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" Black flowers to the soldier's hallowed grave"

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" Black flowers to the soldier's hallowed grave" public and private commemoration of early American servicemen
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Public and private commemoration of early American servicemen
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Sherman, Robin Dale ( author )
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English
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1 electronic file (132 pages). : ;

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Cemeteries ( lcsh )
Sepulchral monuments ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
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Abstract:
In recent decades, scholars have increasingly investigated the ways in which Americans commemorate the past, both publicly and on a more personal level. These investigations have focused on two distinct lines of inquiry; namely, how and why Americans publicly memorialize wars and other tragic events, and what scholars can learn about a past community or its individual residents by examining a cemetery landscape. This study attempts to draw these two lines of inquiry together by surveying how military servicemen (specifically those who served in the American Revolution, War of 1812, and Civil War) are commemorated in municipal cemeteries. ( ,,, )
Abstract:
Using the cemeteries of Portsmouth, New Hampshire as a case study, I examine representations of military service (both textual and iconographic) on historic grave markers to determine whether there are parallels between how local communities honored fallen soldiers and the way in which particular conflicts were commemorated on a national scale. The results of this survey demonstrate that, although allusions to military service and armed conflicts vary in form on historic grave markers, personal commemoration at grave sites in Portsmouth roughly conforms to national trends of war commemoration. Considering the temporal and geographic limits of this study, it is my hope that this work be seen as a starting point for additional survey to verify my findings and/or identify potential regional variations in the relationship between public and private commemoration of American servicemen and their wars.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Colorado Denver.
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Includes bibliographic references
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Department of History
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by Robin Dale Sherman..

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Full Text
BLACK FLOWERS TO THE SOLDIERS HALLOWED GRAVE:
PUBLIC AND PRIVATE COMMEMORATION OF EARLY AMERICAN SERVICEMEN
by
ROBIN DAYLE SHERMAN
B.A., University of New Hampshire, 2009
A thesis submitted to the
Faculty of the Graduate School of the
University of Colorado in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
History
2016


This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by
Robin Dayle Sherman
has been approved for the
History Program
by
Rebecca A. Hunt, Chair
William Wagner
Thomas J. Noel
April 1, 2016
n


Sherman, Robin Dayle (M.A, History)
Black Flowers to the Soldiers Hallowed Grave: Public and Private Commemoration of
Early American Servicemen
Thesis directed by Associate Professor C/T Rebecca A. Hunt
ABSTRACT
In recent decades, scholars have increasingly investigated the ways in which
Americans commemorate the past, both publicly and on a more personal level. These
investigations have focused on two distinct lines of inquiry; namely, how and why
Americans publicly memorialize wars and other tragic events, and what scholars can leam
about a past community or its individual residents by examining a cemetery landscape. This
study attempts to draw these two lines of inquiry together by surveying how military
servicemen (specifically those who served in the American Revolution, War of 1812, and
Civil War) are commemorated in municipal cemeteries.
Using the cemeteries of Portsmouth, New Hampshire as a case study, I examine
representations of military service (both textual and iconographic) on historic grave markers
to determine whether there are parallels between how local communities honored fallen
soldiers and the way in which particular conflicts were commemorated on a national scale.
The results of this survey demonstrate that, although allusions to military service and armed
conflicts vary in form on historic grave markers, personal commemoration at grave sites in
Portsmouth roughly conforms to national trends of war commemoration. Considering the
temporal and geographic limits of this study, it is my hope that this work be seen as a starting
point for additional survey to verify my findings and/or identify potential regional variations
111


in the relationship between public and private commemoration of American servicemen and
their wars.
The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication.
Approved: Rebecca A. Hunt


TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION........................................................1
Review of Sources..................................................2
Evidence of Ideology in the Cemetery.............................2
Commemoration of American Wars...................................5
Primary Source Materials.........................................6
II. SITES OF REMEMBRANCE: COMMEMORATION OF EARLY AMERICAN
CONFLICTS..........................................................10
Public Commemoration from the American Revolution to the Civil War....10
Revolution and Controversy......................................11
Remembering War on the Field of Battle..............................13
War Veterans Fight On...........................................16
Rebuilding a National Narrative.................................18
Remembering the Fallen: Monuments to the Dead and Military Cemeteries.21
III. READING GRAVEYARDS: GRAVESTONES AS HISTORIC DOCUMENTS................26
Common Motifs in Mortuary Art.....................................28
Personalizing Death: Gravestone Iconography.......................32
IV. SEARCHING FOR SOLDIERS: SURVEY METHODOLOGY........................35
V. ANALYSIS OF GRAVESTONE TEXT AND ICONOGRAPHY.......................42
American Revolution Veteran Burials...............................42
War of 1812 War Dead and Veteran Burials..............................51
Civil War Dead and Veteran Burials................................57
Soldiers Killed in Action or On Campaign........................58
v


Veteran Gravestones Indicating Service.......................65
Gravestones Not Indicative of Military Service...............72
Drawing Conclusions from Portsmouths Civil War Burials......73
VI. CONCLUSION AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR FURTHER STUDY.................75
BIBEIOGRAPHY.......................................................78
APPENDIX
A. AMERICAN REVOLUTION BURIALS.....................................82
B. WAR OF 1812 BURIALS.............................................95
C. CIVIL WAR BURIALS...............................................99
vi


LIST OF TABLES
TABLE
1. Civil War dead gravestones with decoration and/or inscriptions that reference military
service........................................................................59
Vll


LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE
1. Nehemiah Rowells 1779 gravestone at North Cemetery bears an example of the Deaths
Head motif, which was popular from the seventeenth to mid-eighteenth century.......29
2. John Fosters 1781 gravestone at North Cemetery bears an example of the cherub motif
common from the mid-eighteenth century to the turn of the nineteenth century.......30
3. Detail of George Gainss 1809 gravestone at North Cemetery, which bears an example of
the urn and willow mortuary motif popular after the turn of the nineteenth century.31
4. George Harts 1807 gravestone at North Cemetery offers an example of a more secular
floral garland motif.............................................................46
5. Prince Whipples extant gravestone at North Cemetery was erected by the GAR in 1908.
.................................................................................49
6. Detail of Masonic imagery on David Fosters 1823 gravestone at North Cemetery......54
7. William C. Harriss 1853 gravestone at Harmony Grove Cemetery, which bears the image
of an open book, speaks to the deceaseds teaching profession......................55
8. Detail of the military iconography on William H. H. Maxwells 1865 gravestone at
Harmony Grove Cemetery...........................................................63
9. The epitaph on Nelson N. Downings 1862 gravestone at Harmony Grove Cemetery
attests that the soldier died bravely in battle..................................64
10. Horace H. Adamss current headstone is a replacement military marker furnished by the
War Department in the twentieth century.........................................67
11. William Blacks 1871 headstone at Harmony Grove Cemetery bears an anchor motif
common among Portsmouths naval men.............................................70
12. Detail of the Union forage cap that adorns George A. Browns 1880 headstone at
Harmony Grove Cemetery..........................................................71
vm


CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
On May 21, 1861, James T. Gammon, an apprentice blacksmith and resident of
Portsmouth, New Hampshire, enlisted in the New Hampshire Volunteer Infantry. At 18-
years-old, Gammon marched south to serve his nation in the Civil War. He was wounded at
Bull Run, Virginia in 1862, and captured by rebel troops at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania the
following year. After securing his freedom, Gammon re-enlisted and rose to the rank of
corporal, only to receive yet another battle wound at Cold Harbor, Virginia in 1864. Almost
a full year later, in May 1865, the young soldier mustered out (discharged disabled) and
made his way back to Portsmouth.1 Following the war, Gammon married, raised a family,
and worked as a blacksmith and clerk at the Portsmouth Navy Yard until his death in 1887,
aged only 45 years.2 Today Gammons remains lie on a slight rise in Harmony Grove
Cemetery under a stone that bears his name and a reminder that he was A member of Co. K
2nd N.H. Regt.3 It seems an absurdly simple epitaph for a veteran who nearly gave his life
more than once in service of the Union.
Like Corporal Gammon, many former servicemen now reside in the cemeteries of
Portsmouth, New Hampshire, taking their final rest in the bustling seaport city with a
patriotic past. Cared for by the city, each of their graves boasts a fresh American flag every
Veterans Day. The small memorial display reminds passersby that these men fought and
died; some for independence, some to preserve the Union, but all in service of the nation.
Without their flags, however, one might never know of their sacrifices. Although some
1 Martin Haynes, A History of the Second Regiment, New Hampshire Volunteer Infantry, in the War of the
Rebellion (Lakeport, NH: 1896), 43.
2 United States Census Records, 1860, 1870; City of Portsmouth Directory, 1867, 1875, 1884, 1886.
3 James T. Gammon gravestone inscription, Harmony Grove Cemetery, Portsmouth, NH.
1


gravestones announce the service of the former soldier that lies below, many wholly ignore
that aspect of the deceaseds life. Personal commemoration on the gravestones of war dead
and war veterans is as varied and irregular as public commemoration of the wars in which
they fought.
Beginning in the second half of the twentieth century, historians have become
increasingly interested in the way Americans commemorate the past on both a national and
local level. Some scholars, like Thomas Chambers, Kenneth Foote, and John E. Bodnar,
have investigated how and when Americans memorialize wars and other tragic events.
Others, like James Deetz, Edwin Dethlefsen, and Albert N. Hamscher, have focused on what
a local cemetery can teach us about a community, as well as the individuals interred therein.
This study draws these two lines of inquiry together by surveying how military servicemen
(specifically those who served in colonial and early American conflicts) are commemorated
in municipal cemeteries in the city of Portsmouth, New Hampshire. I will investigate
representations of military service on historic grave markers (both textual and iconographic)
to determine whether there are parallels between how the community honored fallen soldiers
and the way in which particular conflicts were commemorated on a national scale.
Review of Sources
Evidence of Ideology in the Cemetery
Historians, archaeologists, sociologists, and others have long argued that inscriptions
and images on grave markers tell us much about prevailing ideological currents within a
community at the time of the burial. As early as 1966, for instance, James Deetz and Edwin
Dethlefsen demonstrated that, because of the spatial and temporal control inherent in the
study of gravestones, scholars could use inscriptions and grave iconography to track the
2


evolution of cultural conventions within a community.4 As an example, the authors used the
relationship between waning Puritanism in New England and the evolution (and eventual
decline) of a particular mortuary motif, the Deaths Head, to validate their claim that grave
iconography offers physical evidence of an ideological shift within the local culture.
Decades later, other scholars echoed and expanded upon Deetz and Dethlefsens
earlier thesis. In 1992, historian K. S. Inglis concurred that monuments, including grave
markers, reflect the convictions of the individuals or groups who erected those monuments.5
Inglis used examples from the post-World War I era to demonstrate that monument-erecting
groups made conscious decisions about the language used on memorials for dead soldiers.
His own research, for instance, suggested that groups that erected monuments used more
language evoking perceptions of honor and heroism on memorials to volunteer soldiers than
on those for conscripted soldiers.6 Thus, the extant monuments offer some evidence of how
the post-war society felt about those who chose to fight and those who only fought when
forced to do so.
Scholars have continued to develop the idea that monuments and grave markers
evidence cultural conventions into the twenty-first century. In 2003, sociologist C. D. Abby
Collier suggested that grave inscriptions and plot characteristics offer clues about the people
buried there, those who interred them, and what was important to them in the culture in
which they lived.7 In addition to speaking to the conventions of a particular community, she
argued, twentieth-century trends of democratizing cemetery space by narrowing
4 James Deetz and Edwin N. Dethlefsen, Some Social Aspects of New England Mortuary Art, Memoirs of the
Society for American Archaeology 25 (1971), 30.
5 K. S. Inglis, War Memorials: Ten Questions for Historians, Guerres Mondiales et conflits contemporains
167 (1992), 9.
6 Inglis, War Memorials, 10.
7 C. D. Abby Collier, Tradition, Modernity, and Postmodernity in Symbolism of Death, The Sociological
Quartlery 44:4 (2003), 731.
3


discrepancies in the displays of wealth evidenced increasing egalitarianism in American
society during those years.8
Finally, perceptions of the study of mortuary art came full circle in 2003 when
historian Albert N. Hamscher echoed Deetz and Dethlefsens appeal from decades earlier
that more scholars should investigate local cemeteries to identify changes in the
demographics and social conventions of a particular area. According to Hamscher, an astute
scholar can gain new insights on such topics as religious belief, gender and class by studying
headstones in conjunction with traditional sources.9 Hamscher, like Deetz and Dethlefsen,
argued that there is more to leam from local cemeteries than many scholars believe.
These studies, however, focus on the cemetery landscape to distinguish social
institutions and conceptions of identity important to a civilian population. By concentrating
on the graves of Revolutionary, War of 1812, and Civil War soldiers who died between 1779
and 1916,1 attempt to identify prevailing ideologies among a segment of the population with
connections to the armed forces. This survey is largely an exercise in identifying examples
of personal commemoration of military service on gravestones, and ascertaining parallels
between the evolution of gravesite commemoration and national patterns of recognizing
members of the armed forces and the conflicts in which they fought. However, by ascribing
to the assumption that grave inscriptions and iconography speak to personal beliefs, this
study considers how the value of military service changed in American ideology between
independence and the postbellum years.
8 Collier, Symbolism of Death, 736.
9 Albert N. Hamscher, Talking Tombstones: History in the Cemetery, OAH Magazine of History 17:2 (2003),
40.
4


Commemoration of American Wars
Several recent studies have focused on the evolution of American war
commemoration from the revolutionary period to modern conflicts. These studies suggest
that early American conflicts were often poorly commemorated until decades after the cease-
fire. G. Kurt Piehler argues the delayed memorialization of the American Revolution and the
War of 1812, for instance, resulted from the fact that Americans were divided regarding the
proper role of the central government in the political, economic, and cultural life of the
nation during the post-colonial period.10 Historian Thomas Chambers agrees that
commemoration of the Revolutionary War did not occur on a truly national scale until after
the Civil War, and, even then, such commemoration was predominantly used by the
government in an effort to remind the sections of their shared heroic past.11
By the American Civil War, however, Americans had entered into a period of
memorial fever. Although there was certainly still conflict regarding controversial figures
and events, Americans on both sides of the Mason-Dixon Line began erecting monuments
before the war had come to a close. Historians including Piehler and Inglis attest that many
of these monuments honored local fighting units and featured the common soldier, which
demonstrates a stark departure from earlier instances of only commemorating national heroes
and other important men.12
Although memorialization took a variety of forms between the American Revolution
and the Civil War, authors (like Piehler, Foote, Collier, and Chambers) who have tracked the
evolution of American war commemoration generally agree that American war monuments
10 G. Kurt Piehler, Remembering War the American Way (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Books, 1995), 3.
11 Thomas A. Chambers, Memories of War: Visiting Battlegrounds and Bonefields in the Early American
Republic, (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2012), 16.
12 Inglis, War Memorials, 7; Piehler, Remembering War, 53.
5


are more than simply representations of men lost in battle. Many believe that erecting
memorials to the dead allows survivors to mourn and make sense of the tragedy of war. Like
historian Kenneth Foote suggests, the heart of these efforts was a desire to draw a lesson
from each battle and tragedy, a lesson that transcended the immediate sacrifices and reflected
on values of liberty, justice, and community.13 Others, like James M. Mayo, agree that [a]
memorial is an artifact that imposes meaning and order beyond the temporal and chaotic
experiences of life.14 Although war memorials offer citizens a place to remember lost loved
ones, they also incite visitors to reflect on the meaning of war and its human and material
casualties. Based on these national trends, and the reality that the Civil War was perhaps the
most violent and costly American conflict to that date, one might expect to find that the
families and communities of fallen Civil War soldiers were more likely than those of earlier
war casualties to commemorate military service on a gravestone.
Primary Source Materials
This study examines whether representations of military service on grave markers
conform to or differ from national patterns of war commemoration. Was military service
important to individuals and families even at times when the nation was divided on how to
commemorate a conflict? To ask it another way, were war dead memorialized within their
own communities long before the nation chose to commemorate the conflict, or were national
concerns so pervasive that only war veterans who passed on many years later had their stones
marked with military honors? In order to identify patterns, I surveyed the markers of soldiers
buried in Portsmouth who participated in select American wars of the eighteenth and
13 Kenneth Foote, Shadowed Ground: Americas Landscapes of Violence and Tragedy (Austin, TX: University
of Texas Print, 2003), 140.
14 James M. Mayo, War Memorials as Political Memory, Geographical Review 78:1 (1988), 62.
6


nineteenth century. My primary resources, therefore, were the actual gravestones of
Portsmouths former servicemen, including those killed in action as well as veterans who
died in later years.
Locating these grave markers, however, required a variety of additional primary
sources. I compiled a sample of Portsmouths former servicemen from the records and texts
of local branches of veteran organizations and interest groups like the Grand Army of the
Republic (GAR) and the Sons of the American Revolution. Founded in Illinois in 1866, the
GAR was open to all honorably discharged Union veterans of the Civil War, and existed on
both the national and state levels.15 Members of Portsmouths branch of the organization,
Storer Post No. 1, were particularly concerned with both recording and honoring local
participants in the conflict. As a result, in 1893 the post published a text (compiled by
member Joseph Foster) that listed all known Civil War dead and veterans buried in and
around Portsmouth to that time whose graves were decorated by the Storer Post on Memorial
Day. Foster expanded upon and republished the original record as The Graves We Decorate
in 1907, 1915, and 1917, and as The Soldiers Memorial in 1921. The 1917 and 1921 texts,
available through the Portsmouth Public Library, provided an expansive selection of former
Civil War servicemen from which I created a suitable sample for this survey.
Interestingly, Fosters texts also included the names of some, but by no means all,
veterans of earlier wars buried in the area. I turned, therefore, to the New Hampshire Society
Sons of the American Revolution (NHSSAR) for additional information. Formed on April
15 The GAR no longer exists as such. However, in 1881 the GAR formed an offshoot organization, the Sons of
Veterans of the United States of America (today the Sons of Union Veterans of the Civil War), which was open
to any man who could prove ancestry to a member of the GAR or to a veteran eligible for membership in the
GAR. About the SUVCW, Sons of the Union Veterans of the Civil War, http://www.suvcw.org/?page_id=6,
accessed January 9, 2016.
7


24, 1889 as the state affiliate of the National Society of the Sons of the American Revolution
(NSSAR), the NHSSAR is composed of New Hampshire men who trace their lineage to
soldiers of the American Revolution.16 Although predominantly a fraternal and civic
organization, the NHSSAR has researched and compiled a list of the New Hampshires
Revolutionary soldiers and the locations of their burials.17 Using the NHSSARs list of
Revolutionary soldiers buried in New Hampshire, I identified additional servicemen
unknown to Foster in the 1920s.
Finally, my survey benefitted greatly from the Portsmouth Public Librarys (PPL)
Special Collections and the previous research of two of Portsmouths local historians,
Cynthia Pridham-Thomas and Louise H. Tallman. PPLs Special Collections include
cemetery surveys conducted by Pridham-Thomas and Tallman between 1990 and 1995. The
unpublished texts record the names of all individuals interred in Portsmouths public
cemeteries to that date, and include plot numbers and hand-drawn guide maps.
I focused on municipal cemeteries in Portsmouth because of the fact that the city sent
soldiers to fight in the American Revolution, the War of 1812, and the Civil War. Using
Pridham-Thomas and Tallmans comprehensive survey, locating the graves of Portsmouths
war dead and veterans became a manageable task. Because of this, I could identify and track
changes to commemorative efforts not only from war to war, but also as time passed after
each conflict.
16 New Hampshire Society Sons of the American Revolution (NHSSAR), What is the National Society of the
Sons of the American Revolution? http://nhssar.org/member page.html. accessed January 11, 2016.
17 The NHSSAR concedes that, although extensive, their list of New Hampshires Revolutionary War Burials is
not complete. The organization continues to add to this list as additional information becomes available;
NHSSAR, Research, http://nhssar.org/research.html. accessed January 11, 2016.
8


The results of this survey indicate that forms of personal commemoration on the
headstones of war dead and veterans from early American conflicts is highly variable and
demonstrates the complexity of co-occurring civilian and military identities. Not all of
Portsmouths former servicemen lie beneath headstones that extol their military service and
sacrifices. Rather, some grave markers instead eulogize the deceaseds familial,
occupational, or fraternal ties. However, it is this variation in (and occasional lack of)
gravestone commemoration of personal military service that reveals similarities with the
evolution of how the nation commemorated the wars in which these men fought. Although
war memorials were surprisingly rare in the immediate aftermath of the American
Revolution, commemoration of all early American armed conflicts, both at grave sites and on
a national scale, became increasingly more common leading up to and following the
American Civil War. This surge in military commemoration suggests an increased regard for
armed service in American ideology over time.
9


CHAPTER II
SITES OF REMEMBRANCE: COMMEMORATION OF EARLY
AMERICAN CONFLICTS
Public Commemoration from the American Revolution to the Civil War
In the modem age, commemoration and memorialization have become so
commonplace that it is difficult to imagine an American landscape not dotted with memorials
to public leaders, fallen heroes, and victims of both natural and man-made disasters.
Americans remember the past by hosting gala events on major anniversaries and opening
libraries, schools, and hospitals in memory of remarkable leaders and beloved
philanthropists. And every year on November 11th, towns across the country have parades,
ceremonies, and receptions to honor the men and women who have served the nation in the
armed forces. We are a nation determined to remember in a very public forum.
Scholars have offered a variety of interpretations for why humans choose to
commemorate the past. Lori Holyfield and Clifford Beacham argue, for instance, simply that
sites of commemoration are the vehicle for historical remembrance.18 One can view a
monument and recall the events that occurred there and the consequences thereof. Others,
like Kenneth Foote, suggest that commemoration and monument building are means by
which societies formulate a national narrative and define the values important to that nation
or community.19 And still others, like James M. Mayo, agree that [a]ll memorials have
utility, whether that be simply as a mode of remembering, or as a physical structure for
human activities, like a library or hospital.20 Without a doubt, memorials come in many
18 Lori Holyfield and Clifford Beacham, Memory Brokers, Shameful Pasts, and Civil War Commemoration,
Journal of Black Studies 42:3 (2011), 437.
19 Foote, Shadowed Ground, 284.
20 Mayo, War Memorials, 63.
10


shapes and sizes, but all exist to commemorate the people and events that shaped the
community in which they stand.
Revolution and Controversy
Although monumental art and memorial buildings are a common sight in the United
States today, public memorialization has not always occurred on such a widespread scale in
this country. In the first years after independence, the young government steered away from
commemorating the recent war. In part, their reluctance to commemorate resulted from their
goal that the new Republic would not make the same mistakes as its former motherland.
Federalists, including influential leaders such as John Adams, suggested that monument
building and federal patronage of the arts were both forms of cultural expression [that]
remained too closely associated with decadent European government.21 In hopes of further
distancing the American Republic from trappings of the monarchy from which they had so
recently rid themselves, the new federal government chose not to erect monuments to honor
those involved in the late war for several decades.
When, after many years, the federal government contributed to the memorial
landscape, public backlash over the monument all but guaranteed that they would refrain
from using federal funds for monument building for many more years. The monument at the
center of the controversy was a statue of beloved patriot George Washington, commissioned
in 1832 and completed in 1841. Rather than adhering to the model of equestrian statues
common at the time, the artist, Horatio Greenough, carved Washington shirtless and in a
seated pose that called to mind images of the Roman gods of antiquity, a depiction that many
21 Piehler, Remembering War, 22.
11


found tasteless and profane.22 The resulting criticism further curbed the governments
enthusiasm for public works of art and memorialization.
That is not to say that Americans simply did not commemorate the war that brought
independence from the monarchy until decades after the conflict. In the years after the cease
fire, scattered monuments appeared. However, without intervention from the federal
government, local institutions, community groups and wealthy individuals bore the
responsibility of commemorating the war, and these efforts were not always organized.23
Despite this, many communities raised monuments marking the graves of (or otherwise
honoring) fallen soldiers or celebrating war heroes like George Washington and the Marquis
de Lafayette.24
In certain cases, several communities would band together to commemorate a
particularly important event in the war. Citizens of Boston, Massachusetts, for instance,
rallied to the cause of memorializing the battle of Bunker Hill, but they were not alone in
their effort. In 1822, several members of what would shortly become the Bunker Hill
Monument Association purchased the battle site, but could not afford the dizzying price of
the proposed 220-foot granite column to stand there.25 Therefore, in what was the largest
voluntary communal act of its time, several outlying towns and states contributed to the
memorial fund, and, in 1843, contractors placed the final piece of the largest Revolutionary
War monument of the day.26
22 Piehler, Remembering War, 29.
23 Piehler, Remembering War, 23.
24 Piehler, Remembering War, 23, 26.
25 Foote, Shadowed Ground, 119.
26 Foote, Shadowed Ground, 120.
12


Certainly part of the collective willingness to contribute to such a massive, and
massively expensive, monument at Bunker Hill was born out of a shared desire to perpetuate
the idea of American heroism. In fact, the battle of Bunker Hill was an American defeat, but
one in which green colonial militiamen inflicted heavy casualties on well-trained British
troops before losing control of one of the most important colonial port cities.27 By
contributing to the memorialization of a battle site in Boston, other communities could point
to the fact that they, too, sent men to that important skirmish in which colonists demonstrated
their determination to fight on and secure liberty from the crown. Furthermore,
memorialization allowed Americans to create a narrative that transcended the immediate
sacrifices and reflected on values of liberty, justice, and community that were so prominent
in the American republic.28 The monument at Bunker Hill thus became an emblem of victory
in defeat, and a vehicle by which Americans could selectively remember their past.
Remembering War on the Field of Battle
Monuments are a strikingly visual form of memorialization that can be erected nearly
anywhere. There is no rule saying they must stand on the site of a major battle or tragedy,
although this is often the case, and you are as likely to see a monument to fallen soldiers in a
town square as in a cemetery. With the right funds, a monument can be a durable and long-
lasting way to honor someone or something for generations to come. Monumental art,
however, is not the only vehicle for commemoration. Americans, in fact, have often used the
sites of battles in their efforts to memorialize the nations heroic past.
27 Bernard Bailyn, The Decisive Day is Come: The Battle of Bunker Hill, Massachusetts Historical Society,
https://www.masshist.org/bh/essav.html. accessed November 12, 2015.
28 Foote, Shadowed Ground, 140.
13


A half century after the signing of the Declaration of Independence, Americans began
to reinvestigate the sites of battles fought in the name of independence. Although official
celebrations commemorating the American Revolution often included long speeches
describing patriotic efforts and perhaps a reading of the Declaration, by the middle of the
nineteenth century Americans were becoming more inclined to visit historic sites in an
attempt to encounter the past for themselves. Historian Thomas Chambers argues that
attention to battlefields grew alongside the Northern Tour and an American fascination
with landscape.29 The famed Northern Tour route followed the course taken by Thomas
Jefferson and James Madison in 1791 as they explored Revolutionary battle sites in New
England and New York.30 With increased mobility and leisure time in the middle years of
the nineteenth century, many Americans seized the opportunity to sightsee within their own
country and experience first-hand Americas patriotic past.
The result of these personal interactions with historic sites, however, was that each
individual could potentially walk away with a unique perception of the experience and
consequences of the American Revolution. By touring the overgrown battle sites, Americans
formed their own emotional, patriotic memories based on Romantic ideals of the
picturesque, melancholy, and nostalgia, as well as a generic Revolutionary War history.31
In other words, without a guiding force, whether federal government or commemorative
society, personal interactions with historic sites often lacked any connection to historical
knowledge or the nationalistic historic narrative.
29 Chambers, Memories of War, 3.
30 Northern Tour of 1791, Monticello and the Thomas Jefferson Foundation,
https://www.monticello.org/site/research-and-collections/northern-tour-1791. accessed November 16, 2015.
31 Chambers, Memories of War, 4, 14.
14


Adding yet another layer of complication to the proliferation of battlefield
interpretations at this time was the fact that tourists often had the opportunity to hire veterans
of the conflict to act as personal tour guides for their visits. To some degree, walking the
battle site with a man who had fought there made the tour more interpretive; a veteran could
provide anecdotes and memories that made history come alive for the visitor hoping to
interact with history at the site.32 On the other hand, verifying the authenticity of any story,
or veteran for that matter, was nearly impossible. While the Revolutionary veteran added to
the experience of the battle site visit, he also added to the fluidity of the historic narrative as
his story might change from visitor to visitor.
Using veterans as a principal means of commemorating the war was further troubling
because their tenure as battlefield guides had a natural expiration. As veterans died and the
ephemeral vestiges of battle eroded over time, there would be no record of watershed
moments in American history.33 Americans, thus, slowly came to the realization that
preservation or memorialization efforts on a much grander scale would be necessary to
contend with the impermanence of personal memory. Historian G. Kurt Piehler suggests that
the expiration of Revolutionary veterans led to a cycle of interest, apathy, neglect, and often
renewed concern regarding Independence Day, but also eventually reversed federal aversion
to monumental art in a republican society.34 Historian Kenneth Foote agrees that
[sjometimes survivors and veterans need to die before reinterpretation takes place.35 In
retrospect, the passing of the generation of men who fought for American independence was
necessary for long-term commemorative efforts for the conflict.
32 Chambers, Memories of War, 58-59.
33 Chambers, Memories of War, 64.
34 Piehler, Remembering War, 26, 35.
35 Foote, Shadowed Ground, 264.
15


War Veterans Fight On
Certainly, though, the demise of Revolutionary veterans was not the only driving
force behind advances in American commemorative efforts. In reality, it took American
involvement in three additional wars to ensure that later generations would memorialize the
Revolution. The first of these conflicts, the War of 1812, took the guise of a second
American Revolution. Fought against Great Britain and its Native American allies over
neutral rights (with distinct American designs on expanding the nations land holdings), the
War of 1812 was a disastrous, but ultimately successful, effort to prove that the former
colonies could stand up to the crown.36 American victory, of course, doomed the Federalist
Party, which had long appealed for diplomatic and trade relations with Great Britain, and
altered the tenor of American patriotism under Republican rule.37 The significance of this
war, then, was that the federal government lost its major opponent to federally funded
monumental art, and gained widespread support for providing assistance and recognition to
the men who served the nation.
The next step toward federal commemorative efforts came on the heels of the
Mexican-American War, and was, in many ways, driven by outraged veterans of the War of
1812. The focus of these older veterans anger was the fact that the United States offered
volunteers returning from Mexico much larger land bounties than those given to soldiers of
the earlier wars. As a result, veterans of the War of 1812 banded together in the 1850s to
form organizations on both the state and national levels that would commemorate their war
efforts and, by extension, demonstrate their right to more substantial land grants.38 Although
36 Piehler, Remembering War, 24-25.
37 Piehler, Remembering War, 24.
38 Piehler, Remembering War, 41.
16


veterans organized these societies with fundamentally self-serving purposes, their lasting
impact was to preserve and honor the war and the men who fought it.
Thus, in the years leading up to the American Civil War, Americans were more
focused than ever on the legacy of earlier conflicts. Although escalating sectional tensions
created distinctly Northern and Southern interpretations, Americans began to form national
narratives from the plethora of individual memories.39 Often these narratives centered on the
few remaining physical vestiges of the Revolutionary period, the battlefields. Unlike earlier
battlefield tourists who had been so focused on the aesthetics of battle sites, antebellum
Americans began to interpret these sites as the building blocks of the nation.40
Interestingly, during these years, Unionists and Secessionists could view the same
battlefields through the same patriotic lens, and still come away with very different
perceptions of the importance of the American Revolution and the War of 1812. For
instance, some argued for the perpetuation of the Union by reminding their fellow
countrymen that distinct colonies had once come together to rebel against a common enemy
for the good of the whole.41 Others, however, contended that the act of rebelling against
Great Britain, and following independence with a war to appropriate British land,
demonstrated an American legacy of rejecting intrusive powers in favor of local interests.42
Thus, both sides in the sectional conflict could look to the nations revolutionary past as
demonstrated by its sites of historical memory to validate their values of either union or
secession.
39 Chambers, Memories of War, 15-16.
40 Chambers, Memories of War, 15.
41 Chambers, Memories of War, 173-174.
42 Chambers, Memories of War, 184.
17


Rebuilding a National Narrative
With the end of the Civil War, the North and South reunited, but this does not mean
pluralism in commemorative efforts became a thing of the past. Rather, the explosion of
monumental art and memorial events ensured that any segment of society, with the
inclination and the right funds, could write their version of the war narrative in stone. For an
example of post-Civil War Americas enthusiasm for monuments, one need look no further
than the battlefield at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. During the years after that battle, and well
into the twentieth century, organizations erected approximately 1,328 monuments and
markers at what is now the Gettysburg National Military Park.43 Honoring both Union and
Confederate units, regiments, and even individuals, this wealth of monumental art reminds us
of the countless individual stories that unfolded over the course of the three-day battle, and
the survivors who wanted those stories remembered.
At first, the majority of groups erecting monumental art haled from the victorious
North. In the immediate aftermath of the war, cities in the former Confederate States used
their limited funds to rebuild rather than erect monuments. In the largely unscathed northern
states, on the other hand, private organizations, wealthy individuals, and even state
governments commemorated the war, and effectively broadcast their victory, by constructing
dozens of monuments before the 1890s.44 These monuments, however, were more than
simply visual mediums by which northerners could remind the nation of their victory. These
monuments also reminded viewers about the consequences of war, often by featuring
allegorical imagery that underscored the themes of loss, struggle, and triumph.45 In doing
43 Gettysburg National Military Park FAQs, National Park Service, http://www.nps.gov/gett/faas.htm. accessed
November 19, 2015.
44 Piehler, Remembering War, 53.
45 Piehler, Remembering War, 53.
18


so, monuments became condensed symbols of collective memory, forcing viewers to
remember perhaps the most difficult period of American history to that point.46 Thus,
monumental art erected in the post-Civil War years both illustrated and validated individual
war narratives, but also reminded people of the horrendous cost of war.
Although divergent groups used monumental art as a means to tell their version of the
story, there were certainly concepts that periodically brought these groups together. Despite
sectional differences, party politics, and racial tension, the cost of war and the mutual
experience of engaging in that war steered Americans toward the creation of a holiday to
honor the soldiers who had given their lives: Memorial (or Decoration) Day.47 Honoring
fallen soldiers in this way certainly demonstrates a departure from earlier commemoration
efforts, which had typically focused on the great men or leaders rather than the common
soldier. In fact, some historians have suggested that the Civil War was the first truly
democratic war, drawing men from all segments of society into a lethal conflict over the fate
of the nation.48 Considering the exceptional loss of life from such a diverse range of the
population, it follows that Americans were substantially more concerned with the fate of all
war dead in the aftermath of the Civil War.
This attention to the ordinary fighting man certainly shows up in monumental art
erected during the Reconstruction era. Communities in both the North and South eventually
commemorated those lost in the war by raising monuments, many of which featured a statue
of a single soldier and a list of the names of the war dead.49 These statues typically listed the
46 Holyfield and Beacham, Memory Brokers, 437.
47 The GAR, a northern veterans association, adopted, expanded upon, and federalized the idea of a day to
honor fallen soldiers, a tradition observed by womens groups in the South as early as 1865. Piehler,
Remembering War, 48-49, 58.
48 Inglis, War Memorials, 7.
49 Piehler, Remembering War, 53.
19


soldiers names alphabetically or chronologically rather than by rank to reiterate the idea that
all men who died in service of the country were equal.50 By making such a public display of
those lost in service of the nation, communities sought to remember and commend their
fallen fathers, brothers and sons. Moreover, as Kenneth Foote notes, [t]he creation of
memorials helps survivors come to terms with their loss and the meaning of their
sacrifices.51 These memorials, which recalled the ultimate sacrifice of loved ones, were a
vehicle for mourning.
Furthermore, the common experience and loss of the war acted as a bridge by which
the federal government hoped to reconcile the once opposing sections. Boasting greater
power and authority in the aftermath of the war, the federal government took an active role in
commemoration efforts, building monuments and establishing national holidays in an effort
to foster community and mend broken ties.52 The result of this effort was a number of
memorials with distinctly reconciliatory themes, funded by both the federal government and
private donation. The Eternal Peace Light Memorial at Gettysburg, for instance, is composed
of Maine granite and Alabama limestone, literally uniting north and south under an
inscription that reads, An enduring light to guide us in unity and fellowship.53
The United States government expanded upon the theme of reconciliation by taking
concrete steps toward commemorating Confederate soldiers as well as their Union
counterparts. Beginning shortly before the turn of the twentieth century, the federal
government made strides toward honoring all veterans and fallen soldiers. The government
sought to reconfirm American unity by establishing a Confederate burial section at Arlington
50 Inglis, War Memorials, 7.
51 Foote, Shadowed Ground, 208.
52 Piehler, Remembering War, 3.
53 Holyfield and Beacham, Memory Brokers, 443.
20


National Cemetery, ensuring that the federal government would care for Confederate as well
as Union graves, and granting War Department issued headstones to Southern men who had
fought in the war.54 Although these gestures were largely intended to reunite white
Americans (as racial tensions continued to bar African Americans soldiers the same degree
of respect), the government was finally involved in the commemoration process.
To some degree, the United States government also sought to reestablish a narrative
of American heroism and a non-sectional past to aid the reconciliatory effort. As a result, in
the aftermath of the Civil War, the federal government began enthusiastically
commemorating the American Revolution for the first time.55 By reminding citizens of their
revolutionary past, the government hoped to provoke reunion, and, in doing so, began to
reshape and redefine what it meant to be an American citizen and the rights and
responsibilities thereof.56 Thus, after three wars and nearly a century, the United States
began memorializing all earlier American conflicts, and demonstrating the importance the
national historic narrative played in defining Americanism.
Remembering the Fallen: Monuments to the Dead and Military Cemeteries
Countless monuments commemorating war dead stand among the profusion of
memorials that Americans have erected since the end of the Civil War. Whether a memorial
dedicated to the memory of those who fell in a particular war or even battle, or a statue in a
town square that bears the names of every member of the community that gave their lives in
service of the country, Americans deem it important to honor the soldiers ultimate sacrifice.
However, in keeping with the general apathy toward commemoration in the early republic,
54 Piehler, Remembering War, 66.
55 Chambers, Memories of War, 16.
56 Piehler, Remembering War, 2.
21


this has not always been the case. To modem standards, treatment of soldiers remains from
early American conflicts was appallingly bad, with proper burial practices and
commemorative efforts growing to full force only since the Civil War.
Due largely to limited funds, technology, and transportation options, the men who
fought and died in the earliest conflicts on American soil rarely made it home again. Perhaps
even more disturbing, however, is the fact that their often crude and chaotic burials (if they
were buried at all) were only very infrequently commemorated. Throughout the first quarter
of the nineteenth century, place seemed less important than individual heroes in American
memory, and very few monuments were erected on battlefields or burial grounds to honor
the common soldiers who gave their lives in the American Revolution and War of 1812.57
Of course, this is not terribly surprising considering the many difficulties Americans faced
even in memorializing the national heroes of the era.
Still, the lack of proper burial practices for soldiers of these wars is somewhat
surprising considering typical attitudes regarding death at the time. Colonial Americans, like
their later Victorian era counterparts, held firm beliefs regarding the sanctity of a proper
burial and the profanity of disturbing the dead. Despite this, unless soldiers killed in action
were officers or near enough to their homes to be collected by family or friends, most were
wrapped in cloth and covered with a thin layer of soil.58 At the time, there were very few
avenues for safely and hygienically transporting a corpse to his own community before
decomposition set in. Furthermore, the American armed forces simply lacked the funds and
organization necessary to account for every fallen soldier and ship them all home.
57 Chambers, Memories of War, 87.
58 Chambers, Memories of War, 22; Piehler, Remembering War, 26.
22


In fact, nearly a century passed before the United States government took on the
responsibility of accounting for the war dead. Unlike the large amount of sun-bleached
remains that littered eighteenth century battlefields, many more soldiers who fought and died
in the Civil War were eventually laid to rest, either in their own communities or in the
recently created national military cemeteries.59 But why did Americans become so
concerned with soldiers burials at this time? What factors compelled the United States
government to account for the war dead?
To some extent, the ability to properly bury every fallen soldier (or at least every
soldier who could be located) resulted from scientific advances. With the onset of
embalming practices, undertakers could effectively preserve a soldiers body long enough to
reach home and be buried.60 Staving off decomposition likely quieted earlier qualms about
shipping bodies long distances and the potential for desecration on such a journey. If the
corpse that arrived was still recognizable as a loved one, the family could undertake all the
appropriate burial rites, and lay their beloved soldiers to rest with honor.
Desecration, in fact, was a major concern that compelled Americans to insist on the
proper burial of Civil War soldiers. Gary Laderman suggests that some citizens bore the
expense of hiring an embalmer or traveling to retrieve a body because they thought the
bodies of fallen Union soldiers too important to be left on southern battlefields, even if they
could believe that their fathers, sons, husbands or brothers were receiving a respectful
burial.61 This implies a fear of enemy desecration of a loved ones remains. Unlike earlier
conflicts in which the invading army would move on and local communities could deal with
59 Chambers, Memories of War, 25.
60 Gary Laderman, The Sacred Remains: American Attitudes Toward Death, 1799-1883 (New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press), 125.
61 Laderman, Sacred Remains, 144.
23


the dead, the Civil War was the first time that fallen soldiers were exposed to extended
aggression, by not only the enemy army, but also the enemy populace. As a result, Union
citizens were exceptionally concerned with dealing with their dead.
The national government was likewise occupied with accounting for the dead during
the Civil War, but for marginally more selfish reasons. As early as 1862, Congress passed an
executive action that sanctioned the creation of permanent cemeteries for Union men who
died in service of the country.62 Collier suggests that a nation may bury soldiers in a
manner that serves a national purpose, such as coming to terms with war.63 64 Certainly,
accounting for the dead and creating a space for their final rest allowed survivors an
opportunity to grieve. Rather than always wondering where on southern soil their loved ones
lay, families could mourn their losses and come to terms with the immeasurable cost of
64
war.
To some degree, however, these cemeteries and the men who filled them became
symbols of the conflict. The Union men who died in battle or as a result of military life were
martyred and their remains served as an inspiration for others to continue to fight to preserve
the nation.65 By accounting for the dead more carefully than in any previous conflict, the
federal government could point to the growing death toll and remind soldiers to fight on
because others had fallen for the cause.
62 Piehler, Remembering War, 49.
63 Collier, Symbolism of Death, 728.
64 Some of the best efforts to account for missing soldiers actually began in the private sector. In the aftermath
of the war, Clara Barton, who served as a nurse during the conflict, established the Office of Correspondence
with the Friends of the Missing Men of the United States Army, and actively sought information regarding the
whereabouts of missing soldiers from their former brothers-in-arms. By 1868, the organization obtained
information about the status and location of some 22,000 missing soldiers; Drew Gilpin Faust, This Republic of
Suffering: Death and the American Civil War (New York: Random House Publishing, 2008), 213.
65 Laderman, Sacred Remains, 126; Piehler, Remembering War, 50.
24


Although essentially a campaign tactic, the ongoing endeavor to account for the dead
during the Civil War ensured continued efforts during the Reconstruction period. Despite
soldiers rolls and casualty reports, in the chaos of ongoing warfare, neither the Union nor
Confederacy maintained accurate records of the number of deceased and where they were
buried. Thus, in the post-war years, the federal government undertook the massive project of
locating and reinterring hundreds of thousands of fallen soldiers. Within five years of the
wars end, historian Drew Gilpin Faust asserts, the bodies of almost 300,000 soldiers had
been located across the South and reinterred in 73 national cemeteries in an effort to affirm
the nations new commitment to the citizen soldiers who fought on its behalf.66 As the
nation as a whole concerned themselves with the equality of the men who fought in service
of the country and cultivated ways to memorialize their sacrifices, the federal government
recognized their obligation to account for the men they had asked to fight.
Despite the best efforts of both federal and private organizations to account for and
inter those who died in the war, it is impossible to say that all Civil War soldiers were located
and properly buried. However, in the aftermath of the sectional conflict, the widespread call
to honor the common soldiers ensured that the remains of Civil War dead were better treated
than those of any previous American conflict. The massive loss of life in this conflict
resulted in a drive to memorialize the fallen. As a result, national military cemeteries, public
monuments, and personal commemoration on private headstones still stand as vestiges of the
honorable sacrifices of former soldiers.
66 Drew Gilpin Faust, Numbers on Top of Numbers: Counting the Civil War Dead, The Journal of Military
History 40:4 (2006), 995-996.
25


CHAPTER III
READING GRAVEYARDS: GRAVESTONES AS HISTORIC DOCUMENTS
Driving through any small town in New England, one is bound to encounter the local
cemetery. Arguably the most ubiquitous part of the rural landscape, cemeteries are more
common than modern schools or churches in most small communities. Some began as
family burial plots, others as church burying grounds, and still others as peaceful, park-like
expanses to be enjoyed by grieving loved ones. As varied as they are numerous, all
cemeteries are sites where members of the community take their final rest.
The local cemetery, however, also serves a variety of other functions for many
communities. It is, of course, the final resting place of former citizens; a place for mourning,
remembering, and quiet contemplation. On the other hand, the sheltered paths and grassy
spaces also provide a safe place for walking and jogging away from busy motor ways. A
cemetery, then, is at the disposal of the community for any use they deem appropriate.
Despite this, scholars often underutilize small-town cemeteries and the surprising array of
information preserved within the confines of the local burying ground.
Reading the cemetery landscape is an imperfect science. Some scholars believe that
gravestone art and inscriptions are a reflection of the interred individual.67 Others suggest
that such memorials are representative of the individual or group that erected the gravestone
rather than the deceased interred below.68 Still others, rather more pessimistically, argue that
the types of funerary art commissioned by Americans are a function of pressure,
availability, price, and fashion.69 Even if most people simply conform to a social norm,
67 G.S. Foster and R.L. Hummel, The Adkins-Woodson Cemetery: A Sociological Examination of Cemeteries
as Communities, Markers 12 (1995), 95.
68 Inglis, War Memorials, 9.
69 Dianna Hume George and Malcolm A. Nelson, Resurrecting the Epitaph, Markers 1 (1979), 85.
26


however, this information is still a powerful indicator of the qualities valued by the
community as a whole.
Perhaps it is most accurate to say that funerary art and inscriptions are indicative of
all of these groups: the deceased, those closest to the deceased, and the larger community.
Memorializing the dead is a method of dealing with death. By inscribing tombstones with
symbols and text that reflect religious affiliation, memberships in civic groups, military
service, ethnic identity, and even gender and class distinctions, the deceased will long be
acknowledged as part of those institutions and that community.70 More importantly, by
memorializing the social personality of the deceased on the gravestone, the monument
becomes a stand-in for the deceased.71 This effectively allows survivors to continue a
relationship with their loved one despite the death. He or she may be gone, but certainly not
forgotten.
Although gravestones and their inscriptions are predominantly meant to memorialize
the deceased, the accumulation of information chronicled on burial markers has the potential
to serve more modem scholarly purposes. In the second half of the twentieth century,
historians and other scholars of the humanities began to examine the cemetery as part of the
historic record. As Albert N. Hamscher contends, a cemetery is an outdoor museum, an
archive fashioned in stone and bronze.72 In the most basic sense, gravestones are a type of
historic document. Although by no means permanent, the stone markers are enduring
records often inscribed with the deceaseds name, birth and death dates, and perhaps even an
epitaph that a friend or family member found befitting of his or her character. Scholars can
70 Collier, Symbolism of Death, 728, 731-732; Cooper, Stories Told in Stone, 16; Deetz and Dethlefsen,
Social Aspects, 30; Hamscher, Talking Tombstones, 40.
71 Collier, Symbolism of Death, 728.
72 Hamscher, Talking Tombstones, 40.
27


use gravestones as sources to correct or confirm basic census information, or even to
document individuals who may not have otherwise appeared in local vital records.
This limited data, however, only scratches the surface of what scholars can glean
from the cemetery as an historic record. If, for instance, one thinks of a cemetery as an
extension of the living community, or even as a community of the dead, the grave markers,
monuments, and even the layout of individual plots become evidence of the sociological
makeup of past communities.73 An astute scholar can use the cemetery landscape in
conjunction with more traditional records to form a better understanding of a range of social
and cultural factors from familial ties to attitudes toward life, death, and the afterlife that
were important to that individual or society.
Common Motifs in Mortuary Art
The beauty and usefulness of examining the cemetery landscape as an historic record
is its built-in chronological control. The vast majority of gravestones are marked with at
least the death date of the interred individual. Based on their own studies of New England
cemeteries, historic archaeologists James Deetz and Edwin N. Dethlefsen suggest that, as
early as the seventeenth century, the period of time between an individuals death and the
date his or her grave was marked with a permanent gravestone was typically less than a
year.74 Thus, scholars can examine gravestones with relative confidence in the fact that any
mortuary art is a reflection of the period in which the individual died. This temporal control
allows scholars to evaluate the endurance, or erosion, of traditional institutional
73 Foster and Hummel, The Adkins-Woodson Cemetery, 93.
74 James Deetz and Edwin N. Dethlefsen, Deaths Heads, Cherubs, and Willow Trees: Experimental
Archaeology in Colonial Cemeteries, American Antiquity 31:4 (1966), 502.
28


identification.75 Scholars have demonstrated the truth behind this concept by identifying the
most common motifs in gravestone art, their periods of use, and factors contributing to the
rise and fall in popularity of each.
The Deaths Head, for example, is the earliest funerary motif found in New England
cemeteries. Dominating the cemetery landscape in the early to mid-eighteenth century
(although earlier examples certainly exist), the Deaths Head is typically a winged skull
(Figure 1), and may include other memento mori (visual elements that remind the living that
death is an eventual certainty), like bones or a coffin.76
Figure 1. Nehemiah Rowells 1779 gravestone at North Cemetery bears an example of the
Deaths Head motif, which was popular from the seventeenth to mid-eighteenth century.
Scholars like Dianna Hume George and Malcolm A. Nelson have argued that the
Deaths Head motif was a reminder of the inescapability of death for a society that
75 Collier, Symbolism of Death, 729.
76 Deetz and Dethlefsen, Social Aspects, 30; Deetz and Dethlefsen, Deaths Heads, 503; Lauren F. Winner,
A Cheerful and Comfortable Faith (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010), 162.
29


witnessed death on a daily basis, and Gary Laderman concurs that epitaphs on Deaths Head
gravestones conveyed a communal awareness of the omnipresent fact of death.77 While
this is undoubtedly true, Deetz and Dethlefsen suggest that the motif was also an indicator of
Puritan ideology. In Puritan thought, they argue, the emphasis is on mortality, with little or
no mention being made of an afterlife or resurrection.78 Thus, skulls, bones, and coffins
were visual representations of the finality of death, both physical and spiritual, taught in the
Puritan religion.
A careful study of mortuary art reveals changes to the Deaths Head beginning in the
mid-eighteenth century. Coinciding with the Great Awakening and the decline of
Puritanism, the cherub displaced the winged skull as the most common funerary motif in
New England cemeteries (Figure 2).79
Figure 2. John Fosters 1781 gravestone at North Cemetery bears an example of the cherub
motif common from the mid-eighteenth century to the turn of the nineteenth century.
11 George and Nelson, Resurrecting the Epitaph, 87; Laderman, Sacred Remains, 23.
78 Deetz and Dethlefsen, Deaths Heads, 506.
19 Deetz and Dethlefsen, Deaths Heads, 503, 508; George and Nelson, Resurrecting the Epitaph, 87.
30


As religious views moved toward a more hopeful outlook of salvation in the afterlife,
people chose to mark their final resting places with an angelic icon that spoke to their hopes
that death was not the end. These hopes were often more fully expressed in epitaphs that
frequently mentioned an ascent to heaven and the glory of the afterlife.80
By the turn of the nineteenth century, however, the cherub had also fallen out of
favor, and urn and willow motifs came to dominate gravestone iconography (Figure 3).
Rather than reflecting the religious views, hopes, or fears of the deceased, the um and willow
depersonalized the grave marker to some extent by emphasizing the mourning rituals of
Regency and early Victorian families instead.81 The willow, for instance, commonly
signified grief and perpetual mourning.82 The symbolism, therefore, can be interpreted as the
expected response of the deceaseds family rather than any indicator of the deceased himself.

'VT :
cyP"

^ iVW-'V
'vV h\'..

vafv, y

Figure 3. Detail of George Gainss 1809 gravestone at North Cemetery, which bears an
example of the um and willow mortuary motif popular after the turn of the nineteenth
century.
80 Deetz and Dethlefsen, Deaths Heads, 508.
81 Deetz and Dethlefsen, Deaths Heads, 508; George and Nelson, Resurrecting the Epitaph, 93.
82 Gaylord Cooper, Stories Told in Stone: Gravestone Iconography and Genealogical Research, Northwest
Ohio History 79:1 (2011), 20.
31


In addition to focusing on the survivors instead of the deceased with the willow, the
urn is even more indicative of a denial of death in the Regency and Victorian eras. Although
ums as a final resting place are common in modem times, cremation was a rare occurrence in
the nineteenth century. The um motif, then, is either a neo-classical depiction of ancient
Greek cremation and mourning rituals, or otherwise a representation of the ancient Egyptian
belief that life would be restored through the vital organs placed in the um.83 Modem
historians interpret the motif as either a symbol of mourning or a sign of immortality, but
agree that it is a departure from grim reality of earlier memento mori. The um and willow
are, therefore, the first step toward taking the death out of dying.
Personalizing Death: Gravestone Iconography
The trend of divesting funerary monuments of emblems of death continued into the
twentieth century as gravestones became increasingly minimalist. A walk through most New
England cemeteries confirms that from the mid-nineteenth century families increasingly
marked the final resting places of loved ones with simple, if any, adornments, a name and a
date. Families omitted long epitaphs speaking to the religious convictions of the deceased,
and added modest nature motifs, like a single flower or an ivy scroll.
On the other hand, beginning in the early nineteenth century, individual communities
began to perceive the local graveyard as a socially secured space in which the dead could be
protected by the same religious, moral, and communal values that operated in the towns and
villages of the living.84 The result of this conceptual shift was an increase in iconography
indicative of personal and communal values that, in many ways, recreate the social structure
83 James A. Hijiya, American Gravestones and Attitudes Toward Death: A Brief History, Proceedings of the
American Philosophical Society 125:5 (1983), 351; Cooper, Stories Told in Stone, 19.
84 Laderman, Sacred Remains, 38.
32


of the living community within the confines of the burial ground.85 Therefore, when
iconography is present on grave markers from this period, it is typically representative of a
significant aspect of the deceaseds life as opposed to being representative of general societal
values as in the case of the Deaths Head, cherub, or um and willow motifs. Considering
this, one would expect that men who served in the military during the American Civil War
were more likely to have their service represented on their gravestones than veterans of
earlier American conflicts.
Like any historical inquiry, however, gravestone analysis is complicated by the
historians ability to read the source material. Iconography on gravestones acts as a form of
shorthand to express vital information while saving the stone carver time, and, by extension,
the gravestones commissioner money.86 Despite this, it would be a mistake to consider any
icon static. Any given image may mean something unique from community to community or
era to era, but some images are more readily recognized than others.87 For example,
emblems indicative of religion, fraternal societies, and military services are typically well-
known and, thus, easily recognized by most people.
This was certainly the case in the cemeteries of Portsmouth, New Hampshire where,
for the purposes of this study, I identified images by their most common symbolic meaning
unless additional context suggested a different interpretation. For instance, I assumed the
presence of the common square and compass motif on a gravestone indicated that the
deceased was a member of the Freemasons. However, if additional research revealed that the
deceased was perhaps an engineer or architect, I would have to reconsider my interpretation
85 Collier, Symbolism of Death, 727.
86 Cooper, Stories Told in Stone, 16.
87 Cooper, Stories Told in Stone, 17.
33


of the gravestone iconography. Likewise, images of anchors are common in the cemeteries
of New Englands port cities, but take on additional meaning when the deceased served in the
navy. Thus, gravestone iconography offers insight into the interests and cultural associations
of the deceased, but only to the extent that the scholar reads these subtle cues in conjunction
with additional source material.
34


CHAPTER IV
SEARCHING FOR SOLDIERS: SURVEY METHODOLOGY
At the outset of this project, my intention was to focus on how families and
communities commemorated war dead from the American Revolution through the American
Civil War at their grave sites in New Hampshire cemeteries. I hoped to determine whether
personalized commemorative efforts aligned with or differed from the ways in which the
nation as a whole commemorated military conflicts. To do this required a thorough study of
soldiers grave markers in towns that furnished troops for each of Americas earliest wars.
Two distinct, although not entirely unrelated, discussions regarding types of
commemoration inspired this line of inquiry. In considering foci for an in-depth study, the
concept of public memorialization in terms of how Americans have commemorated their
wars intrigued me. I knew, for instance, that post-colonial Americans poorly commemorated
their early military conflicts until decades after the fact, and, in reality, even memorializing
the Civil War was a haphazard affair that effectively justified a plurality of war narratives.88
On the other hand, the idea of personal commemorative efforts in the form of mortuary art
was equally appealing, and I became interested in what scholars can leam by reading the
cemetery landscape as an historic document. My current investigation lies at the intersection
of these studies.
Prior to beginning any field research, I cultivated two hypotheses regarding the
correlation between personal and national commemorations of the American Revolution,
War of 1812, and Civil War. The first theory was that the two types of commemoration
would parallel one another. For instance, despite making the ultimate sacrifice in the pursuit
Chambers, Memories of War, Piehler, Remembering War.
35


of American independence, a soldiers gravestone would not allude to the service of the
deceased, whereas those who gave their lives during the sectional conflict of the 1860s would
be proudly designated heroes on their tombs. The counter-theory to this was that grave
markers would call attention to the final resting places of all those who fell in battle because
of the perceived importance of their military service, despite, at least in the early years of the
American Republic, a national hesitation to memorialize wars. By locating and examining
the grave sites of war dead, I expected to confirm one of these assumptions, or otherwise
ascertain a more complex relationship between national and gravesite commemoration of the
wars and soldiers that helped shape the nation.
Due to constraints on available data for many New Hampshire towns, I concentrated
my investigation on the city of Portsmouth. As one of the oldest and largest municipalities in
the state with a strong interest in its own history, Portsmouth offered the best opportunity to
locate the graves of war dead. Furthermore, because the city of Portsmouth mustered troops
to each of the military conflicts in my study,891 would be able to track when and how
personal memorialization changed, if, in fact, it changed at all.
To some extent, Portsmouth is not representative of all New Hampshire towns.
Although its age, size, and number of mustered servicemen make it a suitable example for
the present study, these same characteristics render Portsmouth atypical. Despite this, the
opportunity to identify if/how memorialization evolved within a single community
outweighed the fact that Portsmouth does not necessarily act as a stand in for New
Hampshire as a whole. If, for instance, I had sought soldiers graves in more representative
New Hampshire communities, I would have had to draw upon many more localities to
89 Joseph Foster, The Graves We Decorate: Memorial Day, 1917, Fifty-Two Years After Appomattox
(Portsmouth, NH: Grand Army of the Republic Storer Post No. 1, 1917), 9-27.
36


accumulate a sample equal to that available in Portsmouth. In this process, I would likely
have encountered towns that did not muster troops (or, at least, many troops) for each war.
Moreover, I would also have to consider how the different extents to which each of those
communities was involved in the war effected personal gravestone memorialization in local
cemeteries. Portsmouth, therefore, was the best option for studying the ways in which local
commemoration in the form of gravestone iconography compared to national patterns of war
memorialization.
Beginning my search for war dead buried in Portsmouth, I encountered a problem of
availability almost immediately. At the outset of my investigation, I had not considered the
fact that most militiamen and common soldiers who fell during the American Revolution and
War of 1812 never made it home. Rather, they were hastily buried by fellow soldiers on
distant battlefields, not by loved ones in their home towns.90 For the purposes of my study,
then, locating New Hampshire war dead was not feasible, and war dead in New Hampshire
was not possible. Perhaps there were one or two early patriots interred somewhere in
Portsmouth, but not enough for me to make any definitive statements about the
commemoration of war dead.
Considering this issue of availability, I expanded my investigation to include the
burial sites of war veterans as well as war dead in Portsmouth. By making this alteration to
the parameters of my study, I had a much larger sample with which to work. Furthermore,
expanding my study also added a new temporal element to consider. From the gravestones
of war dead, I would have only been able to see commemoration in the immediate aftermath
of the military conflict. By adding war veterans who lived up to a half century after the war,
90 Piehler, Remembering War, 26.
37


I could identify the endurance of commemorating military service over the span of several
decades.
Having identified the temporal, spatial, and demographic parameters of my
investigation, the next step was to identify former servicemen and locate their gravesites.
Beginning in 1893, the Portsmouth chapter of the Grand Army of the Republic (GAR), a now
defunct association for Civil War veterans, published a series of references that listed all
known former servicemen buried in Portsmouth cemeteries.91 Entrusted with decorating
military graves in the area for the federal Memorial Day holiday, the Portsmouth chapter, the
Storer Post, No. 1, included in their reference text all known military graves dating back to
the American Revolution. Using the Storer Posts texts, which are listed alphabetically and
sorted by cemetery, I began to build an appropriate sample of Revolutionary, War of 1812,
and Civil War soldiers to pursue.
Based on the GAR reference, I knew the majority of former servicemen rested in
North, Cotton, Proprietors, and Harmony Grove cemeteries. Established in 1753, North
Cemetery on Maplewood Avenue, often called Old North by Portsmouth residents, is the
second oldest public cemetery in the city.92 Cotton, Proprietors, and Harmony Grove
Cemeteries together form the largest and oldest portion of the South Street cemetery
complex. Established as a private burying ground and deeded to the city in 1671 by William
Cotton, Cotton Cemetery opened to public burials by 1721.93 Proprietors and Harmony
91 GAR Storer Post, No. 1 first published the Record Prepared for Memorial Day in 1893, which member
Joseph Foster expanded upon and republished as The Graves We Decorate in 1907, 1915, and 1917. The final
installment, published in 1921, is The Soldiers Memorial, which lists all known servicemen buried in
Portsmouth, NH, and the surrounding towns to that date.
92 Glenn A. Knoblock, Portsmouth Cemeteries (Charleston, SC: Arcadia Publishing, 2005), 49; Cynthia
Pridham-Thomas and Louise H. Tallman, North Cemetery, (unpublished cemetery index, Portsmouth Public
Library, 1993), 1.
93 Knoblock, Portsmouth Cemeteries, 71; Cynthia Pridham-Thomas and Louise H. Tallman, Cotton
Cemetery, (unpublished cemetery index, Portsmouth Public Library, 1994), 1.
38


Grove, on the other hand, have always been public burying grounds. Laid out by the city of
Portsmouth in 1831 and 1847, respectively, these two cemeteries form the majority of the
cemetery complex, a portion of which is still in use today.94
Using the Storer Post index as a guide, I expected to find approximately twenty-six
Revolutionary militiamen, nineteen participants of the War of 1812, and 394 Union soldiers
in these four Portsmouth cemeteries. The number of men involved in the American
Revolution seemed unusually low considering local tradition and historical research which
suggests that an instance in which residents of Portsmouth raided the armory at Fort
Constitution was one of the first acts of the war, and demonstrates the patriotism or the
rebellion of this town before the battle of Bunker Hill or the affairs of Lexington and
Concord.95 Expecting the number of Revolutionary veterans to be higher, I sought
additional soldier rolls and eventually found a list of burials compiled by the New Hampshire
Society Sons of the American Revolution (NHSSAR). The NHSSARs statewide list
includes several additional Revolutionary veterans buried in Portsmouth that were likely
unknown to the GAR of the early twentieth century. Some of these additional examples
rested in North, Cotton, Proprietors, and Harmony Grove Cemeteries, but many others were
interred on private lands or in long lost family burial grounds.96 Still, drawing from this
source, I bolstered my graves sample to include sixty-one Revolutionary soldiers.
Although locating the eighty men who served in the Revolution and War of 1812
seemed feasible, time constraints ensured I would not be able to locate all of the nearly 400
94 Knoblock, Portsmouth Cemeteries, 71.
95 D. Hamilton Hurd, History of Rockingham and Strafford Counties, New Hampshire, with Biographical
Sketches of Many of its Pioneers and Prominent Men (Philadelphia: J.W. Lewis & Co., 1882), 88.
96 Philip A. Wilcox, Revolutionary Graves of New Hampshire, New Hampshire Society Sons of the American
Revolution (NHSSAR), http://www.nhssar.org/PdfFiles/NH Revolutionary War Burials.pdf. accessed
September 5, 2015.
39


Yankee soldiers buried in Portsmouth. Instead, I established an approximately 30% sample
on which to focus. This sample included Civil War dead and veterans who died over a
period of nearly sixty years proportionately to how many died in each decade. By these
means I expected to be able to adequately track any changes in memorialization without
having to examine every gravestone.
The next step in my investigation was to actually locate the gravesites of each of the
205 former servicemen included in my sample. Cemetery surveys conducted in the early
1990s by local residents and amateur historians Cynthia Pridham-Thomas and Louise H.
Tallman greatly simplified this task. Between 1990 and 1995, Pridham-Thomas and Tallman
completed a comprehensive survey of each of Portsmouths public cemeteries, and produced
a series of alphabetical indices that list the name and burial plot of every individual interred
therein. Armed with exact burial plots and a map of each cemetery, I scoured the four
cemeteries to locate and examine each soldiers gravestone.
Upon locating the gravesite of one of my sample soldiers, I recorded all relevant
information for further analysis. I took detailed photographs of the stone and all inscriptions
and mortuary motifs. I also transcribed any inscriptions, and, finally, recorded the type of
stone and described any important design details present on the marker (see Appendices A,
B, and C for transcriptions and notes). In several cases headstones were damaged,
weathered, or missing. When possible, I filled in details missing from these grave markers
using the GAR and Pridham-Thomas and Tallman references, or, in some cases, older
photographs available on the internet that reveal details now lost to the ravages of time and
nature.97 If I could not find adequate information for one of these gravestones, I tried to
91 The website FindAGrave.Com hosts photographs of grave markers uploaded by the public. In certain cases, I
was able to find photographs of my sample soldiers headstones taken and uploaded within the last decade. By
40


substitute that of another serviceman of the same time period in order to preserve a
proportional sample, although this was not always possible. In sum, I located and recorded
gravestone information for forty-nine Revolutionary militiamen, seventeen veterans of the
War of 1812, and 124 Civil War soldiers.
examining these online images, I was able to confirm details only partially visible in my photographs due to
erosion or breakage of the stone in more recent years.
41


CHAPTER V
ANALYSIS OF GRAVESTONE TEXT AND ICONOGRAPHY
Within the stone walls of Portsmouths historic cemeteries, the remains of hundreds
of former soldiers lie beneath carved stones. Although these men shared in the bloody
experience of war, the monuments that mark their graves range in complexity, both in terms
of funerary motifs and allusions to military service. The following analysis examines the
inscriptions and iconography present on these stones, and identifies patterns of personal
commemoration at the burial sites of Revolutionary, War of 1812, and Civil War dead and
veterans. The results of this survey demonstrate that personal gravesite commemoration is
complex, and funerary iconography speaks to the often overlapping identities familial,
fraternal, military, etc. of the deceased. However, based on this sample, the typical pattern
of gravestone commemoration of personal military service, like national commemorative
trends for each of Americas earliest wars, was infrequent in the aftermath of the American
Revolution, but became increasingly more common as the American people placed additional
value on military service with each subsequent conflict.
American Revolution Veteran Burials
With certain exceptions, soldiers of the American Revolution who died in battle or
while on campaign far from home were buried where they fell rather than in the cemeteries
of their own communities. An assortment of factors (including disorganization and a lack of
funds, technology, and means of transportation) ensured that Portsmouths patriots who were
killed in action were unlikely to make it home again. Consequently, there are no war dead
included in this sample of Portsmouths Revolutionary burials. Rather, the forty-nine
42


gravesites included in this sample are those of Revolutionary veterans who died in or around
Portsmouth between 1779 and 1855.
Based on this sample, Portsmouths Revolutionary veterans respected cultural norms,
at least in terms of their gravestone designs. The earliest veteran deaths, which occurred in
the closing years of the eighteenth century, are marked by gravestones that demonstrate the
shift in mortuary art that was occurring at the time. For the most part, in fact, gravestones in
this sample adhere to predominant funerary motifs, with a few easily explainable anomalies.
Furthermore, of this sample of forty-nine Revolutionary veterans buried in Portsmouths
cemeteries, only nine (18%) have gravestones that indicate connections to the military, and
only four make concrete allusions to the war in which these men fought. Considering the
dates associated with each reference to the conflict, this sample suggests deference to
prevailing patterns of Revolutionary War commemoration.
Of the first eighteen veteran deaths (37% of the sample group), which occurred
between 1779 and 1808, only one gravestone denotes military service.98 Colonel Pierse
Longs (d. 1789) chest tomb is inscribed with the deceaseds military rank. Colonel Long
commanded the 1st New Hampshire Regiment both as a militia and after it became part of
the Continental service, and led troops at Ticonderoga and Saratoga.99 Despite this, his tomb
does not make any additional references to his service or the conflicts in which he was
involved. Rather, Colonel Longs role as family patriarch takes precedence as his otherwise
98 This group of eighteen former soldiers does not include Prince Whipple. Although Whipple died in 1808, his
grave marker, which does reference his military service, is an unusual case that will be discussed in greater
detail later in this section.
99 Joseph Foster, The Soldiers Memorial: 1893-1921 (Portsmouth, NH: Grand Army of the Republic Storer
Post No 1, 1921), 43.
43


undecorated grave marker simply lists the officers relations. Still, the inclusion of rank is
more of an allusion to military service than found on any of the other seventeen gravestones.
Gravestones in this sample do, however, conform to expected patterns based on
popular mortuary art. For instance, the headstones of John Foster, Samuel Dalling, and John
Femald, who died in 1781, 1788, and 1792, respectively, each depict a cherub. Produced
near the end of the century, and consequently the end of the cherubs popularity, these grave
markers co-mingle with early examples of the um and willow motif and, surprisingly, one
example of the Deaths Head.
The Deaths Head that adorns Nehemiah Rowells gravestone is uncommon, but not
unheard of, in the period of the mans 1779 death. According the James Deetzs studies, the
Deaths Head quickly began fading in popularity after 1759.100 Other scholars have
suggested, however, that the Deaths Head experienced a slight revival during the chaos of
the American Revolution when the public mood was often one of doubt and fear.101 Thus,
although Rowells stone does not reference military service, perhaps his rare funerary motif
is at least a small allusion to the conflict after all.
On the other hand, urn motifs decorate twenty-two of the forty-nine headstones (45%)
in this sample.102 Often associated more with mourning rituals than mortality, the urn, um
and willow, and um and drapery motifs also allude to hopes of safe passage through the veil
and heavenly immortality.103 Within this sample, the first example of an urn motif is dated
1791, and the last was erected in 1837. Every grave marker with an um includes an
100 James Deetz, In Small Things Forgotten: An Archaeology of Early American Life (New York: Anchor
Books, 1977 [1996]), 97.
101 Knoblock, Portsmouth Cemeteries, 50.
102 Although Deetz recorded examples of urn motifs in New England cemeteries dating to 1770, he contends
that the period of highest popularity for this motif was between 1790 and 1830; Deetz, Small Things, 97.
103 Douglas Keister, Stories in Stone: A Field Guide to Cemetery Symbolism and Iconography (Layton, UT:
Gibbs Smith, 2004), 67, 115, 137.
44


inscription which announces the name, dates, and age of death of the deceased. Twelve of
the twenty-two also include some form of epitaph ranging in length and content. Hall
Jacksons epitaph, for instance, speaks to the successful and respected medical career of the
man credited with the invention of digitalis heart medicines.104
In memory of
HALL JACKSON Esquire M.D.
Who departed this life
On the 28th of Sept. 1797
TEtat. 58
To heal disease, to calm the widows sigh
And wipe the tear from povertys swolen eye
Was thine! but ah! that skill on others shown
Tho life to them could not preserve thy own
Yet still thou livst in many a grateful breath
And works like thine enthron thee with the blest.
Others epitaphs, like the one inscribed on the grave of James Hill (d. 1811), suggests
deeds committed during life better commemorate the man than any epitaph. However,
despite the inclination to include grand statements on the gravestones of Revolutionary
veterans during this period, only three actually reference their military service.
In
Memory of
JAMES HILL
who died
Deer. 29, 1811
JEt. 58
Praises on Tombs are titles vainly spent
Mans good name is his best monument.
The remaining veterans of the American Revolution rest beneath gravestones with
divergent decorative styles, most of which are typical of each individuals period of death.
104 J. Estes, Hall Jackson and the Purple Foxglove (Lebanon, NH: University Press of New England, 1979).
45


Thomas Martin (d. 1805) and George Hart (d. 1807), for instance, each had gravestones
adorned with floral carvings. Although urn motifs were most common on headstones of this
era, other secular motifs (such as the floral garland) grew in popularity during this period of
waning religious influence (Figure 4).105 Likewise, as decades passed after the close of the
war, more veterans (11 in total) opted for increasingly popular undecorated, minimalist grave
markers.
Figure 4. George Harts 1807 gravestone at North Cemetery offers an example of a more
secular floral garland motif.
Like veterans memorialized with urn motif gravestones, those with otherwise adorned
or undecorated markers are similarly lacking allusions to military service. In fact, a total of
only nine gravestones in this sample suggest any association between the deceased and the
military. The four earliest of these nine stones include little more than a military rank in the
105 Knoblock, Portsmouth Cemeteries, 15.
46


inscription. In addition to Colonel Long (described above), Thomas Thompson (d. 1809),
Nathaniel Kennard (d. 1823), and Samuel Ham (d. 1825) are memorialized with their
respective ranks. For instance, Thompsons marble stone, decorated with a simple Christian
cross in bas-relief, reads:
THOMAS
THOMPSON
NEW HAMPSHIRE
CAPTAIN
CONTINENTAL NAVY
FEBRUARY 22, 1809
COLONEL
OF ARTILIERY
STATE OF N.H. 1785
By specifying Thompson was both a Captain in the Continental Navy and a Colonel of
Artiliery [sic], this stone is the most detailed of the four. Kennard and Hams stones, each
embellished with an urn and willow motif, are inscribed only Capt. And Col.,
respectively. Although an observer should be able to infer the conflict in which Thompson
served, identifying Kennard and Hams service by their gravestones alone is complicated by
the fact that the memorials post-date more than one American war. Certainly, the observer
could theorize in which war the men fought based on their ages, but, without external
confirmation, the gravestones commemorate each mans service, but not the rebellion itself.
Three additional gravestones concretely indicate in which conflict the interred veteran
fought. Ammi R. Halls 1833 headstone, for example, attests that He was a patriot of the
Revolution. Similarly, an 1837 gravestone declares Thomas Harvey a worthy Soldier of
the Revolution, and a marker from 1851 indicates that Mark Green was a Revolutionary
47


Soldier.106 Shifting perceptions regarding commemoration on a national scale and
memorialization efforts made by former soldiers of the War of 1812 may account for Greens
mid-century monument bearing such an inscription, but Hall and Harveys gravestones pre-
date these influences. Considering Portsmouths proximity to Boston, however, these
veterans and their families likely knew of the Bunker Hill Monument Associations ongoing
efforts to raise funds for a monument to the battle. This large-scale drive for commemoration
may have influenced Hall and Harveys decisions to include their Revolutionary service on
their gravestones.
The two remaining examples of headstones indicating military service are anomalous
to this sample because they are actually military headstones furnished by the War
Department. Military stones, which are made of marble and feature a sunken shield with the
deceaseds name in relief, were first issued in 1879.107 Consequently, these gravestones
either replaced earlier markers, or otherwise denoted previously unmarked graves. In the
case of Prince Whipple (d. 1808), the latter is true. According to Chandler E. Potters
Military History of the State of New Hampshire, Prince Whipple, who was alleged to have
been descended from an African prince, was a slave of General William Whipple. The
general awarded Prince Whipple his freedom on condition of his good fighting during the
American Revolution.108
Despite being a freeman and a war veteran at the time of his death, however, Prince
Whipple did not originally have a carved grave monument. As Fosters record of
106 See Appendix A for a complete description of grave iconography and text for each Revolutionary veteran
included in this survey.
107 National Cemetery Administration, History of Government Furnished Headstones and Markers, U.S.
Department of Veteran Affairs, accessed December 8, 2015, www.cem.va.gov/history/hmhist.asp.
108 C. E. Potter, Military History of the State of New Hampshire, from its Settlement in 1623 to the Rebellion in
1861 (Concord, NH: McFarland & Jenks, 1866), 344.
48


Portsmouths military burials attests, his grave was originally marked with two rough
fieldstones.109 In fact, the site remained so marked until the United States, through Storer
Post, Grand Army of the Republic planted the present stone in late June 1908 in hopes that
the new memorial stone to this Revolutionary veteran [would] preserve his memory for
many years.110 Thus, the present stone does not reflect original commemoration. It does,
however, demonstrate post-Civil War efforts to commemorate all American veterans. Rather
than becoming lost to time and memory, Prince Whipples grave and, consequently, service
are now properly, albeit simply, memorialized with an army shield and the words CONTL
TROOPS/REV WAR (Figure 5).
109 Foster, Soldiers Memorial, 68.
110 Joseph Foster, Tablet to Prince Whipple, The Portsmouth Herald, July 11, 1908, 8.
49


Similarly, despite his 1853 death date, George Colbaths gravesite in Harmony Grove
Cemetery boasts a War Department headstone inscribed N.H. MIL. Unfortunately, it is
unclear what, if anything, marked Colbaths grave previously. Therefore, although we
cannot make any inferences about the original memorial, the present example speaks to
evolving commemorative efforts related to the American Revolution. Like those who
lobbied for Prince Whipples headstone, whether they were descendants or concerned
citizens, later generations caught up in the post-Civil War rush to memorialize made the
effort to ensure proper commemoration for a man who fought for independence a century
earlier.
Examples of personal commemoration on the headstones of Portsmouths
Revolutionary veterans generally mimic trends of national commemoration for the conflict.
During this time period, for instance, the federal government opted not to commemorate the
late war based on concerns about becoming too much like the monarchy, but individuals and
local institutions periodically erected monuments honoring patriotic leaders and war
heroes.111 Likewise, for those who died during or in the immediate aftermath of the war,
gravestones typically observe socially accepted standards of popular funerary art. However,
there are a few exceptions in which military service (but not the war) was recognized.
Furthermore, as decades passed, national commemoration of the Revolution increased
and, although still sporadic, so did personal commemoration on veteran gravestones. Finally,
in the aftermath of the Civil War, the federal government sought to reunite the sections by
commemorating all past wars in an effort to reestablish a patriotic national narrative.112 The
result of this was a period of manic monument building and memorialization. As the military
111 Piehler, Remembering War, 22.
112 Chambers, Memories of War, 16.
50


gravestones of Prince William and George Colbath attest, this mania included ensuring even
long-dead patriots were properly honored at their gravesites. Although by no means
universal, this sample suggests that former Revolutionary soldiers and the families thereof
were more likely to adhere to prevailing ideological currents than to overtly memorialize a
conflict that the nation was not yet ready to commemorate.
War of 1812 War Dead and Veteran Burials
Like the grave markers of Portsmouths Revolutionary veterans, the seventeen
locatable headstones for War of 1812 dead and veterans largely conform to expected patterns
of funerary art (or lack thereof) typical of their death years. Although gravestones marking
the earliest deaths bear the um and willow motif, and a select few display familial,
occupational, or fraternal iconography, the majority of former soldiers in this sample lie
under undecorated stones. Despite a total lack of military iconography in this group as well,
roughly half of these seventeen gravestones declare the deceaseds military service with
textual references.113 This is a considerable increase from the nineteen percent of
Revolutionary servicemen with similar accolades.
Falling in the later years of the motifs popularity, only two servicemen associated
with the War of 1812 have identifiable ums and willows on their gravestones. Lieutenant
Champion Spalding died while stationed with a detached militia at Portsmouth Plains in
October 1814.114 His gravestone depicts an ornately decorated um under the bending arms of
a weeping willow. Local news clippings reproduced in Fosters record of servicemen buried
in New Hampshires seacoast area testify that Spalding was brought into town and interred
113 See Appendix B for a complete description of grave iconography and text for each War of 1812 dead and
veteran included in this survey
114 Foster, Soldiers Memorial, 58.
51


with military honors.115 Despite this, his military service is only discemable on his
gravestone by the inclusion of his rank. Likewise, Lieutenant Walter B. Brown, who died in
1816, rests under an elaborate urn and willow design with only his rank as an indicator of his
service. Based on their headstones alone, one would not know in which conflict these two
men fought. A curious investigator might make an assumption based on ages and death
dates, but would have to seek elsewhere for confirmation.
Between the deaths of Spalding and Brown, a Portsmouth sailor named George
Perkins was lost at sea along with the American privateering vessel on which he served. His
gravestone, which is missing as of October 2015, once stated Lost in the Privateer
Portsmouth, in the winter of 1815.116 Although it is unclear whether Perkinss stone made
any further reference to the war or was otherwise decorated with military/naval iconography,
this is the earliest case in which something more elaborate than rank (in regards to the
conflict) appears on a War of 1812 grave marker.
In keeping with social convention, veterans of the War of 1812, or the families
thereof, more often opted for undecorated gravestones as the years passed after the conflict.
Of the seventeen men in this sample, eleven have no decorative motifs on their grave
markers. Of these eleven, only three have discernable textual references to military service.
The eight remaining former servicemen lie under grave markers typical of the period. John
Stavers Davis (d. 1843), Robert Neal (d. 1852), and Samuel P. Wiggin (d. 1853) have
minimalist gravestones. In addition to being undecorated, these examples are devoid of
frivolities and are inscribed with only names, death dates, and ages. The gravestones of Eben
Whitehouse (d. 1862), Rueben S. Randall (d. 1862), James Raitt (d. 1869), and William
115 Foster, Soldiers Memorial, 59; reprinted from the New Hampshire Gazette, Nov. 1, 1814.
116 Foster, Soldiers Memorial, 53.
52


Bodge (d. 1874), on the other hand, speak to familial and friendship ties, each specifying that
the deceased was a father. The final headstone, that of John B. Barsantee (d. 1875), is largely
illegible, making identification of textual references to military service impossible.
Interestingly, the three former servicemen identified as such on their gravestones died
decades apart. Henry M. McClintock, for instance, was likely still in the service of the U.S.
Navy when he died at sea in 1817. Although he is listed as a midshipman on the U.S.S.
Adams during the War of 1812, McClintocks gravestone states only that he served in the
Navy and makes no reference to the particular conflict in which he fought.117 Similarly, the
gravestone of John Goodrich, who died more than half a century and two American wars
later in 1869, makes only a simple reference to the deceaseds military service by listing his
rank. Goodrichs headstone identifies him as a Captain. Considering United States
Population Census include a notation that Goodrich was a teamster, it is likely that this rank
was military as opposed to a reference to occupational seafaring.118 The gravestone of David
Lester, on the other hand, makes specific reference to the conflict in which he served. Lester,
who died in 1877 at the age of 77, was barely a teen when he was, as his gravestone affirms,
a soldier of the war of 1812. Despite living six decades after the end of the conflict, it
appears that Lesters military service was important enough to either him or his loved ones to
inscribe on his grave marker.
The three remaining veterans of the War of 1812 included in this sample have more
personalized grave markers bearing fraternal, occupational, and familial iconography. Major
117 Maine, Compiled Military Records, 1812-1865, Ancestry.Com, accessed November 10, 2015; original
records located at the Maine State Archives. Maine Military Records, 1812-1865. Augusta, Maine: Maine State
Archives.
118 United States Population Census, 1860, Ancestry.com, accessed November 10, 2015.
53


David Foster (d. 1823), for instance, has distinctly masonic imagery on his grave marker
(Figure 6).
Figure 6. Detail of Masonic imagery on David Fosters 1823 gravestone at North Cemetery.
The motif that tops Fosters gravestone includes an all-seeing eye, a key embedded with a
cross, an urn, a sarcophagus, a pyramid, and the Masonic Keystone (the letters
H.T.W.S.S.T.K.S. arranged in a circle within the keystone of an arch).119 Masonic symbols
are often very fluid, meaning different things to different orders, which complicates the
interpretation of some of the smaller elements of this motif.120 Despite this, the Egyptian
elements certainly suggest a connection to the Freemasons, a group that has historically
119 The letters included in the Masonic Keystone are allegedly an acronym for the phrase Hiram The Widows
Son Sent to King Solomon, Keister, Stories in Stone, 192.
120 Robert L.D. Cooper, Cracking the Freemasons Code: The Truth About Solomons Key and the Brotherhood
(New York: Atria Books, 2006), 106.
54


traced its roots to the cult of Isis and Osiris.121 Furthermore, the all-seeing eye and the
Masonic Keystone, which is indicative of an ancient grand master, confirm that Foster was
intimately linked to the Masonic community.122 In comparison, the only reference to
Fosters military service evidenced on his gravestone is that his name is preceded by his rank.
Thus, Fosters headstone is an excellent depiction of a mans competing, or overlapping,
identities. Despite being a veteran of the War of 1812, Fosters headstone represents what he
felt was the most important aspect of his life, his membership in a fraternal order.
Likewise, William C. Harriss (d. 1853) headstone demonstrates his strong ties to his
occupation while wholly ignoring his military service. Omitting military iconography and
textual reference to rank or service, Harriss grave marker instead depicts an open book
inscribed with the words A Dutiful Teacher (Figure 7).
Figure 7. William C. Harriss 1853 gravestone at Harmony Grove Cemetery, whic
the image of an open book, speaks to the deceaseds teaching profession.
i bears
121 Eric Grant, The Sphinx in the North: Egyptian Influences on Landscape, Architecture and Interior Design in
Eighteenth- and Nineteenth Century Scotland, in The Iconography of Landscape, edited by Denis Cosgrove
and Stephen Daniels (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 241.
122 Keister, Stories in Stone, 191-192.
55


Erected by his grateful pupils, as the stones reverse attests, Harriss gravestone is clearly a
monument to what his loved ones and students felt most representative of his life. Although
this war veteran served his nation, his headstone speaks instead to his professional pursuits
and his identity as a teacher.
Lastly, the gravestone for Timothy Upham (d. 1855) brandishes a family crest rather
than images indicative of military service. Despite a lack of iconographic representations of
military service, Uphams epitaph affirms that:
He was Lieut. Colonel U.S.A.
during the war of 1812
and for many years,
Collector of this Port.
Thus, having survived for many years after the close of the war, Upham and his family felt
his involvement in that conflict was as important as the appointed position he held later in
life. Of the seventeen identifiable men who served in this conflict and are now buried in
Portsmouth, Upham is one of only two that have headstones that reference the war.
Based on this small sample, I identified two correlations. Lirst, the majority of
former War of 1812 servicemen who have gravestones that reference military service died
during or within a decade of the end of the conflict. However, none of these grave markers
specify in which war the deceased fought. This suggests that although military service was
important to these individuals, they or their families opted against personally
commemorating involvement in a conflict which the nation as a whole had not yet
commemorated.
Lurthermore, the two veterans who do have grave markers that specify involvement
in the War of 1812 lived many decades beyond the end of the conflict. Timothy Upham
survived forty additional years and was outlived by David Lester by another twenty-two
56


years. Uphams death fell in the period in which War of 1812 veterans began to organize in
an attempt to preserve their narrative and amass larger land bounties. Lesters passing at the
tail end of the Reconstruction era placed his gravestone firmly within the period of
monument mania. As individuals and communities across the nation erected memorials to
fallen heroes of the Civil War, it makes sense that the Lester family chose to memorialize his
much earlier service to the nation. Thus, where instances of personal commemoration exist
within this sample, they align with American commemorative efforts on a national scale.
Civil War Dead and Veteran Burials
Commemoration of the Civil War began even before the gun smoke settled, and, for
the first time in American history, focused largely on the common soldiers. As early as
November 1863, on a battlefield in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania (where only four months earlier
men in Yankee blue and Confederate gray had fought and died) President Abraham Lincoln
dedicated a portion of land as a cemetery for Union soldiers.123 In the years that followed,
communities on both sides of the Mason-Dixon Line erected countless monuments to both
the great leaders and the common soldiers that fought for the cause.
The drive to commemorate during these years is no less apparent in Portsmouths
cemeteries. The vast majority (74%; n = 93) of gravestones for Civil War dead and veterans
included in this sample make reference to the deceaseds military service in the most
devastating American conflict to that time.124 From 1861 on, those who served were more
123 James M. McPherson, Abraham Lincoln (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 35.
124 The presence of a monument does not mean the deceased is buried in Portsmouth. There are four examples
in which the remains of war dead from this sample are interred elsewhere, and their stones specify that they
sleep in southern soil. In the case of Levi Moses Jr, who drowned off of Cape Hatteras, NC, remains were
never recovered, and the soldiers epitaph is inscribed on his fathers tombstone.
57


likely than not to have grave markers that include an inscription of their fighting units, or
some other representation of their service and sacrifices.125
Soldiers Killed in Action or On Campaign
Although many of the Civil War dead and veterans have grave markers denoting their
military service, more traditional examples of burial art are also present within the sample.
This is especially true on the gravestones of soldiers who fell in battle or on campaign. Of
the twenty-five war dead who have gravesites in Portsmouth, eighteen have examples of the
undecorated headstones that dominated the cemetery landscape at the time. Despite a lack of
iconography, fifteen of these grave markers concretely referenced the conflict by listing the
deceaseds company and regiment (Table 1).
Frequently, these gravestones also state where or in which battle the soldier fell (see
Table 1). In one example, Edwin Falls monument proclaims that the deceased was killed on
the second day of fighting at Gettysburg. Erected by Falls parents in memory of their 19-
year-old son, the gravestone further states he was A good son and a brave soldier. Not
only does this monument remind passersby that Fall fought and died for the Union, but also
commemorates the fact that he did so bravely.
EDWIN H.
son of
Otis & Elizabeth Fall
A member of Co. I.
32nd Mass. Regiment
Killed at the battle of
Gettysburg July 2, 1863.
Aged 19 Yrs. [illegible] Mos.
A good son and a brave soldier.
125 See Appendix C for a complete description of grave iconography and text for each Civil War dead and
veteran included in this survey
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VO
Table 1. Civil War dead gravestones with decoration and/or inscriptions that reference military service.
Name Death Year Cemetery Undec- orated Frat- ernal Mili- tary Other Unk- nown Rank Service Inscriptions Referencing Military Service
Moses, Levi Jr 1861 Proprietors X X Drowned from US steamer Flag, off Cape Hatteras
Oxford, William F 1861 Harmony Grove X X wounded at the battle of Bull Run Died at Richmond Aug. 5, 1861
Downing, Nelson N 1862 Harmony Grove X X He passed to the spirit world while gal- lantly defending the flag of his Country from on board the U.S. Steamer Pensacola Apr. 24, 1862 in the bombardment of Forts Jackson and Phillips, New Orleans Harbor
Greenough, Robert F. 1862 Old North X X Co. H. 29th Reg. MA. died at Antietam Md
Saxton, Mortimer F 1862 Harmony Grove X X Died at New Orleans, La. in the service of his Country as a member of Co. H. 30th Regt. Mass. Volunteers He rests in southern soil.
Stringer, Joseph W. 1862 Old North X
Carter, Henry M 1863 Harmony Grove X X 16th N.H. Reg. Died at New Orleans He sleeps in southern soil.
Edney, Charles A 1863 Harmony Grove X X Member of Co. K 16th Regt. N.H.V.


Table 1, continued. Civil War dead gravestones with decora tion anc /or inscriptions that reference military service.
Name Death Year Cemetery Undec- orated Frat- ernal Mili- tary Other Unk- nown Rank Service Inscriptions Referencing Military Service
Fall, Edwin H. 1863 Proprietors X X A member of Co. I. 32nd Mass. Regiment Killed at the battle of Gettysburg July 2, 1863. A good son and a brave soldier.
Gates, Warren G. 1863 Old North X X died at Morris I.S.C. A soldier of 1863.
Elaven, Samuel C. 1863 Proprietors X X X 162 N.Y. INF.
Laighton, Bennett 1863 Proprietors X X 16th Regt. N.H. Vol. Died in Buffalo, N.Y. His life was sacrificed in the war for the preservation of the Union.
Locke, Joseph J 1863 Harmony Grove X X A member of Co. K. 12th Me. Regt. killed at Port Hudson, May 25, 1863 He sleeps where he fell in defense of his country.
Parks, Thomas B. 1863 Old North X
Pearson, John 1863 Harmony Grove X X A member of Co. K, 16 Regt. N.H.V.
Whipple, Amiel 1863 Proprietors X X X Maine Corps of Engineers US Army Died of wounds received at the battle of Chancellorsville, Va.


Table 1 continued. Civil War dead gravestones with decoration and/or inscriptions that reference military service.
Name Death Year Cemetery Undec- orated Frat- ernal Mili- tary Other Unk- nown Rank Service Inscriptions Referencing Military Service
Adams, Horace H 1864 Harmony Grove X X X CORP CO G 10 RET NH VOL
Aitchision, George C. 1864 Old North X
Daily, Milo H 1864 Harmony Grove X X 11th Mass. Battery Killed June 19, 1864
Hammond, Pierpont 1864 Old North X X CO. [illegible] 10THN.H.
Marden, John L.| 1864 Harmony Grove X X Killed in a skirmish near Charleston, Va.
Moses, Edward 1864 Proprietors X X X Acting Master Commanding U.S.N.
Walker, Wm Augustus 1864 Proprietors X X Fell in battle near Richmond, Va. He sleeps in Southern soil
Anderson, James F 1865 Harmony Grove X
Maxwell, William H. H. 1865 Harmony Grove X X X Corpl of Co. K 5th Regt N.H.V. was killed while on a skir mish at Sailors Creek Va. God grant that it was not a vain sacrifice.


Mortimer F. Saxtons headstone likewise testifies that the soldier died at New Orleans
on October 11, 1862. Moreover, it affirms that Saxtons remains, which were never returned
to Portsmouth, rest in southern soil. In some ways, Saxtons headstone is truly a
monument to his service. It does not mark the final resting place of his remains and serves
no purpose other than to commemorate his service and his death in defense of the nation.
MORTIMER FAXON SAXTON
Born at
Weathersfield, VT
June 9, 1823
Died at New Orleans, La. in
the service of his Country
as a member of Co. H. 30th
Regt. Mass. Volunteers
October 11, 1862
He rests in southern soil.
The seven remaining Civil War dead from this sample have similarly inscribed
gravestones (six of which announce the deceaseds service and subsequent sacrifice for the
cause), but with the addition religious, fraternal, and military iconography. For instance,
Amiel Whipples 1863 monument is topped by a carved Christian cross, and George C.
Aitchisions 1864 headstone boasts a Masonic square and compass. Again demonstrating the
ways civilian and military identities overlapped for these men, these headstones make
iconographic allusions to other aspects of these soldiers lives while giving priority to Civil
War service in the epitaph.
Curiously, not all testaments of the soldiers sacrifice evoke a feeling of pride.
William H. H. Maxwells gravestone, erected by his wife in 1865, rather reminds passersby
of the uncertainty of war. Killed April 6, 1865, only three days before General Lees
surrender at Appomattox Courthouse, Maxwells headstone bears the following inscription:
62


MY HUSBAND
WM. H. H. MAXWELL
Corpl
of Co. K 5th Regt
N.H.V.
was killed while on a skir
mish at Sailors Creek Ya.
April 6, 1865
Aged 24 yrs. 5 mos.
God grant that it was not a vain
sacrifice.
The top of this stone bears the image of a partially furled American flag crossed over a
musket from which hangs a canteen. Below the flag and musket, an ammunition box sits on
the ground, presumably abandoned by the soldier killed in action (Ligure 8). The inscription
and decorative motif together allude to the high cost of war. Despite the ending of hostilities,
Maxwells gravestone serves as a reminder that reconciliation was far from complete.
Although this stone honors Maxwell and his service, it is not a monument to the conflict or
the cause for which he died.
Ligure 8. Detail of the military iconography on William H. H. Maxwells 1865 gravestone at
Harmony Grove Cemetery.
63


Maxwells gravestone is, however, atypical of this sample. By and large, the remains
of Portsmouths Civil War dead rest beneath monuments that suggest the deceased, or the
families thereof, took pride in their service. In fact, several epitaphs to the war dead convey
a much stronger sense of honor by actually stating that their sacrifices were made in service
of the country. Nelson N. Downings 1862 gravestone, for instance, suggests a certain level
of pride that the deceased gave his life in support of the cause, attesting He passed to the
spirit world while gal-lantly defending the flag of his Country (Figure 9).
Figure 9. The epitaph on Nelson N. Downings 1862 gravestone at Harmony Grove
Cemetery attests that the soldier died bravely in battle.
Bennett Laightons marker from the following year, which states His life was
sacrificed in the war for the preservation of the Union, similarly indicates admiration even
in the face of the familys loss. As monuments to the fighting men sprung up across the
64


northern states and the federal government exploited those who died as a source of
inspiration for others to fight on, grieving families erected grave markers as more
personalized monuments to the righteousness and sacrifices of their lost soldiers.
Veteran Gravestones Indicating Service
As decades passed after the war, the families of former servicemen continued to
commission grave markers that extolled their service during the war years. Doing so ensured
that even in death these veterans would be identified as members of a particular institution of
cultural importance.126 By emblazoning their graves with their fighting units, Civil War
veterans conveyed a sense of pride in having served the Union and an enduring commitment
to their brothers-in-arms. Of the 101 veterans from this sample who returned to the
Portsmouth area and died there over the next half century, thirty-four have their rank and/or
company and regiment inscribed on civilian headstones and an additional thirty-five have
military issued grave markers.127
It is unexpectedly easy to locate the gravesites of Civil War veterans when marked
with military headstones. Although occasionally differing in height, each military stone
consists of a marble rectangle with cambered top. Decorated with a sunken shield, the
soldiers name and, typically, military branch or fighting unit appear in relief (see Figure
5).128 Of the thirty-seven total military headstones, four bear only the veterans name or rank
and name, while the other thirty-three (like the two examples that follow) list the veterans
service branch or company and regiment.
126 Collier, Symbolism of Death, 728.
127 Including the replacement stones for two war dead, there are a total of thirty-seven military issued
gravestones in this sample.
128 National Cemetery Administration, Government Furnished Headstones.
65


HUGH HUNTER
U.S. NAVY
CORPL
C. E. JOHNSON
CO. D
3D N.H. INF
The War Department first issued military headstones to Union veterans buried in non-
military cemeteries in 1879.129 Consequently, at least a dozen examples of military stones in
this sample replaced earlier grave markers for those burials that pre-dated that year. In at
least one instance, the replacement stone furnishes less information than the original civilian
stone. Horace H. Adamss original grave marker, which stood until at least 1917 when the
GAR published its record of military burials in Portsmouth, specified that the deceased was
Wounded at Fair Oaks, Oct. 27, died at Hampton hospital, [mc] Va., Nov. 10, 1864.130
Adamss current military headstone, which itself appears to have been replaced, lists only
that Adams was a Corporal of the 10th New Hampshire Volunteers Company G, information
that was very likely also included on his civilian grave marker (Figure 10).131 War
Department issued gravestones certainly offer a more egalitarian landscape for soldiers who
lived through the common experience of war, and speak to the prevailing social ideology that
every soldier should be memorialized for his service. Unfortunately, to some extent, they do
so at the expense of more elaborate monuments to the deceased.
129 In 1929, the government extended the right to military headstones to all Confederate veterans as well;
Piehler, Remembering War, 66; National Cemetery Administration, Government Furnished Headstones.
130 Foster, Graves, 15.
131 Government issued replacement stones furnished in the twentieth century are the same shape, but are
inscribed with the outline of a shield as well as the name, unit, and birth and death years; National Cemetery
Administration, Replacement Headstones and Markers, U.S. Department of Veteran Affairs, accessed
December 9, 2015, www.cem.va.gov/cem/hmm/replacements.asp.
66


Figure 10. Horace H. Adamss current headstone is a replacement military marker furnished
by the War Department in the twentieth century.
In another example, the family of one soldier counteracted this issue by electing to
utilize both military and civilian gravestones to honor the deceased. A survey of Cotton
Cemetery revealed a large civilian stone for John A. Holbrook (d. 1866), decorated with the
three chain links indicative of the Independent Organization of Oddfellows, a fraternal
organization.132 In addition to this stone, a military marker inscribed J.A.
HOLBROOK/U.S. NAVY sits roughly two meters to the east in the customary location of a
footstone. This example is interesting in that the two stones reveal distinct facets of the
deceaseds life and personality. Rather than erase references to Holbrooks fraternal ties by
replacing his civilian gravestone, a later generation simply added the military stone nearby to
ensure enduring memorialization of the veterans service.
132 Keister, Stories in Stone, 197.
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On the other hand, in thirty-four other examples, the deceased veteran (or family
thereof) opted for a civilian stone inscribed with military distinctions rather than a military
marker. Like the overall sample, the majority of these are undecorated gravestones (n = 21;
62%), although floral (n = 4), military (n = 3), and other (n = 6) motifs are also present.133 In
total, thirty of these examples bear the deceaseds company and regiment, while the
remaining four only include the deceaseds rank.
A few of the civilian stones resemble war dead gravestones in the type of extra
information provided. Three examples from 1882, 1892, and 1902, for instance, specify
outright that the deceased participated in the sectional conflict. Although Samuel W.
Waldron and Edwin R. Goodrich passed many years after the War of Rebellion (in 1882
and 1892, respectively), both are buried beneath stones that make plain the rank and unit of
each man during the conflict. Seventy-year-old Benjamin Lakes headstone from a decade
later likewise indicates that he was a Pvt. Co K 2nd NH Vol. War of Rebellion.
SAMUEL WALLIS WALDRON
BORN
OCT. 24, 1828
DIED
AUG. 24, 1882
President of the Common Council
of Boston Mass in 1859
Lieutenant Aide-de-Camp, Captain
and Assistant Adjt. General
in the war of the Rebellion.
EDWIN R. GOODRICH
BORN
Jan. 21, 1826
DIED
Apr. 22, 1892
A member of 7th N.Y. Regt.,
And Col. On Gen. Burnsides staff
During War of Rebellion.
Two additional gravestones offer even further detail regarding the veterans service
years. George Sawyers 1875 headstone specifies that the veteran was wounded at the battle
133 Other motifs include a fleur de lis, a Maltese cross, architectural columns, a gravestone reminiscent of the
shape of a mausoleum, and two family monuments.
68


of the Wilderness in 1864. Similarly, George Baileys 1869 gravestone demonstrates that the
deceased felt it important to document the fact that he chose to re-enlist after his original
three-month service, and served until the end of the conflict.
GEORGE SAWYER
A member of Co.
G 1st Regt. Mass. Vols.
Wounded at battle of Wilderness
1864
Died at Ports. N.H. Dec. 6, 1875
JE. 38 Yrs.
GEORGE F. BAILEY
DIED
March 19, 1869
Aged 34 Years
A member of the 6th Ma
Regt. three months.
Reenlisted in 1st Ma
Cavalry to the end of
the war.
The Civil War was a pivotal period for the generation of Americans that experienced
the conflict. For many men, service in the Union army was an indicator of masculinity. To
risk ones life in service of the nation was indicative of a mans bravery as well has his
virtue, will, [and] convictions of duty and honor.134 Thus, deeds committed and wounds
sustained during the war continued to prompt high esteem and represent ones manhood in
the years that followed. It is not surprising, then, that these experiences would be inscribed
on a veterans gravestone as a powerful memorial to their lives and service.
Two monuments from this sample have, along with their inscriptions, iconography
further indicative of the deceaseds past military service. Both examples mark the final
resting places of former naval officers. George F. Pearsons 1865 gravestone, for instance,
attests that the deceased was a Rear Admiral in the U.S. Navy. The stone features a large
anchor in bas-relief with the Greek symbols for Alpha and Omega inscribed on either side of
the anchors shank. The 1874 headstone for William Black, a longtime boatswain both bom
134 James M. McPherson, For Cause & Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1997), 131.
69


and stationed in Portsmouth, similarly denotes service in the U.S.N. and features an anchor
wrapped in chain (Figure 11).135 Although the anchor is often used as a Christian symbol of
hope, its inclusion on the gravestones of these naval officers clearly communicates that these
were career seamen. Although neither of these stones affirm that the men served during the
Civil War (or any earlier conflict for that matter), the imagery serves as a more easily
accessible memorial to a fundamental aspect of their lives, their service in the navy.
Figure 11. William Blacks 1871 headstone at Harmony Grove Cemetery bears an anchor
motif common among Portsmouths naval men.
Two additional gravestones deserve mention as they are each unique within this
sample. The first is an 1880 stone for George A. Brown at Harmony Grove Cemetery.
Although Brown enlisted in the Union army in 1864 at age 23 and served one year with
135 Augustus D. Ayling, Revised Register of the Soldiers and Sailors of New Hampshire in the War of the
Rebellion, 1861-1866 (Concord, NH: Ira C. Evans, Public Printer, 1895), 1101.
70


Company L of the 1st New Hampshire Heavy Artillery, the marble stone does not report
Browns rank or regiment.136 It is simply inscribed as follows:
HUSBAND
GEORGE A. BROWN
DIED
Feb. 10, 1880
Aged 39 yrs.
Atop the stone, however, sits a carved rendering of the Union forage cap typically worn by
enlisted men (Figure 12). Without words, this stone effectively conveys that the interred, a
beloved husband, was also a soldier of the Civil War. Although passersby would not know
anything more about his military experience from the gravestone alone, the monument still
memorializes his service to the country.
The second headstone of interest belongs to Willard Young and dates to 1883. Like
the previous example, the inscription on Youngs monument fails to inform the viewer of the
136 Ayling, Revised Register, 925.
71


veterans rank or regiment. However, inscribed above his name, Youngs monument reads
STORER POST NO 1 GAR. Young served in the 26th Maine Infantry for nine months in
1862 and 1863.137 As a veteran of the Union army, he was an eligible, and presumably
active, member of the Grand Army of the Republic veterans organization for the remainder
of his life. Therefore, although this headstone does not memorialize the unit with which
Young fought, it does successfully demonstrate that the deceased was a former serviceman.
Furthermore, it commemorates his military service in terms of a social/fratemal organization
with which he was involved for a much longer span than that of his engagement in the Union
army.
Gravestones Not Indicative of Military Service
Although gravestones alluding to the sectional conflict of the 1860s dominate this
sample, approximately 26% (n = 33) of Civil War dead and veteran markers make no
reference to military service of any kind. These gravestones mark the final resting places of
four men who died while on campaign, thirty-two veterans of the conflict, and one female
army nurse. A handful of grave markers in this group are decorated, exhibiting funerary
motifs typical of the late nineteenth through early twentieth centuries such as scrolls and
floral designs. The majority (n = 23), however, are undecorated. Most, like the two that
follow, trend toward minimalism with only the simplest of inscriptions to the dead.
JOHN MORGAN
DIED
Dec. 26, 1893
JE. 51 yrs.
HORACE M. BATSON
1840- 1897
137 NPS, Soldiers and Sailors Database; Foster, Soldiers Memorial, 72.
72


Furthermore, in at least five instances, the veterans name and dates appears on a
family monument with no obvious personal stone. In these cases, the grave markers stress
familial connections over personal accolades. Consequently, these gravestones are
surprisingly impersonal. Although they are certainly memorials to the dead, they do not
effectively commemorate any particular aspect of the deceaseds life, nor are they in any way
memorials to the war in which these former soldiers fought.
Drawing Conclusions from Portsmouths Civil War Burials
Unlike the American Revolution or War of 1812, Americans commemorated the Civil
War immediately and persistently. In response to heavy bloodshed and high causalities, both
the federal government and private enterprises quickly made efforts to memorialize the men
who willingly served their nation, or at least those wearing Yankee blue. As bullets cut
through the ranks of men from so many walks of life, loved ones back home sought to honor
the common soldier for his service and sacrifice. As a result, examples of personal
commemoration in relation to the war appear in the form of grave markers from the first war
dead to the longest surviving veteran in this sample.
The sample of Portsmouths Civil War dead and veterans demonstrates that men who
served in the bloodiest American conflict to that date were more likely than not to be buried
beneath grave markers that alluded to their military experiences than any of their
counterparts from earlier wars. In fact, seventy-four percent of the sample headstones
display either textual or iconographic references to the war, including inscriptions of rank,
regiment, or involvement in important battles, and images of anchors, rifles, and forage caps.
Furthermore, examples of personal commemoration in the form of decorated grave
markers are more common for Civil War dead and veterans than for servicemen from any
73


previous conflict. The Civil War was a turning point, or a period of coming of age, in the
lives of many American men. The desire of former soldiers and their families to
commemorate their service, as evidenced by military references on gravestones, indicates an
esteem for those that fought on behalf of the nation and a growing belief in the importance of
documenting their sacrifices.
74


CHAPTER VI
CONCLUSION AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR FURTHER STUDY
Even a cursory review of the major events in American history demonstrates the
frequency with which the nation has gone to war. As G. Kurt Piehler attests, [n]o
generation of Americans has managed to avoid fighting a major war, and the ways in which
we remember and commemorate those wars have reshap[ed] the American national identity
over time.138 In his study, however, Piehler focuses only on national trends of conflict
commemoration, and fails to examine how individuals remember and memorialize those
events. My survey of the grave markers of early American servicemen, therefore, is an
extension of earlier studies; one which seeks to determine whether patterns of personal
commemoration at the burial sites of war dead and veterans parallels or differs from national
commemorative efforts for the wars in which those men fought.
Using the cemeteries of Portsmouth, New Hampshire as a case study, I searched for
examples of gravestones with inscriptions or iconography that alluded to military service or a
particular war. The examples that I found, which mark the graves of soldiers of the
American Revolution, War of 1812, and Civil War, largely adhere to national
commemorative trends. For soldiers of the earliest wars, gravesite commemoration of either
personal military service or the war was sporadic, but increased in frequency as decades
passed and the nation as a whole moved into a period of almost frenzied memorialization
during and after the sectional conflict of the 1850s and 1860s.
Although intriguing, it is beyond the scope of this survey to determine how the
interplay of federal and private efforts shaped the parallel growth of national and gravesite
138 Piehler, Remembering War, xiv.
75


commemoration of servicemen and the wars in which they fought. However, the escalation
in type and quantity of both public and private military memorialization from the American
Revolution to the Civil War speaks to changes in public perception of the value of armed
service. In the years between those two conflicts, American ideology shifted. Rather than
raising a monument to a handful of great men and war leaders, Americans more and more
often sought to commemorate, either on public monuments in town squares or on personal
gravestones, the heroism and honor of all men who served their nation.
Of course, by limiting the survey area to this specific locale, I can only say that these
parallel patterns of personal and public commemoration and the associated perceptions of
the value of military service are applicable to Portsmouths former servicemen. However,
this offers a starting point for additional survey to determine if and/or how Portsmouth
compares to other cities and towns. A larger investigation might reveal regional variation.
Perhaps the people of New Hampshire were more or less likely than those of other states to
observe national conventions. Without further study, we simply cannot say.
History is more than the big events or the musings of important people. Yet, despite a
vast and rich historical record, we often know very little about the everyday, cog-in-the-
machine people like common soldiers.139 Surveying the burial sites of former servicemen
offers a glimpse into the mentality of the deceased and those loved ones they left behind;
individuals who were very much the agents of history, but may not have left any other record
of what was important to them. By seeking out atypical sources like gravestones and reading
them in conjunction with more traditional historical documents, historians can continue to
develop an inclusive narrative, which compares personal ideologies against societal norms
139 Deetz, Small Things, 11.
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and demonstrates the shifting values of the American people. By these means we can
attempt to build a more complete understanding of the past.
77


BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Ayling, Augustus D. Revised Register of the Soldiers and Sailors of New Hampshire in the
War of the Rebellion, 1861-1866. Concord, NH: Ira C. Evans Public Printer, 1895.
Bailyn, Bernard. The Decisive Day is Come: The Battle of Bunker Hill. Massachusetts
Historical Society, https://www.masshist.org/hb/essav.html. Accessed November 12, 2015.
Chambers, Thomas A. Memories of War: Visiting Battlegrounds and Bonefields in the Early
American Republic. Ithica, NY: Cornell University Press, 2012.
Collier, C. D. Abby. Tradition, Modernity, and Postmodemity in Symbolism of Death. The
Sociological Quarterly 44:4 (2003): 727-749.
Cooper, Gaylord. Stories Told in Stone: Gravestone Iconography and Genealogical
Reseach. Northwest Ohio History 79:1 (2011): 15-21.
Cooper, Robert L.D. Cracking the Freemasons Code: The Truth About Solomons Key and
the Brotherhood. New York: Atria Books, 2006.
Deetz, James. In Small Things Forgotten: An Archaeology of Early American Fife. New
York: Anchor Books, 1977 [1996],
Deetz, James and Edwin S. Dethlefsen. Some Social Aspects of New England Colonial
Mortuary Art. Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology 25 (1971): 30-38.
Deetz, James and Edwin S. Dethlefsen. Deaths Head, Cherub, Urn and Willow:
Experimental Archaeology in Colonial Cemeteries. In Material Culture Studies in America,
edited by Thomas J. Schlereth, 195-205. Nashville, TN: AASLH Press, 1982.
Estes, J. Hall Jackson and the Purple Foxglove. Lebanon, NH: University Press of New
England, 1979.
Faust, Drew Gilpin. Numbers on Top of Numbers: Counting the Civil War Dead. The
Journal of Military History 40:4 (2006): 995-1009.
Faust, Drew Gilpin. This Republic of Suffering: Death and the American Civil War. New
York: Random House Publishing, 2008.
Foote, Kenneth. Shadowed Ground: Americas Fandscapes of Violence and Tragedy. Austin:
University of Texas Press, 1997.
Foster, Gary S. and Richard L. Hummel. The Adkins-Woodson Cemetery: A Sociological
Examination of Cemeteries as Communities. Markers 12 (1995): 93-117.
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George, Dianna Hume and Malcolm A. Nelson. Resurrecting the Epitaph. Markers 1
(1979): 85-95.
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University Press, 1988.
Hamscher, Albert N. Talking Tombstones: History in the Cemetery. OAH Magazine of
History 17:2 (2003): 40-45.
Haynes, Martin A. A History of the Second Regiment, New Hampshire Volunteer Infantry, in
the War of the Rebellion. Lakeport, NH: 1896.
Hijiya, James A. American Gravestones and Attitudes toward Death: A Brief History.
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Holyfield, Lori and Clifford Beacham. Memory Brokers, Shameful Pasts, and Civil War
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Hurd, D. Hamilton. History of Rockingham and Strafford Counties, New Hampshire, with
Biographical Sketches of Many of its Pioneers and Prominent Men. Philadelphia: J.W.
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Inglis, K.S. War Memorials: Ten Questions for Historians. Guerres mondiales et conflits
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Knoblock, Glenn A. Portsmouth Cemeteries. Charleston, SC: Arcadia Publishing, 2005.
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Mayo, James M. War Memorials as Political Memories. Geographical Review 78:1 (1988):
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McPherson, James M. Abraham Lincoln. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009.
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Monticello and the Thomas Jefferson Foundation. The Northern Tour of 1791.
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National Cemetery Administration. History of Government Furnished Headstones and
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Appomattox. Portsmouth, NH: Grand Army of the Republic Storer Post, No. 1, 1917.
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Wilcox, Philip A. Revolutionary Graves of New Hampshire. New Hampshire Society Sons of
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81


APPENDIX A
AMERICAN REVOLUTION BURIALS
Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes
Bickford, Henry 1798 Cotton In Memory of Mr. Henry Bickford who died Jan. 6, 1798 JEt. 47 Friends nor Physicians could save Our mortal Bodies from the Grave Nor can the Grave confine [us here] When Christ shall call us to [appear] Slate, urn motif, very detailed. Stone is leaning dangerously.
Cotton, William 1791 Cotton Mr. William Cotton died Feb. 11*1791. Ait. 55, Why should we tremble to convey Their bodies to the tomb There the dear flesh of Jesus lay And left a long perfume. Slate, urn and willow motif. Detailed, shows textural elements of tree.
Locke, James 1831 Cotton JAMES LOCKE died Dec. 8, 1831 aged 80. Slate, urn and willow motif in relief with textured carving to void space. Stone leaning.
Colbath, George 1853 Harmony Grove GEO. COLBATH N.H. MIL Marble, War Department issued stone. Half buried.
Asterisk (*) denotes graves (typically broken, eroded, or otherwise damaged) for which I used photos hosted by FindAGrave.Com to
confirm details of the inscription or iconography.


Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes
Fuller, Theodore 1844 Flarmony Grove THEODORE FULLER Born 1762 Died 1844 HANNAH JENNESS Wife of Theo. Fuller Born 1763 Died 1835 Marble column on granite base. Inscribed with names of Hawkins and Gale families as well. Column in danger of sliding off base.
Billings, Richard 1808 North In Memory of Mr. Richard Billings who died Decr. 19th 1808 Aged 75 Slate, urn and willow motif.
Bowles, Samuel 1802 North [Several lines of text illegible] Then shall he See & Hear & Know All he diskd & wishd below And every powr finds Sweet employ To an eternal world of joy. Marble, face badly eroded. Upper text lost but epitaph remains legible.
Chadbourne, Thomas 1810 North IN MEMORY OF THOMAS CHADBOURN ESQ. WHO DIED MARCH 7, 1810 AGE 74 Gray marble, face flaked away. Burial site marked by new stone with reproduction of original text.


Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes
Clapp, Supply 1811 North The Remains of SUPPLY CLAP Esqr. are here Deposited His whole life uniformly correct and praise-worthy. He Died March 24 1811 Aged 69 Years Marble. Large empty space at top of stone, possible an image eroded.
Cutter, Ammi R. 1820 North In memory of AMMI R. CUTTER ESQ. died [illegible] aged [illegible] Marble, urn and willow motif. Text badly eroded.
Dalling, Samuel 1788 North In memory of Capt. Samuel Dalling who died October 15th 1788 aged 77 years. Firm to his Word, in every action just The man still lives, tho moulderd into dust Slate, winged cherub motif.
Fernald, John 1792 North [M]r. John Fernald Obt. Nov. 23d 1792 JE 50 Thro all [illegible] s large extended, hollow ground [illegible] rich the poor the humble & the [2 lines illegible] Slate, winged cherub motif. Stone repaired at least once with putty or very fine mortar. Spalling continues, some text lost.


Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes
Foster, John 1781 North In memory of Mr. JOHN FOSTER late of Ipswich who left this Vale of Tears March 9th 1781 Aged 28 Years & 11 Months Ye gentle souls who know the tender ties Of heavn born friendship all her griefs & Joys On this cold boom drop a tender tear Who foremost walkd the Scenes of friendship Now humbled in the dust so all must [die] But virtue triumphs oer mortality] Slate, iron repair near base. Winged cherub motif.
Gains, George 1809 North Erected In Memory of George Gains, Esquire who departed this Life April 25th 1809 Aged 73 Oer these remains fond memory shall retain The virtues of a life not spent in vain The faithful Father in an Age to come Shall teach those virtues to a listening son Slate, urn and willow motif.
Green, Mark* 1851 North MARK GREEN a Revolutionary Soldier Died Sept. 18, 1851 Aged 89. Marble, undecorated, peon top.


Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes
Hale, John 1796 North John Hale esq1. Son of Samuel Hale esq1. Died July 13th 1796, Aged 33. Here sleeps the form so lovd which once enshrined The noblest image of its makers mind Those seeds of VIRTUE, thick by nature sown By habit cherishd, doubly were his own; And these improvd by SCIENCE libral store A glorious harvest gave, yet promisd more In private life, by all reverd, and lovd, In public universally approvd For bounteous Heavn had in this favrite joind The brightest talents to the purest mind Those pungent sorrows parents, kindred feel Their sighs, their tears, alas but feebly tell Long shall his Country oft by faction torn Their faithful patriot, promisd Father mourn, Nor to their splendid roll of Worthies fail To add with undissembled boast, an HALE. Slate, urn and willow motif. Simple but well done carving. Emphasis on text.
Hall, Ammi R. 1833 North Mr. AMMI R. HALL departed this life June 9 1833 /Elat 75 years. He was a Patriot of the Revolution. Marble, no decoration. Eroding.
Ham, Benjamin 1825 North [BEjNJAMIN Ham Died Feb. 14, 1825, Aged 67 years. Slate, top broken and imagery (if any) lost.


Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes
Ham, Samuel 1825 North Col. Samuel Ham died Aug. 23, 1825 Ait. 83 years Mary, his wife died Jan. 21, 1842 JE. 92 years. Slate, urn and willow motif. Stone repaired.
Ham, William 1845 North HON WILLIAM HAM died April 3 1845 Aged [illegible] LYDIA H. HAM Died March [illegible] 1837 Aged [illegible] Marble, undecorated. Text eroding.
Hart, George 1807 North In memory of GEORGE HART ESQr. Rests beneath this Stone He died April, 14th 1807 Ait. 77 Years. A wife, a daughter, Son, whose Bosoms feel. A Husbands, Fathers death, have raisd this Stone. And setting firm, affections glowing seat; Each mourns the day, that calld the Patriarch, home. Slate, floral motif.
Harvey, Thomas* 1837 North Thomas Harvey a worthy Soldier of the Revolution Died Jan. 18, 1837, Aged 84 years. Slate, urn and willow motif.


Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes
Hill, lames 1811 North In Memory of IAMES HILL who died Decr. 29, 1811 JEt. 58 Praises on Tombs are titles vainly spent Mans good name is his best monument Slate, urn and drapery motif.
Holbrook, Robert* 1821 North In memory of Mr. Robert Holbrook died Oct. 15, 1821 Aged 61. [2 lines illegible] Marble, urn and willow motif. Eroding, some text lost.
Holbrook, Samuel 1836 North In memory of Samuel Holebrook who died Sept. 15, 1836 aged 79 years. Slate, urn and willow motif. Image in relief with textured carving to show void space.
lackson, Hall 1797 North In memory of HALL IACKSON Esquire M.D. Who departed this life On the 28th of Sep1. 1797 /Elat. 58 To heal disease, to calm the widows sigh And wipe the tear from povertys swolen eye Was thine! but ah! that skill on others shown Tho life to them could not preserve thy own Yet still thou livst in many a grateful breath And works like thine enthron thee with the blest. Slate, urn and drapery motif.


Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes
Kennard, Nathaniel 1823 North Sacred to the memory of Capt. Nathaniel Kennard who departed this life June 24, 1823 aged 68. The sweet remembrance of the just Shall flourish when they sleep in dust Slate, urn and willow motif in relief with textured carving indicating void space.
Langdon, John 1819 North GOV. J. LANGDON AND FAMILY JOHN LANGDON BORN 1739 DIED SEPT. 18, 1819 Marble plaque on mound tomb includes complete list of all members interred within.
March, John* 1813 North To the Memory of MR. JOHN MARCH who died June 12, 1813 Aged 53 Years. Slate, urn and willow motif. Discoloration on stone.
Marden, William 1838 North In memory of WILLIAM MARDEN who died March 11, 1838 Aged 83. Marble, undecorated. Text badly eroded.
Marsh, Zebulon* 1806 North Zebulon [Marsh] Departed this life Jan. 29th 1806, JEt. 76. [Weep not for me, dry up your tears I must he here till Christ appears.] Slate, top broken and imagery lost. Sinking, partially obscuring epitaph.


Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes
Martin, Thomas 1805 North In Memory of Thomas Martin Esq. who died Feb. 4th 1805 Aged 73. Slate, circle with four-petal flower reminiscent of clematis.
McIntyre, Neil 1812 North [Sacred] [to the] Mem[ory of] NEIL [McI]NTYRE who [departed th]is life [April 7, 1812] Marble, no decoration. Text badly eroded, but recoverable from context.
Mendum, John 1806 North [Friends]hip Erected [this Sto]ne. to Designate [the] spot where the Body of Captn John MENDUM lies who lived Beloved, and died Lamented on the 3rd of April 1806 Et. 68 Years. Sandstone, spalling. Some text lost, but recoverable based on context.
Neal, Thomas 1810 North In [memory of] Mr. Thom[as Neal] who died Feb [10, 1810] aged 56 Blessed are the dead [who] Die in the Lord. Slate, broken. Imagery, if any, now missing. Some text missing but recoverable from other sources.


Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes
Reding, John 1825 North In memory of Mrs. Mary Reding wife of Mr. John Reding; who died July 23, 1799: JEt. 47. Mr. John Reding, died Nov. 15, 1825 aged 81. Slate, um and drapery motif with small cherubs in both shoulders. Elaborate stone for Mary Reding, Johns name inscribed at a later date.
Rowell, Nehemiah 1799 North Here lies the Body of Mr. Nehemiah Rowell a worthy Citizen who died Sep1. 7th. 1779 Aged 30 Years His Exit was Fudder & [illegible] Slate, Deaths Head motif. Partially sunken, epitaph largely obscured.
Russell, Eleazer 1798 North Vivit post funera Virtus [EJLEAZEAR RUSSELL ESQUIRE [Nav]al officer for the Port of Portsmouth under [the] Government of Great Britain which office [he Retained under the Government of New Ha [m]pshire Collector of Impost for the State of New Hampshire from the commencement of the Federal Government till his death. He was Distinguished for his benevolence probity and the faithful execution of the several trusts which were reposed in him. Slate, urn motif. Stone partially broken along left side, some text lost but identifiable based on context.


Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes
Salter, Richard 1812 North Sacred to the memory of Cap1. Richard Salter who departed this life May 2, 1812 Aged 68 Years. Slate, urn and willow motif. Flower bursts on each shoulder with repetitive design etched down each side.
Swett, Benjamin* 1808 North In Memory of Mr. Benj" Swett Merchant of the Town who was drowned in passing down the river May 14, 1808 Aged 49 Years. Marble, urn and willow motif.
Thompson, Thomas 1809 North THOMAS THOMPSON NEW HAMPSHIRE CAPTAIN CONTINENTAL NAVY FEBRUARY 22, 1809 COLONEL OF ARTILIERY STATE OF N.H. 1785 Marble, religious motif, Latin cross.
Walker, Joseph 1814 North HERE LIES THE BODY OF JOSEPH WALKER DIED 1814 Slate, face sheered away. New, small stone stands in front of original with reproduction of original text.


Full Text

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“BLACK FLOWERS TO THE SOLDIER’S HALLOWED GRAVE”: PUBLIC AND PRIVATE COMMEMORATION OF EARLY AMERICAN SERVICEMEN by ROBIN DAYLE SHERMAN B.A., University of New Hampshire, 2009 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts History 2016

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ii This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Robin Dayle Sherman has been approved for the History Program by Rebecca A. Hunt, Chair William Wagner Thomas J. Noel April 1, 2016

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iii Sherman, Robin Dayle (M.A, History) “Black Flowers to the Soldier’s Hallowed Grave”: Pu blic and Private Commemoration of Early American Servicemen Thesis directed by Associate Professor C/T Rebecca A. Hunt ABSTRACT In recent decades, scholars have increasingly inves tigated the ways in which Americans commemorate the past, both publicly and o n a more personal level. These investigations have focused on two distinct lines o f inquiry; namely, how and why Americans publicly memorialize wars and other tragi c events, and what scholars can learn about a past community or its individual residents by examining a cemetery landscape. This study attempts to draw these two lines of inquiry t ogether by surveying how military servicemen (specifically those who served in the Am erican Revolution, War of 1812, and Civil War) are commemorated in municipal cemeteries Using the cemeteries of Portsmouth, New Hampshire a s a case study, I examine representations of military service (both textual a nd iconographic) on historic grave markers to determine whether there are parallels between ho w local communities honored fallen soldiers and the way in which particular conflicts were commemorated on a national scale. The results of this survey demonstrate that, althou gh allusions to military service and armed conflicts vary in form on historic grave markers, p ersonal commemoration at grave sites in Portsmouth roughly conforms to national trends of w ar commemoration. Considering the temporal and geographic limits of this study, it is my hope that this work be seen as a starting point for additional survey to verify my findings a nd/or identify potential regional variations

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iv in the relationship between public and private comm emoration of American servicemen and their wars. The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication. Approved: Rebecca A. Hunt

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v TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION ................................. ................................................... ........................... 1 Review of Sources ............................. ................................................... ............................. 2 Evidence of Ideology in the Cemetery .......... ................................................... ............. 2 Commemoration of American Wars ................ ................................................... ........... 5 Primary Source Materials ...................... ................................................... ..................... 6 II. SITES OF REMEMBRANCE: COMMEMORATION OF EARLY A MERICAN CONFLICTS ................................... ................................................... ............................... 10 Public Commemoration from the American Revoluti on to the Civil War...................... 10 Revolution and Controversy .................... ................................................... ................. 11 Remembering War on the Field of Battle ........ ................................................... ......... 13 War Veterans Fight On ......................... ................................................... .................... 16 Rebuilding a National Narrative ............... ................................................... ................ 18 Remembering the Fallen: Monuments to the Dead a nd Military Cemeteries ................. 21 III. READING GRAVEYARDS: GRAVESTONES AS HISTORIC DO CUMENTS .......... 26 Common Motifs in Mortuary Art ................. ................................................... ................ 28 Personalizing Death: Gravestone Iconography ... ................................................... ......... 32 IV. SEARCHING FOR SOLDIERS: SURVEY METHODOLOGY .... ................................ 35 V. ANALYSIS OF GRAVESTONE TEXT AND ICONOGRAPHY ... ............................... 42 American Revolution Veteran Burials ........... ................................................... .............. 42 War of 1812 War Dead and Veteran Burials ...... ................................................... ......... 51 Civil War Dead and Veteran Burials ............ ................................................... ................ 57 Soldiers Killed in Action or On Campaign ...... ................................................... ........ 58

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vi Veteran Gravestones Indicating Service ........ ................................................... ........... 65 Gravestones Not Indicative of Military Service ................................................... ....... 72 Drawing Conclusions from PortsmouthÂ’s Civil War Burials ...................................... 73 VI. CONCLUSION AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR FURTHER STUDY ............................. 75 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...................................... ................................................... .......................... 78 APPENDIX A. AMERICAN REVOLUTION BURIALS ................... ................................................... .. 82 B. WAR OF 1812 BURIALS ........................... ................................................... .................. 95 C. CIVIL WAR BURIALS ............................. ................................................... .................... 99

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vii LIST OF TABLES TABLE 1. Civil War dead gravestones with decoration and/ or inscriptions that reference military service. ..................................... ................................................... ....................................... 59

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viii LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE 1. Nehemiah RowellÂ’s 1779 gravestone at North Ceme tery bears an example of the DeathÂ’s Head motif, which was popular from the sevente enth to mid-eighteenth century. ........... 29 2. John FosterÂ’s 1781 gravestone at North Cemetery bears an example of the cherub motif common from the mid-eighteenth century to the turn of the nineteenth century. ............. 30 3. Detail of George GainsÂ’s 1809 gravestone at Nor th Cemetery, which bears an example of the urn and willow mortuary motif popular afte r the turn of the nineteenth century. ....... 31 4. George HartÂ’s 1807 gravestone at North Cemetery offers an example of a more secular floral garland motif. ........................ ................................................... ................................ 46 5. Prince WhippleÂ’s extant gravestone at North Cem etery was erected by the GAR in 1908. .............................................. ................................................... ........................................... 49 6. Detail of Masonic imagery on David FosterÂ’s 182 3 gravestone at North Cemetery. ........ 54 7. William C. HarrisÂ’s 1853 gravestone at Harmony Grove Cemetery, which bears the image of an open book, speaks to the deceasedÂ’s teac hing profession. .................................. ..... 55 8. Detail of the military iconography on William H H. MaxwellÂ’s 1865 gravestone at Harmony Grove Cemetery. ...................... ................................................... ....................... 63 9. The epitaph on Nelson N. DowningÂ’s 1862 gravest one at Harmony Grove Cemetery attests that the soldier died bravely in battl e. ................................................ ..................... 64 10. Horace H. AdamsÂ’s current headstone is a repla cement military marker furnished by the War Department in the twentieth century. ... ................................................... ................. 67 11. William BlackÂ’s 1871 headstone at Harmony Grov e Cemetery bears an anchor motif common among PortsmouthÂ’s naval men. ....... ................................................... ............. 70 12. Detail of the Union forage cap that adorns Geo rge A. BrownÂ’s 1880 headstone at Harmony Grove Cemetery. .................... ................................................... ....................... 71

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1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION On May 21, 1861, James T. Gammon, an apprentice bla cksmith and resident of Portsmouth, New Hampshire, enlisted in the New Hamp shire Volunteer Infantry. At 18years-old, Gammon marched south to serve his nation in the Civil War. He was wounded at Bull Run, Virginia in 1862, and captured by rebel t roops at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania the following year. After securing his freedom, Gammon re-enlisted and rose to the rank of corporal, only to receive yet another battle wound at Cold Harbor, Virginia in 1864. Almost a full year later, in May 1865, the young soldier m ustered out (discharged disabled) and made his way back to Portsmouth.1 Following the war, Gammon married, raised a famil y, and worked as a blacksmith and clerk at the Portsmo uth Navy Yard until his death in 1887, aged only 45 years.2 Today Gammon’s remains lie on a slight rise in Ha rmony Grove Cemetery under a stone that bears his name and a re minder that he was “A member of Co. K 2nd N.H. Regt.”3 It seems an absurdly simple epitaph for a veteran who nearly gave his life more than once in service of the Union. Like Corporal Gammon, many former servicemen now r eside in the cemeteries of Portsmouth, New Hampshire, taking their final rest in the bustling seaport city with a patriotic past. Cared for by the city, each of the ir graves boasts a fresh American flag every Veterans Day. The small memorial display reminds p assersby that these men fought and died; some for independence, some to preserve the U nion, but all in service of the nation. Without their flags, however, one might never know of their sacrifices. Although some 1 Martin Haynes, A History of the Second Regiment, New Hampshire Vol unteer Infantry, in the War of the Rebellion (Lakeport, NH: 1896), 43. 2 United States Census Records, 1860, 1870; City of Portsmouth Directory, 1867, 1875, 1884, 1886. 3 James T. Gammon gravestone inscription, Harmony Gr ove Cemetery, Portsmouth, NH.

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2 gravestones announce the service of the former sold ier that lies below, many wholly ignore that aspect of the deceasedÂ’s life. Personal comme moration on the gravestones of war dead and war veterans is as varied and irregular as publ ic commemoration of the wars in which they fought. Beginning in the second half of the twentieth centu ry, historians have become increasingly interested in the way Americans commem orate the past on both a national and local level. Some scholars, like Thomas Chambers, Kenneth Foote, and John E. Bodnar, have investigated how and when Americans memorializ e wars and other tragic events. Others, like James Deetz, Edwin Dethlefsen, and Alb ert N. Hamscher, have focused on what a local cemetery can teach us about a community, as well as the individuals interred therein. This study draws these two lines of inquiry togethe r by surveying how military servicemen (specifically those who served in colonial and earl y American conflicts) are commemorated in municipal cemeteries in the city of Portsmouth, New Hampshire. I will investigate representations of military service on historic gra ve markers (both textual and iconographic) to determine whether there are parallels between ho w the community honored fallen soldiers and the way in which particular conflicts were comm emorated on a national scale. Review of Sources Evidence of Ideology in the Cemetery Historians, archaeologists, sociologists, and othe rs have long argued that inscriptions and images on grave markers tell us much about prev ailing ideological currents within a community at the time of the burial. As early as 1 966, for instance, James Deetz and Edwin Dethlefsen demonstrated that, because of the spatia l and temporal control inherent in the study of gravestones, scholars could use inscriptio ns and grave iconography to track the

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3 evolution of cultural conventions within a communit y.4 As an example, the authors used the relationship between waning Puritanism in New Engla nd and the evolution (and eventual decline) of a particular mortuary motif, the Death’ s Head, to validate their claim that grave iconography offers physical evidence of an ideologi cal shift within the local culture. Decades later, other scholars echoed and expanded upon Deetz and Dethlefsen’s earlier thesis. In 1992, historian K. S. Inglis co ncurred that monuments, including grave markers, reflect the convictions of the individuals or groups who erected those monuments.5 Inglis used examples from the post-World War I era to demonstrate that monument-erecting groups made conscious decisions about the language used on memorials for dead soldiers. His own research, for instance, suggested that grou ps that erected monuments used more language evoking perceptions of honor and heroism o n memorials to volunteer soldiers than on those for conscripted soldiers.6 Thus, the extant monuments offer some evidence of how the post-war society felt about those who chose to fight and those who only fought when forced to do so. Scholars have continued to develop the idea that m onuments and grave markers evidence cultural conventions into the twenty-first century. In 2003, sociologist C. D. Abby Collier suggested that grave inscriptions and plot characteristics “offer clues about the people buried there, those who interred them, and what was important to them in the culture in which they lived.”7 In addition to speaking to the conventions of a p articular community, she argued, twentieth-century trends of democratizing c emetery space by “narrowing 4 James Deetz and Edwin N. Dethlefsen, “Some Social Aspects of New England Mortuary Art,” Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology 25 (1971), 30. 5 K. S. Inglis, “War Memorials: Ten Questions for Hi storians,” Guerres Mondiales et conflits contemporains 167 (1992), 9. 6 Inglis, “War Memorials,” 10. 7 C. D. Abby Collier, “Tradition, Modernity, and Pos tmodernity in Symbolism of Death,” The Sociological Quartlery 44:4 (2003), 731.

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4 discrepancies in the displays of wealth” evidenced increasing egalitarianism in American society during those years.8 Finally, perceptions of the study of mortuary art came full circle in 2003 when historian Albert N. Hamscher echoed Deetz and Dethl efsen’s appeal from decades earlier that more scholars should investigate local cemeter ies to identify changes in the demographics and social conventions of a particular area. According to Hamscher, an astute scholar can gain new insights on such topics as rel igious belief, gender and class by studying headstones in conjunction with traditional sources.9 Hamscher, like Deetz and Dethlefsen, argued that there is more to learn from local cemet eries than many scholars believe. These studies, however, focus on the cemetery land scape to distinguish social institutions and conceptions of identity important to a civilian population. By concentrating on the graves of Revolutionary, War of 1812, and Ci vil War soldiers who died between 1779 and 1916, I attempt to identify prevailing ideologi es among a segment of the population with connections to the armed forces. This survey is l argely an exercise in identifying examples of personal commemoration of military service on gr avestones, and ascertaining parallels between the evolution of gravesite commemoration an d national patterns of recognizing members of the armed forces and the conflicts in wh ich they fought. However, by ascribing to the assumption that grave inscriptions and icono graphy speak to personal beliefs, this study considers how the value of military service c hanged in American ideology between independence and the postbellum years. 8 Collier, “Symbolism of Death,” 736. 9 Albert N. Hamscher, “Talking Tombstones: History i n the Cemetery,” OAH Magazine of History 17:2 (2003), 40.

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5 Commemoration of American Wars Several recent studies have focused on the evolutio n of American war commemoration from the revolutionary period to mode rn conflicts. These studies suggest that early American conflicts were often poorly com memorated until decades after the ceasefire. G. Kurt Piehler argues the delayed memoriali zation of the American Revolution and the War of 1812, for instance, resulted from the fact t hat Americans were “divided regarding the proper role of the central government in the politi cal, economic, and cultural life of the nation” during the post-colonial period.10 Historian Thomas Chambers agrees that commemoration of the Revolutionary War did not occu r on a truly national scale until after the Civil War, and, even then, such commemoration w as predominantly used by the government in an effort to remind the sections of t heir shared heroic past.11 By the American Civil War, however, Americans had e ntered into a period of memorial fever. Although there was certainly still conflict regarding controversial figures and events, Americans on both sides of the Mason-Di xon Line began erecting monuments before the war had come to a close. Historians inc luding Piehler and Inglis attest that many of these monuments honored local fighting units and featured the common soldier, which demonstrates a stark departure from earlier instanc es of only commemorating national heroes and other important men.12 Although memorialization took a variety of forms be tween the American Revolution and the Civil War, authors (like Piehler, Foote, Co llier, and Chambers) who have tracked the evolution of American war commemoration generally a gree that American war monuments 10 G. Kurt Piehler, Remembering War the American Way (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Books, 1995), 3. 11 Thomas A. Chambers, Memories of War: Visiting Battlegrounds and Bonefie lds in the Early American Republic (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2012), 16. 12 Inglis, “War Memorials,” 7; Piehler, Remembering War 53.

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6 are more than simply representations of men lost in battle. Many believe that erecting memorials to the dead allows survivors to mourn and make sense of the tragedy of war. Like historian Kenneth Foote suggests, “the heart of the se efforts was a desire to draw a lesson from each battle and tragedy, a lesson that transce nded the immediate sacrifices and reflected on values of liberty, justice, and community.”13 Others, like James M. Mayo, agree that “[a] memorial is an artifact that imposes meaning and or der beyond the temporal and chaotic experiences of life.”14 Although war memorials offer citizens a place to remember lost loved ones, they also incite visitors to reflect on the m eaning of war and its human and material casualties. Based on these national trends, and th e reality that the Civil War was perhaps the most violent and costly American conflict to that d ate, one might expect to find that the families and communities of fallen Civil War soldie rs were more likely than those of earlier war casualties to commemorate military service on a gravestone. Primary Source Materials This study examines whether representations of mili tary service on grave markers conform to or differ from national patterns of war commemoration. Was military service important to individuals and families even at times when the nation was divided on how to commemorate a conflict? To ask it another way, wer e war dead memorialized within their own communities long before the nation chose to com memorate the conflict, or were national concerns so pervasive that only war veterans who pa ssed on many years later had their stones marked with military honors? In order to identify patterns, I surveyed the markers of soldiers buried in Portsmouth who participated in select Ame rican wars of the eighteenth and 13 Kenneth Foote, Shadowed Ground: America’s Landscapes of Violence a nd Tragedy (Austin, TX: University of Texas Print, 2003), 140. 14 James M. Mayo, “War Memorials as Political Memory ” Geographical Review 78:1 (1988), 62.

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7 nineteenth century. My primary resources, therefor e, were the actual gravestones of Portsmouth’s former servicemen, including those kil led in action as well as veterans who died in later years. Locating these grave markers, however, required a v ariety of additional primary sources. I compiled a sample of Portsmouth’s forme r servicemen from the records and texts of local branches of veteran organizations and inte rest groups like the Grand Army of the Republic (GAR) and the Sons of the American Revolut ion. Founded in Illinois in 1866, the GAR was open to all honorably discharged Union vete rans of the Civil War, and existed on both the national and state levels.15 Members of Portsmouth’s branch of the organizatio n, Storer Post No. 1, were particularly concerned with both recording and honoring local participants in the conflict. As a result, in 1893 the post published a text (compiled by member Joseph Foster) that listed all known Civil W ar dead and veterans buried in and around Portsmouth to that time whose graves were de corated by the Storer Post on Memorial Day. Foster expanded upon and republished the orig inal record as The Graves We Decorate in 1907, 1915, and 1917, and as The Soldiers’ Memorial in 1921. The 1917 and 1921 texts, available through the Portsmouth Public Library, pr ovided an expansive selection of former Civil War servicemen from which I created a suitabl e sample for this survey. Interestingly, Foster’s texts also included the nam es of some, but by no means all, veterans of earlier wars buried in the area. I tur ned, therefore, to the New Hampshire Society Sons of the American Revolution (NHSSAR) for additi onal information. Formed on April 15 The GAR no longer exists as such. However, in 188 1 the GAR formed an offshoot organization, the Sons of Veterans of the United States of America (today the Sons of Union Veterans of the Civil War), which wa s open to “any man who could prove ancestry to a member of the GAR or to a veteran eligible for membership in the GAR.” About the SUVCW Sons of the Union Veterans of the Civil War, http ://www.suvcw.org/?page_id=6, accessed January 9, 2016.

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8 24, 1889 as the state affiliate of the National Soc iety of the Sons of the American Revolution (NSSAR), the NHSSAR is composed of New Hampshire me n who trace their lineage to soldiers of the American Revolution.16 Although predominantly a fraternal and civic organization, the NHSSAR has researched and compile d a list of the New HampshireÂ’s Revolutionary soldiers and the locations of their b urials.17 Using the NHSSARÂ’s list of Revolutionary soldiers buried in New Hampshire, I i dentified additional servicemen unknown to Foster in the 1920s. Finally, my survey benefitted greatly from the Por tsmouth Public LibraryÂ’s (PPL) Special Collections and the previous research of tw o of PortsmouthÂ’s local historians, Cynthia Pridham-Thomas and Louise H. Tallman. PPLÂ’ s Special Collections include cemetery surveys conducted by Pridham-Thomas and Ta llman between 1990 and 1995. The unpublished texts record the names of all individua ls interred in PortsmouthÂ’s public cemeteries to that date, and include plot numbers a nd hand-drawn guide maps. I focused on municipal cemeteries in Portsmouth bec ause of the fact that the city sent soldiers to fight in the American Revolution, the W ar of 1812, and the Civil War. Using Pridham-Thomas and TallmanÂ’s comprehensive survey, locating the graves of PortsmouthÂ’s war dead and veterans became a manageable task. Be cause of this, I could identify and track changes to commemorative efforts not only from war to war, but also as time passed after each conflict. 16 New Hampshire Society Sons of the American Revolut ion (NHSSAR), What is the National Society of the Sons of the American Revolution? http://nhssar.org/member_page.html, accessed Janua ry 11, 2016. 17 The NHSSAR concedes that, although extensive, thei r list of New HampshireÂ’s Revolutionary War Burials is not complete. The organization continues to add to this list as additional information becomes availa ble; NHSSAR, Research http://nhssar.org/research.html, accessed January 11, 2016.

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9 The results of this survey indicate that forms of p ersonal commemoration on the headstones of war dead and veterans from early Amer ican conflicts is highly variable and demonstrates the complexity of co-occurring civilia n and military identities. Not all of PortsmouthÂ’s former servicemen lie beneath headston es that extol their military service and sacrifices. Rather, some grave markers instead eul ogize the deceasedÂ’s familial, occupational, or fraternal ties. However, it is th is variation in (and occasional lack of) gravestone commemoration of personal military servi ce that reveals similarities with the evolution of how the nation commemorated the wars i n which these men fought. Although war memorials were surprisingly rare in the immedia te aftermath of the American Revolution, commemoration of all early American arm ed conflicts, both at grave sites and on a national scale, became increasingly more common l eading up to and following the American Civil War. This surge in military commemo ration suggests an increased regard for armed service in American ideology over time.

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10 CHAPTER II SITES OF REMEMBRANCE: COMMEMORATION OF EARLY AMERICAN CONFLICTS Public Commemoration from the American Revolution t o the Civil War In the modern age, commemoration and memorializati on have become so commonplace that it is difficult to imagine an Amer ican landscape not dotted with memorials to public leaders, fallen heroes, and victims of bo th natural and man-made disasters. Americans remember the past by hosting gala events on major anniversaries and opening libraries, schools, and hospitals in memory of rema rkable leaders and beloved philanthropists. And every year on November 11th, towns across the country have parades, ceremonies, and receptions to honor the men and wom en who have served the nation in the armed forces. We are a nation determined to rememb er in a very public forum. Scholars have offered a variety of interpretations for why humans choose to commemorate the past. Lori Holyfield and Clifford Beacham argue, for instance, simply that “sites of commemoration are the vehicle for histori cal remembrance.”18 One can view a monument and recall the events that occurred there and the consequences thereof. Others, like Kenneth Foote, suggest that commemoration and monument building are means by which societies formulate a national narrative and define the values important to that nation or community.19 And still others, like James M. Mayo, agree that “ [a]ll memorials have utility,” whether that be simply as a mode of remem bering, or as a physical structure for human activities, like a library or hospital.20 Without a doubt, memorials come in many 18 Lori Holyfield and Clifford Beacham, “Memory Broke rs, Shameful Pasts, and Civil War Commemoration,” Journal of Black Studies 42:3 (2011), 437. 19 Foote, Shadowed Ground 284. 20 Mayo, “War Memorials,” 63.

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11 shapes and sizes, but all exist to commemorate the people and events that shaped the community in which they stand. Revolution and Controversy Although monumental art and memorial buildings are a common sight in the United States today, public memorialization has not always occurred on such a widespread scale in this country. In the first years after independenc e, the young government steered away from commemorating the recent war. In part, their reluc tance to commemorate resulted from their goal that the new Republic would not make the same mistakes as its former motherland. Federalists, including influential leaders such as John Adams, suggested that monument building and federal patronage of the arts were “bo th forms of cultural expression [that] remained too closely associated with decadent Europ ean government.”21 In hopes of further distancing the American Republic from trappings of the monarchy from which they had so recently rid themselves, the new federal government chose not to erect monuments to honor those involved in the late war for several decades. When, after many years, the federal government con tributed to the memorial landscape, public backlash over the monument all bu t guaranteed that they would refrain from using federal funds for monument building for many more years. The monument at the center of the controversy was a statue of beloved p atriot George Washington, commissioned in 1832 and completed in 1841. Rather than adherin g to the model of equestrian statues common at the time, the artist, Horatio Greenough, carved Washington shirtless and in a seated pose that called to mind images of the Roman gods of antiquity, a depiction that many 21 Piehler, Remembering War 22.

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12 found tasteless and profane.22 The resulting criticism further curbed the govern ment’s enthusiasm for public works of art and memorializat ion. That is not to say that Americans simply did not co mmemorate the war that brought independence from the monarchy until decades after the conflict. In the years after the cease fire, scattered monuments appeared. However, witho ut intervention from the federal government, local institutions, community groups an d wealthy individuals bore the responsibility of commemorating the war, and these efforts were not always organized.23 Despite this, many communities raised monuments mar king the graves of (or otherwise honoring) fallen soldiers or celebrating war heroes like George Washington and the Marquis de Lafayette.24 In certain cases, several communities would band t ogether to commemorate a particularly important event in the war. Citizens of Boston, Massachusetts, for instance, rallied to the cause of memorializing the battle of Bunker Hill, but they were not alone in their effort. In 1822, several members of what wou ld shortly become the Bunker Hill Monument Association purchased the battle site, but could not afford the dizzying price of the proposed 220-foot granite column to stand there .25 Therefore, in what was the “largest voluntary communal act of its time,” several outlyi ng towns and states contributed to the memorial fund, and, in 1843, contractors placed the final piece of the largest Revolutionary War monument of the day.26 22 Piehler, Remembering War 29. 23 Piehler, Remembering War 23. 24 Piehler, Remembering War 23, 26. 25 Foote, Shadowed Ground 119. 26 Foote, Shadowed Ground 120.

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13 Certainly part of the collective willingness to co ntribute to such a massive, and massively expensive, monument at Bunker Hill was bo rn out of a shared desire to perpetuate the idea of American heroism. In fact, the battle of Bunker Hill was an American defeat, but one in which green colonial militiamen inflicted he avy casualties on well-trained British troops before losing control of one of the most imp ortant colonial port cities.27 By contributing to the memorialization of a battle sit e in Boston, other communities could point to the fact that they, too, sent men to that import ant skirmish in which colonists demonstrated their determination to fight on and secure liberty from the crown. Furthermore, memorialization allowed Americans to create a narra tive that “transcended the immediate sacrifices and reflected on values of liberty, just ice, and community” that were so prominent in the American republic.28 The monument at Bunker Hill thus became an emblem of victory in defeat, and a vehicle by which Americans could s electively remember their past. Remembering War on the Field of Battle Monuments are a strikingly visual form of memorial ization that can be erected nearly anywhere. There is no rule saying they must stand on the site of a major battle or tragedy, although this is often the case, and you are as lik ely to see a monument to fallen soldiers in a town square as in a cemetery. With the right funds a monument can be a durable and longlasting way to honor someone or something for gener ations to come. Monumental art, however, is not the only vehicle for commemoration. Americans, in fact, have often used the sites of battles in their efforts to memorialize th e nation’s heroic past. 27 Bernard Bailyn, ’The Decisive Day is Come’: The Battle of Bunker Hi ll, Massachusetts Historical Society, https://www.masshist.org/bh/essay.html, accessed No vember 12, 2015. 28 Foote, Shadowed Ground 140.

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14 A half century after the signing of the Declaratio n of Independence, Americans began to reinvestigate the sites of battles fought in the name of independence. Although official celebrations commemorating the American Revolution often included long speeches describing patriotic efforts and perhaps a reading of the Declaration, by the middle of the nineteenth century Americans were becoming more inc lined to visit historic sites in an attempt to encounter the past for themselves. Hist orian Thomas Chambers argues that “attention to battlefields grew alongside the ‘Nort hern Tour’ and an American fascination with landscape.”29 The famed Northern Tour route followed the course taken by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison in 1791 as they explore d Revolutionary battle sites in New England and New York.30 With increased mobility and leisure time in the m iddle years of the nineteenth century, many Americans seized the o pportunity to sightsee within their own country and experience first-hand America’s patriot ic past. The result of these personal interactions with his toric sites, however, was that each individual could potentially walk away with a uniqu e perception of the experience and consequences of the American Revolution. By tourin g the overgrown battle sites, Americans “formed their own emotional, patriotic memories bas ed on Romantic ideals of the picturesque, melancholy, and nostalgia, as well as a generic Revolutionary War history.”31 In other words, without a guiding force, whether fe deral government or commemorative society, personal interactions with historic sites often lacked any connection to historical knowledge or the nationalistic historic narrative. 29 Chambers, Memories of War 3. 30 Northern Tour of 1791 Monticello and the Thomas Jefferson Foundation, https://www.monticello.org/site/research-and-collec tions/northern-tour-1791, accessed November 16, 201 5. 31 Chambers, Memories of War 4, 14.

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15 Adding yet another layer of complication to the pr oliferation of battlefield interpretations at this time was the fact that tour ists often had the opportunity to hire veterans of the conflict to act as personal tour guides for their visits. To some degree, walking the battle site with a man who had fought there made th e tour more interpretive; a veteran could provide anecdotes and memories that made history co me alive for the visitor hoping to interact with history at the site.32 On the other hand, verifying the authenticity of any story, or veteran for that matter, was nearly impossible. While the Revolutionary veteran added to the experience of the battle site visit, he also ad ded to the fluidity of the historic narrative as his story might change from visitor to visitor. Using veterans as a principal means of commemorati ng the war was further troubling because their tenure as battlefield guides had a na tural expiration. As veterans died and the ephemeral vestiges of battle eroded over time, ther e would be no record of watershed moments in American history.33 Americans, thus, slowly came to the realization t hat preservation or memorialization efforts on a much g rander scale would be necessary to contend with the impermanence of personal memory. Historian G. Kurt Piehler suggests that the expiration of Revolutionary veterans “led to a cycle of interest, apathy, neglect, and often renewed concern regarding Independence Day,” but al so eventually reversed federal aversion to “monumental art in a republican society.”34 Historian Kenneth Foote agrees that “[s]ometimes survivors and veterans need to die bef ore reinterpretation takes place.”35 In retrospect, the passing of the generation of men wh o fought for American independence was necessary for long-term commemorative efforts for t he conflict. 32 Chambers, Memories of War 58-59. 33 Chambers, Memories of War 64. 34 Piehler, Remembering War 26, 35. 35 Foote, Shadowed Ground 264.

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16 War Veterans Fight On Certainly, though, the demise of Revolutionary vete rans was not the only driving force behind advances in American commemorative eff orts. In reality, it took American involvement in three additional wars to ensure that later generations would memorialize the Revolution. The first of these conflicts, the War of 1812, took the guise of a second American Revolution. Fought against Great Britain and its Native American allies over neutral rights (with distinct American designs on e xpanding the nationÂ’s land holdings), the War of 1812 was a disastrous, but ultimately succes sful, effort to prove that the former colonies could stand up to the crown.36 American victory, of course, doomed the Federalis t Party, which had long appealed for diplomatic and t rade relations with Great Britain, and altered the tenor of American patriotism under Repu blican rule.37 The significance of this war, then, was that the federal government lost its major opponent to federally funded monumental art, and gained widespread support for p roviding assistance and recognition to the men who served the nation. The next step toward federal commemorative efforts came on the heels of the Mexican-American War, and was, in many ways, driven by outraged veterans of the War of 1812. The focus of these older veteransÂ’ anger was the fact that the United States offered volunteers returning from Mexico much larger land b ounties than those given to soldiers of the earlier wars. As a result, veterans of the War of 1812 banded together in the 1850s to form organizations on both the state and national l evels that would commemorate their war efforts and, by extension, demonstrate their right to more substantial land grants.38 Although 36 Piehler, Remembering War 24-25. 37 Piehler, Remembering War 24. 38 Piehler, Remembering War 41.

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17 veterans organized these societies with fundamental ly self-serving purposes, their lasting impact was to preserve and honor the war and the me n who fought it. Thus, in the years leading up to the American Civi l War, Americans were more focused than ever on the legacy of earlier conflict s. Although escalating sectional tensions created distinctly Northern and Southern interpreta tions, Americans began to form national narratives from the plethora of individual memories .39 Often these narratives centered on the few remaining physical vestiges of the Revolutionar y period, the battlefields. Unlike earlier battlefield tourists who had been so focused on the aesthetics of battle sites, antebellum Americans began to interpret these sites as the bui lding blocks of the nation.40 Interestingly, during these years, Unionists and Se cessionists could view the same battlefields through the same patriotic lens, and s till come away with very different perceptions of the importance of the American Revol ution and the War of 1812. For instance, some argued for the perpetuation of the U nion by reminding their fellow countrymen that distinct colonies had once come tog ether to rebel against a common enemy for the good of the whole.41 Others, however, contended that the act of rebell ing against Great Britain, and following independence with a wa r to appropriate British land, demonstrated an American legacy of rejecting intrus ive powers in favor of local interests.42 Thus, both sides in the sectional conflict could lo ok to the nationÂ’s revolutionary past as demonstrated by its sites of historical memory to v alidate their values of either union or secession. 39 Chambers, Memories of War 15-16. 40 Chambers, Memories of War 15. 41 Chambers, Memories of War 173-174. 42 Chambers, Memories of War 184.

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18 Rebuilding a National Narrative With the end of the Civil War, the North and South reunited, but this does not mean pluralism in commemorative efforts became a thing o f the past. Rather, the explosion of monumental art and memorial events ensured that any segment of society, with the inclination and the right funds, could write their version of the war narrative in stone. For an example of post-Civil War America’s enthusiasm for monuments, one need look no further than the battlefield at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. During the years after that battle, and well into the twentieth century, organizations erected a pproximately 1,328 monuments and markers at what is now the Gettysburg National Mili tary Park.43 Honoring both Union and Confederate units, regiments, and even individuals, this wealth of monumental art reminds us of the countless individual stories that unfolded o ver the course of the three-day battle, and the survivors who wanted those stories remembered. At first, the majority of groups erecting monumenta l art haled from the victorious North. In the immediate aftermath of the war, citi es in the former Confederate States used their limited funds to rebuild rather than erect mo numents. In the largely unscathed northern states, on the other hand, private organizations, w ealthy individuals, and even state governments commemorated the war, and effectively b roadcast their victory, by constructing dozens of monuments before the 1890s.44 These monuments, however, were more than simply visual mediums by which northerners could re mind the nation of their victory. These monuments also reminded viewers about the consequen ces of war, often by featuring “allegorical imagery that underscored the themes of loss, struggle, and triumph.”45 In doing 43 Gettysburg National Military Park FAQs, National Park Service, http://www.nps.gov/gett/faq s.htm, accessed November 19, 2015. 44 Piehler, Remembering War 53. 45 Piehler, Remembering War 53.

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19 so, monuments became “condensed symbols” of collect ive memory, forcing viewers to remember perhaps the most difficult period of Ameri can history to that point.46 Thus, monumental art erected in the post-Civil War years both illustrated and validated individual war narratives, but also reminded people of the hor rendous cost of war. Although divergent groups used monumental art as a means to tell their version of the story, there were certainly concepts that periodica lly brought these groups together. Despite sectional differences, party politics, and racial t ension, the cost of war and the mutual experience of engaging in that war steered American s toward the creation of a holiday to honor the soldiers who had given their lives: Memor ial (or Decoration) Day.47 Honoring fallen soldiers in this way certainly demonstrates a departure from earlier commemoration efforts, which had typically focused on the “great men” or leaders rather than the common soldier. In fact, some historians have suggested t hat the Civil War was “the first truly democratic war,” drawing men from all segments of s ociety into a lethal conflict over the fate of the nation.48 Considering the exceptional loss of life from suc h a diverse range of the population, it follows that Americans were substant ially more concerned with the fate of all war dead in the aftermath of the Civil War. This attention to the ordinary fighting man certain ly shows up in monumental art erected during the Reconstruction era. Communities in both the North and South eventually commemorated those lost in the war by raising monum ents, many of which featured a statue of a single soldier and a list of the names of the war dead.49 These statues typically listed the 46 Holyfield and Beacham, “Memory Brokers,” 437. 47 The GAR, a northern veterans’ association, adopted expanded upon, and federalized the idea of a day to honor fallen soldiers, a tradition observed by wome n’s groups in the South as early as 1865. Piehler, Remembering War 48-49, 58. 48 Inglis, “War Memorials,” 7. 49 Piehler, Remembering War 53.

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20 soldiers’ names alphabetically or chronologically r ather than by rank to reiterate the idea that all men who died in service of the country were equ al.50 By making such a public display of those lost in service of the nation, communities so ught to remember and commend their fallen fathers, brothers and sons. Moreover, as Ke nneth Foote notes, “[t]he creation of memorials helps survivors come to terms with their loss and the meaning of their sacrifices.”51 These memorials, which recalled the ultimate sacr ifice of loved ones, were a vehicle for mourning. Furthermore, the common experience and loss of the war acted as a bridge by which the federal government hoped to reconcile the once opposing sections. Boasting greater power and authority in the aftermath of the war, th e federal government took an active role in commemoration efforts, building monuments and estab lishing national holidays in an effort to foster community and mend broken ties.52 The result of this effort was a number of memorials with distinctly reconciliatory themes, fu nded by both the federal government and private donation. The Eternal Peace Light Memorial at Gettysburg, for instance, is composed of Maine granite and Alabama limestone, literally u niting north and south under an inscription that reads, “An enduring light to guide us in unity and fellowship.”53 The United States government expanded upon the them e of reconciliation by taking concrete steps toward commemorating Confederate sol diers as well as their Union counterparts. Beginning shortly before the turn of the twentieth century, the federal government made strides toward honoring all veteran s and fallen soldiers. The government sought to reconfirm American unity by establishing a Confederate burial section at Arlington 50 Inglis, “War Memorials,” 7. 51 Foote, Shadowed Ground 208. 52 Piehler, Remembering War 3. 53 Holyfield and Beacham, “Memory Brokers,” 443.

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21 National Cemetery, ensuring that the federal govern ment would care for Confederate as well as Union graves, and granting War Department issued headstones to Southern men who had fought in the war.54 Although these gestures were largely intended to reunite white Americans (as racial tensions continued to bar Afri can Americans soldiers the same degree of respect), the government was finally involved in the commemoration process. To some degree, the United States government also s ought to reestablish a narrative of American heroism and a non-sectional past to aid the reconciliatory effort. As a result, in the aftermath of the Civil War, the federal governm ent began enthusiastically commemorating the American Revolution for the first time.55 By reminding citizens of their revolutionary past, the government hoped to provoke reunion, and, in doing so, began to reshape and redefine what it meant to be an America n citizen and the rights and responsibilities thereof.56 Thus, after three wars and nearly a century, the United States began memorializing all earlier American conflicts, and demonstrating the importance the national historic narrative played in defining Amer icanism. Remembering the Fallen: Monuments to the Dead and M ilitary Cemeteries Countless monuments commemorating war dead stand a mong the profusion of memorials that Americans have erected since the end of the Civil War. Whether a memorial dedicated to the memory of those who fell in a part icular war or even battle, or a statue in a town square that bears the names of every member of the community that gave their lives in service of the country, Americans deem it important to honor the soldiersÂ’ ultimate sacrifice. However, in keeping with the general apathy toward commemoration in the early republic, 54 Piehler, Remembering War 66. 55 Chambers, Memories of War 16. 56 Piehler, Remembering War 2.

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22 this has not always been the case. To modern stand ards, treatment of soldiers’ remains from early American conflicts was appallingly bad, with proper burial practices and commemorative efforts growing to full force only si nce the Civil War. Due largely to limited funds, technology, and tran sportation options, the men who fought and died in the earliest conflicts on Americ an soil rarely made it home again. Perhaps even more disturbing, however, is the fact that the ir often crude and chaotic burials (if they were buried at all) were only very infrequently com memorated. Throughout the first quarter of the nineteenth century, “place seemed less impor tant than individual heroes in American memory,” and very few monuments were erected on bat tlefields or burial grounds to honor the common soldiers who gave their lives in the Ame rican Revolution and War of 1812.57 Of course, this is not terribly surprising consider ing the many difficulties Americans faced even in memorializing the national heroes of the er a. Still, the lack of proper burial practices for sol diers of these wars is somewhat surprising considering typical attitudes regarding death at the time. Colonial Americans, like their later Victorian era counterparts, held firm b eliefs regarding the sanctity of a proper burial and the profanity of disturbing the dead. D espite this, unless soldiers killed in action were officers or near enough to their homes to be c ollected by family or friends, most were “wrapped in cloth and covered with a thin layer of soil.”58 At the time, there were very few avenues for safely and hygienically transporting a corpse to his own community before decomposition set in. Furthermore, the American ar med forces simply lacked the funds and organization necessary to account for every fallen soldier and ship them all home. 57 Chambers, Memories of War 87. 58 Chambers, Memories of War 22; Piehler, Remembering War 26.

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23 In fact, nearly a century passed before the United States government took on the responsibility of accounting for the war dead. Unl ike the large amount of sun-bleached remains that littered eighteenth century battlefiel ds, many more soldiers who fought and died in the Civil War were eventually laid to rest, eith er in their own communities or in the recently created national military cemeteries.59 But why did Americans become so concerned with soldiers’ burials at this time? Wha t factors compelled the United States government to account for the war dead? To some extent, the ability to properly bury every fallen soldier (or at least every soldier who could be located) resulted from scienti fic advances. With the onset of embalming practices, undertakers could effectively preserve a soldier’s body long enough to reach home and be buried.60 Staving off decomposition likely quieted earlier qualms about shipping bodies long distances and the potential fo r desecration on such a journey. If the corpse that arrived was still recognizable as a lov ed one, the family could undertake all the appropriate burial rites, and lay their beloved sol diers to rest with honor. Desecration, in fact, was a major concern that com pelled Americans to insist on the proper burial of Civil War soldiers. Gary Laderman suggests that some citizens bore the expense of hiring an embalmer or traveling to retri eve a body because they “thought the bodies of fallen Union soldiers too important to be left on southern battlefields, even if they could believe that their fathers, sons, husbands or brothers were receiving a respectful burial.”61 This implies a fear of enemy desecration of a lov ed one’s remains. Unlike earlier conflicts in which the invading army would move on and local communities could deal with 59 Chambers, Memories of War 25. 60 Gary Laderman, The Sacred Remains: American Attitudes Toward Death 1799-1883 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press), 125. 61 Laderman, Sacred Remains 144.

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24 the dead, the Civil War was the first time that fal len soldiers were exposed to extended aggression, by not only the enemy army, but also th e enemy populace. As a result, Union citizens were exceptionally concerned with dealing with their dead. The national government was likewise occupied with accounting for the dead during the Civil War, but for marginally more selfish reas ons. As early as 1862, Congress passed an executive action that sanctioned the creation of pe rmanent cemeteries for Union men who died in service of the country.62 Collier suggests that “a nation may bury soldiers in a manner that serves a national purpose, such as comi ng to terms with war.”63 Certainly, accounting for the dead and creating a space for th eir final rest allowed survivors an opportunity to grieve. Rather than always wonderin g where on southern soil their loved ones lay, families could mourn their losses and come to terms with the immeasurable cost of war.64 To some degree, however, these cemeteries and the m en who filled them became symbols of the conflict. The Union men who died in battle or as a result of military life were martyred and their remains served as an inspiration for others to continue to fight to preserve the nation.65 By accounting for the dead more carefully than in any previous conflict, the federal government could point to the growing death toll and remind soldiers to fight on because others had fallen for the cause. 62 Piehler, Remembering War 49. 63 Collier, “Symbolism of Death,” 728. 64 Some of the best efforts to account for missing so ldiers actually began in the private sector. In th e aftermath of the war, Clara Barton, who served as a nurse dur ing the conflict, established the Office of Corresp ondence with the Friends of the Missing Men of the United S tates Army, and actively sought information regardi ng the whereabouts of missing soldiers from their former b rothers-in-arms. By 1868, the organization obtaine d information about the status and location of some 2 2,000 missing soldiers; Drew Gilpin Faust, This Republic of Suffering: Death and the American Civil War (New York: Random House Publishing, 2008), 213. 65 Laderman, Sacred Remains 126; Piehler, Remembering War 50.

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25 Although essentially a campaign tactic, the ongoin g endeavor to account for the dead during the Civil War ensured continued efforts duri ng the Reconstruction period. Despite soldiers’ rolls and casualty reports, in the chaos of ongoing warfare, neither the Union nor Confederacy maintained accurate records of the numb er of deceased and where they were buried. Thus, in the post-war years, the federal g overnment undertook the massive project of locating and reinterring hundreds of thousands of f allen soldiers. Within five years of the war’s end, historian Drew Gilpin Faust asserts, “th e bodies of almost 300,000 soldiers had been located across the South and reinterred in 73 national cemeteries” in an effort to affirm “the nation’s new commitment to the citizen soldier s who fought on its behalf.”66 As the nation as a whole concerned themselves with the equ ality of the men who fought in service of the country and cultivated ways to memorialize t heir sacrifices, the federal government recognized their obligation to account for the men they had asked to fight. Despite the best efforts of both federal and priva te organizations to account for and inter those who died in the war, it is impossible t o say that all Civil War soldiers were located and properly buried. However, in the aftermath of the sectional conflict, the widespread call to honor the common soldiers ensured that the remai ns of Civil War dead were better treated than those of any previous American conflict. The massive loss of life in this conflict resulted in a drive to memorialize the fallen. As a result, national military cemeteries, public monuments, and personal commemoration on private he adstones still stand as vestiges of the honorable sacrifices of former soldiers. 66 Drew Gilpin Faust, “’Numbers on Top of Numbers’: C ounting the Civil War Dead,” The Journal of Military History 40:4 (2006), 995-996.

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26 CHAPTER III READING GRAVEYARDS: GRAVESTONES AS HISTORIC DOCUMEN TS Driving through any small town in New England, one is bound to encounter the local cemetery. Arguably the most ubiquitous part of the rural landscape, cemeteries are more common than modern schools or churches in most smal l communities. Some began as family burial plots, others as church burying groun ds, and still others as peaceful, park-like expanses to be enjoyed by grieving loved ones. As varied as they are numerous, all cemeteries are sites where members of the community take their final rest. The local cemetery, however, also serves a variety of other functions for many communities. It is, of course, the final resting p lace of former citizens; a place for mourning, remembering, and quiet contemplation. On the other hand, the sheltered paths and grassy spaces also provide a safe place for walking and jo gging away from busy motor ways. A cemetery, then, is at the disposal of the community for any use they deem appropriate. Despite this, scholars often underutilize small-tow n cemeteries and the surprising array of information preserved within the confines of the lo cal burying ground. Reading the cemetery landscape is an imperfect sci ence. Some scholars believe that gravestone art and inscriptions are a reflection of the interred individual.67 Others suggest that such memorials are representative of the indiv idual or group that erected the gravestone rather than the deceased interred below.68 Still others, rather more pessimistically, argue that the types of funerary art commissioned by Americans are “a function of pressure, availability, price, and fashion.”69 Even if most people simply conform to a social no rm, 67 G.S. Foster and R.L. Hummel, “The Adkins-Woodson C emetery: A Sociological Examination of Cemeteries as Communities,” Markers 12 (1995), 95. 68 Inglis, “War Memorials,” 9. 69 Dianna Hume George and Malcolm A. Nelson, “Resurre cting the Epitaph,” Markers 1 (1979), 85.

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27 however, this information is still a powerful indic ator of the qualities valued by the community as a whole. Perhaps it is most accurate to say that funerary ar t and inscriptions are indicative of all of these groups: the deceased, those closest to the deceased, and the larger community. Memorializing the dead is a method of dealing with death. By inscribing tombstones with symbols and text that reflect religious affiliation memberships in civic groups, military service, ethnic identity, and even gender and class distinctions, the deceased will long be acknowledged as part of those institutions and that community.70 More importantly, by memorializing the “social personality” of the decea sed on the gravestone, the monument becomes a stand-in for the deceased.71 This effectively allows survivors to continue a relationship with their loved one despite the death He or she may be gone, but certainly not forgotten. Although gravestones and their inscriptions are pre dominantly meant to memorialize the deceased, the accumulation of information chron icled on burial markers has the potential to serve more modern scholarly purposes. In the se cond half of the twentieth century, historians and other scholars of the humanities beg an to examine the cemetery as part of the historic record. As Albert N. Hamscher contends, a cemetery “is an outdoor museum, an archive fashioned in stone and bronze.”72 In the most basic sense, gravestones are a type o f historic document. Although by no means permanent, the stone markers are enduring records often inscribed with the deceased’s name, b irth and death dates, and perhaps even an epitaph that a friend or family member found befitt ing of his or her character. Scholars can 70 Collier, “Symbolism of Death,” 728, 731-732; Coope r, “Stories Told in Stone,” 16; Deetz and Dethlefse n, “Social Aspects,” 30; Hamscher, “Talking Tombstones ,” 40. 71 Collier, “Symbolism of Death,” 728. 72 Hamscher, “Talking Tombstones,” 40.

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28 use gravestones as sources to correct or confirm ba sic census information, or even to document individuals who may not have otherwise app eared in local vital records. This limited data, however, only scratches the sur face of what scholars can glean from the cemetery as an historic record. If, for i nstance, one thinks of a cemetery as an extension of the living community, or even as a “co mmunity of the dead,” the grave markers, monuments, and even the layout of individual plots become evidence of the sociological makeup of past communities.73 An astute scholar can use the cemetery landscape in conjunction with more traditional records to form a better understanding of a range of social and cultural factors from familial ties to attitude s toward life, death, and the afterlife that were important to that individual or society. Common Motifs in Mortuary Art The beauty and usefulness of examining the cemetery landscape as an historic record is its built-in chronological control. The vast ma jority of gravestones are marked with at least the death date of the interred individual. B ased on their own studies of New England cemeteries, historic archaeologists James Deetz and Edwin N. Dethlefsen suggest that, as early as the seventeenth century, the period of tim e between an individual’s death and the date his or her grave was marked with a permanent g ravestone was typically less than a year.74 Thus, scholars can examine gravestones with relat ive confidence in the fact that any mortuary art is a reflection of the period in which the individual died. This temporal control allows scholars to “evaluate the endurance, or eros ion, of traditional institutional 73 Foster and Hummel, “The Adkins-Woodson Cemetery,” 93. 74 James Deetz and Edwin N. Dethlefsen, “Death’s Head s, Cherubs, and Willow Trees: Experimental Archaeology in Colonial Cemeteries,” American Antiquity 31:4 (1966), 502.

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29 identification.”75 Scholars have demonstrated the truth behind this concept by identifying the most common motifs in gravestone art, their periods of use, and factors contributing to the rise and fall in popularity of each. The Death’s Head, for example, is the earliest fune rary motif found in New England cemeteries. Dominating the cemetery landscape in t he early to mid-eighteenth century (although earlier examples certainly exist), the De ath’s Head is typically a winged skull (Figure 1), and may include other memento mori (visual elements that remind the living that death is an eventual certainty), like bones or a co ffin.76 Figure 1. Nehemiah Rowell’s 1779 gravestone at Nort h Cemetery bears an example of the Death’s Head motif, which was popular from the seve nteenth to mid-eighteenth century. Scholars like Dianna Hume George and Malcolm A. Nel son have argued that the Death’s Head motif was “a reminder of the inescapab ility of death” for a society that 75 Collier, “Symbolism of Death,” 729. 76 Deetz and Dethlefsen, “Social Aspects,” 30; Deetz and Dethlefsen, “Death’s Heads,” 503; Lauren F. Win ner, A Cheerful and Comfortable Faith (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010), 162.

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30 witnessed death on a daily basis, and Gary Laderman concurs that epitaphs on Death’s Head gravestones “conveyed a communal awareness of the o mnipresent fact of death.”77 While this is undoubtedly true, Deetz and Dethlefsen sugg est that the motif was also an indicator of Puritan ideology. In Puritan thought, they argue, the emphasis is on mortality, with “little or no mention being made of an afterlife or resurrecti on.”78 Thus, skulls, bones, and coffins were visual representations of the finality of deat h, both physical and spiritual, taught in the Puritan religion. A careful study of mortuary art reveals changes to the Death’s Head beginning in the mid-eighteenth century. Coinciding with the Great Awakening and the decline of Puritanism, the cherub displaced the winged skull a s the most common funerary motif in New England cemeteries (Figure 2).79 Figure 2. John Foster’s 1781 gravestone at North Ce metery bears an example of the cherub motif common from the mid-eighteenth century to the turn of the nineteenth century. 77 George and Nelson, “Resurrecting the Epitaph,” 87; Laderman, Sacred Remains 23. 78 Deetz and Dethlefsen, “Death’s Heads,” 506. 79 Deetz and Dethlefsen, “Death’s Heads,” 503, 508; G eorge and Nelson, “Resurrecting the Epitaph,” 87.

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31 As religious views moved toward a more hopeful outl ook of salvation in the afterlife, people chose to mark their final resting places wit h an angelic icon that spoke to their hopes that death was not the end. These hopes were often more fully expressed in epitaphs that frequently mentioned an ascent to heaven and the gl ory of the afterlife.80 By the turn of the nineteenth century, however, the cherub had also fallen out of favor, and urn and willow motifs came to dominate g ravestone iconography (Figure 3). Rather than reflecting the religious views, hopes, or fears of the deceased, the urn and willow depersonalized the grave marker to some extent by e mphasizing the mourning rituals of Regency and early Victorian families instead.81 The willow, for instance, commonly signified grief and perpetual mourning.82 The symbolism, therefore, can be interpreted as t he expected response of the deceased’s family rather t han any indicator of the deceased himself. Figure 3. Detail of George Gains’s 1809 gravestone at North Cemetery, which bears an example of the urn and willow mortuary motif popula r after the turn of the nineteenth century. 80 Deetz and Dethlefsen, “Death’s Heads,” 508. 81 Deetz and Dethlefsen, “Death’s Heads,” 508; George and Nelson, “Resurrecting the Epitaph,” 93. 82 Gaylord Cooper, “Stories Told in Stone: Gravestone Iconography and Genealogical Research,” Northwest Ohio History 79:1 (2011), 20.

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32 In addition to focusing on the survivors instead of the deceased with the willow, the urn is even more indicative of a denial of death in the Regency and Victorian eras. Although urns as a final resting place are common in modern times, cremation was a rare occurrence in the nineteenth century. The urn motif, then, is ei ther a neo-classical depiction of ancient Greek cremation and mourning rituals, or otherwise a representation of the ancient Egyptian belief that “life would be restored through the vit al organs placed in the urn.”83 Modern historians interpret the motif as either a symbol o f mourning or a sign of immortality, but agree that it is a departure from grim reality of e arlier memento mori The urn and willow are, therefore, the first step toward taking the de ath out of dying. Personalizing Death: Gravestone Iconography The trend of divesting funerary monuments of emblem s of death continued into the twentieth century as gravestones became increasingl y minimalist. A walk through most New England cemeteries confirms that from the mid-ninet eenth century families increasingly marked the final resting places of loved ones with simple, if any, adornments, a name and a date. Families omitted long epitaphs speaking to t he religious convictions of the deceased, and added modest nature motifs, like a single flowe r or an ivy scroll. On the other hand, beginning in the early nineteent h century, individual communities began to perceive the local graveyard as a socially secured space “in which the dead could be protected by the same religious, moral, and communa l values that operated in the towns and villages of the living.”84 The result of this conceptual shift was an increa se in iconography indicative of personal and communal values that, in many ways, recreate the social structure 83 James A. Hijiya, “American Gravestones and Attitud es Toward Death: A Brief History,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 125:5 (1983), 351; Cooper, “Stories Told in Stone, ” 19. 84 Laderman, Sacred Remains 38.

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33 of the living community within the confines of the burial ground.85 Therefore, when iconography is present on grave markers from this p eriod, it is typically representative of a significant aspect of the deceased’s life as oppose d to being representative of general societal values as in the case of the Death’s Head, cherub, or urn and willow motifs. Considering this, one would expect that men who served in the m ilitary during the American Civil War were more likely to have their service represented on their gravestones than veterans of earlier American conflicts. Like any historical inquiry, however, gravestone an alysis is complicated by the historian’s ability to read the source material. I conography on gravestones acts as a form of shorthand to express vital information while saving the stone carver time, and, by extension, the gravestone’s commissioner money.86 Despite this, it would be a mistake to consider a ny icon static. Any given image may mean something un ique from community to community or era to era, but some images are more readily recogn ized than others.87 For example, emblems indicative of religion, fraternal societies and military services are typically wellknown and, thus, easily recognized by most people. This was certainly the case in the cemeteries of Po rtsmouth, New Hampshire where, for the purposes of this study, I identified images by their most common symbolic meaning unless additional context suggested a different int erpretation. For instance, I assumed the presence of the common square and compass motif on a gravestone indicated that the deceased was a member of the Freemasons. However, if additional research revealed that the deceased was perhaps an engineer or architect, I wo uld have to reconsider my interpretation 85 Collier, “Symbolism of Death,” 727. 86 Cooper, “Stories Told in Stone,” 16. 87 Cooper, “Stories Told in Stone,” 17.

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34 of the gravestone iconography. Likewise, images of anchors are common in the cemeteries of New EnglandÂ’s port cities, but take on additiona l meaning when the deceased served in the navy. Thus, gravestone iconography offers insight into the interests and cultural associations of the deceased, but only to the extent that the sc holar reads these subtle cues in conjunction with additional source material.

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35 CHAPTER IV SEARCHING FOR SOLDIERS: SURVEY METHODOLOGY At the outset of this project, my intention was to focus on how families and communities commemorated war dead from the American Revolution through the American Civil War at their grave sites in New Hampshire cem eteries. I hoped to determine whether personalized commemorative efforts aligned with or differed from the ways in which the nation as a whole commemorated military conflicts. To do this required a thorough study of soldiersÂ’ grave markers in towns that furnished tro ops for each of AmericaÂ’s earliest wars. Two distinct, although not entirely unrelated, dis cussions regarding types of commemoration inspired this line of inquiry. In co nsidering foci for an in-depth study, the concept of public memorialization in terms of how A mericans have commemorated their wars intrigued me. I knew, for instance, that post -colonial Americans poorly commemorated their early military conflicts until decades after the fact, and, in reality, even memorializing the Civil War was a haphazard affair that effective ly justified a plurality of war narratives.88 On the other hand, the idea of personal commemorati ve efforts in the form of mortuary art was equally appealing, and I became interested in w hat scholars can learn by reading the cemetery landscape as an historic document. My cur rent investigation lies at the intersection of these studies. Prior to beginning any field research, I cultivate d two hypotheses regarding the correlation between personal and national commemora tions of the American Revolution, War of 1812, and Civil War. The first theory was t hat the two types of commemoration would parallel one another. For instance, despite making the ultimate sacrifice in the pursuit 88 Chambers, Memories of War ; Piehler, Remembering War

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36 of American independence, a soldierÂ’s gravestone wo uld not allude to the service of the deceased, whereas those who gave their lives during the sectional conflict of the 1860s would be proudly designated heroes on their tombs. The c ounter-theory to this was that grave markers would call attention to the final resting p laces of all those who fell in battle because of the perceived importance of their military servi ce, despite, at least in the early years of the American Republic, a national hesitation to memoria lize wars. By locating and examining the grave sites of war dead, I expected to confirm one of these assumptions, or otherwise ascertain a more complex relationship between natio nal and gravesite commemoration of the wars and soldiers that helped shape the nation. Due to constraints on available data for many New Hampshire towns, I concentrated my investigation on the city of Portsmouth. As one of the oldest and largest municipalities in the state with a strong interest in its own history Portsmouth offered the best opportunity to locate the graves of war dead. Furthermore, becaus e the city of Portsmouth mustered troops to each of the military conflicts in my study,89 I would be able to track when and how personal memorialization changed, if, in fact, it c hanged at all. To some extent, Portsmouth is not representative o f all New Hampshire towns. Although its age, size, and number of mustered serv icemen make it a suitable example for the present study, these same characteristics rende r Portsmouth atypical. Despite this, the opportunity to identify if/how memorialization evol ved within a single community outweighed the fact that Portsmouth does not necess arily act as a stand in for New Hampshire as a whole. If, for instance, I had soug ht soldiersÂ’ graves in more representative New Hampshire communities, I would have had to draw upon many more localities to 89 Joseph Foster, The Graves We Decorate: Memorial Day, 1917, Fifty-T wo Years After Appomattox (Portsmouth, NH: Grand Army of the Republic Storer Post No. 1, 1917), 9-27.

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37 accumulate a sample equal to that available in Port smouth. In this process, I would likely have encountered towns that did not muster troops ( or, at least, many troops) for each war. Moreover, I would also have to consider how the dif ferent extents to which each of those communities was involved in the war effected person al gravestone memorialization in local cemeteries. Portsmouth, therefore, was the best op tion for studying the ways in which local commemoration in the form of gravestone iconography compared to national patterns of war memorialization. Beginning my search for war dead buried in Portsmo uth, I encountered a problem of availability almost immediately. At the outset of my investigation, I had not considered the fact that most militiamen and common soldiers who f ell during the American Revolution and War of 1812 never made it home. Rather, they were hastily buried by fellow soldiers on distant battlefields, not by loved ones in their ho me towns.90 For the purposes of my study, then, locating New Hampshire war dead was not feasi ble, and war dead in New Hampshire was not possible. Perhaps there were one or two ea rly patriots interred somewhere in Portsmouth, but not enough for me to make any defin itive statements about the commemoration of war dead. Considering this issue of availability, I expanded my investigation to include the burial sites of war veterans as well as war dead in Portsmouth. By making this alteration to the parameters of my study, I had a much larger sam ple with which to work. Furthermore, expanding my study also added a new temporal elemen t to consider. From the gravestones of war dead, I would have only been able to see com memoration in the immediate aftermath of the military conflict. By adding war veterans w ho lived up to a half century after the war, 90 Piehler, Remembering War 26.

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38 I could identify the endurance of commemorating mil itary service over the span of several decades. Having identified the temporal, spatial, and demog raphic parameters of my investigation, the next step was to identify former servicemen and locate their gravesites. Beginning in 1893, the Portsmouth chapter of the Gr and Army of the Republic (GAR), a now defunct association for Civil War veterans, publish ed a series of references that listed all known former servicemen buried in Portsmouth cemete ries.91 Entrusted with decorating military graves in the area for the federal Memoria l Day holiday, the Portsmouth chapter, the Storer Post, No. 1, included in their reference tex t all known military graves dating back to the American Revolution. Using the Storer Post’s t exts, which are listed alphabetically and sorted by cemetery, I began to build an appropriate sample of Revolutionary, War of 1812, and Civil War soldiers to pursue. Based on the GAR reference, I knew the majority of former servicemen rested in North, Cotton, Proprietors’, and Harmony Grove ceme teries. Established in 1753, North Cemetery on Maplewood Avenue, often called Old Nort h by Portsmouth residents, is the second oldest public cemetery in the city.92 Cotton, Proprietors’, and Harmony Grove Cemeteries together form the largest and oldest por tion of the South Street cemetery complex. Established as a private burying ground a nd deeded to the city in 1671 by William Cotton, Cotton Cemetery opened to public burials by 1721.93 Proprietors’ and Harmony 91 GAR Storer Post, No. 1 first published the Record Prepared for Memorial Day in 1893, which member Joseph Foster expanded upon and republished as The Graves We Decorate in 1907, 1915, and 1917. The final installment, published in 1921, is The Soldiers’ Memorial which lists all known servicemen buried in Portsmouth, NH, and the surrounding towns to that d ate. 92 Glenn A. Knoblock, Portsmouth Cemeteries (Charleston, SC: Arcadia Publishing, 2005), 49; Cyn thia Pridham-Thomas and Louise H. Tallman, “North Cemete ry,” (unpublished cemetery index, Portsmouth Public Library, 1993), 1. 93 Knoblock, Portsmouth Cemeteries 71; Cynthia Pridham-Thomas and Louise H. Tallman, “Cotton Cemetery,” (unpublished cemetery index, Portsmouth Public Library, 1994), 1.

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39 Grove, on the other hand, have always been public b urying grounds. Laid out by the city of Portsmouth in 1831 and 1847, respectively, these tw o cemeteries form the majority of the cemetery complex, a portion of which is still in us e today.94 Using the Storer Post index as a guide, I expected to find approximately twenty-six Revolutionary militiamen, nineteen participants of the War of 1812, and 394 Union soldiers in these four Portsmouth cemeteries. The number of men involved in the American Revolution seemed unusually low considering local t radition and historical research which suggests that an instance in which residents of Por tsmouth raided the armory at Fort Constitution was “one of the first acts of the war, ” and demonstrates the “patriotism or the rebellion of this town before the battle of Bunker Hill or the affairs of Lexington and Concord.”95 Expecting the number of Revolutionary veterans to be higher, I sought additional soldier rolls and eventually found a lis t of burials compiled by the New Hampshire Society Sons of the American Revolution (NHSSAR). The NHSSAR’s statewide list includes several additional Revolutionary veterans buried in Portsmouth that were likely unknown to the GAR of the early twentieth century. Some of these additional examples rested in North, Cotton, Proprietors’, and Harmony Grove Cemeteries, but many others were interred on private lands or in long lost family bu rial grounds.96 Still, drawing from this source, I bolstered my graves sample to include six ty-one Revolutionary soldiers. Although locating the eighty men who served in the Revolution and War of 1812 seemed feasible, time constraints ensured I would n ot be able to locate all of the nearly 400 94 Knoblock, Portsmouth Cemeteries 71. 95 D. Hamilton Hurd, History of Rockingham and Strafford Counties, New H ampshire, with Biographical Sketches of Many of its Pioneers and Prominent Men (Philadelphia: J.W. Lewis & Co., 1882), 88. 96 Philip A. Wilcox, Revolutionary Graves of New Hampshire New Hampshire Society Sons of the American Revolution (NHSSAR), http://www.nhssar.org/PdfFiles /NH_Revolutionary_War_Burials.pdf, accessed September 5, 2015.

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40 Yankee soldiers buried in Portsmouth. Instead, I e stablished an approximately 30% sample on which to focus. This sample included Civil War dead and veterans who died over a period of nearly sixty years proportionately to how many died in each decade. By these means I expected to be able to adequately track any changes in memorialization without having to examine every gravestone. The next step in my investigation was to actually locate the gravesites of each of the 205 former servicemen included in my sample. Cemet ery surveys conducted in the early 1990s by local residents and amateur historians Cyn thia Pridham-Thomas and Louise H. Tallman greatly simplified this task. Between 1990 and 1995, Pridham-Thomas and Tallman completed a comprehensive survey of each of Portsmo uthÂ’s public cemeteries, and produced a series of alphabetical indices that list the name and burial plot of every individual interred therein. Armed with exact burial plots and a map o f each cemetery, I scoured the four cemeteries to locate and examine each soldiersÂ’ gra vestone. Upon locating the gravesite of one of my sample so ldiers, I recorded all relevant information for further analysis. I took detailed photographs of the stone and all inscriptions and mortuary motifs. I also transcribed any inscri ptions, and, finally, recorded the type of stone and described any important design details pr esent on the marker (see Appendices A, B, and C for transcriptions and notes). In several cases headstones were damaged, weathered, or missing. When possible, I filled in details missing from these grave markers using the GAR and Pridham-Thomas and Tallman refere nces, or, in some cases, older photographs available on the internet that reveal d etails now lost to the ravages of time and nature.97 If I could not find adequate information for one of these gravestones, I tried to 97 The website FindAGrave.Com hosts photographs of gr ave markers uploaded by the public. In certain cas es, I was able to find photographs of my sample soldiersÂ’ headstones taken and uploaded within the last deca de. By

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41 substitute that of another serviceman of the same t ime period in order to preserve a proportional sample, although this was not always p ossible. In sum, I located and recorded gravestone information for forty-nine Revolutionary militiamen, seventeen veterans of the War of 1812, and 124 Civil War soldiers. examining these online images, I was able to confir m details only partially visible in my photographs due to erosion or breakage of the stone in more recent yea rs.

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42 CHAPTER V ANALYSIS OF GRAVESTONE TEXT AND ICONOGRAPHY Within the stone walls of Portsmouth’s historic ce meteries, the remains of hundreds of former soldiers lie beneath carved stones. Alth ough these men shared in the bloody experience of war, the monuments that mark their gr aves range in complexity, both in terms of funerary motifs and allusions to military servic e. The following analysis examines the inscriptions and iconography present on these stone s, and identifies patterns of personal commemoration at the burial sites of Revolutionary, War of 1812, and Civil War dead and veterans. The results of this survey demonstrate t hat personal gravesite commemoration is complex, and funerary iconography speaks to the oft en overlapping identities – familial, fraternal, military, etc. – of the deceased. Howev er, based on this sample, the typical pattern of gravestone commemoration of personal military se rvice, like national commemorative trends for each of America’s earliest wars, was inf requent in the aftermath of the American Revolution, but became increasingly more common as the American people placed additional value on military service with each subsequent conf lict. American Revolution Veteran Burials With certain exceptions, soldiers of the American Revolution who died in battle or while on campaign far from home were buried where t hey fell rather than in the cemeteries of their own communities. An assortment of factors (including disorganization and a lack of funds, technology, and means of transportation) ens ured that Portsmouth’s patriots who were killed in action were unlikely to make it home agai n. Consequently, there are no war dead included in this sample of Portsmouth’s Revolutiona ry burials. Rather, the forty-nine

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43 gravesites included in this sample are those of Rev olutionary veterans who died in or around Portsmouth between 1779 and 1855. Based on this sample, PortsmouthÂ’s Revolutionary v eterans respected cultural norms, at least in terms of their gravestone designs. The earliest veteran deaths, which occurred in the closing years of the eighteenth century, are ma rked by gravestones that demonstrate the shift in mortuary art that was occurring at the tim e. For the most part, in fact, gravestones in this sample adhere to predominant funerary motifs, with a few easily explainable anomalies. Furthermore, of this sample of forty-nine Revolutio nary veterans buried in PortsmouthÂ’s cemeteries, only nine (18%) have gravestones that i ndicate connections to the military, and only four make concrete allusions to the war in whi ch these men fought. Considering the dates associated with each reference to the conflic t, this sample suggests deference to prevailing patterns of Revolutionary War commemorat ion. Of the first eighteen veteran deaths (37% of the s ample group), which occurred between 1779 and 1808, only one gravestone denotes military service.98 Colonel Pierse LongÂ’s (d. 1789) chest tomb is inscribed with the d eceasedÂ’s military rank. Colonel Long commanded the 1st New Hampshire Regiment both as a militia and after it became part of the Continental service, and led troops at Ticonder oga and Saratoga.99 Despite this, his tomb does not make any additional references to his serv ice or the conflicts in which he was involved. Rather, Colonel LongÂ’s role as family pa triarch takes precedence as his otherwise 98 This group of eighteen former soldiers does not in clude Prince Whipple. Although Whipple died in 180 8, his grave marker, which does reference his military ser vice, is an unusual case that will be discussed in greater detail later in this section. 99 Joseph Foster, The SoldiersÂ’ Memorial: 1893-1921 (Portsmouth, NH: Grand Army of the Republic Storer Post No 1, 1921), 43.

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44 undecorated grave marker simply lists the officer’s relations. Still, the inclusion of rank is more of an allusion to military service than found on any of the other seventeen gravestones. Gravestones in this sample do, however, conform to expected patterns based on popular mortuary art. For instance, the headstones of John Foster, Samuel Dalling, and John Fernald, who died in 1781, 1788, and 1792, respecti vely, each depict a cherub. Produced near the end of the century, and consequently the e nd of the cherub’s popularity, these grave markers co-mingle with early examples of the urn an d willow motif and, surprisingly, one example of the Death’s Head. The Death’s Head that adorns Nehemiah Rowell’s gra vestone is uncommon, but not unheard of, in the period of the man’s 1779 death. According the James Deetz’s studies, the Death’s Head quickly began fading in popularity aft er 1759.100 Other scholars have suggested, however, that the Death’s Head experienc ed a slight revival during the chaos of the American Revolution when “the public mood was o ften one of doubt and fear.”101 Thus, although Rowell’s stone does not reference military service, perhaps his rare funerary motif is at least a small allusion to the conflict after all. On the other hand, urn motifs decorate twenty-two o f the forty-nine headstones (45%) in this sample.102 Often associated more with mourning rituals than mortality, the urn, urn and willow, and urn and drapery motifs also allude to hopes of safe passage through the veil and heavenly immortality.103 Within this sample, the first example of an urn m otif is dated 1791, and the last was erected in 1837. Every grav e marker with an urn includes an 100 James Deetz, In Small Things Forgotten: An Archaeology of Early American Life (New York: Anchor Books, 1977 [1996]), 97. 101 Knoblock, Portsmouth Cemeteries 50. 102 Although Deetz recorded examples of urn motifs in New England cemeteries dating to 1770, he contends that the period of highest popularity for this moti f was between 1790 and 1830; Deetz, Small Things 97. 103 Douglas Keister, Stories in Stone: A Field Guide to Cemetery Symboli sm and Iconography (Layton, UT: Gibbs Smith, 2004), 67, 115, 137.

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45 inscription which announces the name, dates, and ag e of death of the deceased. Twelve of the twenty-two also include some form of epitaph ra nging in length and content. Hall JacksonÂ’s epitaph, for instance, speaks to the succ essful and respected medical career of the man credited with the invention of digitalis heart medicines.104 In memory of HALL JACKSON Esquire M.D. Who departed this life On the 28th of Sept. 1797 tat. 58 To heal disease, to calm the widows sigh And wipe the tear from povertyÂ’s swolen eye Was thine! but ah! that skill on others shown Tho life to them could not preserve thy own Yet still thou livst in many a grateful breath And works like thine enthron thee with the blest. Others epitaphs, like the one inscribed on the grav e of James Hill (d. 1811), suggests deeds committed during life better commemorate the man than any epitaph. However, despite the inclination to include grand statements on the gravestones of Revolutionary veterans during this period, only three actually re ference their military service. In Memory of JAMES HILL who died Decr. 29, 1811 t. 58 Praises on Tombs are titles vainly spent ManÂ’s good name is his best monument. The remaining veterans of the American Revolution r est beneath gravestones with divergent decorative styles, most of which are typi cal of each individualÂ’s period of death. 104 J. Estes, Hall Jackson and the Purple Foxglove (Lebanon, NH: University Press of New England, 197 9).

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46 Thomas Martin (d. 1805) and George Hart (d. 1807), for instance, each had gravestones adorned with floral carvings. Although urn motifs were most common on headstones of this era, other secular motifs (such as the floral garla nd) grew in popularity during this period of waning religious influence (Figure 4).105 Likewise, as decades passed after the close of th e war, more veterans (11 in total) opted for increasi ngly popular undecorated, minimalist grave markers. Figure 4. George HartÂ’s 1807 gravestone at North C emetery offers an example of a more secular floral garland motif. Like veterans memorialized with urn motif gravesto nes, those with otherwise adorned or undecorated markers are similarly lacking allusi ons to military service. In fact, a total of only nine gravestones in this sample suggest any as sociation between the deceased and the military. The four earliest of these nine stones i nclude little more than a military rank in the 105 Knoblock, Portsmouth Cemeteries 15.

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47 inscription. In addition to Colonel Long (describe d above), Thomas Thompson (d. 1809), Nathaniel Kennard (d. 1823), and Samuel Ham (d. 182 5) are memorialized with their respective ranks. For instance, Thompson’s marble stone, decorated with a simple Christian cross in bas-relief, reads: THOMAS THOMPSON NEW HAMPSHIRE CAPTAIN CONTINENTAL NAVY FEBRUARY 22, 1809 COLONEL OF ARTILIERY STATE OF N.H. 1785 By specifying Thompson was both a “Captain in the C ontinental Navy” and a “Colonel of Artiliery [sic],” this stone is the most detailed o f the four. Kennard and Ham’s stones, each embellished with an urn and willow motif, are inscr ibed only “Capt.” And “Col.,” respectively. Although an observer should be able to infer the conflict in which Thompson served, identifying Kennard and Ham’s service by th eir gravestones alone is complicated by the fact that the memorials post-date more than one American war. Certainly, the observer could theorize in which war the men fought based on their ages, but, without external confirmation, the gravestones commemorate each man’ s service, but not the rebellion itself. Three additional gravestones concretely indicate i n which conflict the interred veteran fought. Ammi R. Hall’s 1833 headstone, for example attests that “He was a patriot of the Revolution.” Similarly, an 1837 gravestone declare s Thomas Harvey “a worthy Soldier of the Revolution,” and a marker from 1851 indicates t hat Mark Green was “a Revolutionary

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48 Soldier.”106 Shifting perceptions regarding commemoration on a national scale and memorialization efforts made by former soldiers of the War of 1812 may account for Green’s mid-century monument bearing such an inscription, b ut Hall and Harvey’s gravestones predate these influences. Considering Portsmouth’s pr oximity to Boston, however, these veterans and their families likely knew of the Bunk er Hill Monument Association’s ongoing efforts to raise funds for a monument to the battle This large-scale drive for commemoration may have influenced Hall and Harvey’s decisions to include their Revolutionary service on their gravestones. The two remaining examples of headstones indicatin g military service are anomalous to this sample because they are actually military h eadstones furnished by the War Department. Military stones, which are made of mar ble and feature a sunken shield with the deceased’s name in relief, were first issued in 187 9.107 Consequently, these gravestones either replaced earlier markers, or otherwise denot ed previously unmarked graves. In the case of Prince Whipple (d. 1808), the latter is tru e. According to Chandler E. Potter’s Military History of the State of New Hampshire, Pri nce Whipple, who was alleged to have been descended from an African prince, was a slave of General William Whipple. The general awarded Prince Whipple his freedom “on cond ition of his good fighting” during the American Revolution.108 Despite being a freeman and a war veteran at the ti me of his death, however, Prince Whipple did not originally have a carved grave monu ment. As Foster’s record of 106 See Appendix A for a complete description of grave iconography and text for each Revolutionary vetera n included in this survey. 107 National Cemetery Administration, “History of Gove rnment Furnished Headstones and Markers,” U.S. Department of Veteran Affairs, accessed December 8, 2015, www.cem.va.gov/history/hmhist.asp. 108 C. E. Potter, Military History of the State of New Hampshire, fro m its Settlement in 1623 to the Rebellion in 1861 (Concord, NH: McFarland & Jenks, 1866), 344.

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49 Portsmouth’s military burials attests, his grave wa s originally marked with two rough fieldstones.109 In fact, the site remained so marked until “the U nited States, through Storer Post, Grand Army of the Republic” planted the prese nt stone in late June 1908 in hopes that “the new memorial stone to this Revolutionary veter an [would] preserve his memory for many years.”110 Thus, the present stone does not reflect original commemoration. It does, however, demonstrate post-Civil War efforts to comm emorate all American veterans. Rather than becoming lost to time and memory, Prince Whipp le’s grave and, consequently, service are now properly, albeit simply, memorialized with an army shield and the words “CONT’L TROOPS/REV WAR” (Figure 5). Figure 5. Prince Whipple’s extant gravestone at No rth Cemetery was erected by the GAR in 1908. 109 Foster, Soldiers’ Memorial 68. 110 Joseph Foster, “Tablet to Prince Whipple,” The Portsmouth Herald July 11, 1908, 8.

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50 Similarly, despite his 1853 death date, George Colb ath’s gravesite in Harmony Grove Cemetery boasts a War Department headstone inscribe d “N.H. MIL.” Unfortunately, it is unclear what, if anything, marked Colbath’s grave p reviously. Therefore, although we cannot make any inferences about the original memor ial, the present example speaks to evolving commemorative efforts related to the Ameri can Revolution. Like those who lobbied for Prince Whipple’s headstone, whether the y were descendants or concerned citizens, later generations caught up in the post-C ivil War rush to memorialize made the effort to ensure proper commemoration for a man who fought for independence a century earlier. Examples of personal commemoration on the headston es of Portsmouth’s Revolutionary veterans generally mimic trends of na tional commemoration for the conflict. During this time period, for instance, the federal government opted not to commemorate the late war based on concerns about becoming too much like the monarchy, but individuals and local institutions periodically erected monuments h onoring patriotic leaders and war heroes.111 Likewise, for those who died during or in the imm ediate aftermath of the war, gravestones typically observe socially accepted sta ndards of popular funerary art. However, there are a few exceptions in which military servic e (but not the war) was recognized. Furthermore, as decades passed, national commemorat ion of the Revolution increased and, although still sporadic, so did personal comme moration on veteran gravestones. Finally, in the aftermath of the Civil War, the federal gove rnment sought to reunite the sections by commemorating all past wars in an effort to reestab lish a patriotic national narrative.112 The result of this was a period of manic monument build ing and memorialization. As the military 111 Piehler, Remembering War 22. 112 Chambers, Memories of War 16.

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51 gravestones of Prince William and George Colbath at test, this mania included ensuring even long-dead patriots were properly honored at their g ravesites. Although by no means universal, this sample suggests that former Revolut ionary soldiers and the families thereof were more likely to adhere to prevailing ideologica l currents than to overtly memorialize a conflict that the nation was not yet ready to comme morate. War of 1812 War Dead and Veteran Burials Like the grave markers of Portsmouth’s Revolutiona ry veterans, the seventeen locatable headstones for War of 1812 dead and veter ans largely conform to expected patterns of funerary art (or lack thereof) typical of their death years. Although gravestones marking the earliest deaths bear the urn and willow motif, and a select few display familial, occupational, or fraternal iconography, the majorit y of former soldiers in this sample lie under undecorated stones. Despite a total lack of military iconography in this group as well, roughly half of these seventeen gravestones declare the deceased’s military service with textual references.113 This is a considerable increase from the nineteen percent of Revolutionary servicemen with similar accolades. Falling in the later years of the motif’s populari ty, only two servicemen associated with the War of 1812 have identifiable urns and wil lows on their gravestones. Lieutenant Champion Spalding died while stationed with a detac hed militia at Portsmouth Plains in October 1814.114 His gravestone depicts an ornately decorated urn under the bending arms of a weeping willow. Local news clippings reproduced in Foster’s record of servicemen buried in New Hampshire’s seacoast area testify that Spald ing was “brought into town and interred 113 See Appendix B for a complete description of grave iconography and text for each War of 1812 dead and veteran included in this survey 114 Foster, Soldiers’ Memorial 58.

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52 with military honors.”115 Despite this, his military service is only discer nable on his gravestone by the inclusion of his rank. Likewise, Lieutenant Walter B. Brown, who died in 1816, rests under an elaborate urn and willow desig n with only his rank as an indicator of his service. Based on their headstones alone, one woul d not know in which conflict these two men fought. A curious investigator might make an a ssumption based on ages and death dates, but would have to seek elsewhere for confirm ation. Between the deaths of Spalding and Brown, a Portsm outh sailor named George Perkins was lost at sea along with the American pri vateering vessel on which he served. His gravestone, which is missing as of October 2015, on ce stated “Lost in the Privateer ‘Portsmouth,’ in the winter of 1815.”116 Although it is unclear whether Perkins’s stone ma de any further reference to the war or was otherwise d ecorated with military/naval iconography, this is the earliest case in which something more e laborate than rank (in regards to the conflict) appears on a War of 1812 grave marker. In keeping with social convention, veterans of the War of 1812, or the families thereof, more often opted for undecorated graveston es as the years passed after the conflict. Of the seventeen men in this sample, eleven have no decorative motifs on their grave markers. Of these eleven, only three have discerna ble textual references to military service. The eight remaining former servicemen lie under gra ve markers typical of the period. John Stavers Davis (d. 1843), Robert Neal (d. 1852), and Samuel P. Wiggin (d. 1853) have minimalist gravestones. In addition to being undec orated, these examples are devoid of frivolities and are inscribed with only names, deat h dates, and ages. The gravestones of Eben Whitehouse (d. 1862), Rueben S. Randall (d. 1862), James Raitt (d. 1869), and William 115 Foster, Soldiers’ Memorial 59; reprinted from the New Hampshire Gazette Nov. 1, 1814. 116 Foster, Soldiers’ Memorial 53.

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53 Bodge (d. 1874), on the other hand, speak to famili al and friendship ties, each specifying that the deceased was a father. The final headstone, th at of John B. Barsantee (d. 1875), is largely illegible, making identification of textual referen ces to military service impossible. Interestingly, the three former servicemen identifi ed as such on their gravestones died decades apart. Henry M. McClintock, for instance, was likely still in the service of the U.S. Navy when he died at sea in 1817. Although he is l isted as a midshipman on the U.S.S. Adams during the War of 1812, McClintock’s gravesto ne states only that he served in the Navy and makes no reference to the particular confl ict in which he fought.117 Similarly, the gravestone of John Goodrich, who died more than hal f a century and two American wars later in 1869, makes only a simple reference to the deceased’s military service by listing his rank. Goodrich’s headstone identifies him as a Cap tain. Considering United States Population Census include a notation that Goodrich was a teamster, it is likely that this rank was military as opposed to a reference to occupatio nal seafaring.118 The gravestone of David Lester, on the other hand, makes specific reference to the conflict in which he served. Lester, who died in 1877 at the age of 77, was barely a tee n when he was, as his gravestone affirms, “a soldier of the war of 1812.” Despite living six decades after the end of the conflict, it appears that Lester’s military service was importan t enough to either him or his loved ones to inscribe on his grave marker. The three remaining veterans of the War of 1812 inc luded in this sample have more personalized grave markers bearing fraternal, occup ational, and familial iconography. Major 117 Maine, Compiled Military Records, 1812-1865 Ancestry.Com, accessed November 10, 2015; origina l records located at the Maine State Archives. Maine Military Records, 1812–1865 Augusta, Maine: Maine State Archives. 118 United States Population Census, 1860 Ancestry.com, accessed November 10, 2015.

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54 David Foster (d. 1823), for instance, has distinctl y masonic imagery on his grave marker (Figure 6). Figure 6. Detail of Masonic imagery on David Foste r’s 1823 gravestone at North Cemetery. The motif that tops Foster’s gravestone includes an all-seeing eye, a key embedded with a cross, an urn, a sarcophagus, a pyramid, and the Ma sonic Keystone (the letters H.T.W.S.S.T.K.S. arranged in a circle within the ke ystone of an arch).119 Masonic symbols are often very fluid, meaning different things to d ifferent orders, which complicates the interpretation of some of the smaller elements of t his motif.120 Despite this, the Egyptian elements certainly suggest a connection to the Free masons, a group that has historically 119 The letters included in the Masonic Keystone are a llegedly an acronym for the phrase “Hiram The Widow ’s Son Sent to King Solomon,” Keister, Stories in Stone 192. 120 Robert L.D. Cooper, Cracking the Freemasons Code: The Truth About Solom on’s Key and the Brotherhood (New York: Atria Books, 2006), 106.

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55 traced its roots to the cult of Isis and Osiris.121 Furthermore, the all-seeing eye and the Masonic Keystone, which is indicative of an ancient grand master, confirm that Foster was intimately linked to the Masonic community.122 In comparison, the only reference to Foster’s military service evidenced on his gravesto ne is that his name is preceded by his rank. Thus, Foster’s headstone is an excellent depiction of a man’s competing, or overlapping, identities. Despite being a veteran of the War of 1812, Foster’s headstone represents what he felt was the most important aspect of his life, his membership in a fraternal order. Likewise, William C. Harris’s (d. 1853) headstone d emonstrates his strong ties to his occupation while wholly ignoring his military servi ce. Omitting military iconography and textual reference to rank or service, Harris’s grav e marker instead depicts an open book inscribed with the words “A Dutiful Teacher” (Figur e 7). Figure 7. William C. Harris’s 1853 gravestone at H armony Grove Cemetery, which bears the image of an open book, speaks to the deceased’s teaching profession. 121 Eric Grant, “The Sphinx in the North: Egyptian Inf luences on Landscape, Architecture and Interior Des ign in Eighteenthand Nineteenth Century Scotland,” in The Iconography of Landscape edited by Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 241. 122 Keister, Stories in Stone 191-192.

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56 Erected by “his grateful pupils,” as the stone’s re verse attests, Harris’s gravestone is clearly a monument to what his loved ones and students felt m ost representative of his life. Although this war veteran served his nation, his headstone s peaks instead to his professional pursuits and his identity as a teacher. Lastly, the gravestone for Timothy Upham (d. 1855) brandishes a family crest rather than images indicative of military service. Despit e a lack of iconographic representations of military service, Upham’s epitaph affirms that: He was Lieut. Colonel U.S.A. during the war of 1812 and for many years, Collector of this Port. Thus, having survived for many years after the clos e of the war, Upham and his family felt his involvement in that conflict was as important a s the appointed position he held later in life. Of the seventeen identifiable men who served in this conflict and are now buried in Portsmouth, Upham is one of only two that have head stones that reference the war. Based on this small sample, I identified two corre lations. First, the majority of former War of 1812 servicemen who have gravestones that reference military service died during or within a decade of the end of the conflic t. However, none of these grave markers specify in which war the deceased fought. This sug gests that although military service was important to these individuals, they or their famil ies opted against personally commemorating involvement in a conflict which the n ation as a whole had not yet commemorated. Furthermore, the two veterans who do have grave mar kers that specify involvement in the War of 1812 lived many decades beyond the en d of the conflict. Timothy Upham survived forty additional years and was outlived by David Lester by another twenty-two

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57 years. Upham’s death fell in the period in which W ar of 1812 veterans began to organize in an attempt to preserve their narrative and amass la rger land bounties. Lester’s passing at the tail end of the Reconstruction era placed his grave stone firmly within the period of monument mania. As individuals and communities acr oss the nation erected memorials to fallen heroes of the Civil War, it makes sense that the Lester family chose to memorialize his much earlier service to the nation. Thus, where in stances of personal commemoration exist within this sample, they align with American commem orative efforts on a national scale. Civil War Dead and Veteran Burials Commemoration of the Civil War began even before t he gun smoke settled, and, for the first time in American history, focused largely on the common soldiers. As early as November 1863, on a battlefield in Gettysburg, Penn sylvania (where only four months earlier men in Yankee blue and Confederate gray had fought and died) President Abraham Lincoln dedicated a portion of land as a cemetery for Union soldiers.123 In the years that followed, communities on both sides of the Mason-Dixon Line e rected countless monuments to both the great leaders and the common soldiers that foug ht for the cause. The drive to commemorate during these years is no less apparent in Portsmouth’s cemeteries. The vast majority (74%; n = 93) of gra vestones for Civil War dead and veterans included in this sample make reference to the decea sed’s military service in the most devastating American conflict to that time.124 From 1861 on, those who served were more 123 James M. McPherson, Abraham Lincoln (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 35. 124 The presence of a monument does not mean the decea sed is buried in Portsmouth. There are four exampl es in which the remains of war dead from this sample a re interred elsewhere, and their stones specify tha t they “sleep in southern soil.” In the case of Levi Moses Jr, who drowned off of Cape Hatteras, NC, remains were never recovered, and the soldier’s epitaph is inscr ibed on his father’s tombstone.

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58 likely than not to have grave markers that include an inscription of their fighting units, or some other representation of their service and sacr ifices.125 Soldiers Killed in Action or On Campaign Although many of the Civil War dead and veterans ha ve grave markers denoting their military service, more traditional examples of buri al art are also present within the sample. This is especially true on the gravestones of soldi ers who fell in battle or on campaign. Of the twenty-five war dead who have gravesites in Por tsmouth, eighteen have examples of the undecorated headstones that dominated the cemetery landscape at the time. Despite a lack of iconography, fifteen of these grave markers concret ely referenced the conflict by listing the deceased’s company and regiment (Table 1). Frequently, these gravestones also state where or i n which battle the soldier fell (see Table 1). In one example, Edwin Fall’s monument pr oclaims that the deceased was killed on the second day of fighting at Gettysburg. Erected by Fall’s parents in memory of their 19year-old son, the gravestone further states he was “A good son and a brave soldier.” Not only does this monument remind passersby that Fall fought and died for the Union, but also commemorates the fact that he did so bravely. EDWIN H. son of Otis & Elizabeth Fall A member of Co. I. 32nd Mass. Regiment Killed at the battle of Gettysburg July 2, 1863. Aged 19 Yrs. [illegible] Mos. A good son and a brave soldier. 125 See Appendix C for a complete description of grave iconography and text for each Civil War dead and veteran included in this survey

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59 Table 1. Civil War dead gravestones with decoratio n and/or inscriptions that reference military servi ce. Name Death Year Cemetery Undecorated Fraternal Military Other Unknown Rank Service Inscriptions Referencing Military Service Moses, Levi Jr 1861 Proprietors X X Drowned from US steamer Flag, off Cape Hatteras Oxford, William F 1861 Harmony Grove X X wounded at the battle of Bull Run Died at Richmond Aug. 5, 1861 Downing, Nelson N 1862 Harmony Grove X X He passed to the spirit world while gallantly defending the flag of his Country from on board the U.S. Steamer Pensacola Apr. 24, 1862 in the bombardment of Forts Jackson and Phillips, New Orleans Harbor Greenough, Robert F. 1862 Old North X X Co. H. 29th Reg. MA. died at Antietam Md Saxton, Mortimer F 1862 Harmony Grove X X Died at New Orleans, La. in the service of his Country as a member of Co. H. 30th Regt. Mass. Volunteers He rests in southern soil. Stringer, Joseph W. 1862 Old North X Carter, Henry M 1863 Harmony Grove X X 16th N.H. Reg. Died at New Orleans He sleeps in southern soil. Edney, Charles A 1863 Harmony Grove X X Member of Co. K 16th Regt. N.H.V.

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60 Table 1, continued. Civil War dead gravestones wit h decoration and/or inscriptions that reference mil itary service. Name Death Year Cemetery Undecorated Fraternal Military Other Unknown Rank Service Inscriptions Referencing Military Service Fall, Edwin H. 1863 Proprietors X X A member of Co. I. 32nd Mass. Regiment Killed at the battle of Gettysburg July 2, 1863. A good son and a brave soldier. Gates, Warren G. 1863 Old North X X died at Morris I.S.C. A soldier of 1863. Haven, Samuel C. 1863 Proprietors X X X 162 N.Y. INF. Laighton, Bennett 1863 Proprietors X X 16th Regt. N.H. Vol. Died in Buffalo, N.Y. His life was sacrificed in the war for the preservation of the Union. Locke, Joseph J 1863 Harmony Grove X X A member of Co. K. 12th Me. Regt. killed at Port Hudson, May 25, 1863 He sleeps where he fell in defense of his country. Parks, Thomas B. 1863 Old North X Pearson, John 1863 Harmony Grove X X A member of Co. K, 16 Regt. N.H.V. Whipple, Amiel 1863 Proprietors X X X Maine Corps of Engineers US Army Died of wounds received at the battle of Chancellorsville, Va.

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61 Table 1 continued. Civil War dead gravestones with decoration and/or inscriptions that reference mili tary service. Name Death Year Cemetery Undecorated Fraternal Military Other Unknown Rank Service Inscriptions Referencing Military Service Adams, Horace H 1864 Harmony Grove X X X CORP CO G 10 RET NH VOL Aitchision, George C. 1864 Old North X Daily, Milo H 1864 Harmony Grove X X 11th Mass. Battery Killed June 19, 1864 Hammond, Pierpont 1864 Old North X X CO. [illegible] 10TH N.H. Marden, John L.‡ 1864 Harmony Grove X X Killed in a skirmish near Charleston, Va. Moses, Edward 1864 Proprietors X X X Acting Master Commanding U.S.N. Walker, Wm Augustus 1864 Proprietors X X Fell in battle near Richmond, Va. He sleeps in Southern soil Anderson, James F 1865 Harmony Grove X Maxwell, William H. H. 1865 Harmony Grove X X X Corpl of Co. K 5th Regt N.H.V. was killed while on a skir mish at Sailors Creek Va. God grant that it was not a vain sacrifice.

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62 Mortimer F. Saxton’s headstone likewise testifies t hat the soldier died at New Orleans on October 11, 1862. Moreover, it affirms that Sax ton’s remains, which were never returned to Portsmouth, “rest in southern soil.” In some wa ys, Saxton’s headstone is truly a monument to his service. It does not mark the fina l resting place of his remains and serves no purpose other than to commemorate his service an d his death in defense of the nation. MORTIMER FAXON SAXTON Born at Weathersfield, VT June 9, 1823 Died at New Orleans, La. in the service of his Country as a member of Co. H. 30th Regt. Mass. Volunteers October 11, 1862 He rests in southern soil. The seven remaining Civil War dead from this sampl e have similarly inscribed gravestones (six of which announce the deceased’s s ervice and subsequent sacrifice for the cause), but with the addition religious, fraternal, and military iconography. For instance, Amiel Whipple’s 1863 monument is topped by a carved Christian cross, and George C. Aitchision’s 1864 headstone boasts a Masonic square and compass. Again demonstrating the ways civilian and military identities overlapped fo r these men, these headstones make iconographic allusions to other aspects of these so ldiers’ lives while giving priority to Civil War service in the epitaph. Curiously, not all testaments of the soldier’s sac rifice evoke a feeling of pride. William H. H. Maxwell’s gravestone, erected by his wife in 1865, rather reminds passersby of the uncertainty of war. Killed April 6, 1865, o nly three days before General Lee’s surrender at Appomattox Courthouse, Maxwell’s heads tone bears the following inscription:

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63 MY HUSBAND WM. H. H. MAXWELL Corpl of Co. K 5th Regt N.H.V. was killed while on a skir mish at Sailors Creek Va. April 6, 1865 Aged 24 yrs. 5 mos. God grant that it was not a vain sacrifice. The top of this stone bears the image of a partiall y furled American flag crossed over a musket from which hangs a canteen. Below the flag and musket, an ammunition box sits on the ground, presumably abandoned by the soldier kil led in action (Figure 8). The inscription and decorative motif together allude to the high co st of war. Despite the ending of hostilities, MaxwellÂ’s gravestone serves as a reminder that reco nciliation was far from complete. Although this stone honors Maxwell and his service, it is not a monument to the conflict or the cause for which he died. Figure 8. Detail of the military iconography on Wi lliam H. H. MaxwellÂ’s 1865 gravestone at Harmony Grove Cemetery.

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64 Maxwell’s gravestone is, however, atypical of this sample. By and large, the remains of Portsmouth’s Civil War dead rest beneath monumen ts that suggest the deceased, or the families thereof, took pride in their service. In fact, several epitaphs to the war dead convey a much stronger sense of honor by actually stating that their sacrifices were made in service of the country. Nelson N. Downing’s 1862 graveston e, for instance, suggests a certain level of pride that the deceased gave his life in support of the cause, attesting “He passed to the spirit world while gal-lantly defending the flag of his Country” (Figure 9). Figure 9. The epitaph on Nelson N. Downing’s 1862 gravestone at Harmony Grove Cemetery attests that the soldier died bravely in b attle. Bennett Laighton’s marker from the following year, which states “His life was sacrificed in the war for the preservation of the U nion,” similarly indicates admiration even in the face of the family’s loss. As monuments to the fighting men sprung up across the

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65 northern states and the federal government exploite d those who died as a source of inspiration for others to fight on, grieving famili es erected grave markers as more personalized monuments to the righteousness and sac rifices of their lost soldiers. Veteran Gravestones Indicating Service As decades passed after the war, the families of fo rmer servicemen continued to commission grave markers that extolled their servic e during the war years. Doing so ensured that even in death these veterans would be identifi ed as members of a particular institution of cultural importance.126 By emblazoning their graves with their fighting u nits, Civil War veterans conveyed a sense of pride in having served the Union and an enduring commitment to their brothers-in-arms. Of the 101 veterans fro m this sample who returned to the Portsmouth area and died there over the next half c entury, thirty-four have their rank and/or company and regiment inscribed on civilian headston es and an additional thirty-five have military issued grave markers.127 It is unexpectedly easy to locate the gravesites o f Civil War veterans when marked with military headstones. Although occasionally di ffering in height, each military stone consists of a marble rectangle with cambered top. Decorated with a sunken shield, the soldier’s name and, typically, military branch or f ighting unit appear in relief (see Figure 5).128 Of the thirty-seven total military headstones, fo ur bear only the veterans name or rank and name, while the other thirty-three (like the tw o examples that follow) list the veteran’s service branch or company and regiment. 126 Collier, “Symbolism of Death,” 728. 127 Including the replacement stones for two war dead, there are a total of thirty-seven military issued gravestones in this sample. 128 National Cemetery Administration, “Government Furn ished Headstones.”

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66 HUGH HUNTER U.S. NAVY CORP L C. E. JOHNSON CO. D 3D N.H. INF The War Department first issued military headstones to Union veterans buried in nonmilitary cemeteries in 1879.129 Consequently, at least a dozen examples of milita ry stones in this sample replaced earlier grave markers for thos e burials that pre-dated that year. In at least one instance, the replacement stone furnishes less information than the original civilian stone. Horace H. Adams’s original grave marker, wh ich stood until at least 1917 when the GAR published its record of military burials in Por tsmouth, specified that the deceased was “Wounded at Fair Oaks, Oct. 27, died at Hampton hos pital, [ sic ] Va., Nov. 10, 1864.”130 Adams’s current military headstone, which itself ap pears to have been replaced, lists only that Adams was a Corporal of the 10th New Hampshire Volunteers Company G, information that was very likely also included on his civilian grave marker (Figure 10).131 War Department issued gravestones certainly offer a mor e egalitarian landscape for soldiers who lived through the common experience of war, and spe ak to the prevailing social ideology that every soldier should be memorialized for his servic e. Unfortunately, to some extent, they do so at the expense of more elaborate monuments to th e deceased. 129 In 1929, the government extended the right to mili tary headstones to all Confederate veterans as well ; Piehler, Remembering War 66; National Cemetery Administration, “Government Furnished Headstones.” 130 Foster, Graves 15. 131 Government issued replacement stones furnished in the twentieth century are the same shape, but are inscribed with the outline of a shield as well as t he name, unit, and birth and death years; National Cemetery Administration, “Replacement Headstones and Markers ,” U.S. Department of Veteran Affairs, accessed December 9, 2015, www.cem.va.gov/cem/hmm/replacemen ts.asp.

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67 Figure 10. Horace H. Adams’s current headstone is a replacement military marker furnished by the War Department in the twentieth century. In another example, the family of one soldier count eracted this issue by electing to utilize both military and civilian gravestones to h onor the deceased. A survey of Cotton Cemetery revealed a large civilian stone for John A Holbrook (d. 1866), decorated with the three chain links indicative of the Independent Org anization of Oddfellows, a fraternal organization.132 In addition to this stone, a military marker insc ribed “J.A. HOLBROOK/U.S. NAVY” sits roughly two meters to the east in the customary location of a footstone. This example is interesting in that the two stones reveal distinct facets of the deceased’s life and personality. Rather than erase references to Holbrook’s fraternal ties by replacing his civilian gravestone, a later generati on simply added the military stone nearby to ensure enduring memorialization of the veteran’s se rvice. 132 Keister, Stories in Stone 197.

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68 On the other hand, in thirty-four other examples, t he deceased veteran (or family thereof) opted for a civilian stone inscribed with military distinctions rather than a military marker. Like the overall sample, the majority of t hese are undecorated gravestones (n = 21; 62%), although floral (n = 4), military (n = 3), an d other (n = 6) motifs are also present.133 In total, thirty of these examples bear the deceased’s company and regiment, while the remaining four only include the deceased’s rank. A few of the civilian stones resemble war dead grav estones in the type of extra information provided. Three examples from 1882, 18 92, and 1902, for instance, specify outright that the deceased participated in the sect ional conflict. Although Samuel W. Waldron and Edwin R. Goodrich passed many years aft er the “War of Rebellion” (in 1882 and 1892, respectively), both are buried beneath st ones that make plain the rank and unit of each man during the conflict. Seventy-year-old Ben jamin Lake’s headstone from a decade later likewise indicates that he was a “Pvt. Co K 2 nd NH Vol. War of Rebellion.” SAMUEL WALLIS WALDRON BORN OCT. 24, 1828 DIED AUG. 24, 1882 President of the Common Council of Boston Mass in 1859 Lieutenant Aide-de-Camp, Captain and Assistant Adjt. General in the war of the Rebellion. EDWIN R. GOODRICH BORN Jan. 21, 1826 DIED Apr. 22, 1892 A member of 7th N.Y. Regt., And Col. On Gen. Burnside’s staff During War of Rebellion. Two additional gravestones offer even further detai l regarding the veterans’ service years. George Sawyer’s 1875 headstone specifies th at the veteran was wounded at the battle 133 Other motifs include a fleur de lis a Maltese cross, architectural columns, a gravest one reminiscent of the shape of a mausoleum, and two family monuments.

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69 of the Wilderness in 1864. Similarly, George Baile y’s 1869 gravestone demonstrates that the deceased felt it important to document the fact tha t he chose to re-enlist after his original three-month service, and served until the end of th e conflict. GEORGE SAWYER A member of Co. G 1st Regt. Mass. Vols. Wounded at battle of Wilderness 1864 Died at Ports. N.H. Dec. 6, 1875 38 Yrs. GEORGE F. BAILEY DIED March 19, 1869 Aged 34 Years A member of the 6th Ma Regt. three months. Reenlisted in 1st Ma Cavalry to the end of the war. The Civil War was a pivotal period for the generati on of Americans that experienced the conflict. For many men, service in the Union a rmy was an indicator of masculinity. To risk one’s life in service of the nation was indica tive of a man’s bravery as well has his “virtue, will, [and] convictions of duty and honor. ”134 Thus, deeds committed and wounds sustained during the war continued to prompt high e steem and represent one’s manhood in the years that followed. It is not surprising, the n, that these experiences would be inscribed on a veteran’s gravestone as a powerful memorial to their lives and service. Two monuments from this sample have, along with the ir inscriptions, iconography further indicative of the deceased’s past military service. Both examples mark the final resting places of former naval officers. George F. Pearson’s 1865 gravestone, for instance, attests that the deceased was a Rear Admiral in the U.S. Navy. The stone features a large anchor in bas-relief with the Greek symbols for Alp ha and Omega inscribed on either side of the anchor’s shank. The 1874 headstone for William Black, a longtime boatswain both born 134 James M. McPherson, For Cause & Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil W ar (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 131.

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70 and stationed in Portsmouth, similarly denotes serv ice in the “U.S.N.” and features an anchor wrapped in chain (Figure 11).135 Although the anchor is often used as a Christian symbol of hope, its inclusion on the gravestones of these nav al officers clearly communicates that these were career seamen. Although neither of these ston es affirm that the men served during the Civil War (or any earlier conflict for that matter) the imagery serves as a more easily accessible memorial to a fundamental aspect of thei r lives, their service in the navy. Figure 11. William Black’s 1871 headstone at Harmo ny Grove Cemetery bears an anchor motif common among Portsmouth’s naval men. Two additional gravestones deserve mention as they are each unique within this sample. The first is an 1880 stone for George A. B rown at Harmony Grove Cemetery. Although Brown enlisted in the Union army in 1864 a t age 23 and served one year with 135 Augustus D. Ayling, Revised Register of the Soldiers and Sailors of New Hampshire in the War of the Rebellion, 1861-1866 (Concord, NH: Ira C. Evans, Public Printer, 1895), 1101.

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71 Company L of the 1st New Hampshire Heavy Artillery, the marble stone does not report BrownÂ’s rank or regiment.136 It is simply inscribed as follows: HUSBAND GEORGE A. BROWN DIED Feb. 10, 1880 Aged 39 yrs. Atop the stone, however, sits a carved rendering of the Union forage cap typically worn by enlisted men (Figure 12). Without words, this ston e effectively conveys that the interred, a beloved husband, was also a soldier of the Civil Wa r. Although passersby would not know anything more about his military experience from th e gravestone alone, the monument still memorializes his service to the country. Figure 12. Detail of the Union forage cap that ado rns George A. BrownÂ’s 1880 headstone at Harmony Grove Cemetery. The second headstone of interest belongs to Willar d Young and dates to 1883. Like the previous example, the inscription on YoungÂ’s mo nument fails to inform the viewer of the 136 Ayling, Revised Register 925.

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72 veteran’s rank or regiment. However, inscribed abo ve his name, Young’s monument reads “STORER POST NO 1 GAR.” Young served in the 26th M aine Infantry for nine months in 1862 and 1863.137 As a veteran of the Union army, he was an eligibl e, and presumably active, member of the Grand Army of the Republic ve terans organization for the remainder of his life. Therefore, although this headstone do es not memorialize the unit with which Young fought, it does successfully demonstrate that the deceased was a former serviceman. Furthermore, it commemorates his military service i n terms of a social/fraternal organization with which he was involved for a much longer span t han that of his engagement in the Union army. Gravestones Not Indicative of Military Service Although gravestones alluding to the sectional con flict of the 1860s dominate this sample, approximately 26% (n = 33) of Civil War dea d and veteran markers make no reference to military service of any kind. These g ravestones mark the final resting places of four men who died while on campaign, thirty-two vet erans of the conflict, and one female army nurse. A handful of grave markers in this gro up are decorated, exhibiting funerary motifs typical of the late nineteenth through early twentieth centuries such as scrolls and floral designs. The majority (n = 23), however, ar e undecorated. Most, like the two that follow, trend toward minimalism with only the simpl est of inscriptions to the dead. JOHN MORGAN DIED Dec. 26, 1893 51 yrs. HORACE M. BATSON 1840 – 1897 137 NPS, “Soldiers and Sailors Database;” Foster, Soldiers’ Memorial 72.

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73 Furthermore, in at least five instances, the vetera nÂ’s name and dates appears on a family monument with no obvious personal stone. In these cases, the grave markers stress familial connections over personal accolades. Cons equently, these gravestones are surprisingly impersonal. Although they are certain ly memorials to the dead, they do not effectively commemorate any particular aspect of th e deceasedÂ’s life, nor are they in any way memorials to the war in which these former soldiers fought. Drawing Conclusions from PortsmouthÂ’s Civil War Bur ials Unlike the American Revolution or War of 1812, Ame ricans commemorated the Civil War immediately and persistently. In response to h eavy bloodshed and high causalities, both the federal government and private enterprises quic kly made efforts to memorialize the men who willingly served their nation, or at least thos e wearing Yankee blue. As bullets cut through the ranks of men from so many walks of life loved ones back home sought to honor the common soldier for his service and sacrifice. As a result, examples of personal commemoration in relation to the war appear in the form of grave markers from the first war dead to the longest surviving veteran in this sampl e. The sample of PortsmouthÂ’s Civil War dead and vete rans demonstrates that men who served in the bloodiest American conflict to that d ate were more likely than not to be buried beneath grave markers that alluded to their militar y experiences than any of their counterparts from earlier wars. In fact, seventy-f our percent of the sample headstones display either textual or iconographic references t o the war, including inscriptions of rank, regiment, or involvement in important battles, and images of anchors, rifles, and forage caps. Furthermore, examples of personal commemoration in the form of decorated grave markers are more common for Civil War dead and vete rans than for servicemen from any

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74 previous conflict. The Civil War was a turning poi nt, or a period of coming of age, in the lives of many American men. The desire of former s oldiers and their families to commemorate their service, as evidenced by military references on gravestones, indicates an esteem for those that fought on behalf of the natio n and a growing belief in the importance of documenting their sacrifices.

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75 CHAPTER VI CONCLUSION AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR FURTHER STUDY Even a cursory review of the major events in Ameri can history demonstrates the frequency with which the nation has gone to war. A s G. Kurt Piehler attests, “[n]o generation of Americans has managed to avoid fighti ng a major war,” and the ways in which we remember and commemorate those wars have “reshap [ed] the American national identity over time.”138 In his study, however, Piehler focuses only on na tional trends of conflict commemoration, and fails to examine how individuals remember and memorialize those events. My survey of the grave markers of early Am erican servicemen, therefore, is an extension of earlier studies; one which seeks to de termine whether patterns of personal commemoration at the burial sites of war dead and v eterans parallels or differs from national commemorative efforts for the wars in which those m en fought. Using the cemeteries of Portsmouth, New Hampshire as a case study, I searched for examples of gravestones with inscriptions or iconog raphy that alluded to military service or a particular war. The examples that I found, which m ark the graves of soldiers of the American Revolution, War of 1812, and Civil War, la rgely adhere to national commemorative trends. For soldiers of the earliest wars, gravesite commemoration of either personal military service or the war was sporadic, but increased in frequency as decades passed and the nation as a whole moved into a perio d of almost frenzied memorialization during and after the sectional conflict of the 1850 s and 1860s. Although intriguing, it is beyond the scope of this survey to determine how the interplay of federal and private efforts shaped the parallel growth of national and gravesite 138 Piehler, Remembering War xiv.

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76 commemoration of servicemen and the wars in which t hey fought. However, the escalation in type and quantity of both public and private mil itary memorialization from the American Revolution to the Civil War speaks to changes in pu blic perception of the value of armed service. In the years between those two conflicts, American ideology shifted. Rather than raising a monument to a handful of great men and wa r leaders, Americans more and more often sought to commemorate, either on public monum ents in town squares or on personal gravestones, the heroism and honor of all men who s erved their nation. Of course, by limiting the survey area to this spe cific locale, I can only say that these parallel patterns of personal and public commemorat ion – and the associated perceptions of the value of military service – are applicable to P ortsmouth’s former servicemen. However, this offers a starting point for additional survey to determine if and/or how Portsmouth compares to other cities and towns. A larger inves tigation might reveal regional variation. Perhaps the people of New Hampshire were more or le ss likely than those of other states to observe national conventions. Without further stud y, we simply cannot say. History is more than the big events or the musings of important people. Yet, despite a vast and rich historical record, we often know very little about the everyday, cog-in-themachine people like common soldiers.139 Surveying the burial sites of former servicemen offers a glimpse into the mentality of the deceased and those loved ones they left behind; individuals who were very much the agents of histor y, but may not have left any other record of what was important to them. By seeking out atyp ical sources like gravestones and reading them in conjunction with more traditional historica l documents, historians can continue to develop an inclusive narrative, which compares pers onal ideologies against societal norms 139 Deetz, Small Things 11.

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77 and demonstrates the shifting values of the America n people. By these means we can attempt to build a more complete understanding of t he past.

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78 BIBLIOGRAPHY Secondary Sources Ayling, Augustus D. Revised Register of the Soldiers and Sailors of New Hampshire in the War of the Rebellion, 1861-1866 Concord, NH: Ira C. Evans Public Printer, 1895. Bailyn, Bernard. ’The Decisive Day is Come’: The Battle of Bunker Hi ll Massachusetts Historical Society. https://www.masshist.org/hb/ess ay.html. Accessed November 12, 2015. Chambers, Thomas A. Memories of War: Visiting Battlegrounds and Bonefie lds in the Early American Republic. Ithica, NY: Cornell University Press, 2012. Collier, C. D. Abby. “Tradition, Modernity, and Pos tmodernity in Symbolism of Death.” The Sociological Quarterly 44:4 (2003): 727-749. Cooper, Gaylord. “Stories Told in Stone: Gravestone Iconography and Genealogical Reseach.” Northwest Ohio History 79:1 (2011): 15-21. Cooper, Robert L.D. Cracking the Freemasons Code: The Truth About Solom on’s Key and the Brotherhood. New York: Atria Books, 2006. Deetz, James. In Small Things Forgotten: An Archaeology of Early American Life New York: Anchor Books, 1977 [1996]. Deetz, James and Edwin S. Dethlefsen. “Some Social Aspects of New England Colonial Mortuary Art.” Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology 25 (1971): 30-38. Deetz, James and Edwin S. Dethlefsen. “Death’s Head Cherub, Urn and Willow: Experimental Archaeology in Colonial Cemeteries.” I n Material Culture Studies in America edited by Thomas J. Schlereth, 195-205. Nashville, TN: AASLH Press, 1982. Estes, J. Hall Jackson and the Purple Foxglove. Lebanon, NH: University Press of New England, 1979. Faust, Drew Gilpin. “’Numbers on Top of Numbers’: C ounting the Civil War Dead.” The Journal of Military History 40:4 (2006): 995-1009. Faust, Drew Gilpin. This Republic of Suffering: Death and the American Civil War. New York: Random House Publishing, 2008. Foote, Kenneth. Shadowed Ground: America’s Landscapes of Violence a nd Tragedy Austin: University of Texas Press, 1997. Foster, Gary S. and Richard L. Hummel. “The AdkinsWoodson Cemetery: A Sociological Examination of Cemeteries as Communities.” Markers 12 (1995): 93-117.

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79 George, Dianna Hume and Malcolm A. Nelson. “Resurre cting the Epitaph.” Markers 1 (1979): 85-95. Grant, Eric. “The Sphinx in the North: Egyptian Inf luences on Landscape, Architecture and Interior Design in Eighteenthand Nineteenth-Centu ry Scotland.” In The Iconography of Landscape edited by Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels, 236 -253. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988. Hamscher, Albert N. “Talking Tombstones: History in the Cemetery.” OAH Magazine of History 17:2 (2003): 40-45. Haynes, Martin A. A History of the Second Regiment, New Hampshire Vol unteer Infantry, in the War of the Rebellion Lakeport, NH: 1896. Hijiya, James A. “American Gravestones and Attitud es toward Death: A Brief History.” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 127:5 (1983): 339-363. Holyfield, Lori and Clifford Beacham. “Memory Broke rs, Shameful Pasts, and Civil War Commemoration.” Journal of Black Studies 42:3 (2001): 436-456. Hurd, D. Hamilton. History of Rockingham and Strafford Counties, New H ampshire, with Biographical Sketches of Many of its Pioneers and P rominent Men. Philadelphia: J.W. Lewis & Co., 1882. Inglis, K.S. “War Memorials: Ten Questions for Hist orians.” Guerres mondiales et conflits contemporains 167 (1992): 5-21. Keister, Douglas. Stories in Stone: A Field Guide to Cemetery Symboli sm and Iconography. Layton, UT: Gibbs Smith, 2004. Knoblock, Glenn A. Portsmouth Cemeteries Charleston, SC: Arcadia Publishing, 2005. Laderman, Gary. The Sacred Remains: American Attitudes Toward Death 1799-1883 New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996. Mayo, James M. “War Memorials as Political Memories .” Geographical Review 78:1 (1988): 62-75. McPherson, James M. Abraham Lincoln New York: Oxford University Press, 2009. McPherson, James M. For Cause & Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil W ar New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Monticello and the Thomas Jefferson Foundation. The Northern Tour of 1791 https://www.monticello.org/site/research-and-collec tions/northern-tour-1791. Accessed November 16, 2015.

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80 National Cemetery Administration. History of Government Furnished Headstones and Markers. U.S. Department of Veteran Affairs www.cem.va.gov/history/hmhist.asp. Accessed December 8, 2015. National Cemetery Administration. Replacement Headstones and Markers. U.S. Department of Veteran Affairs www.cem.va.gov/cem/hmm/replacements.asp. Accessed December 9, 2015. National Park Service. Gettysburg National Military Park FAQs www.nps.gov/gett/faqs.htm. Accessed November 19, 20 15. Piehler, G. Kurt. Remembering War the American Way Washington, DC: Smithsonian Books, 1995. Potter, C. E. Military History of the State of New Hampshire, fro m its Settlement in 1623 to the Rebellion in 1861. Concord, NH: McFarland & Jenks, 1866. Winner, Lauren F. A Cheerful & Comfortable Faith: Anglican Religious Practice in the Elite Households of Eighteenth-Century Virginia. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010. Primary Sources Foster, Joseph. The Graves We Decorate: Memorial Day, 1917, Fifty-T wo Years After Appomattox. Portsmouth, NH: Grand Army of the Republic Storer Post, No. 1, 1917. Foster, Joseph. The Soldiers’ Memorial, 1893 1921 Portsmouth, NH: Grand Army of the Republic Storer Post, No. 1, 1921. Maine, Compiled Military Records, 1812-1865. Ances try.Com. Accessed November 10, 2015 Pridham-Thomas, Cynthia and Louise H. Tallman. “Har mony Grove Cemetery.” Unpublished Cemetery index, Portsmouth Public Libra ry, 1991. Pridham-Thomas, Cynthia and Louise H. Tallman. “Pro prietors’ Cemetery.” Unpublished Cemetery index, Portsmouth Public Library, 1991. Pridham-Thomas, Cynthia and Louise H. Tallman. “Nor th Cemetery.” Unpublished Cemetery index, Portsmouth Public Library, 1993. Pridham-Thomas, Cynthia and Louise H. Tallman. “Cot ton Cemetery.” Unpublished Cemetery index, Portsmouth Public Library, 1994. United States Population Census. Ancestry.Com. Ac cessed November 10, 2015.

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81 Wilcox, Philip A. Revolutionary Graves of New Hampshire. New Hampshir e Society Sons of the American Revolution. http://www.nhssar.org/PdfFiles/NH_Revolutionary_War _Burials.pdf. Accessed September 5, 2015.

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82 APPENDIX A AMERICAN REVOLUTION BURIALS Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Bickford, Henry 1798 Cotton In Memory of Mr. Henry Bickford who died Jan. 6, 1798 t. 47 Friends nor Physicians could save Our mortal Bodies from the Grave Nor can the Grave confine [us here] When Christ shall call us to [appear] Slate, urn motif, very detailed. Stone is leaning dangerously. Cotton, William 1791 Cotton M r William Cotton died Feb. 11th 1791. t. 55, Why should we tremble to convey Their bodies to the tomb There the dear flesh of Jesus lay And left a long perfume. Slate, urn and willow motif. Detailed, shows textural elements of tree. Locke, James 1831 Cotton JAMES LOCKE died Dec. 8, 1831 aged 80. Slate, urn and willow motif in relief with textured carving to void space. Stone leaning. Colbath, George 1853 Harmony Grove GEO. COLBATH N.H. MIL Marble, War Department issued stone. Half buried. Asterisk (*) denotes graves (typically broken, erod ed, or otherwise damaged) for which I used photos h osted by FindAGrave.Com to confirm details of the inscription or iconography.

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83 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Fuller, Theodore 1844 Harmony Grove THEODORE FULLER Born 1762 Died 1844 HANNAH JENNESS Wife of Theo. Fuller Born 1763 Died 1835 Marble column on granite base. Inscribed with names of Hawkins and Gale families as well. Column in danger of sliding off base. Billings, Richard 1808 North In Memory of Mr. Richard Billings who died Decr. 19th 1808 Aged 75 Slate, urn and willow motif. Bowles, Samuel 1802 North [Several lines of text illegible] Then shall he See & Hear & Know All he disirÂ’d & wishÂ’d below And every powÂ’r finds Sweet employ To an eternal world of joy. Marble, face badly eroded. Upper text lost but epitaph remains legible. Chadbourne, Thomas 1810 North IN MEMORY OF THOMAS CHADBOURN ESQ. WHO DIED MARCH 7, 1810 AGE 74 Gray marble, face flaked away. Burial site marked by new stone with reproduction of original text.

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84 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Clapp, Supply 1811 North The Remains of SUPPLY CLAP Esqr. are here Deposited His whole life uniformly correct and praise-worthy. He Died March 24 1811 Aged 69 Years Marble. Large empty space at top of stone, possible an image eroded. Cutter, Ammi R. 1820 North In memory of AMMI R. CUTTER ESQ. died [illegible] aged [illegible] Marble, urn and willow motif. Text badly eroded. Dalling, Samuel 1788 North In memory of Capt. Samuel Dalling who died October 15th 1788 aged 77 years. Firm to his Word, in every action just The man still lives, tho moulderÂ’d into dust Slate, winged cherub motif. Fernald, John 1792 North [M]r. John Fernald Obt. Nov. 23d 1792 50 Thro all [illegible]s large extended, hollow ground [illegible] rich the poor the humble & the [2 lines illegible] Slate, winged cherub motif. Stone repaired at least once with putty or very fine mortar. Spalling continues, some text lost.

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85 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Foster, John 1781 North In memory of Mr. JOHN FOSTER late of Ipswich who left this Vale of Tears March 9th 1781 Aged 28 Years & 11 Months Ye gentle souls who know the tender ties Of heavÂ’n born friendship all her griefs & Joys On this cold boom drop a tender tear Who foremost walkÂ’d the Scenes of friendship Now humbled in the dust so all must [die] But virtue triumphs oÂ’er mor[tality] Slate, iron repair near base. Winged cherub motif. Gains, George 1809 North Erected In Memory of George Gains, Esquire who departed this Life April 25th 1809 Aged 73 OÂ’er these remains fond memory shall retain The virtues of a life not spent in vain The faithful Father in an Age to come Shall teach those virtues to a listening son Slate, urn and willow motif. Green, Mark* 1851 North MARK GREEN a Revolutionary Soldier Died Sept. 18, 1851 Aged 89. Marble, undecorated, peon top.

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86 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Hale, John 1796 North JOHN HALE ESQ r Son of SAMUEL HALE ESQr. Died July 13th 1796, Aged 33. Here sleeps the form so lovÂ’d which once enshrineÂ’d The noblest image of itÂ’s makers mind Those seeds of VIRTUE, thick by nature sown By habit cherishÂ’d, doubly were his own; And these improvÂ’d by SCIENCE libÂ’ral store A glorious harvest gave, yet promisÂ’d more In private life, by all reverÂ’d, and lovÂ’d, In public universally approvÂ’d For bounteous HeavÂ’n had in this favÂ’rite joinÂ’d The brightest talents to the purest mind Those pungent sorrows parents, kindred feel Their sighs, their tears, alas but feebly tell Long shall his Country oft by faction torn Their faithful patriot, promisÂ’d Father mourn, Nor to their splendid roll of Worthies fail To add with undissembled boast, an HALE Slate, urn and willow motif. Simple but well done carving. Emphasis on text. Hall, Ammi R. 1833 North Mr. AMMI R. HALL departed this life June 9 1833 tat 75 years. He was a Patriot of the Revolution. Marble, no decoration. Eroding. Ham, Benjamin 1825 North [BE]NJAMIN HAM Died Feb. 14, 1825, Aged 67 years. Slate, top broken and imagery (if any) lost.

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87 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Ham, Samuel 1825 North Col. SAMUEL HAM died Aug. 23, 1825 t. 83 years MARY, his wife died Jan. 21, 1842 92 years. Slate, urn and willow motif. Stone repaired. Ham, William 1845 North HON WILLIAM HAM died April 3 1845 Aged [illegible] LYDIA H. HAM Died March [illegible] 1837 Aged [illegible] Marble, undecorated. Text eroding. Hart, George 1807 North In memory of GEORGE HART ESQr. Rests beneath this Stone He died April, 14th 1807 t. 77 Years. A wife, a daughter, Son, whose Bosoms feel. A Husbands, Fathers death, have raisÂ’d this Stone. And setting firm, affections glowing seat; Each mourns the day, that callÂ’d the Patriarch, home. Slate, floral motif. Harvey, Thomas* 1837 North THOMAS HARVEY a worthy Soldier of the Revolution Died Jan. 18, 1837, Aged 84 years. Slate, urn and willow motif.

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88 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Hill, James 1811 North In Memory of JAMES HILL who died Decr. 29, 1811 t. 58 Praises on Tombs are titles vainly spent ManÂ’s good name is his best monument Slate, urn and drapery motif. Holbrook, Robert* 1821 North In memory of Mr. Robert Holbrook died Oct. 15, 1821 Aged 61. [2 lines illegible] Marble, urn and willow motif. Eroding, some text lost. Holbrook, Samuel 1836 North In memory of SAMUEL HOLEBROOK who died Sept. 15, 1836 aged 79 years. Slate, urn and willow motif. Image in relief with textured carving to show void space. Jackson, Hall 1797 North In memory of HALL JACKSON Esquire M.D. Who departed this life On the 28th of Sept. 1797 tat. 58 To heal disease, to calm the widows sigh And wipe the tear from povertyÂ’s swolen eye Was thine! but ah! that skill on others shown Tho life to them could not preserve thy own Yet still thou livst in many a grateful breath And works like thine enthron thee with the blest. Slate, urn and drapery motif.

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89 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Kennard, Nathaniel 1823 North Sacred to the memory of Capt. NATHANIEL KENNARD who departed this life June 24, 1823 aged 68. The sweet remembrance of the just Shall flourish when they sleep in dust Slate, urn and willow motif in relief with textured carving indicating void space. Langdon, John 1819 North GOV. J. LANGDON AND FAMILY JOHN LANGDON BORN 1739 DIED SEPT. 18, 1819 Marble plaque on mound tomb includes complete list of all members interred within. March, John* 1813 North To the Memory of MR. JOHN MARCH who died June 12, 1813 Aged 53 Years. Slate, urn and willow motif. Discoloration on stone. Marden, William 1838 North In memory of WILLIAM MARDEN who died March 11, 1838 Aged 83. Marble, undecorated. Text badly eroded. Marsh, Zebulon* 1806 North Zebulon [Marsh] Departed this life Jan. 29th 1806, t. 76. [Weep not for me, dry up your tears I must lie here till Christ appears.] Slate, top broken and imagery lost. Sinking, partially obscuring epitaph.

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90 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Martin, Thomas 1805 North In Memory of THOMAS MARTIN ESQ. who died Feb. 4th 1805 Aged 73. Slate, circle with four-petal flower reminiscent of clematis. McIntyre, Neil 1812 North [Sacred] [to the] Mem[ory of] NEIL [McI]NTYRE who [departed th]is life [April 7, 1812] Marble, no decoration. Text badly eroded, but recoverable from context. Mendum, John 1806 North [Friends]hip Erected [this Sto]ne. to Designate [the] spot where the Body of Captn John MENDUM lies who lived Beloved, and died Lamented on the 3rd of April 1806 Et. 68 Years. Sandstone, spalling. Some text lost, but recoverable based on context. Neal, Thomas 1810 North In [memory of] Mr. Thom[as Neal] who died Feb [10, 1810] aged 56 Blessed are the dead [who] Die in the Lord. Slate, broken. Imagery, if any, now missing. Some text missing but recoverable from other sources.

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91 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Reding, John 1825 North In memory of Mrs. MARY REDING wife of Mr. John Reding; who died July 23, 1799: t. 47. Mr. JOHN REDING, died Nov. 15, 1825 aged 81. Slate, urn and drapery motif with small cherubs in both shoulders. Elaborate stone for Mary Reding, JohnÂ’s name inscribed at a later date. Rowell, Nehemiah 1799 North Here lies the Body of Mr. NEHEMIAH ROWELL a worthy Citizen who died Sept. 7th. 1779 Aged 30 Years His Exit was Fudder & [illegible] Slate, DeathÂ’s Head motif. Partially sunken, epitaph largely obscured. Russell, Eleazer 1798 North Vivit post funera Virtus [E]LEAZEAR RUSSELL ESQUIRE [Nav]al officer for the Port of Portsmouth under [the] Government of Great Britain which office [he r]etained under the Government of New Ha [m]pshire Collector of Impost for the State of New Hampshire from the commencement of the Federal Government till his death. He was Distinguished for his benevolence probity and the faithful execution of the several trusts which were reposed in him. Slate, urn motif. Stone partially broken along left side, some text lost but identifiable based on context.

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92 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Salter, Richard 1812 North Sacred to the memory of Capt. Richard Salter who departed this life May 2, 1812 Aged 68 Years. Slate, urn and willow motif. Flower bursts on each shoulder with repetitive design etched down each side. Swett, Benjamin* 1808 North In Memory of Mr. Benjn Swett Merchant of the Town who was drowned in passing down the river May 14, 1808 Aged 49 Years. Marble, urn and willow motif. Thompson, Thomas 1809 North THOMAS THOMPSON NEW HAMPSHIRE CAPTAIN CONTINENTAL NAVY FEBRUARY 22, 1809 COLONEL OF ARTILIERY STATE OF N.H. 1785 Marble, religious motif, Latin cross. Walker, Joseph 1814 North HERE LIES THE BODY OF JOSEPH WALKER DIED 1814 Slate, face sheered away. New, small stone stands in front of original with reproduction of original text.

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93 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Whipple, Prince 1808 North PRINCE WHIPPLE CONTÂ’L TROOPS REV. WAR Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Whipple, William 1785 North Here are deposited the remains Of the Honorable William Whipple who departed this Life on the 28th day of November 1785 in the 55th year of his Age He was often elected And thrice attended The Continental Congress as Delegate for the State of New Hampshire particularly in that memorable year in which America declared itself independent of Great Britain He was also at the Time of his decease a Judge Of the supreme Court of Judicature In Him a firm & ardent Patriotism was united with universal benevolence and every social Virtue REPLACED BY THE ROCKINGHAM BICENTENNIAL COMMITTEE OCT 10, 1976 Chest tomb, original (likely marble) slab replaced in 1976 with granite slab inscribed with reproduction of original text. Small metal plaque denotes Whipple was a signer of the Declaration of Independence, placed by Descendants of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence, Inc.

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94 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Fishley, George 1850 Proprietors CAPT. GEORGE FISHLEY died Dec. 26, 1850 Aged 91 years Marble, no decoration. Haven, Nathaniel 1831 Proprietors Hon. NATHANIEL A. HAVEN Died March 13, A.D. 1831 Aged 69 years Blessed are the dead who die in the Lord. Marble column topped with large urn. Long, Pierse 1789 Proprietors In Memory Of COL PIERSE LONG and MARY, HIS WIFE GEO. LONG Jun. who died at Havanna, June 28, 1819 CHA. EDWARDS LONG who died near Havanna, June 28, 1821 Children of Geo. And Mary Long Marble, chest tomb. Long text, no decoration. McClintock, John 1855 Proprietors [John McClintock Died Nov. 13, 1855 Aged 94 yrs. 140] Marker missing as of 2015. Storer, Samuel 1815 Proprietors In memory of SAMUEL STORER Born May 16, 175[illegible] Died October 4, 1815 Marble, no decoration. Cracked and repaired. 140 Foster, SoldiersÂ’ Memorial 45.

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95 APPENDIX B WAR OF 1812 BURIALS Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Barsantee, John B. 1875 Harmony Grove JOHN B. BARSANTEE DIED Sept. 1, 1875 t. 76 yrs. [7 lines illegible] Marble, undecorated, peon top. Harris, William C. 1853 Harmony Grove WILLIAM C. HARRIS Born Teacher March 17, 1788 A Died Dutiful Nov. 22, 1858 [reverse reads:] ERECTED BY HIS GRATEFUL PUPILS Marble, monument with text inscribed on open book. Smaller stone inscribed with his initials. (Text in previous cell replicates format of inscription on the actual stone.) Lester, David G. 1877 Harmony Grove DAVID G. LESTER A native of Salisbury Mass. a soldier of the war of 1812 Died Feb. 1877 Aged 77 Yrs. Marble, undecorated, peon top.

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96 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Raitt, James 1869 Harmony Grove FATHER JAMES RAITT DIED July 11, 1869 71 yrs [4 lines illegible] Marble, undecorated, gothic arch. Randall, Reuben S. 1862 Harmony Grove REUBEN S. RANDALL DIED Sept. 10, 1862 Aged 68 yrs. 6 mos. He was a beloved husband a kind and affectionate father, a friend to all and died in the full hope of immortality beyond the grave. Marble, undecorated, peon top. Whitehouse, Eben E. 1862 Harmony Grove FATHER EBEN E. WHITEHOUSE DIED July 24, 1862 t. 62 Yrs. Marble, undecorated, peon top. Brown, Walter B. 1816 North Sacr[ed] To the Memory of Lieu Walter [illegible] Brown Who departed this life March 23 1816 t 25. By foreign hands his dying eyes were closÂ’d By foreign hands his graceful limbs composÂ’d By foreign hands his humble grave adornÂ’d By strangers honorÂ’d and by strangers mournÂ’d Slate, urn and willow motif, rounded top with scotia shoulders.

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97 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Foster, David C. 1823 North Maj. DAVID C. FOSTER died Oct. 20, 1823 aged 31 There is rest in heaven Slate, Masonic iconography [allseeing eye, key with embedded Greek cross, urn, pyramid, tomb, and Masonic Keystone (H.T.W.S.S.T.K.S. in a circle).] Rounded top, scotia shoulders. Spalding, Champion 1814 North In Memory of Lieu t Champin Spalding Jr. Son of Champin Spalding Esqr. & Ruth his wife who died Oct. 28. 1814 aged 26 years. Sleep on my son Till Jesus Calls you from the tomb. Slate, urn and willow motif, round top with straight shoulders. Wiggin, Samuel P. 1853 North SAMUEL P. WIGGIN Died May 16, 1853 Aged 56 Marble, undecorated, cambered top. Epitaph eroding. Bodge, William 1874 Proprietors WILLIAM BODGE DIED Nov. 19, 1874 81 Yrs. 5 Mos. OUR DEAR FATHER Marble, undecorated, rounded top with ogee shoulders. Stone has fallen from its cut-granite base. Davis, John Stavers 1843 Proprietors JOHN STAVERS DAVIS Died Sept. 11, 1813 Aged 67 Marble, undecorated, cambered top.

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98 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Goodrich, John 1869 Proprietors CAPT. JOHN GOODRICH DIED Jan. 10, 1869 77 Yrs. The silent river he has crossed. Marble, undecorated except small scroll below age, peon top. McClintock, Henry M.* 1817 Proprietors SACRED to the Memory of HENRY M. MCCLINTOCK, U.S. Navy Died at sea, July 24, 1817, Aged 19. Obelisk monument, opposite side inscribed in memory of McClintock’s brother. Neal, Robert 1852 Proprietors ROBERT NEAL Died Jan. 2, 1852 Aged [illegible] Marble, undecorated, cambered top, text eroding. Perkins, George 1815 Proprietors Lost in the Privateer ‘Portsmouth’ in the winter of 1815.141 Stone missing as of 2015. Upham, Timothy 1855 Proprietors TIMOTHY UPHAM Born in Deerfield, N.H. September 9, 1783 Died in Charlestown, Mass. November 2, 1855 He was Lieut. Colonel U.S.A. during the war of 1812 and for many years, Collector of this Port. Possibly sandstone, family monument with UPHAM in basrelief over a shield. 141 Foster, Soldiers’ Memorial 53.

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99 APPENDIX C CIVIL WAR BURIALS Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Abbott, Samuel P. 1880 Cottons SAMUEL P ABBOTT PVT CO K 13 US REGT OCT 19 1836 NOV 9 1880 Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Holbrook, John A. 1866 Cottons FATHER MOTHER JOHN A. HOLBROOK U.S.N. 1828 1866 [FLORAL PATTERN] AMANDA S. HIS WIDOW 1827 1905 [FOOTSTONE:] J. A. HOLBROOK U.S. NAVY Marble, fraternal iconography (Oddfellows), cambered top. Footstone is a marble, War Department issued gravestone. Hunter, Hugh* 1887 Cottons HUGH HUNTER U.S. NAVY Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Johnson, Charles E. 1877 Cottons CORP L C. E. JOHNSON CO. D 3D N.H. INF Marble, War Department issued gravestone.

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100 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes MacDonald, Daniel 1899 Cottons DANIEL MACDONALD DIED May 12, 1899 t. 69 yrs. [4 illegible lines] Marble, undecorated, text eroding. McLeoud, John 1868 Cottons JOHN W. [several lines illegible] Marble, undecorated, text eroding. Adams, Horace H. 1864 Harmony Grove HORACE H ADAMS CORP CO G 10 REGT NH VOL 1844 1864 Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Possibly a replacement stone, text and outline of shield inscribed rather than in bas-relief. Allen, Charles H.* 1897 Harmony Grove CHARLES H. ALLEN BORN Aug. 2, 1827 DIED Jan. 1, 1897 Marble, undecorated, peaked with shoulder caps. The stone lies face down in the grass as of 2015. Anderson, James F. 1865 Harmony Grove JAMES F. son of John & Sarah A. ANDERSON Died Mar 13, 1865 Aged 20 yrs. Faithful and true. Marble, undecorated. Stone as fallen and lies partially buried.

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101 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Austin, Benjamin M. 1883 Harmony Grove FLT HUSBAND [on reverse:] BENJAMIN AUSTIN DIED Apr. 13 1883 Aged 45 Yrs. [illegible] mos. Marble, floral motif [oak leaves and acorns], round top with shoulders. Also has three chain links with the letters FLT (representing Friendship, Love, Truth) indicative of the Odd Fellows fraternal organization.142 Bailey, George F. 1869 Harmony Grove GEORGE F. BAILEY DIED March 19, 1869 Aged 34 Years A member of the 6th Ma Regt. three months. Reenlisted in 1st Ma Cavalry to the end of the war. Marble, undecorated, square top. Lying face up on ground, partially buried. Barnabee, D. Webster 1904 Harmony Grove D. WEBSTER BARNABEE 1838 1904 ELLEN A. HIS WIFE 1845 – 1923 Granite, undecorated, cambered top. Barsantee, Alphonzo 1866 Harmony Grove IN MEMORY OF OUR BROTHER ALPHONZO son of John & Ezoa BARSANTEE Died June 11, 1866 Aged 33 yrs 9 d. [4 lines illegible] Marble, undecorated, peon top. 142 Keister, Stories in Stone 197.

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102 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Batson, Horace N. 1897 Harmony Grove HORACE M. BATSON 1840 – 1897 Marble, undecorated, rounded top with scotia shoulders. Name in bas-relief with dates inscribed on reverse. Besselievre, Charles H. 1911 Harmony Grove CHAS. H. BESSELIEVRE CO. K. 109 PA. INF. Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Black, William 1874 Harmony Grove WILLIAM BLACK U.S.N. DIED June 8, 1874 84 Yrs. Marble, military motif (anchor), peon top. Brackett, Thomas 1895 Harmony Grove THOMAS BRACKETT BORN March 26, 1834 DIED July 29, 1895 Marble, undecorated, cambered top. Brown, George A. 1880 Harmony Grove HUSBAND GEORGE A. BROWN DIED Feb. 10, 1880 Aged 39 yrs. Marble, military motif (threedimensional forage cap sits atop marker). Brown, George W.* 1914 Harmony Grove GEORGE W. BROWN USS Kennebec Died May 4, 1914 Aged 67 Missing as of 2015. Burnham, Joseph B. 1898 Harmony Grove SERGT. J. B. BURNHAM CO. G. 10 N.H. INF Marble, War Department issued gravestone.

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103 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Burnham, Lorenzo T. 1916 Harmony Grove LORENZO T. BURNHAM Aug. 17, 1844 – Apr. 24, 1916 Co. E 29th Regt. Maine Inf. SARAH A. HIS WIFE Feb. 18, 1855 – June 21, 1932 Marble, floral scroll motif, double stone for Burnham and wife. Each side features square top with rounded shoulders. Carter, Henry M. 1863 Harmony Grove [HEN]RY M. CARTER Member of the [16]th N.H. Reg. [Die]d at New Orleans [J]une 24, 1863 [A]ged 44 yrs. Though I walk through the [valley] of the shadow of death [I shall fe]ar no evil for thou art [with me] [Thy r]od and thy staff they [comfort me] [He sleeps] in southern soil. Marble, undecorated, lying face up on ground, partially buried. Charlesworth, Emmanuel 1894 Harmony Grove EMANUEL March 14, 1829 March 6, 1894 CHARLOTTE His wife Jan. 28, 1829 Jan. 14, 1882 CHARLES H. Their son Dec. 30, 1867 March 29, 1809 CHARLESWORTH Marble, family monument, undecorated.

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104 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Cox, George 1892 Harmony Grove FATHER GEORGE COX DIED March 19, 1892 Aged 67 Yrs. [2 lines illegible] Marble, undecorated, cambered top. Daily, John 1905 Harmony Grove JOHN DAILY DIED Dec. 25, 1905 t. 63 yrs. A member of Co K. 45th NH Infantry and 11th Mass light artillery Marble, undecorated, peon top. Daily, Milo H. 1864 Harmony Grove MILO H. DAILY 11th Mass. Battery Killed June 19, 1864 Aged 20 Yrs Tis God that lifts our comforts high Or sinks them in the grave He gives (and blessed be His name) He takes back what He gave. Marble, undecorated, peon top. Danielson, Fred M. before 1886 Harmony Grove FREDÂ’K DANIELSON U.S. NAVY Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Danielson, Joseph N. 1877 Harmony Grove J. N. DANIELSON CO. K 13TH N.H. INF Marble, War Department issued gravestone.

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105 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Downing, Nelson N. 1862 Harmony Grove MY SON THIS STONE IS ERECTED To the memory of NELSON N. son of Nelson N. & Caroline W. DOWNING Aged 19 yrs. 11 mos. He passed to the spirit world while gallantly defending the flag of his Country from on board the U.S. Steamer Pensacola Apr. 24, 1862 in the bombardment of Forts Jackson and Phillips, New Orleans Harbor Rest, faithful boy, rest Thy work is done: We shall meet thee soon again. Marble, undecorated, cambered top. Earing, Daniel 1899 Harmony Grove DANÂ’L EARING U.S. NAVY Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Edney, Charles A. 1863 Harmony Grove OUR CHARLIE CHARLES A. son of Geo. P. & Mary W. EDNY Died Aug. 24, 1863 Aged 18 Yrs Member of Co. K 16th Regt. N.H.V. GodÂ’s young Patriot. Marble, undecorated, peon top.

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106 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Fields, John E. 1906 Harmony Grove FATHER JOHN E. FIELDS BORN Jan. 30, 1838 DIED May 25, 1906 Gone but not forgotten Com. G 10TH N.H. Vol. From 1862 To 1865 Marble, floral scroll, cambered top. Ford, James E. 1885 Harmony Grove FORD CYRUS FORD 1802 – 1881 HANNAH D. HIS WIFE 1816 – 1898 JAMES E. FORD 1845 – 1885 HELEN F. HIS WIFE 1857 – 1890 Polished granite family monument, undecorated. Foster, Robert F. 1878 Harmony Grove ROBERT F. FOSTER DIED Dec. 19, 1878 Aged 48 Yrs. A member of Co. C 23rd Regt. Mass. Vol. Marble, undecorated, peon top. Gammon, James T. 1887 Harmony Grove JAMES T. GAMMON DIED June 28, 1887. t. 45 yrs. 8 mos. A member of Co. K. 2nd N.H. Regt Asleep in Jesus blessed sleep. Marble, undecorated, cambered top.

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107 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Gerrish, George A. 1866 Harmony Grove GEORGE A. GERRISH BORN SEPT. 6 1834. DIED SEPT. 1, 1866. CAROLINE PARKER WIFE OF GEORGE A. GERRISH BORN AT PORTSMOUTH N.H. SEPT. 22, 1836 DIED AT COLUMBIA MO. MARCH 11, 1899 GERRISH Marble obelisk family monument, floral motif (carved floral wreath). Gilman, Warren C. 1911 Harmony Grove WARREN C. GILMAN JULY 10, 1839 – APR. 9, 1911 CO. D 2ND REGT. OF VERMONT Polished granite, family monument. Top looks like roof of a mausoleum with letter G in bas-relief. Goodrich, Edwin R. 1892 Harmony Grove EDWIN R. GOODRICH BORN Jan. 21, 1826 DIED Apr. 22, 1892 [A member of 7th N.Y. Regt., And Col. On Gen. Burnside’s staff During War of Rebellion.143] Marble, undecorated, cambered top. Heavily eroded. Goodwin, Charles F. 1915 Harmony Grove CHARLES F. GOODWIN Feb. 26, 1841 Apr. 26, 1915 Private Co. K 16 Regt. N.H. Vol. Sergeant Co. K 1st Regt. Heavy Artillery N.H. Vol. Thy trials ended. Thy rest is won. Marble, undecorated, cambered top. Other half inscribed in memory of Goodwin’s wife. 143 Foster, Graves 17.

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108 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Gookin, George E. 1868 Harmony Grove GEORGE E. GOOKIN Died in Boston Mass Sept. 29, 1868 aged 38 yrs. A member of Co. H 24th Regt. Mass. Vols. Marble pillar, family monument, carved floral wreath around peak. Hanscom, John F. 1912 Harmony Grove JOHN F. HANSCOM 1842 – 1912 NAVAL CONSTRUCTOR U.S.N. Marble, floral motif (leafy scrolls), cambered top. Hook, Alfred J. 1915 Harmony Grove ALFD H. HOOK U.S. NAVY Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Hunter, Thomas L. 1901 Harmony Grove CAPT. THOMAS L. HUNTER 1840 – 1901 MARY E. HUNTER BORN MAR. 24, 1849 – DIED JAN. 22, 1919 Polished marble, floral motif (ivy). Jellison, Daniel M. 1878 Harmony Grove D. M. JELLISON CO. K 13TH N.H. INF Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Kelenbeck, Christopher 1888 Harmony Grove CHRISTOPHER KELENBECK CO. K, 16TH N.H. INF. Marble, War Department issued gravestone.

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109 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Kennedy, Thomas 1900 Harmony Grove THOMAS KENNEDY JR. 1840 – 1900 JULIA A. WIFE OF THOMAS KENNEDY JR 1843 – 1895. KENNEDY [personal stone:] THOMAS WITH JESUS Polished granite family monument. Smaller personal stone decorated with ivy. Kennison, William H. 1913 Harmony Grove WM. H. KENNISON U.S. NAVY Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Lake, Benjamin J.* 1902 Harmony Grove B. J. LAKE Age 70 Pvt. Co K 2nd NH Vol. War of Rebellion Marble, undecorated, square top. Heavily eroded. Lear, Nathaniel M. 1871 Harmony Grove NATHANIEL M. LEAR A member of Co. K 2nd N.H. Regt. DIED April 7, 1871 Aged 32 yrs. 10 mos. I am the resurrection and the life: he that believes in me, though he were dead, yet shall he live. Marble, undecorated, round top with ogee shoulders.

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110 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Locke, Joseph J. 1863 Harmony Grove JOSEPH J. Son of Jeremiah & Hannah A. LOCKE A member of Co. K. 12th Me. Regt. killed at Port Hudson, May 25, 1863 Aged 19 yrs. 6 mos. [He sleeps where he fell in defense of his country.144] Marble, undecorated, peon top. Lord, Hiram B. 1916 Harmony Grove HIRAM B. LORD 1839 – 1916 Co. I. 23RD MASS. INFANTRY Marble family monument, undecorated. Marden, John L. 1864 Harmony Grove Killed in a skirmish near Charleston, Va.145 Stone missing as of 2015. Maxwell, William H. H. 1865 Harmony Grove MY HUSBAND WM. H. H. MAXWELL Corpl of Co. K 5th Regt N.H.V. was killed while on a skir mish at Sailors Creek Va. April 6, 1865 Aged 24 yrs. 5 mos. God grant that it was not a vain sacrifice. Marble, military motif [canteen hangs from end of a rifle crossed against a furled American flag under which sits an ammunition box], peon top. 144 Knoblock, Portsmouth Cemeteries 83. 145 Foster, Soldiers’ Memorial 45.

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111 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Mills, William J. 1889 Harmony Grove W. J. MILLS CO. K. 16TH N.H. INF. Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Oxford, William F.* 1861 Harmony Grove JOHN R. OXFORD DIED Nov. 16, 1866 Aged 51. WILLIAM F. HIS SON wounded at the battle of Bull Run. Died at Richmond Aug. 5, 1861 Aged 23. Gods will be done. We shall meet again in that blest home above. These loved ones only gone before. Inscription for William Oxford on his fatherÂ’s tombstone. Marble, undecorated, gothic. Parker, William A. 1882 Harmony Grove CAPT. WM. A. PARKER born Jan. 12, 1846 died Oct. 24, 1882 [personal stone:] WILLIAM A. Marble obelisk, family monument. Pearson, George F. 1867 Harmony Grove GEORGE F. PEARSON REAR ADMIRAL U.S. NAVY DIED JULY 1, 1867 NOT LOST BUT GONE BEFORE [personal stone:] G.F.P. DIED JULY 1ST 1867 Granite, military (anchor), also inscribed with Greek letters Alpha and Omega on opposite sides of the anchorÂ’s shank.

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112 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Pearson, John 1863 Harmony Grove JOHN H. son of Stephen B. & Catherine L. PEARSON Died Aug. 22, 1863 Aged 19 yrs. A member of Co. K, 16 Regt. N.H.V. From the tree where hopes bright buds wave Black flowers to the soldierÂ’s hallowed grave. Marble, undecorated, peon top with checked shoulders. Priest, True W. 1909 Harmony Grove TRUE W. PRIEST Born Oct. 19, 1835 Died Feb. 20, 1909 Marble, carved to resemble a scroll of paper. Raitt, George R. 1907 Harmony Grove SERGT. GEORGE R. RAITT BORN APRIL 23, 1841 DIED SEPT. 8, 1907 MEM. OF CO. K 2 REG. N.H. VOL. HOOKERÂ’S BRIGADE GOODBYE TO ALL Polished granite, etched with design reminiscent of a fleur de lis, square top. Ramsdell, John H. 1868 Harmony Grove JOHN H. RAMSDELL DIED March 31, 1868 Aged 20 yrs 4 mos Marble, undecorated, square top. Rand, Ammi C. 1885 Harmony Grove A.C. RAND CO. K. 2ND N.H. INF Marble, War Department issued gravestone.

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113 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Rutledge, James 1903 Harmony Grove CORP JAMES RUTLEDGE CO. K 2ND N.H. VOL. MARCH 18 1840 APRIL 28 1903 ANNIE M. HIS WIFE JULY 11 1847 FEB 6 1880 RUTLEDGE Large granite family monument, indeterminate decorative motif. Sawyer, George 1875 Harmony Grove GEORGE SAWYER A member of Co. G 1st Regt. Mass. Vols. Wounded at battle of Wilderness 1864 Died at Ports. N.H. Dec. 6, 1875 38 Yrs. Marble, undecorated, round top. Saxton, Mortimer F. 1862 Harmony Grove MORTIMER FAXON SAXTON Born at Weathersfield, VT June 9, 1823 Died at New Orleans, La. in the service of his Country as a member of Co. H. 30th Regt. Mass. Volunteers October 11, 1862 He rests in southern soil. Marble, undecorated, peon top. Seaver, John W. 1873 Harmony Grove 1840 JOHN W. SEAVER – 1873 Large granite family monument. Sherburne, John C. 1877 Harmony Grove JOHN C. SHERBURNE CO. C 10 N.H. INF Marble, War Department issued gravestone.

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114 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Stearns, James 1887 Harmony Grove FATHER JAMES STEARNS DIED Dec. 12, 1887 48. Gone home Co. K 5th N.H. Regt. Marble, simple scroll, rounded top and curved sides. Walsh, James 1865 Harmony Grove JAMES WALSH U.S. NAVY Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Watkins, John 1912 Harmony Grove JOHN F. WATKINS U.S. NAVY Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Whitehouse, Samuel 1891 Harmony Grove HUSBAND SAMUEL N. WHITEHOUSE DIED Jan. 2, 1891, 56 yrs. 6 mos. Carpenter U.S. Navy [From 1861 to the time of his death.146] Marble, Maltese cross, peon top. Winn, Benjamin F. 1916 Harmony Grove BENJAMIN F. WINN Apr. 15 1835 Mar. 31 1916 Co K. 13th N.H. Regt. ARABELLA A. HIS WIFE Aug. 18 1847 Dec. 20 1918 SWEETLY AT REST Marble, caved columns, square top with rounded shoulders. 146 Knoblock, Portsmouth Cemeteries 87

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115 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Young, Willard W. 1883 Harmony Grove STORER POST N O 1 GAR WILLARD W. YOUNG DIED May 19, 1873 Aged 53 yrs. 5 mos. Marble, fraternal motif (inscribed in honor of the local GAR post), cambered top. Aitchision, George C.* 1864 Old North GEORGE C. AITCHISION DIED April 26, 1864 Aged 55 years. Sleep dear husband, take thy rest God called thee home, He thought it best. Marble, Masonic iconography [square and compass], peon top. Stone is broken in half with upper portion resting against face of bottom portion. Clark, Thomas K. before 1886 Old North T. K. CLARK CO. C 26TH MASS INF Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Downing, John 1879 Old North J. [illegible] DOWNING U.S. NAVY Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Gates, Warren G. 1863 Old North WARREN G. GATES died at Morris I.S.C. Nov 20, 1863 Aged 36 years A soldier of 1863. Marble stone depicting a sleeping child, cambered top. GatesÂ’s inscription is below one for Charlie (last name illegible) who died in 1861 at age 18. Greenough, Robert F. 1862 Old North ROBERT F. GREENOUGH Co. H. 29th Reg. MA. died at Antietam Md. Sept. 17 1862 aged 23 years Marble, undecorated, gothic arch.

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116 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Hodgdon, Harlan P. 1865 Old North CORP H. P. HARLAN Co. C. 10TH N.H. INF Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Huntress, Seth 1874 Old North SETH HUNTRESS 4TH N.H. INF. Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Marden, John H. 1877 Old North J. H. MARDEN CO. C 10TH N.H. INF. Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Moulton, Charles W. 1872 Old North SGT. C. W. MOULTON CO. K. 3RD N. H. INF. Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Parks, Thomas B.* 1863 Old North THOMAS B. Son of [Elisha and Drewsilla147] Parks DIED Mar. 16, 1863 18 yrs [illegible] mos Marble, undecorated, peon top. Heavily eroded. Hammond, Pierpont 1864 Old North PIERPONT HAMMOND CO. [illegible] 10TH N.H. War Department issued gravestone. Stringer, Joseph W. 1862 Old North JOSEPH W. son of John & Elizebeth STRINGER died Sept. 27, 1862 Aged 21 yrs. 10 mos. Marble, undecorated, peon top. 147 Foster, SoldiersÂ’ Memorial 51.

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117 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Allen, Julian 1890 Proprietors COL. JULIAN ALLEN BORN April 1, 1831 DIED February 8, 1890 Granite, small design under text but otherwise undecorated, peon top. Bartlett, Oren W. 1916 Proprietors BARTLETT OREN W. BARTLETT 1832 1916 PHOSA H. HIS WIFE 1839 – 1913 Granite, family monument with scroll decoration. Rough cut stone with partially polished face. Bates, Robert 1892 Proprietors SGT. ROB’T BATES Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Bennett, Abner B. 1867 Proprietors ABNER B. BENNETT, died July 24, 1867 aged 44 yrs. 7 mos. Marble pillar, family monument, undecorated. Betton, Matthew T. 1904 Proprietors CAPT. MATTHEW T. BETTON 1837 1904 ELIXABETH K. WIFE OF MATTHEW T. BETTON 1838 1900 [PERSONAL STONE:] FATHER Marble obelisk, family monument, undecorated. Smaller, heart-shaped stone marked “FATHER” appears to be Betton’s personal grave marker. Brown, John W. 1875 Proprietors JOHN W. BROWN 1832 1875 Polished granite, floral motif (fern), rectangular monument. Butterfield, Charles H. 1897 Proprietors C. H. BUTTERFIELD Marble, War Department issued gravestone.

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118 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Fall, Edwin H. 1863 Proprietors EDWIN H. son of Otis & Elizabeth Fall A member of Co. I. 32nd Mass. Regiment Killed at the battle of Gettysburg July 2, 1863. Aged 19 Yrs. [illegible] Mos. A good son and a brave soldier. Marble, undecorated, peon top, rough texturing on stone face. Foster, Mary A. 1913 Proprietors MARY APPLETON FOSTER BORN FEBRUARY 26, 1829 DIED NOVEMBER 18, 1912 Marble, undecorated, cambered top, large granite base. Franklin, Frederick A. 1887 Proprietors FATHER FREDERICK A. FRANKLIN DIED Oct. 1, 1887 t. 80 yrs. 7 mos. Granite, undecorated except for small floral under age, peon top. Goodrich, I. Nelson 1883 Proprietors I. NELSON GOODRICH DIED Sept. 16, 1883 t. 48 yrs. At rest Marble, undecorated, cambered top. Goodrich, James M. 1915 Proprietors JAMES M. GOODRICH JUNE 24, 1834 JAN. 3, 1915 MARTHA A. HIS WIFE OCT. 15, 1844 APR. 13, 1911 CHARLES H. THEIR SON SEPT. 7, 1877 JULY 31, 1883 MARION B. GREENE OCT. 25, 1866 DEC. 27, 1927 GOODRICH Granite, family monument, undecorated. Rough cut stone with partially polished face.

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119 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Goodwin, Ichabod 1882 Proprietors ICHABOD GOODWIN DIED ON THE FOURTH OF JULY 1882 AGED EIGHTY SEVEN YEARS HE WAS GOVERNOR OF NEW HAMPSHIRE FROM JUNE 1859 TO JUNE 1861 INCLUDING THE FIRST MONTHS OF THE WAR OF THE REBELLION Marble, chest tomb, undecorated. Haley, Charles Coffin 1895 Proprietors CHARLES COFFIN HALEY May 18, 1838 Nov. 8, 1895 Marble, undecorated, cambered top. Ham, Joseph O. 1906 Proprietors JOSEPH O. HAM BORN APR. 4, 1836, DIED DEC. 3, 1903. ELLEN M. HIS WIFE BORN DEC. 21 1840 DIED JAN. 19 1931 Granite, scroll motif, peon top. Rough cut stone with polished face. Haven, Samuel C. 1863 Proprietors LIEUT. SAMUEL CUSHMAN HAVEN 162 N.Y. INF. 25 JUNE 1863 AGED 20 YRS Marble, undecorated, cambered top. Hoyt, John E. 1896 Proprietors JO. E. HOYT CO. G Marble, War Department issued gravestone.

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120 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Laighton, Bennett 1863 Proprietors BENNETT LAIGHTON of Co K 16th Regt. N.H. Vol. Born in Stratham, N.H. Died in Buffalo, N.Y. Aug. 29, 1863 Aged 20 yrs. His life was [sacrificed in the war for the preservation of the Union.148] Marble, undecorated, cambered top. Algae growth and discoloration. Laighton, William F.‡ 1879 Proprietors WILLIAM F. LAIGHTON [Thirty years in the U.S.N.149] Marble, military/naval motif [anchor wrapped in chain], gothic arch. Text largely eroded. Lake, Dayton W. 1865 Proprietors DAYTON W. LAKE of Co. I 14th Me. Regt. Veteran Volunteers Died at Brooklyn, N.Y. August 26, 1865 Aged 20 yrs. Marble, undecorated, peon top. Laskey, Baron Stowe 1898 Proprietors B. STOWE LASKEY DIED Sept. 4, 1898 t. 63 yrs. First Lieutenant in 10 N.H. Vol. Granite, undecorated, cambered top. Discolored and eroding. 148 Foster, Soldiers’ Memorial 40. 149 Foster, Soldiers’ Memorial 40.

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121 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Lombard, Henry “Harry” 1888 Proprietors LOMBARD HENRY C. LOMBARD 1836 – 1888 HIS WIFE MABEL TUCKER 1846 – 1898 Granite, rectangular family monument. Rough cut stone with polished face. Morgan, John 1893 Proprietors JOHN MORGAN DIED Dec. 26, 1893 51 yrs. CARRIE E. MORGAN DIED Apr. 5, 1894 41 yrs. Marble, undecorated except the letter M in a square (reminiscent of a keystone), cambered top. Morrill, John H. 1873 Proprietors JOHN H. MORRILL [Reverse reads: FATHER] Marble, undecorated, ogee top. No dates. Moses, Edward 1864 Proprietors EDWARD MOSES Acting Master Commanding U.S.N. BORN Oct. 27, 1813 DIED May 18, 1864 Marble, undecorated, half round. Moses, Levi Jr. 1861 Proprietors LEVI MOSES BORN August 20, 1787 DIED July 15, 1863 LEVI MOSES JR Died September 24, 1861 Drowned from US steamer Flag, off Cape Hatteras Marble, undecorated, peon top. Levi Moses Jr. was lost at sea, and his inscription appears on his father’s gravestone.

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122 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Orne, Frederick A. 1914 Proprietors FREDERICK A. ORNE BORN Oct 4 1837 DIED June 5 1914 Sergeant 15th N.H. Vol. Marble, undecorated except carved columns on each side of stone, cambered top. Pendexter, Edward 1870 Proprietors LIEUT. EDWARD PENDEXTER U.S. Navy Died Nov. 18, 1870 Aged 27 yrs. A kind and dutiful son and brother has gone to rest. Our trust in God. Marble, undecorated, cambered top with “EDWARD” in bas-relief. Ross, Charles H. 1876 Proprietors CHAS. ROSS U.S. NAVY Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Snow, James A. 1906 Proprietors JAS. A. SNOW U.S. NAVY 1841 – 1906 Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Snow, James B. 1865 Proprietors J. B. SNOW U. S. NAVY Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Snow, Walter W. 1903 Proprietors W.W. SNOW U.S. NAVY Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Sorson, Andrew Peter 1906 Proprietors A. B. SORSON Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Stewart, Charles 1909 Proprietors CHAS. STEWART Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Storer, Jacob Jones 1902 Proprietors JACOB JONES STORER Granite obelisk, family monument, undecorated.

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123 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Tucker, Henry 1886 Proprietors HENRY TUCKER U.S. NAVY Marble, War Department issued gravestone. Upham, Joseph B. Jr. 1889 Proprietors JOSEPH B. UPHAM U.S.N. Born Dec. 25, 1840 Died Aug. 14, 1889 A good son A loyal friend Granite, undecorated, cambered top, large granite base. Waldron, Frederick E. 1909 Proprietors LIEUT. FRED. E. WALDRON Co E 31 N.Y. INF BORN Sept. [illegible] DIED Apr. 13, 1909 War Department issued gravestone? Sunken shield with name and rank/company in bas-relief, dates inscribed below, on reddish color stone. Sandstone? Waldron, Samuel W. 1882 Proprietors SAMUEL WALLIS WALDRON BORN OCT. 24, 1828 DIED AUG. 24, 1882 President of the Common Council of Boston Mass in 1859 Lieutenant [Aide-de-]Camp, [Captain]150 and Assistant Adjt. General in the war of the Rebellion. Marble, undecorated, half round. Stone has fallen from and lies beside granite base. 150 Foster, SoldiersÂ’ Memorial 66.

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124 Name Death Year Cemetery Inscription Notes Walker, William Augustus 1864 Proprietors OUR BROTHER AUGUSTUS Fell in battle near Richmond, Va. June 3, 1864 36 yrs. He sleeps in Southern soil Marble, undecorated, half round, rough texturing on stone face. Whipple, Amiel 1863 Proprietors MAJ. GEN. A. W. WHIPPLE Maine Corps of Engineers US Army Died of wounds received at the battle of Chancellorsville, Va. May 7, 1863 Aged 46 yrs. Marble, religious motif [cross, broken] sits atop square top with combined scotia and ogee shoulders. Text inscribed inside the relief of a large shield.