Seeds possible
Various Leaves misc pieces
Potatoes misc pieces
Olluco misc pieces
Vegetal Fiber Cordage misc small pieces
Cotton Wads misc clumps
Cotton Fibers and Cordage misc small pieces
Wool misc clumps
Feathers misc undetermined species
Textile Fragments misc small pieces
excavation of the western most 1 x lm midden unit, at approximately 20
cm depth, another large adobe wall was encountered that seemed to be a terrace facing
wall. This wall ran north/south under the slope between Sectors A and B/C and went
on for at least 25 meters (Figure 4.5). Its comer has yet to be located. In situ posts
were discovered at the north and south ends and slightly west of the wall. Both posts
were in strong association with Late Acari ceramic assemblages. Slumping mud from
the wall abutted against the southern post and underneath this slump were a number of
Late Acari decorated sherds. This south post was submitted for radiocarbon dating.

Excavation Sector C #8
The main cemetery at the site is located west and south of Sectors C and D (Figure
43). It is extremely looted with human and material remains scattered beyond belief.
The human remains from this cemetery evidence very little if any cranial deformation,
however possible trepanation has been noted. Grave goods from this cemetery span the
Middle Horizon through Colonial times. The cemetery is bordered by architecture in
areas C & D. Therefore, an enclosure, Sector C #8, was chosen for excavation.
Excavation immediately located the mud floor of the enclosure, which had been
broken through in the northeast comer. Potter) sherds were discovered beneath the
floor warranting further investigation to ascertain if the sherds were intrusions or were,
in fact, associated with an additional occupation level. Therefore, the floor was cleared
to the west exposing an area that was undisturbed. Once this section of floor was
exposed, it was broken through, and a large number of fire affected rocks in a definite
circular pattern were exposed below (Figures 4.6,4.7). Associated with the fire
affected rocks was a significant charcoal deposit which was sampled for radiocarbon
dating (Figure 4.8). Ceramics from this sub floor area were not decorated with the
exception of one sherd which could possibly have been from the Middle Horizon.
However, the presence of a second, lower occupation level is possible in this Sector.
Radiocarbon Dating
As mentioned previously, samples were submitted for radiocarbon dating from the
south post in the midden area, a strong Late Acari association, and from this sub floor
area in Sector C #8. The post sample produced an uncalibrated date of AD 1630 while
the sub floor sample uncalibrated date was AD 1550. Calibrated ranges for both
samples overlap and appear to be contemporary. They are clearly Colonial (Figure 4.8).
Sector A Looted Tomb
Additionally, while research was being conducted at the site but investigators were

PV 74-56 Sector C Area West of Enclosure 8
Below Floor Level
|.() 0 rn
.0 m
2.0 m
3.0 m
Missing Rock
---------- lixisling Floor Fine
" Fine ol Hxcavation
($ Sample Column Area
id (I in
Figure 4.6 Plan View Excavation Sector C Enclosure 8,
Showing Fire-affected Rock Ring Below Floor Level

PV 74-56 Sector C Enclosure 8 Profile of West Wall
0.0 m 0.5 m
1.0 m
1.5 m

2.0 m
2.5 m
3.0 m
Sand/Largc Rock Fall
Mortar l^aycr
Small Stones/Organics
Chala Layer
Fire Affected Rocks
Organic Material
Figure 4.7
Profile View of Excavation Sector C 8

Figure 4.8 Radiocarbon Dates at Pellejo Chico Alto
(Variables: C13/C12= -24.2:lab. mult=l) (Variables: C13/C12 -24.1 :lab. mult ~ 1)
Laboratory Number: Beta-87350 Laboratory Number: Beta-87351
Conventional radiocarbon age: 320 +/- 50 BP Conventional radiocarbon age: 400 +/- 50 BP
Calibrated results: (2 sigma, 95% probability) cal AD 1485 to 1675 and cal AD 1770 to 1800 Calibrated results: (2 sigma, 95% probability) cal AD 1440 to 1655
Intercept data: Intercept data:
Intercept of radiocarbon age with calibration curve: cal AD 1650 Intercepts of radiocarbon age with calibration curve: cal AD 1505 and cal AD 1595 and cal AD 1620
1 sigma calibrated results: (68% probability) cal AD 1525 to 1560 and cal AD 1630 to 1665 1 sigma calibrated results: (68% probability) cal AD 1460 to 1640

away on a 10 day vacation hiatus, a tomb was looted in Sector A. This tomb was the
only one encountered in this Sector of the site even after thorough exploration for
additional ones subsequent to the looting. The tomb was very large, approximately two
meters in diameter and well prepared with rounded rock used with mud mortar to form
round interior walls. A large rectangular capstone was recovered, possibly indicating an
access to the entry of the tomb. The tomb contained eight adults as well as an
undetermined number of children, infants and neonates. Drs. Sheila and Richard
Brooks, University of Nevada Las Vegas, conducted an analysis of the adult remains in
this assemblage (personal communication 1996).
Table 4.3 Cranial Classification of Adult Human Remains
Looted Tomb Sector A
Specimen Sex Age
S-A Male 40+/-
S-B Female Adult-midtoold
S-C Male 30 +/- 5 years
S-D Male 40 +
S-E Male 40 +/- 5 years
S-F Male 25-35 +/-
S-G Male Adult
S-F Male 45+/-
The assemblage evidenced a number of anomalies. Extreme fronto-occipital
flattening of the cranium was common to all individuals. Interestingly, other human
remains from the main cemetery did not evidence this type of deformation. A genetic
anomaly (hole) in the sternum was common in the tomb sample. Lipping on the lower
vertebrae, pitting over the eyes, and dental carries all spoke to physical problems. All
adult bones were short with very thick musculature. Further excavation in the floor of
the tomb revealed an infant fardo (mummy bundle) in situ, which the looters had
missed. The childs body was textile wrapped, although the head was not. Copper

shoulder plates and a half moon copper pendant were placed on the body at interment.
Grave goods retrieved from the tomb and surrounding throw area (area of discard for
soil, rocks, human and cultural remains dug out of tomb) were: textiles, beads, gourds,
pieces of copper, shell, wood, small animal bones such as cuy; mouse; camelid bones;
maize; unidentified seeds; and brown llama wool. Other grave goods retrieved were
somewhat unique with respect to the materials recovered from the site to date. Copper
pins along with a very ornamental copper porra (mace head) were found. Additionally,
a unique necklace of textile strips and olive shell was encountered, initially all balled up
but beautiful when cleaned. Surprisingly, no ceramics were found in this tomb which is
rare as looters most often break intact ceramics in the looting process and fragments are
left behind. In this dry desert environment, buried human remains are well preserved
and often are found with skin, hair and fingernails intact. When a tomb has been
recently looted, the human remains are normally encountered in this state. However,
the bones recovered from this tomb were fleshless and bleached. This was unusual as
the tomb had so recently been looted. Perhaps this may indicate a secondary burial.
Research Phase III
Salvage of Looted Site Areas
Phase III of research at Pellejo Chico Alto, conducted in the spring of 1996,
consisted of salvage operations of tombs which had been looted during the six month
absence of investigations from August, 1995 to February 1996. A synopsis of the
material remaining after looting is as follows:
Sector A
North of Enclosure #16
Looter hole uncovering a possible camelid burial. Associated
were Late Acari ceramics, camelid bones and wool, reed,
organics and cordage.

Sector B
Enclosure #1
Looter's pit was observed, however no burial was located.
An in situ post was exposed but not sampled.
Enclosure #3-5
Large looted area spanning three rooms was located
in east part of Sector. Hugh quantities of maize, achira
and olluco indicate a possible storage area but no prepared
areas for storage were observed. Additionally other
organics, llama feces, ceramics and reed were encountered.
Carbon was encountered in cleaning the area at 40 cm depth.
Enclosure #4
Various looter's holes were observed. Artifactual remains
included: many textile pieces, undecorated ceramics, maize,
burned debris at 40 cm. A second hole contained shell,
textiles, organics, reed, a partial human cranium with fronto-
occipital deformation, one human clavicle, Late Acari ceramics,
and dark brown very coarse ceramics.
A very deep prepared tomb was looted in this enclosure also.
It had multi levels and was further excavated to a depth of
244 cm. A huge quantity of human bones were recovered-
practically all small bonesfingers, toes, etc. as well as
a multitude of textile fragments, shell, organics, such
as huarango spine, small animal bones, possibly cuy.
A partial quipu (cord counting device) string was recovered at 167 cm
depth in what appeared to be a second stratigraphic level below the
surface level which included a number of Late Acari ceramics.
Enclosure #6
Two looter's holes were encountered in this enclosure-one
possibly a tomb but unprepared. Remains found were
a human femur and ribs, reed, organics, charcoal, shell,
gourds, ceramics, and maize.
Outside of this enclosure another looter's hole revealed
additional human remainscranium pieces, a possible
camisa (shirt) fragment, shell, and gourd.

Sector C
Enclosure #8
A looters hole revealed a possible midden area.
Sector D
Enclosure #4
A looter's hole revealed a possible hearth area with numerous
pieces of charcoal. A sample was not taken as the integrity
of the loci could not be guaranteed.
Enclosure #7
A looter's hole revealed a large tomb containing human
remains which were collected. The tomb seemed to have been
carved out of an adobe like clay level below the floor
area of the enclosure which is prevalent at the site. Late
Acari ceramics were associated as well as a textile
body wrap in a simple beige and brown stripe pattern.
Although the integrity of all this material could not be guaranteed, the majority of
remains were collected and/or sampled. The proposed camelid burial north of enclosure
#16 in Sector A was analyzed by Dr. Jonathan Kent, Metropolitan State College
Denver, whose specialty is the faunal analysis of camelids. Kent concluded the burial
was, in fact, a llama and possibly could have been a burial or a sacrifice. The specimen
was 1-1/2 to 2 years old at the time of death and because it was likely bom between
January and March, its age implied a possible August to November death event. Late
Acari ceramics with the hallmark wavy line motif were associated with the burial (Kent,
personal communication, 1996).
Textile Analysis
Grace Katterman, a textile specialist and member of the California Institute for
Peruvian Studies, had the opportunity to analyze the textiles collected in this salvage
operation. Her analysis determined that the intact or mostly intact textiles in the

collection consisted of 2 breech cloths, 2 coca bags, a colcha/manta (carrying cloth) and
a tunic with a decorated band.The remainder were in fragments. Katterman made the
following observations concerning the textiles:
1. Many sections were of dark blue cotton plain weave, woven
in a loose style we call gauze or a loose plain weave.
Without exception, all pieces of this loosely woven
material were highly carbonized and fragile, most
likely from close association with the body. In other
words, the bodies were most likely wrapped in the
loose cotton plain weave, dyed dark blue, in prep-
aration for burial.
2. Eight or so fragments of tan cotton unkus
[uniform-like over shirts] trimmed with a bright red-orange
yam were in evidence. At least three unkus were represented,
two were light tan, and the third, somewhat darker.
The trend suggests that perhaps a style or even a uniform
of sorts was purposely adopted by certain males....
The underarm seam is most interesting. In contrast to
usual Andean seaming of several thousand years wherein
panels are placed side by side for stitching, the selvage
edges of the underarm seams of the tunics are overlapped
half a cm. This unusual variation suggests seaming influence by
Spanish garments where the edges of the cloth are over-
lapped in a flat-fell stitch.
3. Another textile worthy of note is a cotton colcha or manta
formed of two panels stitched up the center. The design
of each panel is quartered into 2 brown and 2 white
rectangles juxtaposed with one another through the use
of discontinuous warps and wefts at the color change.
The quartered design and utilization of discontinuous yams
to make a color change are characteristic Inca arrangement.
4. The coca bags were of the small multi-color striped
5. Crop sacks, textile bags used in the collection and
transportation of agricultural products, were not well
represented at Pellejo Chico Alto, suggesting that farming
may not have been a primary economic pursuit there. The lone
example in the collection was that of a used cotton blanket
reformed into a large carrying sack. In other areas of the
Acari Valley, large crop sacks are abundant and generally
woven of camelid wool woven in bold warp faced stripes.

6. While the pattern on the tunic band is not in t'oqapu pattern
(characteristic Inca pattern), the low placement of the band
below the waist is characteristic of Inca tunic layout
(personal communication 1997).
Katterman's comment with reference to farming at Pellejo Chico Alto has to be
qualified. The sample of textiles analyzed is not representative and there is contradictory
evidence that suggests possible agricultural pursuits were being carried on during
occupation of the site.
Analysis of Human Remains Sector D
The human remains recovered from the single looted tomb in Sector D #7
were analyzed by Drs. Sheila and Richard Brooks, also. The body proved to be a
single burial. The remains were those of an adult woman 40 + 5 years. A sufficient
majority of bones were collected to do an approximation of stature at 4' 7.4". No
cranial deformation was present in the specimen. No other human remains were
recovered in this assemblage (personal communication 1996).
Research Phase IV
The data collected from Phases I-III of the project gave a conflicting picture of single
versus multiple occupation levels at the site so the focus of Phase IV research was to
place a series of test pits in each Sector trying to determine definitively occupation
levels. A secondary focus of this research phase was to assess room function if
possible in selected areas. Thus the research plan focused on these two objectives
(stratigraphy and function). Work was conducted during early summer of 1996.
In Sector A it was decided that two enclosures A #7 and A #15 would be selected.
Each would be shovel cleared to within 2-3 cm of the floor and trowel excavated
thereafter to floor level noting all in situ items. It was hoped this technique would shed
light on enclosure function. Upon completion of this phase, the floor would be broken
through and the below floor level would be excavated to ascertain additional occupation

levels. In Sector B, enclosure B #5 was selected for the same procedure. Additionally,
two stratigraphic units were excavated. One was in enclosure B #4 close to the deep
looted tomb encountered in Phase III research using the stratigraphy visible in the tomb
as a reference. Enclosure B #2 was chosen for placement of an additional stratigraphic
unit.The Phase III excavation unit in Sector C enclosure C #8 was to be reopened and
expanded, exposing the entire enclosure and investigating the possible lower
occupation level. A north/south linear trench one meter wide was placed in Sector D
cross cutting enclosures #8 and #9. It was hoped this trench could establish the
sequence of construction of the terraced levels in this sector. Either the east or west wall
would be profiled and all diagnostic and datable material collected for analysis.
Excavation Sector A #7
Two 1 x lm units were excavated in the northwest and southwest comers in
enclosure A #7. The fill was shovel excavated to 4-5 cm above floor level and was
screened with 1/4 inch mesh. The remaining 4-5 cm to floor level were trowel
excavated and all cultural remains plotted in situ. In the southwest comer, the wall was
defined and delineated. The comer was piled high with rock debris obviously from the
wall which had collapsed into the comer. The surface rock was removed below which a
huge amount of reed debris was encountered in the comer. The debris was carefully
examined to determine if it was the result of roof fall or an interior cane wall. It was
determined that the accumulation was the result of a cane wall that had been constructed
along the exterior rock base wall in the comer. The organic debris confirmed the
construction technique of using a parallel rock base wall, extending it vertically to roof
level with cane tubing (quincha) and applying a mud/plaster facade. This use of quincha
in the waddle and daub construction technique is still used extensively in the valley.
However, an anomaly in the construction technique to date at Pellejo Chico Alto
presented itself here. The interior comer was rounded as opposed to squared as had
been encountered in every other enclosure examined. Artifacts encountered in this

comer included a ceramic with repair hole, shell fragments, two bone fragments, multi-
colored striped textile fragments and a plethora of maize cobs. An olla with extensive
carbon build up, as well as fire affected rock suggested a possible hearth area in this
Excavation of the northwest comer produced a ceramic fragment from an incensario
base and what possibly might be a concha incensario with small pieces of carbon in the
interior. In addition, camelid bones, an intact cotton bole, frijoles and many rocks were
excavated. The construction technique of the comer was not able to be determined as
the comer was badly deteriorated from a great quantity of rock debris fallen from the
After both comers had been excavated to floor level, the floor was broken through
and the excavation continued to determine additional cultural levels. None were
encountered. Compared to other sectors of the site on lower levels, this enclosure and
all enclosures in Sector A were found to contain very little in the way of cultural
remains. Augusto Belan F. suggested the lack of extensive domestic debris could be
due to the fact that this was a defensive area on the upper levelproviding protection
from the river in the highest points of the site (personal communication 1996).
However, an administrative or religious interpretation could also be drawn.
Excavation Sector A #15
Enclosure A #15 was cleared to 2-3 cm above floor level beginning in the northeast
comer in 1 x lm grids. Contents were screened and analyzed and rough sorted
(sampled for presence/absence). The floor was encountered at 14 cm below surface
level. At 3 cm above the floor, trowel excavation began to floor level. Although not
sterile, very little cultural material was encountered in this unit. Two ceramic sherds, a
body and base, rocks and miscellaneous organic material were the only items noted.
Three more 1 x lm units were excavated in the same manner proceeding west from the
original unit. Unit 2 yielded much the same with the inclusion of a textile fragment and

clusters of dried organicsleaves, reed, etc. After all four units were cleared to floor
level and the floor integrity was established, the floor was broken through and
excavation below the floor in arbitrary 10 cm levels began. No cultural material was
encountered and at a depth of 22 cm a sterile caliche level began. Excavation continued
through the caliche level for another 40 cm at which point it was decided that only the
surface occupation level existed in this enclosure. Speculation on the part of the
excavation team as to why this enclosure was virtually empty ranged from cultural
factors-abandonment of the room, non-use of the roomto natural factors such as rain,
sand erosion, and wind action as the enclosure is situated in one of the highest parts of
the site without any natural protection.
Excavation Stratigraphic Unit Sector B #2
A 1 x 1m stratigraphic unit was placed in the northwest comer of Sector B #2.
Excavation was carried out in 10 cm arbitrary levels. All materials were screened,
counted and analyzed to provide a comparative collection of materials encountered at the
site. Excavation levels 1-4 (surface to 40 cm) were in a hard packed sand material.
Materials encountered were: Choromytilis chorus, reed, misc shell fragments, rodent
skull (mouse), charcoal, hair (unknown), textile threads, burned and unbumed maize
cobs and small undecorated ceramic fragments. At approximately 40 cm, a first caliche
level was encountered. It became very difficult to continue excavation in a 1 x lm unit,
so excavation was shifted to the natural geologic stratum levels noted and profiled in the
looted tomb in Sector B #4. The caliche level ended at 50 cm with a small gap of
approximately 6 cm before a second caliche level began at 57 cm. Twenty cm below
this caliche level a charcoal deposit was encountered. In the same level a spindle whorl,
possible granite lithic piece, olla rim sherd, a Late Acari decorated sherd associated with
glass, shell, pacay seed pods, considerable organic material, textile and undecorated
ceramic fragments, unidentified small animal bones, cuy bones and mummy bundle
batting were recovered.

At 69 cm, the soil began to change colors and the sample produced mainly organic
remains mixed with sand.The caliche layer in this area varied from 10 to 18 cm deep.
Excavation continued and at 106 cm, four decorated ceramic fragments and various
undecorated fragments were encountered. The decorated fragments were very thick
Late Acari with Ica/Inca influence. At 111 cm the soil color began to change again and a
large quantity of organics were found mixed with sand. It appeared that these were
deposits which had eroded from levels above in the depressions of the caliche layer. At
150 cm the cultural elements became scarce. The unit was terminated at 165 cm when
the soil became sterile having come to the conclusion that only one occupation level was
Excavation Stratigraphic Unit Sector B #4
At this point, we held various theories about occupations in caliche areas. One
theory held that encountering the caliche level was similar to encountering bedrock~the
end of occupation levels. A second theory held that caliche was a fast forming geologic
layer and did not necessarily imply a bedrock formation. Cultural levels could be above
and below a specific caliche level. A third theory proposed that the natural pockets and
indentations in caliche levels deliberately or inadvertently became midden areasthus
explaining the large quantities of cultural materials often encountered in these areas. A
second stratigraphic unit was placed in Sector B with the intent of determining
occupation levels in this area. Enclosure #4 was chosen because the large looted tomb
investigated in Research Phase III was located in the northwest comer of this Sector.
The tomb, as previously discussed, had a depth with cultural remains of 244 cm below
the caliche levels in the area. If Sector B did have multi-occupation levelsas possibly
implied by the various caliche levels containing cultural remains in the looted tomb area,
a second stratigraphic unit should reveal similar cultural levels.
A 2 x 2m unit was excavated in natural stratigraphic levels. All materials were
screened. The surface level consisted of a sandy, loose top soil layer containing

primarily small shell debris. Below the surface level a layer of river cobbles 20 cm deep
was encountered with a 10 cm layer of less sandy organic material below this. The first
major caliche level was encountered at approximately 30 cm depth and extended to 60
cm depth. Very little cultural material was encountered in either of these two levels.
Small wood scraps, an occasional partial seed and shell fragments were the only
remains evident. Below the caliche level a 30 cm deep level of light sand mixed with
decayed organic residue followed. A 25 cm deep layer of sand mixed with heavy
decayed organic debris lead to a 30 cm deep sterile sand layer below which was a sterile
hard packed clay layer. The unit was abandoned at 162 cm.
This unit clearly indicated that there was only the surface occupation level in this
area. Very little cultural remains were encountered and only in the uppermost levels.
However, some conclusions were able to be drawn about caliche as a geologic
component of this site. Caliche is a very hard almost crystalline rock formation which
is very irregular. Its thickness varies dramatically from one area to another. The entire
formation is pocketed with gaps and indentations. It forms in some areas and not in
others. The caliche formations at Pellejo Chico Alto are scattered sporadically around
the site and are not consistent in any way. A more in depth discussion of caliche will
Excavation Sector B #5a
This enclosure was chosen to investigate room function if possible. First, the floor
was located in the comers of the enclosure. This process revealed a second raised
platform area (Platform II) in the southeast comer of the enclosure, which was elevated
higher than Platform I (Figure 4.9). This area was created by the use of clay which is
ubiquitous to various areas of the site. It appears that the clay was cut into rectangular
blocks and stacked in layers to form a wall running north/south through the enclosure.
Once floor level had been determined, the entire room was shovel cleaned to within 4-5
cm above floor level with all material being screened and sampled. The last 4-5 cm

Pluilorni I
8.4 in
Not to Scale
OCTO ooo Rounded River Cobble Wall OXO O Olla X 2 Bowls
Missing Wall Parts VacanlTomb
O Adobe Wall
Figure 4.9 Plan View Excavation Sector B Enclosure 5/5A

were trowel excavated, noting everything in situ on the floor. The screened materials
produced a wide variety of domestic residue. Various types of shell fragments,
charcoal, ceramic fragments, textile fragments, wood, maize, beans, pacay, organic
debris, cane, unidentified botanies and bone fragments were all part of this assemblage.
The largest concentration of food and ceramic debris was encountered in the southwest
comer where a hearth area was also located. Charcoal from this area was sampled for
radiocarbon dating but to date has not been processed. The screened material also
produced an assemblage of textile production implements. Spindle whorls, small yam
balls in a variety of colors, and a small paint brush were all encountered in the fill in the
center of the enclosure. Along the south wall, in the rock fall debris, possible pack rat
middens yielded a plethora of domestic remains. Large pockets of cotton and wool
wadding with small animal bones inside were found with accompanying things like
textile fragments, pieces of gourds, charcoal, maize and burned maize, pacay,
crustacion fragments, shell and mollusk fragments, reed, fire affected rock, yam balls,
a variety of seed remains and tubers, possibly achira.
During trowel excavation of the floor area, parts to a weaving loom were
encountered midway along the south wall. Two shuttles, along with the top and bottom
frame parts were lying on the floor in the same area where the screened material
produced spindle whorls, yam balls and the small paint brush. Once the floor area was
cleaned, all items being noted in situ, the excavation team prepared to draw and
photograph the enclosure. Sweeping the floor with a broom in preparation for photos, a
small ceramic fragment was noted in the southwest comer. Careful excavation of this
area produced two perfectly intact bowls in the Late Acari style (Appendix B, Pages
104, 105) which were stacked one inside of the other and placed into a small niche in
the river cobble part of the wall. Neither bowl contained materials other than sand and
neither were fire clouded which might have resulted from having been used for
cooking. Additionally, an undecorated olla was found in situ next to the bowls, similar
in shape to Appendix B, Page 92, Figure d. The olla also was filled with sand but

examination of the contents did not produce cultural remains. The olla was very fire
affected with carbon buildups on both the interior as well as the exterior. The previous
year a very similar olla was excavated in this same area of the enclosure. It would
appear that both ollas were placed one on either side of the two bowls and the entire
assemblage was stored in this small niche built into the wall just at floor level.
After the enclosure was drawn and photographed, a 1 x lm excavation unit broke
through the floor in the southwestern most comer. Cultural debris was encountered in
the unit for approximately 20 cm after which the unit became progressively more
sterile. The unit was abandoned at 94 cm depth. A lower occupation level was not
Excavation Sector D
Excavation in Sector D was carried out in a field school led by Dr. Patricia Martz
(1997). All information presented in this section is from Dr. Martz's report. Questions
should be directed to her. The primary goals of this excavation were to recover data that
can be used to determine the nature and time frame of the cultural deposit in this sector
and the relationship of this occupation to the other sectors of the site. Excavation
methods used are detailed by Dr. Martz in her unpublished field notes on file with
CIPS. Four 1 x 1 m units were excavated along a baseline extending north/south
through the center of the terraced areas in Sector D (Figure 43). Unit 1 was placed in
the southernmost and highest terrace. Unit 2 was placed within the walls of an
enclosure in the next terrace to the north. Unit 3 was placed in a relatively flat area
directly north of the retaining wall at the river. Unit 4 was placed within the walls of an
enclosure on the third terrace to the north.
Unit 1 was extended 50 cm to the west to explore a hole that appeared as the crew
was setting up the unit. It was determined that the hollow area was a void between
buried rocks and decomposing organic material in what appears to be fallen willow and
reed roof and walls. The extension was abandoned at 20 cm. Reeds, fragments of

willow, daub, large cobbles and midden debris were found throughout Unit 1 and
probably represent wall and roof fall, as well as trash that was thrown into the
abandoned structure.
At 60 cm a caliche layer was exposed. The caliche had been cut through to form an
oval-shaped, rock lined pit, 130 x 160 cm and Unit 1 was expanded to excavate this
feature. Materials recovered from Unit 1 and the trash pit [interpreted as such by Dr.
Martz presumably for the variety and quality of contents] include a small square of
copper, an Olivella spire-lopped bead, decorated and plain ceramics, flaked and ground
stone, fire affected rock, textiles, cordage, mammal bone (some possibly camelid), bird
bone, fish bone, shellfish, seeds, maize cobs, gourd fragments, reeds, willow, and
other plant parts, charcoal, a human hair braid and rock salt. Some bone and ceramics
are burned suggesting discard of hearth debris. One multi-colored textile fragment was
recovered. The bone, shell and plant remains in the pit tended to be less fragmented
than the materials found in the collapsed structure portion of the Unit. The excavated
area appears to represent portions of a collapsed structure and storage pit or tomb that
were filled with trash.
Unit 2 was extended 50 cm to the south because the northern portion of the unit at
30 cm contained cobbles and caliche and there was no place to dig. The 50 x 100 cm
extension to the south exposed an area with a possible Huari sherd, a concentration of
clam shells and fish bone, maize cobs, reeds and the remains of a guinea pig.
Altogether, the remains of three guinea pigs were found in the areas designated as Unit
2 and Unit 2A. Cultural materials became scarce at 30 cm with only a few shell
fragments recovered. Cobbles cemented with caliche were exposed at 40 cm. Initially,
this was thought to be a wall with clay mortar. However, inspection of the caliche layer
visible in several looted tombs indicated that this feature was in fact a natural caliche
layer found throughout the site. The caliche had cemented the cobbles together as it
formed around them. The caliche layer was broken through to ensure that there was no
wall foundation or cultural materials underneath. None were found and the unit was

terminated at 40 cm. In addition to the guinea pig remains, a human long bone was
recovered. Other artifacts include ceramics, flaked stone, including obsidian, ground
stone, textiles, feathers, yam, cordage, a bone awl, ungulate, bird and fish bone,
shellfish, reed matting, maize and other plant parts and charcoal.
At 40 cm Unit 3 was expanded to expose a 2 m segment of a cobble wall
foundation. The wall construction is typical, approximately 45 cm in width. The wall
appears to have been plastered with a 2-3 cm layer of clay. When first encountered, the
wall was thought to be a floor. The wall is oriented in a northeast alignment toward the
river. The wall appears to be an isolated remnant as expansion of the southern and
western portions of the unit failed to reveal additional portions. The wall segment
begins in the southern portion of Unit 3 and continues northeast toward the river for
150 cm where it disappears. Very few artifacts were present. These included decorated
and plain ceramics, grinding stones, shellfish, mammal bone, charcoal, thorns, reeds
and burned or decomposed plant materials.
It was noted that the wall in Unit 3 seems to be at a similar elevation as a wall
observed running parallel to the river below the last set of rooms and retaining wall.
The riverbank below Unit 3 was scraped to reveal the presence of cobbles at a depth of
50 cm in the same alignment as the wall in Unit 3. This suggests that the connecting
part of the wall was washed away by the river. In addition, the remnants of an old canal
can be observed at the meander of the river west of the site where the low flow abuts a
bedrock outcrop. It is possible that the wall in Unit 3, which is at an odd angle to all of
the other walls in the site, may be part of a canal that ran at the base of the site below
the retaining wall.
Unit 4 was excavated to 137 cm. It contained cobbles, mortar, cordage, and reed
suggesting a collapsed roof and wall. Fibers from the roof fall were still adhering to the
rocks suggesting that little time passed between the collapse of the structure and burial
under sand and cobbles. A clay floor with a hole with trash was exposed in the
southeast comer of the unit at 30 cm. The clay floor layer lies above a layer of reeds.

Below the reeds, a layer of cobbles was exposed at 50 cm. Cobbles and trash continue
below the reed layer to a depth of 130 cm. It appears that cobbles were placed over
trash, reed matting was placed over the cobbles and then plastered with clay to form the
floor of a structure. Below the floor, an animal head (camelid) measuring 32 x 15 cm,
carved from a fine grain white stone resembling quartzite and a small copper piece were
recovered at 80 cm. Other artifacts include ceramics, flaked ground stone, including
manos and pestles, textile fragments, cordage, yam, feathers, a human metacarpal,
herbivore, fish, and bird bone, shellfish, herbivore and possible human coprolites,
plant remains, including burnt seeds and maize cobs, fire affected rock, and charcoal.
Based on the above, Sector D appears to contain collapsed structures that were filled
with trash including construction debris, food remains, ceramics, textiles and stone
tools. There were few ornaments. Most of the materials were fragmented. A wide
variety of plants and animals were exploited from the site. These include domesticated
plants such as maize and gourds, and domesticated animals including the guinea pig
and perhaps the llama. The large amounts of unshaped ground stone, suggest the
processing of wild plants. Fish, birds and shellfish were also an important part of the
diet. The majority of the decorated sherds appear to represent the Late Acari style. A
few of the decorated sherds have been tentatively identified as Ica/Chincha,
Tiwanaku/Huari and Nazca Tardio. The presence of hammestones, cores, primary,
secondary and tertiary flakes and shatter provide evidence for stone tool production at
the site (Martz 1997).
In conclusion, we summarize the research conducted to date at Pellejo Chico Alto.
The site was mapped and all surface architecture was analyzed allowing speculation
about site function, layout, and intrasite variation. Surface ceramics were collected and
analyzed shedding light on function and intrasite variation. Selected enclosures were
excavated isolating room function. Units were placed in each Sector to determine

stratigraphy and occupation levels. Cultural materials were collected from all sections of
the site providing information on life ways and resource utilization. Midden remains
were analyzed supporting conclusions about subsistence activities and resources.
The discussion which follows interprets these data and draws conclusions
concerning occupations at Pellejo Chico Alto. Chronological placement is ascertained
based on various lines of evidence. Life ways are examined focusing on resources and
subsistence activities. Social organization is discussed in a site specific context as well
as compared to the larger Andean social organization and culture system.

The Occupation at Pellejo Chico Alto
It is now possible to examine the data recovered at Pellejo Chico Alto and construct
a scenario of life at the site. The majority of the data strongly suggests that this is
largely a single component occupation. As mentioned, various excavations in each
sector were conducted with the specific purpose of determining occupation levels. Two
enclosures were excavated in Sector A. Three enclosures and a looted tomb were
examined in Sector B. One enclosure was studied in Sector C, which is the possible
exception to the case with regard to indications of multiple occupations. Four units
were placed in Sector D. Figure 5.1 summarizes these data.
Table 5.1 Occupation Levels per Sector at Pellejo Chico Alto
Sector/Enclosure Multiple Occupation Levels
A #7 No
A #15 No
B #2 No
B #4 No
B #4 (Looted T omb) Possible
B #5a No
C #8 Possible
D Unit#l No
D Unit #2 No
D Unit #3 No
D Unit #4 No
In only two out of eleven cases, is there possible evidence of multiple occupation

levels. Both enclosures excavated in Sector A (#7 and #15) clearly were single
occupation enclosures. Sector A, which sits elevated on the eastern-most side of the
site, is located above an extensive caliche layer. The excavations conducted in these
units encountered sterile caliche levels quickly and at minimal depths (22 cm).
Compared to other Sectors of the site, Sector A has a minimal amount of artifactual
remains. The occupation level in this Sector is relatively shallow, terminating between
22 cm and 30 cm above the caliche layer. Areas of the Sector in pockets of the caliche
deposit, e.g., the looted tomb area, have greater depth of cultural remains. Areas such
as this contribute to the body of knowledge accumulated about caliche formations
(discussion on this point to follow). The cleaning and further excavation of this tomb
confirmed no additional occupation levels. At this point in time, the belief is that Sector
A contains a single occupation at the site.
Early in 1996, when the very deep looted tomb in Sector B #4 was discovered, it
was speculated that perhaps there were in fact additional occupation levels in this
Sector. The tomb was incredibly complex, spanning various natural stratigraphic
levels, and was so filled with cultural remains to the very bottom of the excavation (244
cm), that it was hard not to suspect additional occupations. However, it was situated in
a pocket of caliche which had tremendous indentations and undulations. The additional
excavations in Sector B, enclosures #2, #4 and #5a, clearly established single
occupations. In each of these enclosures, the very obvious surface occupation level
eventually gave way to sterile levels beneath, no matter at what depth the caliche layer
was encountered. The excavation unit placed in enclosure #4 passed through two
caliche levels as well as a number of natural stratigraphic levels, and was excavated to a
similar depth as the looted tomb, in the same enclosure. It produced evidence only of
the surface occupation.
At this point in the examination of Pellejo, our understanding about caliche needed
to be clarified. A meeting was arranged with Jose Cobas Segura, a geologist working
in the Acarf Valley who lived and worked on the south coast for the better part of his

life. He explained to us that caliche is a very dense geologic formation common to this
area. Caliche forms when running water either from the river, from invasions of the sea
in high water times which have been frequent during various epochs, from rainfalls or
from El Nino events dislodges small pieces of rock, sand, and ground stone. These
pieces are carried along by the current of the running water until the current diminishes,
at which point the aggregated debris settles. Salt, which is inherent everywhere in the
geology of the valley due to its close proximity to the sea, then combines with this
aggregate to cement it together in the caliche layer. This layer becomes very irregular
with gaps and pockets resulting from the settlement of the accumulated rock debris and
the subsequent condensation of the debris mix with salt. In most areas of the valley,
the last major caliche formation is at a depth of 1-1/2 to 2 meters, and was formed
approximately 3,000 years ago. However, minor caliche formations occur constantly.
Senor Cobas Segura pointed out an example formed in the pueblo of Bella Union 5
years ago when a rare torrential downpour caused flash flooding in a quebrada (ravine)
in the center of the pueblo. It can also be observed along the Acari-Bella Union road in
a cut on the north side near the cross. As Senor Cobas Segura noted, these caliche
formations occurred rapidly and recently, yet their appearance, texture and all notable
characteristics are comparable in structure to the caliche formations existing for 3,000+
years in the area.
So, what conclusions can be drawn about caliche? It is a natural geologic formation
in the valley. The formation is very irregular, with gaps and pockets. It is very hard
almost impossible to penetrate even during excavation. It can form quickly and will
always have varying depths from place to place even within a formation area. The last
major formation in the valley occurred approximately 3,000 years ago. When this
formation is encountered in most areas, it is safe to assume a chronological placement
corresponding to the Preceramic period in the valley. There are sites constructed above
areas of this caliche formation (Pellejo Chico Alto) as well as sites constructed in areas
where this caliche formation does not exist (Hacha). Although this information shed

light on caliche and its formation, it still did not explain some areas, for example, the
looted tomb area in Sector B, where the caliche formation was encountered at 2 meters
and yet there was extensive cultural debris below this level. It took a chance encounter
at a party to provide the explanation.
In the summer of 1997,1 was invited to the inauguration (baptism) of the new
restaurant of Maria Castro de del Carpio in Chocovento, up valley from the village of
Acarf. The restaurant had recently been constructed in a new site as its predecessor had
been destroyed in the earthquake of 1996. The restaurant was placed alongside the road
on a small incline. As I was receiving a tour of the restaurant, we walked around
behind the structure and Senora Castro quite simply explained that this was an excellent
site because of its close proximity to the road (great access for passersby), was
protected from the always pervasive wind by a grove of trees to the west, had great
garbage disposal (deep pockets in the caliche layer in the area) and was blessed by her
favorite priest. A thorough discussion with her revealed that it is customary for folks to
dispose of all refuse that cannot be recycled in caliche pockets as it is protected from the
wind and animals which scatter the garbage. Middens are the perfect explanation for
caliche pockets at Pellejo which are filled with cultural remains. It explains the wide
variety of items found in such areasfood, bones, shell, ceramic fragments, etc., while
also explaining why cultural remains are encountered below the caliche levels at times.
They are intrusions from above levels thrown into the pockets which descend to lower
levels and settle there fairly undisturbed. It also explains why small animal bones,
especially rodents, are often encountered in these garbage filled pockets. They make
perfect nests for rodentsfilled with food, shelter and protection from predators. If we
are allowed the use of ethnographic analogy, this is a long standing practice in the
valley. Thus, the complex stratigraphy seen in the looted tomb area in Sector B at
Pellejo could be explained by the geology of the area and human behavior rather than as
due to multiple occupations.
All four excavation units in Sector D encountered only the surface occupation

without evidence of lower occupation levels. Sector C presents the real exception to the
single occupation of Pellejo theory. Unfortunately, time did not allow for sufficient
excavation in Sector C. Not much was accomplished beyond the scope of that which
was conducted during Research Phase II. As mentioned, during this excavation a
second occupation level was deemed possible within this structure. The radiocarbon
dates for the lower level in C #8 possibly predate the radiocarbon dates for the Sector A
midden sample by as much as 150 years, suggesting a possible additional occupation
level there. However, without additional confirmation, and the body of evidence to the
contrary from the remaining Sectors of the site, at this point it is concluded that Pellejo
Chico Alto is predominantly a single occupation site.
Determining the chronological placement of Pellejo Chico Alto was approached from
a number of avenues. Radiocarbon dating, architectural continuity into contemporary
times, influences in textile manufacture, design influences in ceramics and lack of pre-
Inca influence at the site all provide supportive lines of evidence for not only a Late
Horizon but a Colonial occupation time frame of the site.
Radiocarbon Dating
Although at this point there are only two radio carbon dates for Pellejo, these two
dates become significant 1) in light of the fact that Pellejo is considered a single
occupation site and 2) when combined with the other supporting evidence. As seen in
Figure 4.8, the two samples have produced uncalibrated dates of AD 1550 and AD
1630. Although both dates could be contemporary, their calibrated ranges definitely
place them chronologically in the Late Horizon/Colonial periods and, given a standard
deviation of 50 years, possibly well into Colonial times. The date of AD 1630 resulted
from the post sample taken in the midden area between Sectors A and B, Sectors which
have been determined to have single occupations. The AD 1550 sample was from

charcoal encountered in the possible additional occupation level in Sector C. The close
proximity of dates suggests that if Sector C did have a lower occupation level, it was
very close in time to the surface occupation levels of Sectors A & B. If Sector C does
not have a lower occupation level, the dates reflect a fairly continuous occupation of the
site during the Late Horizon/Colonial period. Obviously, dating additional samples
from all Sectors of the site would shed more light on the subject.
Architectural Continuity
The architectural style at Pellejo Chico Alto has been determined to be walls
constructed of a paired rounded river rock base with a predominant modal width of 54
cm and a secondary modal width of 42-44 cm (Figure 4.3). Enclosures are rectangular
as opposed to rounded. At times, adobe bricks are combined with the river cobble to
extend the height or lengths of walls ( Figure 4.4) or to pave walkways and entrances.
Quincha, hollow cane poles, were used above the rock base wall to construct vertical
side walls. At times this was plastered over with a mud pack in what is known as the
waddle-and-daub construction technique. Roofs are thatched using a variety of reed and
cane materials.
This architectural style appears late in the chronological sequence of the valley, The
architecture at the Initial period site of Hacha is different from the architecture at Pellejo,
with walls constructed of formed packed mud (Kent and Robinson 1995). Architecture
in the Early Intermediate period occupation at Tambo Viejo is in the Nazca style with
conical adobe brick wall construction (Kent and Kowta 1994). Architecture up valley at
Ajla Huito, a site with possible highland influence as opposed to coastal influence, is
characterized by rounded room construction using irregular pointed rock (Kent and
Robinson 1995). However, by the time of the Inca and Colonial occupations at Tambo
Viejo in the Late Horizon, the parallel base rounded river cobble architectural tradition
is seen in the valley (Riddell and Menzel 1986).
The time span from the Initial period to the Late Horizon is approximately 2,500

years during which there is evidence for at least two different architectural styles in the
valley. The time span from the Late Horizon to present is roughly 500 years. Figure
5.1 shows the wall construction technique of a new home being built in Bella Union
during the summer of 1996. The base was a parallel river cobble construction 54 cm
wide. The side walls were constructed of a mix of rounded river cobble and adobe. The
owner indicated that the structure would be rectangular and the roof would be thatched
using wood poles, reed and cane. When questioned as to why he was using this
construction technique and especially why the wall base was 54 cm wide, he replied
"that's just the way you always do it."
It would appear, then, that this style of architectural construction technique evolved
in the valley sometime late in the chronological sequenceLate Intermediate or Late
Horizonand continued into contemporary times. This corresponds with the dating to
the Late Horizon/Colonial period. This was the prevalent architectural style during both
of these periods.
Influences in Textile Style and Manufacture
Although there is not a plethora of evidence in this category given that the majority
of textiles encountered at Pellejo are from disturbed contexts, it is worth recounting the
information we do have. As discussed previously, two points of interest were brought
up by Grace Katterman in her analysis of textiles from Pellejo in general and
specifically from garments encountered in a looted tomb in Sector B #4. She noted that
the unkus garments worn by men could possibly be a uniform of sorts (Inca?) and the
seaming technique used in the garments suggests Spanish influence. Granted, this is
only hypothetical but serves to add supportive evidence to the chronological placement
we are designating for Pellejo of the Late Horizon/Colonial.
Design Influences in Ceramics
In her analysis of the Late Acari ceramics from Tambo Viejo, Dorothy Menzel

Figure 5.2 Modern Wall Construction Technique in Bella Union
Elevation of Modem Wall Construction
Bella Union
Plan View: Modern Wall Construction

identified design elements characteristic of the Late Acari style as well as design
elements she felt reflected Inca/Colonial influence in the local ceramic tradition (Menzel
and Riddell 1986). If Pellejo Chico Alto was occupied during the Late
Horizon/Colonial time period, logically the ceramic assemblage should evidence local
ceramic design influence of the time as well as some Inca/Colonial influence. Dorothy
Menzel postulated that eleven of the categories of design elements she identified
(Appendix C-2, Page 110, Design Elements 1-11) were all Late Acari ceramic design
characteristics. Two additional categories were identified as having lea and
Inca/Colonial influence (Appendix C-2, Page 110, Design Elements 12-13). During the
analysis of ceramics from Pellejo, it became apparent that only a few of these design
elements were represented in the collection at Pellejo.
Table 5.2 Design Elements Represented in the Surface Ceramic
Collection at Pellejo Chico Alto
Menzel's Design Element No.
12 lea Influence
13 Inca/Colonial
Number of Sherds
The ceramic assemblage from Pellejo shows an overwhelming percentage of Late Acari
design elementsspecifically Element #1, quartered horizontal bands with the wavy line
motif at the rim (Appendix B, Page 96, Fig. a, PV 75-56-44-1) and Element #2,
horizontal and vertical bands with the wavy line motif associated with crescents
(Appendix B, Page 98, Fig d, PV 74-56-59-1). A number of design element categories

were not represented at all. The third most represented category was that of
Inca/Colonial influence, an example can be seen in Appendix B, Page 100, Fig. f, PV
74-56-74-63. Ica (Late Intermediate period) influence is notably absent with only three
sherds reflecting design elements of this time period. Thus, it would appear that the
ceramic assemblage at Pellejo Chico Alto confirms a Late Horizon/Colonial occupation
period as it has a preponderance of ceramics of the Late Acari design tradition, a good
representation of ceramic design influence from the Late Horizon/Colonial periods and
very little design influence from the Late Intermediate period.
Lack of Pre-Inca Influence
The final comment on the chronological placement of Pellejo Chico Alto in the Late
Horizon/Colonial periods comes from the lack of substantial evidence from prior
periods. If the site were occupied during the Early Intermediate period, Nazca
influences in architecture, ceramics and textiles should be seen. Similarly, during the
Middle Horizon, Huari or Tiwanaku influences would be evident. Ica/Chincha
influences would appear during the Late Intermediate period. However, none of these
exist beyond the random ceramic sherd or textile fragment, representing presence in the
valley rather than occupation at the site.
Table 5.3 Percentage of Sherds other than Late Acari in Ceramics
# Sherds # Nazca # Huari # Ica/Chincha
Surface Collection 1578 3
Sector D 1395 5_ 4 25
Total Sherds 2973 5 4 28
Total Percentage 100 .002 .001 .009

There is no substantial influence seen in the architecture, ceramics or textiles at Pellejo
to posit a theory for occupation prior to Late Horizon times. Given these five lines of
evidence: radiocarbon dating, architectural style, textile style and manufacture
influences, design influence in ceramics and lack of influence from prior periods, it has
been concluded that the chronological placement of Pellejo Chico Alto is in the Late
Horizon/Colonial periods.
It is possible to construct a picture of the lifeways existing during the occupation of
Pellejo Chico Alto by examining the resources and subsistence activities visible at the
site.The population at Pellejo Chico Alto was exploiting a wide variety of resources. As
discussed, the cultural remains encountered in the midden excavation as well as all
other excavation units indicated the use of both highland and coastal resources. Camelid
exploitation is generally associated with a highland adaptation while shellfish and fish
exploitation obviously indicates a strong coastal/ocean exploitation. Camelid remains
encountered in the midden excavation imply the use of camelid in a domestic food
context. Additionally, camelid remains encountered in other excavation units, e.g.
Sector D trash filled enclosures support a similar interpretation. However, the camelid
remains encountered in Sector A, as a possible sacrifice and burial, imply a
religious/ceremonial context for camelid exploitation. Both of these contexts existed
prehistorically, as well as existing contemporaneously in Andean culture.
Capitalizing on close proximity to the ocean of 16 kilometers, the inhabitants of
Pellejo Chico Alto exploited a wide variety of shellfish and fish food sources, as do the
contemporary residents in the valley. The midden excavation reveals the breadth of
diversity in shellfish exploitation, the majority of species being sandy substratum
dwellers. Logically, there appears to be more emphasis on coastal resource exploitation
than highland (camelid) although the influences of both areas are apparent (see Chapter

4 T ables 4.1 and 4.2).
The evidence from Pellejo reveals the exploitation of both domestic and wild
animals. The midden excavation provides examples of bird remains as well as rodents,
cuy (guinea pig), camelids and other large mammals, and other undetermined fauna.
Sector D excavations add ungulates and herbivores to the list of animals exploited.
Cuy domestication has long been a hallmark animal resource exploited in the Andes.
It crosses highland/coastal divisions as it is prevalent in both areas. It is still one of the
strongest cottage industries in the realm of domesticated animals. Practically every
household in the valley today has a cuy population which is used for food as well as
ritual and medicinal purposes. Preparation of cuy dishes has assumed a regional
character. For example, the manner of cuy preparation in Arequipa has become
famous all over Peru.
Similarly, the residents at Pellejo Chico Alto were exploiting domesticated, as well
as, wild plant resources. Domesticated plant remains included cotton, maize, gourds,
potatoes, olluco, achira, beans, fruit. The use of undomesticated plants is well
represented by such as huarango spines and thorns, reed, cane, willow, and
miscellaneous organics used for roof and wall construction, as well as possible food
and medicine resources.
Therefore, it is possible to say that the occupants at Pellejo Chico Alto were
exploiting a wide variety of resources, both domesticated and wild, plant and animal,
highland and coastal. Their lifestyle with regard to food resources appears not to have
been restricted greatly. They were taking advantage of all resources available.
Subsistence Activities
What does the evidence at Pellejo tell us about subsistence activities there? Again, it
appears that the residents of Pellejo engaged in a variety of activities to support their
lifestyle. The plethora and wide varieties of maize at the site, encountered in every
sector, speaks to the extensive use of agriculture. Both excavation units in Sector A had

evidence, albeit scarce, of maize. The midden excavation between Sector A & B
evidenced 61 fragments of various varieties of maize in a 10 cm excavation level. The
looting that occurred in Sector B early in 1996, exposed a possible maize, olluco,
achira storage area. The excavation unit in Sector C #8 exposed burned maize cobs
associated with the hearth area. All excavation units in Sector D produced maize
remainsburned and unbumed. Along with the possible canal evidence encountered in
Sector D, a strong case can be presented for agriculture as a subsistence activity at the
site or below the site near the river, as it is practiced today A method of irrigation,
plentiful agricultural remains encountered in excavations and contemporaiy usage in the
same manner all support this interpretation.
fishing and shellfish gathering were primary subsistence activities, as shellfish and
fish remains abound in all sectors of the site. Sectors A, B, C and D all evidence
shellfish and fish bone remains in excavation units, while the midden area in Sector
A/B was plentiful with similar remains and a wide variety. Close proximity to the river
allowed for the harvesting of freshwater river shrimp while a similar proximity to the
ocean permitted ocean and shore fishing.
Although tool production and residue were not analyzed in other Sectors of the site,
Dr. Martz analyzed a wide variety of tool residue in Sector D. Hammer stones, cores,
primary and secondary and tertiary flakes and shatter all speak to an industry of stone
tool production at the site. Large amounts of unshaped ground stone suggest
processing of wild and domestic plants. Organic remains encountered all over the site,
e.g. the midden excavation, Sector B #5 and excavation units in Sector D confirm the
use of wild as well as domesticated plant usage.
The excavation units in Sector B #5a produced ample evidence for textile production
in that enclosure. Loom parts, cotton and wool yam balls, paint brushes, spindle
whorls all indicate at least a family level textile cottage industry. Each excavation unit in
the site encountered many and a wide variety of textile fragments, both of wool and
cotton. Llama and alpaca wool was being used in textile production, supporting the

animal domestication lifeway theory. Cotton textile production additionally speaks to
the domesticated plant theory and agriculture at the site.
Summarizing the data so far, it is concluded that Pellejo Chico Alto is predominantly
a single occupation site characterized by the Late Acari ceramic and architectural styles
representing the local inhabitants at the site and in the valley. It was occupied during the
Late Horizon and certainly during the early Colonial period. There is no evidence for a
Late Intermediate period occupation at the site. The occupants at Pellejo Chico Alto
were exploiting a wide variety of resources: highland and coastal, domestic and wild
plants and animals. Their primary subsistence activities were agriculture, fishing, tool
and textile production.
Social Organization
The evidence accumulated at Pellejo allows for an interpretation of the social
organization of this site and its inhabitants. It can be argued that the hallmark Andean
social characteristics of duality and the ayllu structure existed at Pellejo Chico Alto as
elsewhere in the Andean cultural system. It can also be argued that these component
parts of the Andean culture system did not change radically or rapidly with the Spanish
conquest in periphery regions such as Acari. Four lines of evidence support this
position: distribution of ceramics at the site, architecture, human remains and textiles.
Ceramic Analysis and Distribution
As mentioned previously, the surface ceramic collection made enclosure by
enclosure throughout all sectors of the site was analyze. A total of 1,578 ceramic sherds
were processed in this examination.

Table 5.4 Ceramics Analyzed per Sector
Sector # Sherds # Decorated % # Undecorated %
A 252 18 7.1 234 92.9
B 495 38 7.7 457 92.3
C 484 53 10.9 431 89.1
D 347 34 9.7 313 90.3
Total 1578 143 9.1 1435 90.9
Only 9.1 percent of the sherds collected were decorated. The remainder were
undecorated sherds.
In the analysis of the assemblage from Pellejo, there is an obvious division in
ceramics along the dividing line of decorated/undecorated. However, a second division
within decorated ceramics became apparent. This division can be likened to the
difference between formal wear (Type 1) and everyday wear (Type 2). Both types of
ceramics used the Late Acari design elements noted above. However, one ceramic,
Type 1-formal, was much finer and thinner than the other category. This type of
ceramic almost always consisted of Design Element #1 or #2.
The majority of the "formal" type of decorated ceramics were encountered in Sectors
A & B (Appendix E Page 167) while the majority of the decorated ceramics
encountered in Sectors C & D were of the informal type (Appendix E Page 168). A chi-
square evaluation of these data resulted in a critical value of
(X2 = 45.3; df = 3)
indicating there is an association between ceramic type and location of recovery.
Additionally, a Cramers V evaluation of the data produced a score of
V =.5836
indicating a moderate to strong association. There is some type of division at the site

based on intrasite variation of ceramics. Sectors A & B seem to house the "formal"
Type 1 ceramics while Sectors C and D contain the "everyday" Type 2 ceramics.
Illustrations in Appendix B, Page 96, Fig. a (PV 74-56-44-1), b (PV 74-56-45-2),
c (PV 7456-47-11), d (PV 7456-49-1) are indicative of the formal Late Acari ceramics
in Sectors A & B. Illustrations in Appendix B, Page 97, Fig. b (PV 74-56-56-5), d
(PV-7-456-56-8) and Appendix B, Page 98, Fig. b (PV 7456-57-4), c (PV 7456-58-
9), d (PV 7456-59-1), e (PV 7456-58-10) are indicative of the Late Acari informal
ceramic styles prevalent in Sectors C and D. As you look through the illustrations,
which are sequentially ordered beginning at Sector A and advancing to Sector D, a
change in style occurs between the fine formal wear (Type 1) in Sector A and B lots
(#21-51) and the coarser, less sophisticated everyday wear (Type 2) found in Sector C
and D lots (#52-82).
If the ceramics in different areas of the site are dissimilar, the assemblage is not
symmetrically distributed, indicating divisions in ceramic distribution. To what might
this be attributable? It could be indicative of status areaselites in one Sector of the site
using finer formal wear with commoners centered in a different area using everyday
wear. It could be the result of activity areas within the siteceremonial areas where a
predominance of fine formal wear is utilized versus common areas where everyday
wear is dictated. It could also be the result of ayllu or moiety groups each utilizing their
respective representative style of service wear. Whatever the explanation, this pattern in
ceramic distribution represents a dual division within the site. Sectors A and B are
different than Sectors C and D.
As discussed previously, architecture can reflect the Andean cultural characteristic of
duality also, although it is not necessarily evident in each situation where duality exists.
The architecture at Pellejo Chico Alto was analyzed and provides supporting evidence
for duality within the site. The typical construction technique used throughout the site is

rounded river cobble in a parallel two rock base wall construction. Walls are in one of
two modal widths, 54 cm (predominant) and 42 cm. Mortar is used in most cases and
this application appears throughout the site. Room size varies from enclosure to
enclosure from 20 square meters to 350 square meters. However, from Sector to Sector
the average square meter size of rooms remains fairly consistent, with the exception of
Sector D.
Table 5.5 Average Square Meter Size of Enclosures per Sector
Sector A B C D
M2 89.19 99.13 90.08 69.39
The architecture in Sector D is difficult to assess due to the fact that the western portion
of the Sector becomes sand covered and enclosures are below surface level. Therefore,
all enclosures in this Sector have yet to be identified, measured and analyzed.
What becomes apparent in the analysis of the architecture at Pellejo Chico Alto is the
fact that construction techniqueuse of rounded river cobble with mortar, wall size,
parallel rock base walls, enclosure rectangular shape, and square comers is very
consistent throughout each Sector. Studying the working and topographic maps of the
site (Figures 4.1 and 4.3), it can be posited that the architecture in Sectors A and B
could be a mirror image of the architecture in Sectors C and D. For example, Sector A
enclosures A #1-5 run east/west along the southeast border of the site, while Sector D
enclosures D #1-6 similarly run east/west along the northwest border of the site. The
entirety of Sector B is separated from Sector C by an open space area with both areas
being a cluster of interconnected enclosures, as opposed to the linear layout prevalent in
Sectors A and D. Enclosures B #5,6,7,8 consist of two small rectangular spaces to the
east with two large rectangular spaces to the west. The corresponding enclosures in
Sector C #1,2,3,4, directly across the open space areas separating the Sectors, consist

of two small rectangular spaces to the west with two large rectangular spaces to the
eastexactly the opposite. Sector A has two enclosures A #15,16 separated from the
remainder of the Sector to the north, while Sector D has two enclosures D #11,12 also
separated from the remainder of the Sector but to the south. A large midden is situated
between Sectors A and B, while another large midden is situated along the retaining
wall between Sectors C and D. A series of small rectangular enclosures (B #2,5a, 5,7)
borders Sector B to the east, while a series of small enclosures (C #6-13) borders
Sector C to the west. Figure 5.3 exemplifies 6 possible instances of architectural mirror
imaging within the site.
Table 5.6 Architectural Mirror Images
A# 1-5 SE
A linear layout SE
A #15-16 N
A/B Midden
B # 5-8 EAV
B cluster layout E
D# 1-6 NW
D linear layout NW
D # 11-12 S
C/D Midden
C# 1-4 W/E
C cluster layout W
Although much more research needs to be conducted to positively confirm the mirror
image use of architecture at the site, coupled with the results of ceramic analysis, there
is sufficient existing evidence to support the notion of duality/division.
Human Remains and Textiles
As discussed earlier, no undisturbed graves have been discovered at Pellejo Chico
Alto, so it cannot be said with certainty that dualism within the site is evidenced by the
human remains. However, the distribution of human remains recovered from looted
contexts also reflects a division between Sectors at Pellejo Chico Alto. The realm of
comparison becomes cranial deformation.

Early in the chronologic sequence for the south coast, Hrdlicka (1914) speculated
that cranial deformation encountered there corresponded to geographic location.
Specific types of cranial deformation could be tied to geographic placement. For
example, deformation style found to the north in the Nazca and lea valleys is different
from deformation style to the south. This idea has been discounted over time. In reality,
cranial deformation was prevalent throughout the entire south coast culture region
(Rossel Castro 1977). It is seen from Chala in the south to Chincha in the north. As
Rossel Castro notes, many explanations for the purpose/function of cranial deformation
have been posited: 1) an indication of slave status; 2) an indication of priest status; 3)
war or religion; 4) esthetics; 5) social standing; and 6) distinctive families or ayllus
(1977:328). Recent research in the Osmore drainage on the far south coast ties cranial
deformation style to ayllus or residential groups.
The absence of distinctive grave goods (at Omo)
combines with the patterns of cranial deformation
to suggest that individual cemeteries represent
residential descent groupsperhaps ayllus or
ayllu clusterswhose corporate status was symbolized
by shared cranial forms (Hoshower et. al., 1995: 161).
If we examine the human remains at Pellejo Chico Alto using this template, a
definite duality surfaces corresponding, once again, to the division between Sectors
A/B and C/D. As mentioned, the tomb in Sector A which was looted during the
excavation season of 1995, contained a human population consisting of 8 adults and
various children, infants and neonates. All members of this population shared the
frontal occipital style of cranial deformation in an extreme fashion, as well as a genetic
anomaly of the sternum which suggests a hereditary connection. Additionally, the
human remains recovered from a tomb looted in Sector B (#4) evidenced the same type
of cranial deformation. In contrast, the human remains recovered from a looted burial in
Sector D showed no evidence of cranial deformation. The evidence is not plentiful, but
it does suggest a similar pattern of dual division. A final shred of evidence for duality at
Pellejo Chico Alto comes from the textiles analyzed by Grace Katterman. Perhaps the

unkus style of garment she encountered in Sector B, characterizing it as a possible
uniform, could be an example of an ayllu-specific "traje" or garment.
To date, the evidence from the various Sectors at Pellejo Chico Altoasymmetrical
ceramic distribution, architectural mirror imaging, asymmetrical distribution of human
remains with cranial deformation and textile style and distribution, all suggest a strong
case for the continued Andean cultural characteristics of ayllu and duality.