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Architecture and cultural identity in the traditional homes of Jeddha

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Title:
Architecture and cultural identity in the traditional homes of Jeddha
Creator:
Al-Ban, Alaa Zaher G. ( author )
Language:
English
Physical Description:
1 electronic file (214 pages). : ;

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Vernacular architecture -- Saudi Arabia ( lcsh )
Islamic architecture ( lcsh )
Jiddah (Saudi Arabia) ( lcsh )
Hejaz (Saudi Arabia) ( lcsh )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Review:
Jeddah, the second largest city in Saudi Arabia, is located on the west coast of the Red Sea in the Hijaz region. Lying between the two holy mosques, Makkah and Madinah, Jeddah is a more liberal and open-minded city compared to the rest of the conservative Sunni Islamic country. As the only stop along the religious tour with easy access by plane and car, Jeddah and its culture, food, architecture, and lifestyle have been greatly impacted due to the trade route and the religious tourism. Importantly, Al- Balad, the historic city center of Jeddah, is architecturally significant, housing numerous traditional Hijazi homes. With the discovery of oil, local attitudes changed and devalued the culture and the history. And these traditional structures took on a precarious position in the developing city: swimming against the current of Western aesthetics, stereotypes, and political influence, the traditional Hijazi home fell out of fashion, and many structures were left neglected. Due to these changing dynamics and the architectural changes it wrought, this doctoral dissertation endeavors to the architecture of the traditional homes of Al-Balad by investigating the complex interaction of cultural identity and space. ( ,,,, )
Review:
In analyzing the architectural details of these residential spaces, deciphering the meaning behind the aesthetics and construction of each architectural element, and considering women’s agency and readings about their traditional lifestyles, religion, and beliefs, this work reveals the hidden gender dynamics within the home, dynamics that are too often ignored or misunderstood, particularly in the West. I argue that the traditional Hijazi home stands as proof of an empowered Saudi woman—but empowered according to a different definition of empowerment, one that challenges Western gender constructs and, instead, incorporates the unique social, religious, and historical context of Jeddah specifically and Saudi Arabia more broadly. Moreover, this dissertation offers a model and methodology for documenting the historic structures in the Hijazi region and promotes the appreciation Saudi culture and history. It fills a gap in current preservation practices for the nation; it aims to provide a foundation for architectural preservation curriculum for schools across Saudi Arabia; it offers a template for documentation practices in order to support, preserve, and understand the history and design of the 19th century Hijazi domestic architecture.
Review:
There is a valid need for this work. Currently, a poor archival system, a dearth of literature analyzing Saudi residential architecture, and restrictions and regulations imposed by the Saudi government have led to unique challenges. If this dissertation at times seems to avoid politically charged questions, especially within the context of feminist politics, it does so out of respect to Saudi authorities. Despite such challenges, this dissertation, by returning to Jeddah and deciphering and recording what’s left of its traditional, historic buildings, hopes to initiate a more extensive and unified archiving system and more robust scholarship before an important aspect of Saudi history is lost.
Thesis:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Colorado Denver.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographic references
System Details:
System requirements: Adobe Reader.
General Note:
College of Architecture and Planning
Statement of Responsibility:
by Alaa Zaher G. Al-Ban.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Colorado Denver
Holding Location:
Auraria Library
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
952496999 ( OCLC )
ocn952496999

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Full Text
ARCHITECTURE AND CULTURAL IDENTITY IN THE
TRADITIONAL HOMES OF JEDDAH
by
ALAA ZAHER G. AL-BAN
B.I.D., DarAIHekma University, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, 2005
.F.A, California College of the Arts, San Francisco, California, 2010
A thesis submitted to the
Faculty of the Graduate School of the
University of Colorado in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Design and Planning
2016


2016
ALAA ZAHER G. AL-BAN
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED


This thesis for the Doctor of Philosophy degree by
Alaa Zaher G. Al-Ban
has been approved for the
Design and Planning Program
By
Taisto H. Makela, Advisor
Margaret L. Woodhull, Chair
Ann E. Komara
Yasser A. Adas
Jana Everett
Date: April 5, 2016


Al-Ban, Alaa (Ph.D., Design and Planning)
Architecture and Cultural Identity in the Traditional Homes of Jeddah
Thesis directed by Associate Professor Taisto H. Makela
ABSTRACT
Jeddah, the second largest city in Saudi Arabia, is located on the west coast of the Red
Sea in the Hijaz region. Lying between the two holy mosques, Makkah and Madinah,
Jeddah is a more liberal and open-minded city compared to the rest of the conservative
Sunni Islamic country. As the only stop along the religious tour with easy access by
plane and car, Jeddah and its culture, food, architecture, and lifestyle have been greatly
impacted due to the trade route and the religious tourism. Importantly, Al- Balad, the
historic city center of Jeddah, is architecturally significant, housing numerous traditional
Hijazi homes. With the discovery of oil, local attitudes changed and devalued the culture
and the history. And these traditional structures took on a precarious position in the
developing city: swimming against the current of Western aesthetics, stereotypes, and
political influence, the traditional Hijazi home fell out of fashion, and many structures
were left neglected. Due to these changing dynamics and the architectural changes it
wrought, this doctoral dissertation endeavors to the architecture of the traditional homes
of Al-Balad by investigating the complex interaction of cultural identity and space.
In analyzing the architectural details of these residential spaces, deciphering the
meaning behind the aesthetics and construction of each architectural element, and
considering womens agency and readings about their traditional lifestyles, religion, and
beliefs, this work reveals the hidden gender dynamics within the home, dynamics that
are too often ignored or misunderstood, particularly in the West. I argue that the
IV


traditional Hijazi home stands as proof of an empowered Saudi womanbut empowered
according to a different definition of empowerment, one that challenges Western gender
constructs and, instead, incorporates the unique social, religious, and historical context
of Jeddah specifically and Saudi Arabia more broadly. Moreover, this dissertation offers
a model and methodology for documenting the historic structures in the Hijazi region and
promotes the appreciation Saudi culture and history. It fills a gap in current preservation
practices for the nation; it aims to provide a foundation for architectural preservation
curriculum for schools across Saudi Arabia; it offers a template for documentation
practices in order to support, preserve, and understand the history and design of the 19th
century Hijazi domestic architecture.
There is a valid need for this work. Currently, a poor archival system, a dearth of
literature analyzing Saudi residential architecture, and restrictions and regulations
imposed by the Saudi government have led to unique challenges. If this dissertation at
times seems to avoid politically charged questions, especially within the context of
feminist politics, it does so out of respect to Saudi authorities. Despite such challenges,
this dissertation, by returning to Jeddah and deciphering and recording whats left of its
traditional, historic buildings, hopes to initiate a more extensive and unified archiving
system and more robust scholarship before an important aspect of Saudi history is lost.
The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication.
Approved: Taisto H. Makela
v


DEDICATION
To my Parents: Dr. Suad Khalil & Dr. Zaher G. Al-Ban for their unconditional love..
'mt. y .,'j. jl jk\jJi y Jjli im.tfi 1 j!L5
To my Husband: Ayman Bali for his dedication and believe in my abilities.
To my Daughters: Dana, Dur, Alaa & Aram for giving me the strength to continue....
I^iyjlmii J& J> j-i50 £'Jl -iJ ^Iji y .Vi j jl j 1
To my Mentors: Dr. Zuhair Fayez and Dr. Suhair Al-Qurashi for their unconditional
support and motivation. 50 j ^jiJi j** j .4
VI


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This dissertation would not have been possible without the many people that have
shared their knowledge and offered their advice, friendship, faith and love.
I have been fortunate to have the enthusiastic and ongoing support from my advisory
committee, whose disciplinary expertise, theoretical insights, and insightful feedback
guided my research and pushed my dissertation through to completion. My advisory
chair and main study advisor of architecture, Dr. Taisto H. Makela, through his
inspirational mentoring and challenging yet encouraging feedback, kept me focused and
taught me that the best way to honor ones mentor is by providing the same support to
ones own future students. My minor study advisor of gender and womens studies, Dr.
Margaret L. Woodhull, provided just the right balance of structure and independence in
her steering of this dissertations theory. Advisor Professor Ann E. Komara guided me
through the theoretical underpinnings of historic preservation, while advisor Dr. Yasser
A. Adas, helped me navigate the texts of historic Jeddah. Advisor Dr. Jana Everetts
commitment and thoughtful feedback greatly impacted the success of this dissertation.
The advisory committee functioned as the backbone of this dissertation, and because of
their supervision, crucial contributions, and time, this project is richer, stronger, and more
rigorous than I could have hoped for.
I would like to also extend my heartfelt appreciation to faculty and administration at Dar
Al Hekma University: especially Dr. Zuhair Hamed Fayez, the founder and chair of the
board of trustees and visionary supporter of my work throughout my career; Dr. Suhair
Hassan Al Qurashi, President and godmother to me and every graduate (thank you for
always helping to make our dreams a reality); and Ms. Salwa Abdul Aziz Raqiub,
Director of the Presidents Office and my mentor, and sanity-keeper. They have all
vii


taught me the art of giving without out receiving and finding the courage and
determination to believe in myself. I am a proud product of Dar Al Hekma University.
Of course, without my family, Id be lost. There is the selfless love of my mother, Dr.
Suad Khalil, who let her grandchildren go, who came to Denver from Saudi Arabia when
I thought I couldnt continue, bringing along 17 other members of our family to provide
cheer and support, and who prays for me all the timeI know it, I feel it, and it shines
through in this work. And the generosity of my father, Dr. Zaher Gadeeb Al-Ban, whose
belief in my abilities kept me strong and determined and made me stubborn in my
goals. There are the traits Ive inherited my great parents, Suad and Zaher, whose
unconditional love and support (from their unique point of view) made me the person I
am today. And the support, love, and care of my father-in-law, Major General Dr. Faisal
Bali. It is all this, together, that fueled my progress through the program; may God grant
all of you with long life, happiness and health.
I am heartily thankful to my life partner and great love, Ayman Bali, for his phenomenal
patience, friendship, faith in my abilities, and partnership every step of the way. I thank
my daughtersDana, Dur, Alaa and Aramwho are each a unique source of endless
joy and love: Dana, wonderfully understanding and patient throughout the process, a
leader and mentor to all her sisters, making me a proud Mama; Dur, who has been there
to cheer me up, telling me, Mommy, you are the best designer I know, and for being
the most tolerant and strong role-model for her sisters. It is their undying confidence and
superb love that makes this achievement worthwhile. And it was Alaa and Arams
laughter, sense of humor, and energy that made all of the challenges seem easy. My
daughters are the best blessing from God, Alhamdulelah. I must have done something
right to deserve each and every one of you. Mashallah.
viii


For those who assisted in my fieldwork and data collection in JeddahDr. Sami Angawi,
Ahmad S. Angawi, Dr. Amal El Tigani AN, Abeer J. Abusulayman, AbdulRahman AIRemi,
Ibrahim Majed, Dr. Mahmoud Saiedi, Arch. Tareq H. Shalabetheir support and
assistance greatly impacted the success of this research, and I am heartily grateful.
Finally, thank you to my grandparents, Ana Fatmah and Sedi AbdulWahab, for their
prayers, love and supportmentally, emotionally and physically. And thank you to my
sisters, Asma, Rawan, Iman, and Shahad, and my brothers, AbdulGader, Abdullah,
Ibraheem, and Rakan, for their phone calls and visits that always made my day. I love
you and have missed you all.
IX


TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREFACE.............................................................. 1
Methodology.........................................................8
Limitations........................................................11
Project Outline....................................................12
BACKGROUND AND HISTORY
INTRODUCTION........................................................14
I. CONTEXT OF AL-BALAD...............................................20
Najd...............................................................26
Al Shargiya........................................................28
Al Shamal..........................................................30
Asir...............................................................31
History of the Hijaz Region........................................32
Cultural Formation.................................................33
II. LITERATURE REVIEW................................................40
Cultural Formation of Hijaz........................................41
Architectural History in the Regions of the Kingdom................46
Gender Studies.....................................................52
III. IMPACT OF ISLAM ON THE FORMATION OF THE SAUDI FAMILY............68
Gender Segregation.................................................68
Islamic Town Formation.............................................70
THREE CASE STUDIES
INTRODUCTION........................................................76
IV. DOCUMENTATION OF THE THREE BUILDINGS.............................77
History of Each House.............................................99
x


Measured Drawings.................................................111
V. DISCUSSION: CONTEXTUALIZING MATERIALS...........................133
FAMILY RELATIONS & DYNAMICS
INTRODUCTION........................................................139
VI. WOMEN, POWER AND THE HIJAZI HOUSE...............................140
Public Reception..................................................141
Private Sphere....................................................141
Location of the House.............................................142
Entrances.........................................................148
Majlis............................................................150
Terrace...........................................................151
Decorative elements...............................................154
VII. CONCLUSION.....................................................169
Contribution......................................................169
Final Observations................................................170
The Finding of the Literature Review..............................170
Origins and Insperation...........................................172
WORKS CITED.........................................................175
APPENDIX............................................................187
XI


LIST OF FIGURES
Figure
1.1. Research Context........................................................5
1.2. The Research Methodology and the Procedure of Investigation.............9
1.3. Map of Saudi Arabia....................................................13
1.4. Regions of Saudi Arabia................................................14
1.5. Map of Saudi Arabia and its Regions....................................15
1.6. The Holy Mosque in Makkah..............................................16
1.7. The Kabaa ............................................................17
1.8. The Holy Mosque in Madinah............................................ 18
1.9. Main Geographical Regions............................................. 19
1.10. Map of Saudi Arabia....................................................20
1.11. Salwa Palace- Fort in Najd Region......................................25
1.12. Traditional Coastal Settlements in Al-Shargiya Region..................27
1.13. House of Muhammad Saleih 1984 in Aseer Region........................31
1.14. Jeddah Traditional Social Structure....................................33
3.1. Gender Segregation in Mosques..........................................67
3.2. Marrakesh..............................................................70
3.3. The Human Context..................................................... 72
3.4. Coastal Mountain Barrier...............................................73
3.5. Air Moves from Land to Sea.............................................73
3.6. Air Movement Downhill..................................................74
3.7. Man-made Microclimate..................................................75
4.1. Drawing of Al Kaaba 1840 ............................................ 77
4.2. Hajj, the sacred journey...............................................78
4.3. Jeddah 1948 .......................................................... 79
xii


. 80
. 81
. 82
. 84
85
86
87
. 89
. 91
. 92
. 93
. 93
. 94
. 95
. 95
. 96
. 97
. 97
. 98
100
103
105
106
107
108
109
Roshan
Tower Roshan Houses.........................................
Map of Al-Balad showing Boundaries and buffer zone..........
The Development of Jeddah city and growth...................
Plan of Jeddah in the early 13th century according to I bn Al-Mujawair
Makkah Gate.................................................
Jiddah
A four story coral built house in Jeddah with wooden rawasheen
Old Jeddahs House.........................................
Ornamental main entrance of Bayt Nassif....................
Detail of the decoration of the main door of Bayt Jawkhdar.
Bayt Al-Baghdadi...........................................
Bayt Nassif................................................
Bayt Jawkhdar..............................................
Bayt Jawkhdar..............................................
Bayt Ridwan................................................
Bayt Al-Shurbatli..........................................
Bayt Al-Khazuqa............................................
Bayt Al-Khazuqa............................................
Al-Balad Map...............................................
Stairs bayt Nassief........................................
West Side Entrance bayt Nassief............................
Majlis bayt Nassief........................................
Bayt NoorWali..............................................
Roshan bayt NoorWali.......................................
Bayt Balshan..............................................
XIII


110
111
112
113
114
115
116
117
118
119
120
121
122
123
123
124
125
126
127
128
129
130
131
134
135
136
Main entrance bayt Balshan
North Elevation bayt Nassief
East & West Elevation bayt Nassief
Ground Floor Plan bayt Nassief...
First Floor Plan bayt Nassief....
Second Floor Plan bayt Nassief...
Third Floor Plan bayt Nassief....
Fourth Floor Plan bayt Nassief...
Fifth Floor Plan bayt Nassief....
East Elevation bayt NoorWali.....
Ground Floor Plan bayt NoorWali...
First Floor Plan bayt NoorWali...
Second Floor Plan bayt NoorWali ...
Third Floor Plan bayt NoorWali...
Fourth Floor Plan bayt NoorWali
Fifth Floor Plan bayt NoorWali...
East Elevation bayt Balshan.....
West Elevation bayt Balshan.....
Ground Floor Plan bayt Balshan ...
First Floor Plan bayt Balshan...
Second Floor Plan bayt Balshan ...
Third Floor Plan bayt Balshan...
Fourth Floor Plan bayt Balshan..
Roshan ..........................
Parts of Roshan..................
Roshan ..........................
XIV


144
145
146
147
149
151
153
155
156
157
158
159
160
161
163
163
164
165
165
166
166
Al-Balad Map.......................
Ground Floor Plan of bayt Nassief
Ground Floor Plan of bayt Balshan ..
Ground Floor Plan of bayt NoorWali .
Bayt Nassif Entrances..............
Kushk bayt Nassief.................
Terrace at bayt Nassief............
Roshan in Al-Balad houses..........
Roshan Section sketch..............
Sketch of Roshan...................
Sketch of parts of Roshan..........
Roshan bayt NoorWali...............
Roshan bayt Balshan...............
Roshan bayt Nassief................
Manjur Pattern.....................
Manjur Pattern.....................
Manjur Pattern bayt NoorWali.......
Main Entrance Door of bayt Nassief.
Main Entrance Door of bayt Balshan
Plaster decoration of bayt Balshan ..
Plaster decoration of bayt Nassief....
xv


LIST OF TABLES
Table
3.1. Types of Climate in the Arab Region.....................................69
1.2. System of Translation between Arabic & English.......................... 192
1.3. Glossary of the Arabic Terms............................................ 193
XVI


PREFACE
For Saudis from Jeddah, a city in the western region of Saudi Arabia, their
environmentan environment that one might argue has been imposed upon them rather
than created by themdoes not just represent a place, but a tradition, a historically
charged environment that determines cultural identity. Greet a Saudi from Jeddah and
they are apt to introduce themselves by first declaring, I am from Jeddah. But more
recently, this simple phrase has led to uncertainty. As Edward Sadalla et al. point out,
identity is a complex concept, which grows out of a history of changing responses to
economic, political and cultural forces.1 The search for and ability to define ones
identity is a distinctive human drive; it importantly explains the duality of sameness and
uniqueness; it gives meaning to human existence. To better understand their
relationship to location, people throughout history have used various media to express
their identity, such as clothing, art, and language. Architecture is yet another key
medium of expression. It displays the unique traditions of individuals and societies
according to the norms of a culture.
This project documents Jeddahs traditional houses in Al-Balad and, by doing so, strives
to challenge the identity outsiders have grafted onto Saudis. Many societies, particularly
those found in the West, have projected images and ideas about the Other, which are
often merely half-truths and misunderstandings. Oil, wealth, allegations of terrorism,
gender-segregationthese are the first words that come to mind when Westerners think
of Saudi Arabia, especially after 9/11. This dissertation challenges those assumptions,
instead drawing on peoples open-mindedness and curiosity about different cultures as
an opportunity to share Saudi Arabias design aesthetics with a Western audience.
1 Edward K. Sadalla, Beth Vershure, and Jeffrey Burroughs, "Identity Symbolism in
housing," Environment and Behavior 19, no. 5 (1987): 569-587.
1


Rather than an over-charged political argument, however, this project, embedded in the
field of design and thus concerned with ideas of visual language via the study of form, is
filtered through a deconstruction of traditional Jeddah domestic architecture, examining
Saudi culture, the specific values it engenders, and how those values manifest in
domestic spaces. What this reveals is that Saudi architecture and family dynamics are
richer and much more complex than Western stereotypes of Saudi culture account for.
The following research was collected over half a decade. My interest in the traditional
houses of Jeddah was kindled and evolved during my time teaching undergraduates
Saudi architectural heritage at Dar Al-Hekma University in 2011. Jeddah is home to the
remaining traditional domestic architecture in the Hijazi region. Such traditional houses
could previously only be found in Makkah and Madinah, but they were demolished due
to the expansion of the two holy mosques there. Because this is not a work of social
science, linguistics, or anthropology, the notes gathered throughout the years are not
systematic or historically archived; instead, the documentation of the traditions and
cultures of old Jeddah that led to the rich architectural form of its houses presented here
are kaleidoscopic, meant to be read and viewed as a pattern that, with each turn,
changes with time and motion.
Even if one is Saudi from Hijaz2 and an interior architect, it does not guarantee that s/he
grows up understanding the rules, identity, and meaning behind the architectural forms
of the houses surrounding him/her. In fact, it is often only after immersing oneself in
another culture that ones interest in his/her homeland grows stronger and
understanding grows deeper. Living in the West and seeing Middle Easternspecifically
2 A glossary of Arabic terms is provided at the end of this document.
2


Saudiculture, identity, and architecture misunderstood, forgotten, or understated
throws into stark relief the need for renewed scholarship on traditional Saudi
architecture. Furthermore, there are currently numerous planning opportunities in Al-
Balad, Jeddah, but little attention given to historic preservation or architectural practices
exhibiting cultural sensitivity. By investigating understandings of identity, space, and
gender in the making of the historic Hijazi house of Saudi Arabia, this dissertation
intends to fill some gaps in scholarship to create a more meaningful dialogue and a
richer historyand hopefully stem the tide of irresponsible urban planning that is
destroying this cultural legacy.
As much of the world knows, Saudi Arabias wealth is largely due to California-Arabian
Standard Oil Companys discovery of oil on March 3rd, 1938, near an eastern Saudi
village.3 But along with its rich oil reserves, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) garners
much international attention because it is also home to the birthplace of the Islamic faith:
both Makkah and the grave of Prophet Mohammed Peace Be Upon Him in Madinah are
located on the west side of Saudi Arabia in Hijaz. Therefore, it is a conservative country
with many of its rules and regulations grounded in the Islamic faith.
While the identity of Hijaz can be found in the rich religious history, the space of
traditional residences and their construction and developments during the 20th century
have drastically altered that identity. In the past, Saudi culture and residential
architecture were directly related, but recently gaps between Saudi culture and
architecture have arisen. One such gap stems from gender equality gains made by
3 California-Arabian Standard Oil Company, or CASOC, is now known as Saudi
Arabian Oil Co., or Saudi Aramco. See Chevron In War and Peace 1927-1946, in Next
stop, Saudi Arabia, http://www.chevron.com/about/history/1927/
3


Saudi women and the subsequent effect those gains have made on the architecture of
the modern Saudi House in Hijaz. Because of these changing conditions, a closer
examination is necessary. Identity, space, and gender have proven to be three
overlooked aspects worthy of such an examination, all providing different yet
complementary readings of the traditional Hijazi residences. Investigating and examining
the making of the traditional Hijazi residences reveal how Saudi womens identities and
the built form of their homes are based upon their needs, backgrounds, and interests.
Furthermore, these residences have evolved with the influence of Western culture.
Examining this evolution will help chart the intersection where Saudi traditional culture
and Saudi modern residential architecture meet.
In order to set this research in context, much of the scholarly work written to date reveals
the dynamic, multidisciplinary nature of this research. Architecture, geography, cultural
studies, and womens studiesall come together to reveal the historical, cultural, and
philological complexity of this particular environment. Each of these areas of inquiry
have their own approaches to the morphology of style: tracing post-colonial and feminist
geographies helps define the role of Saudi women; analyzing the architectural details of
the traditional Hijazi residential spaces reveals the meaning behind the construction of
every architectural element; and looking at detailed drawings of and readings about
womens traditional lifestyles, religion, and beliefs compares and contrasts the past to
the present. Looking at the dynamic interaction of these research areas reveals many
things. One is how the form of the house is affected by Jeddah's proximity to the two
holy mosques in Makkah and Madinah. Another is how Saudi culture and its segregation
of genders plays a significant role in the special design construction of houses.
4


Thus, this research is situated at the intersection of architecture, geography, history, and
g. It seeks to raise awareness that will help shape the future of architectural design, one
that retains culture and ultimately helps others understand the power culture has on the
built form in general and in Jeddah specifically. Even more so, this dissertation hopes to
foster recognition of existing architectural strategies that reflects a particular culture and,
therefore, particular needs. By bringing together diverse methodological and theoretical
concerns, this project will reveal how interdisciplinary scholarship raises awareness and
shapes the future of architectural design, a future that appreciates and preserves cultural
history.
IDENTITY
SPACE
RESEARCH
AREA IN THE
TRADITIONAL
HOUSE IN
JEDDAH
GENDER
Figure 1.1. Source: by author, Research Context
5


For Saudi culture, this means raising awareness about the power of Saudi women and
the respect they are given, clearing misperceptions that configure Saudi women as
passive, and showing how their residences actually evidence their power. This is done
by comparing the roles occupied by and perceptions of women in the West with that of
women in Saudi Arabia. It is important to compare Western womens roles to Saudi
womens roles due to the Wests strong influence on modern Saudi culture and
economics and to situate this comparison in a timeframe of approximately 1882 to 1975.
This time frame is significant because it is during this time that changes in Hijazi
architecture emerged. But while this time period was an exciting and lively time for Hijazi
residential architecture, shortly thereafter, the area was abandoned and considered
outdated and unfashionable. Interest in the area was renewed in mid-2010 after the
formation of the Saudi Commission for Tourism and Antiquities. The commission at first
did not focus on Hijaz specifically but instead focused on the city of Daryea where the
royal family of Saudi Arabia originates. In the academic spring of 2011, however, Dar Al-
Hekma Universitys Saudi Arabian Architectural Heritage and Graphic Design Exhibition
for seniors chose for the theme laman, which means, Back in the daymore
specifically, back in the day in Hijaz. Nearly 2000 people attended, breaking university
exhibition records (which previously had not exceeded 200 attendees) and helping direct
even more attention to Hijazs rich architectural heritage.
This dissertation builds on this momentum by shedding light on the beauty and
sophistication of the traditional house in Jeddah and the ways religion dictates its form.
Often Saudis are too quick to judge their traditional architecture as outdated, likely
because too many look to the West for inspiration. For example, the downtown of
Jeddah, Al-Balad, was originally filled with buildings exhibiting the traditional
architectural style of the region. But now, it echoes the anonymity of downtowns in many
6


global city centers with tall buildings and high-rises. I hope to challenge such design
trends in two ways: first, by completing this study in the West, where I can better
investigate and revise Western perceptions of Saudi architecture; second, by
contributing to Saudis knowledge of their culture and heritage, further strengthening
cultural pride and awareness.
Additionally, the goal of this dissertation is to create a point of intersection where Saudi
culture and modern design meet. This will be applied in both two-dimensional and three-
dimensional work that will inspire readers to reevaluate their assumptions and beliefs.
The research was done in both the United States and Saudi Arabia collecting data from
Al-Balad and directing these findings to a Western audience with Western historic
preservation standards. The ultimate goal will be to develop this dissertation into a book
published in two languages, the first in English with a later Arabic translation. This
translation is essential: currently there are few books on Saudi design elements, and this
book will importantly fill that gap. Furthermore, I will be the first Saudi woman
researching and writing on this topic. Of the scholarship that currently exists, much of it
is written by non-Saudisvisitors, historians, researchersand of that written by
Saudis, all are men. With this study. I hope to bring a female eye to the study of these
buildings and phenomenological experience of domestic space. In addition, I plan to
display my findings in both local and international museums to spread the message. This
display will synthesize the interior, architectural, and graphic design experience with the
personal experiences (the collected stories from my great grandmother, other family
members, and friends).
Despite the challenges this author faced as a Saudi woman, designer, and design
educator of other Saudi women, the work presented here moves beyond those
7


constraints to ultimately make a difference in Middle Eastern, Saudi, and Western design
fields. In short, it demonstrate the possibilities for Saudi women in the field of
architecture and design.
Methodology
This project will employ a cultural framework that synthesizes architectural history,
geography, and cultural studies. Many womens studies scholars have focused primarily
on the West, leaving a strong need for attention to be directed to other cultures and
spaces. Therefore, the objective of this research project is to better understand how
culture influences the built form. The specific research question is:
How did Hijazi culture, history, and environment inform the traditional home in Al-
Balad and how do female agency and gender manifest in these domestic
spaces?
The traditional architecture of the Hijazi house has been rarely studied. Most of the
scholarly work on Saudi architecture is written by non-Saudis who did the work as
visitors, historians, or researchers. Furthermore, approximately fifteen years ago,
Western influence on Saudi culture grew, and very few have examined its effects. Those
who have done so are either outsiders or tackled the issue from a different perspective
than this dissertation does. Again, case studies or any other documented qualitative
research was not found; it is unclear whether the data is missing due to poor archiving in
Saudi Arabia or if it simply does not exist. This project, then, collects together and begins
to fills in the gaps left behind by these scarce resources and focuses on the urban
context of Jeddah, particularly the traditional homes found in Old Jeddah, Al-Balad. By
discussing Jeddahs name origins, location, climate, and geographic composition, as
8


well as the complicated interaction of gender, art, architecture, and domestic space, this
dissertation seeks to answer: what are the relevant cultural factors that shape the built
form? Put simply, this project investigates the relationship between culture and the
architectural form of the Hijazi residence. The findings reveal that Hijazi architecture is
formed by the amalgamation of different cultures dominated by the Islamic faith that
emphasizes a womans comfort in a family setting.
Figure 1.2. Source: Padgett 1998. The Research Methodology and the Procedure of
Investigation, 132.
9


Many in the West and the Middle East remain unaware of cultural significance of the
Hijazi home due to the oil boom, as mentioned earlier. Because of this, the challenges
currently faced are a shortage of Saudi scholars and an inadequate national archiving
system, both of which would help in the investigation and preservation of this unique
architectural tradition and in making connections between culture, Islam, and the built
form. The modern Saudi mentality and culture, however, resists criticism, and often
perceives it as an attack. Yet far from criticizing forward thinking Saudi, this study calls
for honoring and preserving the roots of our heritagethose building blocks that makes
the culture and architecture unique.
The direction of this research is exploratory and thus the methodology relies on an
integrated qualitative and quantitative approach. As Deborah K. Padgett points out, a
combination of these two approaches is mutually beneficial (as illustrated in figure 1.2).4
Quantitatively, the fieldwork done in Jeddah has focused on deciphering and recording
whats left of traditional buildings in the hopes initiating a more comprehensive archiving
system before this part of our history is lost. Besides this data collection, this project also
investigates the underlying subjective factors which led to the selection of Jeddahs
unique domestic architectural features. These underlying factors are more appropriately
studied qualitatively. Several key people from the Jeddah municipality have provided
archiving documents of Al-Balad, among them Robert Mathew, whose 1974 Jeddah
Master Plan was the result of a joint British-Saudi initiative. It was commissioned by the
governor of Jeddah to preserve the city and to develop a proposal on how to responsibly
expand while maintaining the citys culture and architectural identity.
4 Deborah K. Padgett, Qualitative Methods in Social Work Research, 2nd ed. (Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1998), 132.
10


This research is shaped by the role of culture and how it affects the form of domestic
space in the Hijaz region, Al-Balad. It also considers the Wests strong influence on
modern Saudi culture and economics. The result of this study will highlight the
importance of culture in the making of any residence and how diverse residential spaces
can inspire designers across borders of any culture. This will hopefully result in changing
the theory and the study of Hijaz architecture and beyond.
Limitations
This research faces three main challenges. First, as already mentioned, there are few
publications focused specifically on the architecture of the Saudi residences, and of
those publications, many are written by non-Saudi scholars whose work lacks an
understanding of the real essence of Saudi culture, religion, and lifestyle. Thus much of
the work here represents original research and readings of these spaces, based on
theoretical frameworks employed by architectural historians, designers, and cultural
theoretical. Second, the poor archiving system in Saudi Arabia makes locating original
plans of Hijazi residences difficult. In the decades following these traditional homes
most widespread popularity, many ignored the buildings cultural significance, letting
numerous of them lie abandoned after the oil boom and the growing Western tastes of
many Saudis. And finally, the restrictions and regulations of the Saudi government are
particularly constricting: Saudi Arabia is a conservative country in many respects. The
authorities demand citizens obey without question, leading to much censorship. Even as
a Saudi citizen, I am prevented from digging too deeply into controversial issues
(particularly those related to feminist politics), even if I come across valuable information
for this research.
11


Project Outline
This dissertation opens with a condensed contextualization of Saudi Arabia in general
and the Hijaz region specifically, discussing other regions only to help distinguish Hijaz
and to offer insight into the regional variations in architectural form. The second part of
this dissertation looks more closely at Hijaz and takes up the project of cultural archival
documentation. Its goal is twofold: first, to preserve a thorough documentation of three
houses in Al-Balad, and second, to compare and contextualize their materials and
design aspects through floor plans, elevations, and other architectural design
renderings. This approach functions as a model and a methodologya foundation for
architectural curricula across schools in Saudi Arabiafor documenting other historic
structures in Hijaz so that others may help fill the current preservation gap and support
the history of Hijazi architecture. Finally, part three of this dissertation analyzes
traditional homes in Al-Balad by examining family relations and power. It aims to
understand in particular a Saudi womans power and it seeks to do so via three
strategies (and corresponding chapters): first, by examining her agency in the domestic
sphere as a wife, mother, and Muslim woman; second, by reframing the role of a Saudi
woman from a non-Western perspective; and third, by analyzing how these Hijazi
houses signify a womans status in the wider socio-cultural context. Al-Balad residences
and family dynamics, examined in two chapters, are read through the lens of space and
architectural elements.
In sum, this dissertation establishes an understanding of the meaning behind the
architectural form of the house in Al-Balad. By analyzing the traditional architectural
details of Al-Balads residential spaces, deciphering the meaning behind the construction
of pertinent architectural elements, and looking at detailed drawings of and readings
about womens traditional lifestyles, religion, and beliefscomparing the past to the
12


presentthis project reveals that some data crosses the boundary between architecture
and culture. The findings also reveal the hidden gender dynamics within the Hijazi home,
dynamics that are too often ignored or misunderstood. I argue that the traditional Hijazi
home stands as proof of an empowered Saudi womanbut empowered according to a
new definition of empowerment, one that challenges Western gender constructs and,
instead, incorporates the unique social, religious, and historical context of Jeddah
specifically and Saudi Arabia more broadly. This dissertation offers a model and
methodology for documenting the historic structures in the Hijazi region; it fills a gap in
current preservation practices for the nation; it aims to provide a foundation for
architectural curricula across schools in Saudi Arabia; it offers a template to apply to
other documentation practices in order to support, preserve and understand the history
of Hijazi architectural homes.
13


INTRODUCTION
In this part of the dissertation, a condensed discussion of Saudi Arabia and its
geographic regions is presented, culminating in a closer look at Hijaz. Comparing and
contrasting the regions will more clearly distinguish Hijaz and its unique culture and
environment.
SAUDI ARABIA
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Capto of primire* .... '
Figure 1.3. Source: graphatlas.com, Map of Saudi Arabia, accessed September 20th 2015
14


The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) is the largest in land mass in the Arabian Peninsula
and in the Middle East. It is made up of approximately 2,150,000 km2 equivalent to
(830,000 mi2), 95 percent of which is desert, including Rub' Al Khali, which is the biggest
mass of sand on the planet. It is bordered by Jordan and Iraq to the north, Kuwait to the
northeast, Qatar, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates to the east, Oman to the
southeast, and Yemen to the south, thus positioning it at the crossroads of Asia, Africa
and Europe. The west coast extends across 1700 kilometers of the Red Sea and its east
coast spans 560 kilometers along the Arabian Gulfindeed, it is the only nation with
both a Red Sea coast and a Persian Gulf coast (see figure 1.3). Since ancient times,
then, Saudi Arabia has played a major role in world trade due to this strategic position.
Typical of the Middle Easts topography, KSAs ranges from wide plains to deserts,
Figure 1.4. Source: http://thumbs.dreamstime.com/z/saudi-arabia-map-
8967759.jpg. Regions of Saudi Arabia, accessed October 1st 2015.
15


valleys, mountains and plateaus. Most significant are the Empty Quarter (Al-Rub Al
Khali) desert, the eastern province, the northern mountains and plateaus, the Najd
plateaus of the central region, the western highlands, the Tihama plains in the
southwest, as well as the widespread mountains and desert valleys.
SAUDI ARABIA
SODA M Put t Sue*
Atlkl'd
t K I T ft £ A
;SANA
Figure 1.5. Source: http://static.thinaboomi.com/sites/default/files/Saudi-arabia-
Map(C).jpg, Map of Saudi Arabia and its Regions accessed October 1st 2015
16


Figure 1.6. Source: https://farm4.staticflickr.com/3556/3454319985_27bc3f4221_o.jpg.
The Holy Mosque in Makkah, accessed October 1st 2015.
The population of Saudi Arabia is 27 million, including 8.4 million foreign residents,
according to the 2010 census.5 The population of KSA is divided into three main
categories that reflect various ways of life: Bedouins, villagers and urbanites. The
Kingdom has thirteen main provinces, or administrative regions (emirates), with each
ruled by a governor, a deputy governor, and a provincial council (see figure 1.4). The
regions are: Makkah, Madinah, Al-Riyadh, Al-Qasim, Hail, Tabuk, Al-Curayyat, Al-Jawf,
Arar, Al-Hudud Ash Shamaliyah, Ash Sharqiyah, Asir, Al-Baha, Najran and Jizan. These
emirates can be regionally categorized into five major regions (see figure 1.5), each with
its own unique architectural identity. Najd is found in the middle of Saudi Arabia, Al-
Shargiya in the East, Al-Shamal in the north, Al-Janoob in the south, and Hijaz in the
west. Due to its internationally recognized religious importance, the Makkah region is
5 Saudi Gazette, Census shows Kingdom's population at more than 27 million.last
modified November 24, 2010,
http://www.saudigazette.com.sa/index.cfm?method=home.regcon&contentlD=20101124
87888&archiveissuedate=24/11/2010
17


Figure 1.7. Source: http://www.graphics99.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/picture-of-makkah-
kaba-sharif.jpeg. The Kaba'a, accessed October 1st 2015.
subdivided into 12 governorates. It is located in the Southwest of Saudi Arabia, and
while it covers only 7.6 percent of the Kingdom total surface, it is home to 21 percent of
the countrys overall population. The Makkah region is highly urbanized, with 23 percent
of the population in the city of Makkah and, particularly significant to this project, 50
percent of the regions population living in Jeddah.
Located on the western side of Saudi Arabia in Hijaz is Jeddah, one of the largest cities
in Saudi Arabia, second only to the capital, Riyadh. Due to the countrys strong ties to
Islam, the citys importance lies in its location between the two holy mosques in Makkah
and Madinah. These mosques signify the birthplace of the Islamic faith, and since one of
the five pillars and duties of Islamic faith is to make the journey to Makkah (the Hajj
Pilgrimage) at least once in a lifetime, their presence brings countless Muslims from
18


around the world every year to Saudi Arabia upwards of 7.2 million in 2012, for example6
(see figure 1.6, 1.7 and 1.8). Thus, religious tourism has made Hijaz the most diverse
and multicultural region in Saudi Arabia. But with the discovery of oil on March 3rd, in
1938, near an eastern village,7 the economy drastically shifted.
1 jLAwO
i
Figure 1.8. Source: http://i.ytimg.com/vi/SQxMQxlsGGU/maxresdefault.jpg. The Holy Mosque
in Madinah, accessed October 1st 2015.
6 Frangoise De Bel-Air, Demography, Migration and Labour Market in Saudi Arabia,
Gulf Research Center, last modified 2014,
http://cadmus.eui.eu/bitstream/handle/1814/32151/GLMM%20ExpNote_01-
2014.pdf?sequence=1
7 California-Arabian Standard Oil Company, or CASOC, is now known as Saudi Arabian
Oil Co., or Saudi Aramco. See Chevron In War and Peace 1927-1946, Next stop,
accessed January 22, 2015, http://www.chevron.com/about/history/1927/
19


CHAPTER I
CONTEXT OF AL-BALAD
Figure 1.9. Source: Talib, Kizer, Shelter in Saudi Arabia. London, Main Geographical
Regions.
Regarding Saudi architecture, and as many of the scholars discussed below note,
climate and geography are key determinants of architectural design. Thus, in this
section, a closer examination of the primary regions of Saudi Arabia will help
differentiate the Hijaz region and inform the regional variations in architectural form
discussed in the final chapter of this section.
Saudi Arabia covers a large area and has variety of topographical features. It can be
divided into five main regions: the western region (Hijaz), the southern region (Asir), the
20


northern region, the eastern region, and the central region (Najd) (see figure 1.9). The
Tihama coastal plain in the western region is located along the Red Sea. The coast is
1100 kilometers long and 60 kilometers wide in the south, gradually narrowing to the
north until it reaches the Aqaba Gulf (see figure 1.10). To the east of the plain lies the
Sarawat chain of mountains that rises to 9,000 feet in the south and gradually falls to
3,000 feet in the north. Several large valleys slope eastward and westward from the
chain. To the east of the chain stands the Najd plateau that extends eastward to the
Dahna dunes and southward to Wade Al-Dowser. The plateau stretches north toward
the Al-Nafud Desert. The eastern coastal plain is 610 kilometers long and consists of a
large sandy area. The southern part of Saudi Arabia is occupied by the Empty Quarter,
Figure 1.10. Source: http://static.thinaboomi.com/sites/default/files/Saudi-arabia-Map(C).jpg,
Map of Saudi Arabia accessed October 1 st 2015.
21


which is considered to be the worlds largest arid desert covering an area of
approximately 640,000 square kilometers.8
The traditions of Al-Balad have reflected and responded to the specific climate,
geography and material resources available. An introduction to the traditional
architecture in the major regions is helpful to appreciate the specific qualities of
architecture in Al-Balad.
First and foremost, the climate of the Kingdom varies from region to region according to
its pertinent geographical and topographical features. Since the Kingdom lies in the
tropics, the nationwide average temperature is 18C. However, temperature varies
considerably, increasing as one descends towards the southwest. For example, the
central region is extremely hot and arid. Saudi Arabia has no rivers or permanent
streams, and although the dry valleys are often flooded with rain water, actual utilization
of this water is limited due to evaporation and soil absorption.
The climate in Saudi Arabia is mainly divided into the following categories:
Central Arabia: winters can be very cold and rainy, with rain extending
into spring and leading to the greening of the desert. Sometimes rain can
be so heavy that flooding occurs.
Southwest: in the highland areas, rainfall is heavier than the rest of the
country, where dry wadis fill to become rivers. With the possibility of
rainfall, clay houses are usually protected by waterproof plaster, and
8 Yasser Adas, Change in Identity of Saudis Built Environments: The Case of Jeddah
(unpublished PhD Dissertation, Heriot-Watt University, Edinburgh, UK, 2001).
22


pipes drive water away from walls; hence, stone is preferred as a building
material, and regular maintenance is needed for weak materials such as
clay and coral.
Based on these variations in temperature and topography, the population of Saudi
Arabia is divided into three main categories reflecting various ways of life: the Bedouins,
villagers, and urbanites.
Along with climate, weather, and topography, other factors influence the design of
residential structures in Saudi Arabia, such as the availability of materials. All of these
factors affect not only the general architectural style but also the town, village, and
neighborhood clustering, the construction methods, the form of the structures, and the
materials used for architectural and decorative elements. For instance, before the
introduction of air conditioning, to ward off heat and strong direct sunlight and to protect
against the extreme cold, humidity, and dust, builders employed various techniques such
as site orientation, strategic planning, use of external architectural elements, and the use
of materials to create shade, and natural ventilation.
As noted, the design of Saudi houses differ from one region to another due to the varied
geographic and topographical settings such as the highlands, the coasts, plains, oases,
and deserts. The architectural traditions of Saudi Arabia were also influenced by
different cultures and styles due to trade route exchanges, religious tourism such as the
Omra and Hajj pilgrimages, and the pre-lslamic cultures of Persia, Turkey, the Ottoman
Empire, Syria, Iraq, Palestine, Jordan, Yemen, India, and Egypt. Furthermore, traditional
building and construction methods varied from region to region due to access to building
materials and site location. For instance, the foundations construction was determined
by the type of soil found in the regiontypically the depth of the foundation rarely
23


exceeded one meter, so mud and surrounding rubble were used to fill and stabilize the
foundation and, in turn, the stability of the foundation determined the number of floors to
be built.
Building materials also differed across regions, depending on availability and weather
conditions. Typical materials used in Saudi Arabia were mud, coral, stone, and wood.
Each were chosen for their unique attributes, such as strength and ability to withstand
climate changes and provide protection from dust, strong sunlight, humidity, and wind.
Mud is one of the oldest building materials used in history; if properly maintained, it is
also one of the most enduring. In Saudi towns, there are three main mud construction
methods: mud bricks, burnt bricks, and rammed mud cast in place. Mud bricks are made
of water, clay, and sand molded into shape and left to dry in the sun to strengthen. Burnt
bricks are treated with a high temperatures to harden and improve resistance to
moisture. They are fired in kilns placed halfway below ground, in stacks with layers of
chaff in between. After 36 hours of firing, the bricks are left for a week to cool down to
prevent cracking. For rammed mud cast in place, if the source of mud is near the
building site, a mud mix is made and placed in horizontal layers to create walls. This
technique is also known as rammed earth, cast mud, cob or pise construction.
Sometimes a kind of slip-form is employed to receive the mud, which is compacted by
pounding it into place. In this case, rubble may be included, like a rough aggregate, and
the mud acts as a binding material. With good thermal qualities, mud bricks keep rooms
cool in the summer and warm in the winter, and because of its excellent adhesive
quality, mud also has a unique ability to be sculpted. To protect and maintain the bricks,
they must be covered with rice chaff plaster or mud and straw plaster.
24


Coral is another type of building material used in Saudi coastal towns and is one of the
prevalent building materials in the Al-Balad houses. It is either freshly cut from reefs
underwater or used from fossil coral. As a highly porous material, coral shrinks when it
dries but is lightweight and easy to carve. However, it is not strong, with low durability
and susceptibility to decay when exposed to humidity or harsh weather. Often it is
reinforced with timber courses to avoid collapse and then covered with lime plaster as a
defense against salt, humidity, and rainfall. This plaster also creates a surface with
decorative potential.
One of the strongest and longest lasting materials used in the building of the Saudi town
is stone. Heavier in weight, stone is extremely stable and was used both for foundations
as well as wall structures. The stone was quarried, cut to size, and then transported to
the building site. Once there, it could be used in a dry wall construction method in which
mortar is not added, or it could be laid over a bed of mortar to absorb irregularities and
bond them together.
Wood was used both structurally and decoratively. Imported from India and East Africa,
the size of the timber determined the span of the room, while smaller wood timbers were
used for doors, windows, and other decorative purposes. The main types of wood used
were teak, sandalwood, ebony and palm.
Saudi towns and their typical structures possess architectural elements similar to other
Arab towns but the differences are significant regionally. Each has a different style
related to but distinct from the typical courtyard house, and each town maintains but
adapts the maidan organizational strategy. To give a better picture of the regional
25


differences within Saudi Arabia, a brief overview of each of the five major regions and
provide comparisons to Hijaz.
Najd
Located in the middle of Saudi Arabia, Najd is home to the capital of Saudi Arabia,
Riyadh. The climate here is dry due to the surrounding small deserts and mountain
clusters. A number of wadis cross the regionWadi ar Rummah and Wadi as Surr
with different oasis settlements where agriculture flourishes, such as Buraydah,
Unayzah, Riyadh, and Al-Hariq.
26


In this region, the main building material for structural walls was unfired (sun-baked) mud
brick (figure 1.11). Mud was also used as a plaster applied to walls for a smoother
appearance. These walls were very thick and provided insulation against the extremes
of the local climate (45 degrees in the summer and as low as five degrees in winter). The
roofing consisted of wooden beams, usually made of palm tree trunks, with palm matting
spread above. The wood of palm trees was also used for door lintels. Stone is used only
for the foundation of the house.
There are two main building types: forts and houses. In both, one of the most distinctive
features is the use of triangular perforations on both inner and outer walls, which serve
not only as decoration but also for ventilation, light, and, when applied as moldings,
rainwater deflector. The traditional decorative patterns were composed of rows of
triangular as well as rounded fruit designs; they decorated front doors, lintels, structural
beams and occasionally the lower portions of the wall of the majlis (a reception and
conference salon). One of the best examples of the fortress type is the Masmak fort,
built in the late 1860s, captured by King Abd AI-'Aziz in 1902, and fully restored in the
1990s.
Najdi houses were often built around a central courtyard, with only a few openings to the
street, thus ensuring privacy for the family. Houses were made up of one, two, or three
stories depending on their importance. Entrances to the houses were closed by large
rectangular wooden doors, geometrically decorated by various combinations of burning,
carving and painting. The only other external decorations were the rows of V-shaped
moldings on the walls and crenellations, which vary in design from area to area.
27


Traditional Najdi architecture is present in the design of fortifications at Al-Hufuf and
Mubarraz as well as other Najdi military architecture in other locations of the region.
Al-Shargiya
The eastern region (Al-Sharqiya) is the largest province of Saudi Arabia, with an area of
710,000 km2. The regions capital is Al Damam. The south is comprised of the
uninhabitable Rub' al Khali desert (Empty Quarter). Traces of human life can be found in
the eastern area dating to 5,000 years BC. Some tribesthe most famous of which was
Banu Abdel Qaisspopulated the region before Islam. They later embraced Islam and
became part of the Saudi state after the defeat of the Ottomans during the 17th century.
28


Located in Al-Shargiya, approximately 40 km inland from the Arabian Gulf, Al- Ahsa is
known to be the largest oasis in Saudi Arabia. It is one of the oldest regions of the
Arabian Peninsula, famous for its agriculture (particularly its high quality dates). In
ancient times, it was centrally located along trade routes between the east of the Arabian
Peninsula and India, Persia, and the Far East. Al-Ahsa is divided in three topographical
regions:
1. Hills: These form almost 45 percent of the whole Ahsa region and reach
40 m to 100 m above sea level.
2. Desert: This area comprises the Rub Al-Khali and the Al-Dahnaa desert,
which constitute 40 percent of the whole Ahsa region.
3. Coastal: Situated on the Arabian Gulf, this area extends from Aqir in the
North to Salwa in the south, and is 150 km length and six to 16 km width
inland.
Some of Al-Shargiya's major cities are located in the oasis of Al-Hofuf and Al-Mubariz.
Coral stone was the most used material in this region due to its coastal location near the
Arabian Gulf coast (figure 1.12). Walls were usually coated with a hard white lime
plaster. The buildings were distinguished by their use of decorative arches (likely due to
Persian and Indian influences) and ornamental plasterwork.
Sand stone, adobe (unfired mud bricks), and wood were used in the inland locations of
the Eastern Province. Like Najd, palm trees were a main source of wood used for
roofing. In addition, imported mangrove wood was used for roofing and for strengthening
walls in coastal towns.
29


The region's position near the coast also meant that it was open to outside influences;
therefore, it shares many similarities to the architecture of other Arabian Gulf coast
regions, such as:
Cooling Devices: wind scoops and wind towers
Decorative arch forms (Persian and Indian)
White plaster decoration
Woodwork.
Al Shamal
Tabuk is the capital of this region. Until the modern period, Tabuk was only a small
stopping place on the caravan and Hajj route between Syria and Madinah. The Prophet
(PBUH) chose to build a mosque there in 630 AD, and a modern mosque still stands
there today. In 1848, it was only a small village of clay houses, while the Ottoman Emir
lived in the Qalaa, ensuring the safe passage of the Hajj caravans. The construction of
the Hijaz railway in 1906, with a main station at Tabuk, hastened the development of the
village with increased number of visitors.
Khaybar is an ancient oasis between al-Ula' and Madinah and was an important town at
the time of the founding of Islam. The Muslims campaigned against Khaybar and its local
Jewish community who defended Hisn Marhab situated on a rocky hill in the heart of the
oasis.
The Qalaa is the most important ancient building in Tabuk, the capital of Al-Shamal. It is
a stone building, made up of well-cut stone masonry walls where repairs from various
30


moments in history appear in the color and cutting of the stones. A single door is found
on its north side.
The stones used in its construction were brought from Al-Khurayba to the north. They
were laid in mud mortar and covered with mud plaster, with the roof beams made of
tamarisk wood and the doors made of palm wood. Narrow alleys linked the houses, and
rooms bridged the narrow streets, providing shade. Clay benches stood by the houses
doors, and bridges provided communications between houses owned by extended
families.
In 1878, the town's architecture was as follows: house doors were made of palm boards,
and stairs made of mud led to the upper room (suffa), which was the living space. The
damp oasis made the ground-floor rooms unsuitable for anything but animals and tool
storage, while the upper room was open on the street with long windows (tags). The roof
was made of palm branches, with the terrace above sealed with clay. Terraces were
reached by a ladder of palm beams with steps cut into them.
Asir
Asir, or Janoob, is the highland region south of Saudi Arabia; its capital, Abha, lies at an
elevation of about 2,400 m. The southern region features the fertile area of coastal
mountains in the extreme southwest of the Kingdom (near Yemen). Mountain peaks rise
to 3,000 m., and juniper, wild olive, and other larger trees are found only in this part of
the Kingdom that supports forest vegetation.
31


When the entire highland area was incorporated into the third and present Saudi state,
the region was subject to multiple wars against Turkish-Egyptian campaigns, which
made defense architecture a major building style. In sum, the primary traditional building
types found here include:
Defense architecture: stone towers, fortresses.
Residential buildings: one-, two-, three-, and four-stories tall houses (figure
1.13).
These were often constructed from mud brick, mud and lath (mud courses), mud brick
with flagstones courses, mud brick with stone foundation, stone (roughly cut and
carefully dry-laid) and stone courses or flagstone (flat stone slabs used for flooring and
horizontal surfacing).
Figure 1.13. Source: Ragette 2012, House of
Muhammad Saleih 1984 in Asir Region.
History of Hijaz Region
32


The Hijaz region is located on the western side of Saudi Arabia, on the coast of the Red
Sea. It was called the Kingdom of Hijaz before the formation of Saudi Arabia and was
consider one of the most important regions due to its housing of the two holy mosques in
Makkah and Madinah. In the 12th century, Hijaz, including Jeddah, became part of the
Egyptian Ayyubid Empire (1177), while in the 13th century, it became part of the Mamluk
Sultanate (1254),9 which led to the popularity of the cities located there: Jeddah,
Makkah, Madinah, Duba, Al-Wajh, Al-Hawra, Umm Lajj, Yanbu Al-Bahr, Al-Qunfudha,
Sabya and Farasan Islands. Yanbu is associated with an inland farming village known
as Yanbu al-Nakhl, which seems to have been the oldest main area of settlement with
agriculture and mud buildings. Al-Wajh is a port between Duba' and Umm Lajj, which in
the last century served as a port of entry to Hijaz from Egypt. Jeddah, one of the major
cities of Hijaz, is the only stop for many religious tourists coming to Saudi Arabia and
constantly garners international attention due to the Hajj Muslim pilgrimage done during
a specific period annually and Omra which is done anytime and day during the year.
Cultural Formation
Defining the term culture is not an easy task. Culture is a medium that varies from place
to place due to the differences in beliefs, locations, climates, and trends.
Trade
Jeddahs economy relies primarily on three main industries: trade, maritime-related
activity, hospitality, and tourism. Its location on the coast of the Red Sea has made
maritime industries such as fishing and shipbuilding a major source of income. Over two
9 Pesce, Angelo. Jiddah: Portrait of an Arabian City. Location of publisher: ICON Group
International, 1974.
33


million religious tourists that visit every year have greatly impacted trade and hospitality
industries. Other people work in such fields as construction, services, and local
industries. The socio-economic composition of the old town is diverse. The elite
(primarily merchants), the middle-class (usually government employees and religious
scholars), and the poor all live together in one community.10 Furthermore, on a micro-
level, the residents of Jeddah are members of three traditional social structures: the
family (functioning as the core), the community, and society as a whole (see figure 1.14).
10 Hisham A. Jomah, The Traditional Process of Producing a House in Arabia During the
18th and 19th Centuries, a Case Study of Hidjaz (Dissertation. University of Edinburgh,
1992), 88.
34


Religion / Islam
l(Ml llik llrtu: it'll
ifi ifi ifli ifli ifi
Society
Figure 1.14. Jeddah Traditional Social Structure. Drawn by author.
Saudi Arabia's primary language is Arabic and the dominant religion is Islam. One of the
five pillars and duties of Islamic faith is the Hajj Pilgrimage, which requires all able-
bodied Muslims around the world to make the journey to Makkah at least once in their
lifetime to visit the Kabaa and birthplace of the prophet Mohammed Peace Be Upon
Him. The religious tourism generated from the Hajj has made Hijaz the most diverse and
multicultural region in Saudi Arabia, bringing in people from many different parts of the
worldupwards of 7.2 million in 2012.11 Jeddah, one of the major cities of Hijaz, is an
11 Frangoise De Bel-Air, Demography, Migration and Labour Market in Saudi Arabia,
Gulf Research Center, last modified 2014,
35


important stop for many religious tourists coming to Saudi Arabia and is constantly in the
news because of the annual Muslim pilgrimage. Because the Hajj is one of the largest
annual human gatherings in the world, Hijaz wields an ideological significant and political
influence over the worlds 1.6 billion Muslims, or 23 percent of the worlds population.12
This, in turn, impacts the architecture of Hijaz, particularly in Jeddah. Add to this
Jeddahs estimated 9.4 million non-national residents,13 its ranking as the second top
remittance sending country, and its placement in the top five migrant destination
countries worldwide,14 and the citys importance becomes evident.
The values and culture embedded in Jeddahs architecture was significantly affected by
the coming of Islam.15 Ragette explains this in his Traditional Domestic Architecture of
the Arab Region. As he sees it, the power of solitude in a desert environment is
accompanied by the urge to explain man's existence on this planetit is not a
coincidence that three great religions have originated among people in the Arab region.
Indeed, he argues that the co-existence of Judaism and Christianity in early Arab society
paved the way for Islam. Furthermore, that Islam derives many values from the nomads
traditions and lifestyle allows many of the religion's duties to be fulfilled anywhere in the
desert. It is a faith born in an environment of limited resources, and, Ragette points out,
http://cadmus.eui.eu/bitstream/handle/1814/32151/GLMM%20ExpNote_01-
2014.pdf?sequence=1
12 The Future of the Global Muslim Population, Projections for 2010-2030 Pew Forum
on Religious and Public Life, last modified January 2011,
http://www.pewforum.org/files/2011/01/FutureGlobalMuslimPopulation-WebPDF-
Feb10.pdf
13Ghada Fayad, Mehdi Raissi, Tobias Rasmussen, and Niklas Westelius, International
Monetary Fund Saudi Arabia Selected Issues Central Department for Statistics and
Information (CDSI)s estimate for mid-2012, last modified September 2012,
http://www.imf. org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2012/cr12272. pdf
14 With an estimated outward flow of $27.6 billion, according to the World Bank.
15 Friedrich Ragette, Traditional Domestic Architecture of the Arab Region (Edition Axel
Menges, 2003).
36


with a great understanding of human weakness. Islam responds to the needs of the
people in this peculiar environment with calls for frugality and cooperation. Thus, the
Islamic social order recognizes the importance of the qawm, or clan and peoples union,
the importance of zakat (alms,) and the benefit of waqfs, or public endowments. The
notion of umma, the brotherhood of all believers, is a belief in an egalitarian society:
although there are differences between poor and rich, everybody is equal before God.
All of these ideals of unified community manifest in Islamic architecture, such as in the
uniformity of housing customs and the designs of mosques, madrasa, and khans.
Despite popularly held misconceptions, certain Islamic sects are tolerant of different
faiths and races, their habit of settling in separate community quarters only an effort to
reduce confrontation and to maintain identity.
Alongside the unique ideological structure of Islam, the aesthetic tastes of the Prophet
PBUH were simple and modest, and, in line with building traditions, his house in
Madinah consisted of a large courtyard with long galleries and a row of simple rooms.
The design prioritized privacy, one of the most important Islamic traditions. The haramlik,
or the womens majlis (a salon, or living room), is the private space of women, children,
and the head of the family. Male guests are excluded and are received in the majlis near
the entrance.
The culture and values ushered in with the Islamic periodspecifically after the founding
of Saudi Arabiaaffected the different forms of architecture within Saudi Arabias
regions.16 Echoing Ragette, King notes in his book, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi
Arabia, that the general character of the Saudi environment and its dense settlement
16 Geoffrey King, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia, .
37


configurations led to an attitude of seclusion. Islamic notions about the nature of the
family strengthened the trend to introversion. Both King and Ragette understands how
the rules laid down in the Quran determine a certain way of architectural planning and
design. As the holy book of Islamic faith, the Quran is Allah's words sent by Archangel
Gabriel to prophet Mohammed PBUH. All Muslims take their Shariaa, or Islamic law,
from the Quran. In regards to architectural design, the Quran dictates that the wife is
muhasana, or a woman that must be guarded by her husband so that her honor is not
violated. All Islamic domestic architecture, therefore, is built around the privacy of
women. The Quran consists of 141 Sura, or chapters, and Sura AINoor, the Light,
prescribes:
O you who have believed, do not enter houses other than your own houses until
you ascertain welcome and greet their inhabitants. That is best for you; perhaps
you will be reminded.17
Thus, closing the house to the outside is a necessity. While the entry side of the
courtyard is still a semi-public space, it typically progresses into a semi-private area on
the women's side. Usually, notice is given of any approaching visitor, and the family will
act accordingly. Women will put on veils or retreat to their quarters.
Two Arab Muslim architectural scholars also make note of the smooth and clear
connection between Shariaa, and the architectural form of the home. Salem Sharif
provides a macro perspective of how culture and tradition effect the form of the Islamic
courtyard house,18 while Sameer Al-Lyaly, in his Ph.D. dissertation, gives a micro
perspective of how culture and tradition affect the form of the traditional house in
17 Quran 24:27
18Salem Sharif, M., M. F. M. Zain, and M. Surat, Concurrence of Thermal Comfort of
Courtyard Housing and Privacy in the Traditional Arab House in Middle East, Australian
Journal of Basic and Applied Sciences 4, no. 8 (2010): 4029-4037.
38


Jeddah.19 They both understand that the traditions and customs of Arab and Islamic
families require women to cover up while in public or in front of male strangers. But other
scholars,20 especially Western scholars, do not understand these traditions, and instead
use the phrases segregation of women and seclusion of women when talking about
the culture of Arabs and/or Muslims and, therefore, Saudis.
19 Sameer Al-Lyaly, The Traditional House of Jeddah: a Study of the Interaction between
Climate, Form and Living Patterns Dissertation, University of Edinburgh, 1990.
20 Thomas W. Lippman, Saudi Arabia on the Edge: The Uncertain Future of an American
Ally. (Dulles: Potomac Books, Inc., 2012); Barbara Bray and Darlow Michael, Ibn Saud:
The Desert Warrior who Created the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (New York: Skyhorse
Publishing, Inc., 2013); Wayne H. Bowen, The History of Saudi Arabia (Westport:
Greenwood Publishing Group, 2008).
39


CHAPTER II
LITERATURE REVIEW
This chapter of the dissertation contains the literature reviewed for the comprehensive
exam for candidacy. Some of the authors rely predominantly on Western feminist
theories, and much of this examines the role of women and how they are perceived in
Saudi Arabia and, more specifically, in the Hijaz region and the city of Jeddah. Many of
the scholars use cross-disciplinary approaches, combining architecture, geography,
cultural studies, and womens studies. However, for this dissertation, a selective
literature review was added with topics corresponding to sections of this dissertation.
The review of scholarship functions as a broad investigation of the conversations and
methodologies relevant to my dissertation, which examined the relationship between
family identities and their residences in the western region of Saudi Arabia, Hijaz,
specifically the city of Jeddah. While the identity of Hijaz is grounded in the two important
holy mosques located there, the space of traditional residences and their construction
and developments during the 19th century have drastically altered that identity.
To better understand Hijaz culture and architecture in the context of its complex history
and evolution, the following examines Hijazi architectural, historical, and gender
scholarship from three different perspectives. First, due to the dramatic cultural, political,
and social changes signaled by the discovery of oil, looking at the scholarship from two
distinct chronological momentspre- and post-oilreveals how scholars shifted their
studies from the culture and religion of the Kingdom to the discovery of oil and how all of
these facts have affected the cultural formation of the Hijazi region. Second, the
scholarship can be further categorized by the authors cultural orientation, which, in this
case, is predominantly Arabic or Western. The latter often ignore or struggle to
40


understand Saudi culture, traditions, and religious sensitivitiesbut while this confusion,
ignorance, and, at times, arrogance is problematic, it does allow for open criticism and
examinations of facts and findings unavailable to Saudi scholars who face censorship
from their government. And third, because gender informs much of this study, the
scholarship can be categorized by the authors attention to the domestic sphere and to
the agency of women. Since this topic is relatively unexplored in Saudi Arabia, and since
shifts in gender equality are relatively recent, it is unsurprising that Saudi male authors
have produced more work than Saudi female authors.
Cultural Formation of Hijaz
This section reviews literature focusing on the forces that gave shape to Hijazs diverse
forms, the different cultural spaces allocated men and women, and how these spaces
maintain and reinforce gender relations.
Rather than a reliance on religious tourism, Saudi Arabias economy after the discovery
of oil became largely dominated by this resource. Considering these two major
influencesoil and Islamthat have come to shape Saudi Arabia and its architectural
traditions, one can divide the countrys history and culture into pre- and post-oil eras,
each shaped by Islamic traditions.
One particularly useful lens with which to view this cultural and historical shift is critical
feminist theory. Feminism is the call for womens social, economic, and political standing
to be equal with men. Research that takes this feminist stance and applies it to
architecture first began in the late 1970s, primarily written by women and found mostly in
womens studiesthat is, until Beatriz Colomina published Sexuality and Space in
41


1992.21 It was the first of its kind to emerge, looking at architecture alongside [G]ender
generated in other fields such as anthropology, art history, cultural studies, film theory,
geography, psychoanalysis and philosophy...22
As mentioned above, religious tourism dominate the Kingdoms economy. But with the
discovery of oil, not only was the economy greatly altered but so too was the political
landscape. Saudi Arabia became a nation-state six years prior to the discovery of oil, but
the first attempt to found a Saudi state was crafted by King I bn Saud and Muhammad
Ibn Abd al-Wahhab in the region of Najd, particularly in Al-Diriyah, in the 1740s. After
defeating the Ottomans in 1905, the Saudi state gradually expanded until the 1920s
when Saudi rulers were able to take control of Hijaz in 1924 and declare a unified
Kingdom in 1932. Interestingly, there are differing accounts of this formation: from a
Saudi perspective, nationhood occurred independently of the discovery oil; from an
American perspective, the discovery of oil greatly influenced the country's modern
formation.23 The differences are revealing. In their attempt to shape influence in the
region, Americans paint a picture of themselves as paternal guide to Saudi Arabia while
Saudi accounts assert a more independent, self-sufficient image. While beyond the
scope of this dissertation, the conflicting histories of Saudi Arabia are indicative of First
World powers ideologically reshaping knowledge of the Middle East, a conflict that arises
in other epistemologies related to the region's culture, specifically its architecture, as will
be shown in later sections.
21 Beatriz Colomina, Sexuality & Space (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1992).
22 lain Borden, Jane Rendell, and Barbara Penner, Editors General Introduction, in
Gender Space Architecture: An Interdisciplinary Introduction, eds. lain Borden, Jane
Rendell, and Barbara Penner, 6-7 (London: Routledge, 2000).
23 Karen Elliot House, On Saudi Arabia: Its People, Past, Religion, Fault Lines and
Future (Toronto: Random House, 2012), 26-52
42


Robert Lacey, a British writer, in his Inside the Kingdom: Kings, Clerics, Modernists,
Terrorists and the Struggle for Saudi Arabia24 and, with Alan Haines, The Kingdom:
Arabia and the House ofSaud,24 25 offers up the best written history of Saudi Arabia from
a Western writer who lived in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for more than 30 years. While
there, he conducted numerous interviews with key individuals who trusted him, recording
versions of history not often seen in other works. He mastered his source materials and
wrote an immensely readable history of the Kingdom. These texts include full Arabic
names and traditional Arabic words (likely because the translation would have been
lengthy and convoluted). Indeed, reading both, one may forget that this is a Western
rather than a Saudi author. The more recent The Kingdom: Arabia and the House of
Saud is likewise illuminating; it primarily focuses on events prior to the actual
proclamation of the Kingdom in 1932 and progresses through the ascension of King
Fahd to the throne in 1982. Because it was published in 1982, it is somewhat dated, but
with its large bibliography, the text still documents important historical facts that shaped
Saudi Arabia. Overall, both are thoroughly researched and balanced books written to
reveal Saudi culture and society to Western and, in particular, American readers.
The social and cultural make up of Saudi Arabia before the discovery of oil is often
characterized (by Western writers) as traditional and introverted. On the other hand,
after the discovery of oil, Saudis looked more to the West as a sign of modernization,
and, as some argue, became overly dependent on their oil wealth. As Karen Elliot
House, an American female writer for the Wall Street Journal, notes in her On Saudi
Arabia: Its People, Past, Religion, Fault Linesand Future, a book-length overview of
24 Robert Lacey, Inside the Kingdom: Kings, Clerics, Modernists, Terrorists and the
Struggle for Saudi Arabia (Random House, 2010).
25 Robert Lacey, and Alan Haines, The Kingdom: Arabia and the House ofSaud,
(Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1982).
43


the Kingdoms history, Saudi citizens have become heavily dependent on government
subsidies, and their government is almost entirely dependent on its oil income. However,
Houses picture is not an accurate portrait of Saudi society, its culture, and the ruling
regime. Her argument is presented in a way that appeals to an American audience who
wishes to hear a simplified story about the royal family and their reliance on oil. As
Holden, Richards, and James point out, the discovery of oil increased Saudi Arabia's
importance in the global economy from the 1960s through the 70s,26 shaping them into
one of the strongest players in the Middle East, a role they still play today.
With this economic ascendancy, Saudi Arabia still retained many of its conservative
values such as prioritizing men's education. While men can directly apply for
scholarships, women must first be added as a dependent (wife, sister, and daughter) of
a man to then become eligible for a scholarshipand for travel. Recently, however,
these policies have become more liberal: King Abdullah, before his passing on January
23, 2015, enacted significant advancements for women, allowing them to apply directly
for scholarships (though she still must have a male guardian accompanying her while
she is abroad) and allowing them to take on leading government positions such as
advisor to the King in Alshura council.
Discussions of Islamic art and the two holy mosques in Saudi Arabia are closely tied to
Saudi historical research. Christiane J. Gruber is a scholar and editor of The Prophet's
Ascension and several other published books.27 As a Western scholar, her interest is
26 David Holden, Johns Richard, and Buchan James, The House of Saud: The Rise and
Rule of the Most Powerful Dynasty in the Arab World (Holt, Rinehart, and Winston,
1981).
27 Christiane J. Gruber, The Islamic Manuscript Tradition: Ten Centuries of Book Arts in
Indiana University collections (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010).
44


indicative of a disturbing trend in Arab scholarship: often it is Western scholars who
discover and are fascinated by Islamic art rather than Muslim or Arab scholars. Islamic
art is beyond the scope of this literature review, but Muslim and Arab scholars lack of
interest in Islamic art is problematic since Saudi Arabia houses two holy mosques filled
with Islamic art. Gruber's book contains images of the Holy Quran, found in Makkah, as
well as other illustrations, pictures, and images that help the reader to better understand
the text. The art featured is from the ninth to the 20th centuries and from different parts
of the Arab world. While Western audiences and researchers might consider it only a
type of art, for Arabs and Muslims, art is their culture, heritage, and religion. Perhaps this
is why Saudis have devalued its importance.
David E. Long is a retired diplomat and professor who speaks Arabic almost fluently. His
book, The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia,25 is very informative and tackles many aspects of
Saudi Arabia such as Saudi life, politics, and the royal family. However, the main
difference between this book and Laceys books is that Long lacks some critical insights
on certain issues: the author uses extreme language to describe the status of Saudi
women, declaring it as the worst on earth. He focuses on the superficial downside of the
Saudi lifestyle (such as women not being allowed to drive), neglecting the real essence
and difference between the countries culture, religion, and history.
John Lewis Burckhardt (1784-1817) was a Swiss explorer of Saudi Arabia and the
Middle East, and his book, Travels in Arabia: Comprehending an Account of Those 28
28 David E. Long, and Maisel Sebastian, The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (Gainesville, FL:
University Press of Florida, 1997).
45


Territories in Hadjaz Which the Mohammedans Regard as Sacred,29 contains important
descriptions of Makkah and Madinah. As a fluent Arabic speaker with in-depth
knowledge of the culture, customs, and politics, Burckhardt came close to the "insider"
perspective of the culture that more typically comes from Saudi writers. This book
contains a rich narrative about Saudi Arabia's culture, wealth and how the economy
before the oil boom heavily relied on religious tourism.
In I bn Saud: The Desert Warrior who Created the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, authors
Barbara Bray and Michael Darlow come together to write this narrative about Ibn Saud,
Saudi Arabia, and a number of other Arab countries such as Syria and Iraq. Bray is a
distinguished writer who won many prestigious awards before passing away in 2010
before the publication of this book.30 Darlow, the co-author who took up Brays work after
her passing, is an award-winning writer and filmmaker (he made a documentary in the
1970s about the Arab region). However, both explore Saudi Arabia through a Western
lens. Thus, this book is still missing the true documentation of Saudi culture and a closer
examination of religions role in that culture.
Architectural History in the Regions of the Kingdom
The literature that defines Saudi traditions and their impact on architecture is limited and,
much like the literature discussed above, what has been written is mostly authored by
Western architects. The leading, most insightful literature written by Westerners and
Saudi and Arab scholars is often closely related to their architectural work, such as that
29 John Lewis Burckhardt, Travels in Arabia: Comprehending an Account of Those
Territories in Hadjaz which the Mohammedans Regard as Sacred., Vol. 1. (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2010).
30 Barbara Bray, and Darlow Michael, Ibn Saud: The Desert Warrior who created the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (New York: Skyhorse Publishing, Inc., 2013).
46


written by Geoffrey King and Friedrich Ragette. Both architects study traditions and
relate them to the built form of domestic structures in the different regions of the Arab
peninsula. While Ragette focuses on the Arab regions in general, Geoffrey King focuses
on Saudi Arabia specifically. He is one of the first scholars who sought to understand the
impact of Arab traditions on culture and then relate the built form to those traditions. In
1999, Marchand Trevor reviewed Kings work, pointing out too that the subject of Islamic
architecture is limited: The book under review is an elegantly produced volume on an
important and little studied topic in the history of Islamic Architecture.31
Indeed, defining tradition is no small task. As Ragette states in his book, Traditional
Domestic Architecture of the Arab Region,32 in an effort to determine the meaning of
traditional architecture:
Deriving from the Latin word tradire, or passing onstill used in the English word
trading it means the passing-on of knowledge, from generation to generation,
within the family and community, by example and word of mouth, or by
apprenticeship from master to disciple. It is based upon age-old practical
experience, even element of superstition, and conserved by isolation, which only
recently was arrested by force of globalization.33
Architecture is defined as the art of building. King argues in his book, The Traditional
Architecture of Saudi Arabia,34 that the purpose of shelter is to help satisfy the physical
31 Provincial System Royal Embassy of Saudi Arabia, accessed January 20, 2015,
http://www.saudiembassy.net/about/country-
information/government/provincial_system.aspx
32 Friedrich Ragette, Traditional Domestic Architecture of the Arab region (Edition Axel
Menges, 2003).
33 Ragette, Traditional Domestic Architecture of the Arab Region, 35.
34 King, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia, 48.
47


and psychological needs of people. These physical needs include protection against
extreme heat and cold, damp or wet, wind and noise, attack by animals or fellow
humans, and provisions for a healthy life, such as nourishment (cooking and storage),
cleanliness (sanitary facilities and laundry), and raising a family. On the other hand,
there are psychological needs as well: security found in the satisfaction of physical
needs and security found in worship and sacrifice, togetherness and privacy, artistic self-
expression, and increases in personal property.
Generally, most scholars recognize climate as the main determiner of form in Saudi
regional domestic architecture. KaizerTalib, in his Shelter in Saudi Arabia, opens with
the words of I bn Khaldun, who discusses climates impact on Saudi architecture since
the 14th century:
The craft of architecture is the first and oldest craft of sedentary civilization, it is
the knowledge of how to go about using houses and masons for cover and
shelter. This is because man has the natural disposition to reflect upon how to
avert the harm arising from heat and cold by using houses that have walls and [a]
roof to intervene between him and those things on all sides.35
Talib, with the help of Khaldun, argues that climate has been a major influence in the
design of houses in the different Saudi regions, dictating the choice of construction
materials. He highlights the differences in form and materials used for domestic
structures in the various regions of the Kingdom. In all but the highland areas, the
summer is very hot and a major concern of Saudi builders who face problems of extreme
heat, strong sunlight, and dust. On the other hand, the coastal areas are subject to
strong humidity in the summer, while the interior enjoys almost total dryness. Talib even
35 Kaizer Talib, Shelter in Saudi Arabia, 31.
48


offers suggestions on how to respond to such extreme environments since there is an
urgent need to design for shade and natural ventilation.
Saudi architectural scholars, such as Sami Angawi,36 Abdulla Bokhari,37 Thamer Al-
Harbi,38 and Ayman Al-ltany,39 all mention their admiration of the traditional architecture
in Jeddah in their Ph.D. dissertations, but they too focus on Bayt Nassief as
representative of domestic traditional Hijazi architecture. These dissertations were done
at Western universities, but few of these scholars have translated their work into Arabic
to help spread the historical knowledge in the Arab world. The one exception is Angawi,
who has published in several Arabic journals and has won many awards for architecture
in 2007 for the design of his house Al-Makiya based on traditional Jeddah architectural
elements with sustainable, green design elements.40
Recently, as local Saudi traditions continue to disappear, there is a renewed interest in
traditional knowledge, evidenced in Mashary Al-Naim's work. Currently the General
Supervisor of Architectural Heritage at the Center of Saudi Commission for Tourism and
Antiquities, Al-Naim focuses on identity, local architecture, home environments, and
social change. Two articles, Identity in Transitional Context: Open-Ended Local
36 Sami Angawi, The Roshan a Main Feature of the Hedjaz Architecture, in Colored
Glass and Mushrabiyyah in the Muslim World (Cario: Research Centre for
IslamicHistory, Art and Culture 52, 1995).
37 Abdulla Y Bokhari, Conservation in the Historic District of Jeddah, Adaptive Reuse:
Integrating Traditional Areas into the Modern Urban Fabric (1983): 60-67.
38 Thamer Hamdan AlHarbi, The Development of Housing in Jeddah: Changes in the
built form from the Traditional to the Modern. Ph.D dissertation, University of Newcastle
(1989)
39 Ayman E Alitany, Redondo and Adnan Adas, The 3D Documentation of Projected
Wooden Windows (the Roshans) in the Old City of Jeddah (Saudi Arabia) Using Image-
Based Techniques, ISPRS Annals of Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial
Information Sciences 1, no. 1 (2013): 7-12.
40 http://archnet.org/authorities/142/sites/6095
49


Architecture in Saudi Arabia41 and The Home Environment in Saudi Arabia and Gulf
States: Growth of Identity Crises and Origin of Identity,42 analyze changes in
contemporary Saudi architecture, with a look at how traditional architecture influenced
contemporary design. Al-Naim is a Saudi architect who has published in both English
and Arabic on topics related to sustainability, environmental behavioral studies, identity
and symbolism in the built environment, and traditional and contemporary architecture in
Arab countries. In his The Home Environment in Saudi Arabia, Al-Naim uses his
understanding of Saudi culture to examine the ways that people have adopted new
forms in their home environment. He points out that Identity is a social system, and
unless we view it from this perspective we cannot understand how people realize it in
their home environment.43 In this sense, Al-Naim emphasizes the relationship between
people and the form of their architecture.
As for Arabic scholarly work, much of it does not highlight the structural or climatic
differences in the Saudi provinces. Instead, it highlights specific cities found in certain
regions. Among these are A. Alangari's discussion of the capital, Riyadh. In his
unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,44 Alangari primarily focuses on the architectural history
of Riyadh, its identity, and the changes its experienced overtime. Alongside his
discussion of Riyadh, Alangari does also mention the Najd region and briefly discusses
the difference between the other regions within the Kingdom.
41 I. J. A. R. Archnet, Identity in Transitional Context: Open-Ended Local Architecture in
Saudi Arabia (Mashary A. Al-Naim), International Journal of Architectural Research:
ArchNet-IJAR 2, no. 2 (2014): 125-146.
42 Mashary Abdullah Naim, The Home Environment in Saudi Arabia and Gulf States:
Growth of identity crises and origin of identity. C. Ri. SSMA Universita Cattolica del
Sacro Cuore, 2006.
43 Naim, The Home Environment in Saudi Arabia and Gulf States: Growth of identity
crises and origin of identity. 27
44 A. Alangari, The Revival of the Architectural Identity: The City ofArriyadh,
Unpublished PhD Dissertation, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK. (1996)
50


In an assessment of the scholarship surrounding domestic architecture in the Kingdom,
specifically in the Hijaz region, several scholars have focused on this region due to its
importance to the Islamic faith. Some authors focus on Hijaz culture and politics, while
others look at the form of Hijaz architecture. Hisham Jomah, Asad Ahmed, and Mai
Yamani, all of whom are Muslims and Arabic, wrote their research in English, but focus
on the Hijaz region, its architecture, its significance, and its identify.
Hisham A. Jomah, in his unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,45 focuses his research on the
traditional Arab house located in Hijaz before the founding of Saudi Arabia. During the
18th and 19th century, Hijaz was its own country of the same name. Jomah compares
and contrasts Hijazi architecture with the typical Islamic courtyard house.
Asad Q. Ahmed does a prosopographical study of the five important families in Hijaz in
his book, The Religious Elite of the Early Islamic Hijaz: Five Prosopographical Case
Studies.46 The book highlights historical facts about Hijazi culture and traditions, all of
which affected the form of its architecture and identity. The book highlights social
networks found in the periods between 40 218 AH and how they reveal patterns of
sociopolitical influence in this province.
Maii Yamani is a Saudi female activist who was born and raised in the metropolitan
culture of Jeddah. Her book, Cradle of Islam: The Hijaz and the Quest for an Arabian
45 Hisham A. Jomah, The Traditional Process of Producing a House in Arabia During the
18th and 19th Centuries, a Case Study of Hidjaz, Dissertation. University of Edinburgh,
1992.
46 Asad Q. Ahmed, The Religious Elite of the Early Islamic Hijaz: Five Prosopographical
Case Studies. Vol. 14. (Occasional Publications UPR, 2011).
51


Identity,47 provides a detailed study of the Hijazi identity, which is considered a taboo
subject inside the Kingdom today. Her work begins with a brief account of Hijazi culture
before it was a part of the Kingdom. She then examines contemporary Hijazi life and
culture, suggesting that the Hijaz region plays an intermediary role between Saudi
orthodoxy and the cosmopolitan Arab world. She argues that with a strong and influential
identity (in contrast to the conservative Riyadh), Hijaz might be seen as a moderating
influence within the Saudi Kingdom. As a research fellow in international affairs,
Yamanis primary concern is Hijazi culture, politics, and its influence on the world rather
than its architecture. But while not specifically a study of architecture, her work on Hijazi
culture deeply informs and provides a solid foundation with which to understand the
regions architectural forms.
Gender Studies
Due to limited research done on gendered spaces in Islamic architecture and, in turn,
Hijazi architecture, the focus of this project is on Bayt Nassief. Many researchers have
used this house as a case study, but few have done so with a close examination of its
gendered spaces, as Part two of this dissertation offers. This section of the literature
review is divided into three main categories: Domestic sphere, gender, and agency.
Each section contains research that relies predominantly on Western feminist theories,
much of which examines the role of women and how they are perceived in Saudi Arabia
and, more specifically, in the Hijaz region and the city of Jeddah, with many scholars
using cross-disciplinary approaches, combining architecture, geography, cultural studies,
and womens studies.
47 Mai Yamani, Cradle of Islam: The Hijaz and the Quest for an Arabian Identity (London;
IB Tauris, 2004).
52


Domestic Sphere
Authors in this section focus on how space can be at once real and metaphoric through
the political constructs that define the domestic sphere.
One of the first to discuss women and architecture publicly was Colomina Beatriz.48 She
addresses the role of women in the interior of the home, what is controlled, and by
whom. Positions of the furniture, placement of windows, and the movement through the
room itself: who decides this? She takes real examples of such houses as Loos and
Rufer, and compares them to find a strong connection between the physical and visual
spaces of the home.
Elizabeth Grosz, in her Women, Chora, Dwelling, defines chora as a home place,
revealing how it has been used to remove the link between spatiality and femininity.49 As
an Australian philosopher, Grosz is influenced by Jacques Derrida, and the concept of
the chora is one that Derrida takes up from Plato in his Timaeus Plato saw the chora as
the opposite of being, and that the opposite is the ideal, a model that has typified
western thought until Derridas deconstruction. As Plato defines chora, the transition
from an idea to a form should be done in intermediary steps; his description of the
outcome/result is far from the components (idea and form). The outcome, as per Platos
descriptions, are invisible and formless. Space as mother is the transition from one
form to another just like chora, like a mother or a caring nurse that nurtures.
48 Colomina Beatriz, Excerpts from The Split Wall: Domestic Voyeurism, in Gender
Space Architecture: An Interdisciplinary Introduction, eds. lain Borden, Jane Rendell,
and Barbara Penner, 314-319. (London: Routledge, 2000).
49 Elizabeth Grosz, Woman, Chora, Dwelling, in Gender Space Architecture: An
Interdisciplinary Introduction, eds. lain Borden, Jane Rendell, and Barbara Penner, 210-
222. (London: Routledge, 2000).
53


Grosz sees chora as an existing material that needs nurturing to be beneficial; therefore,
chora is the base of the worlds material. Without it, the form will not exist. Derrida looks
at how the concept of chora deeply pervades Platos theory: chora is interwoven
throughout the fabric of Platos writing. It effectively intervenes into Platos accounts of
ontology, political rulership, the relations between heavenly bodies (his cosmology), and
the organization of the human bodyof all that makes up the world.50 Groszs reading
of Derrida inspires her emphasis on the economy of architecture, or as she defines it,
architectural economy.51 This encapsulates not only the physical attributes of a building
but also the theoretical discourse surrounding architecture and the people who occupy
its spaces. The space here is seen as a home:
[W]omen become the living representatives of corporeality, of domesticity, of the
natural order that men have had to expel from their own self-representations in
order to construct themselves above-the-mundane, beyond the merely material.52
In other words, women become the main supporter of their dominated men, a typical role
that Plato assigned to chora.
Ellen Kay, in her "Beauty in the House,53 focuses on the beauty of the domestic, urging
people to create beauty around them by starting with their homes. If the home is
beautiful, she reasons, life will be transformed for the better and, in turn, so will society.
She begins with an examination of ordinary people such as farmers and workers who
have little knowledge about fashion, which make them happier with the fewer objects
50 Grosz, Woman, Chora, Dwelling, 215.
51 Ibid, 220.
52 Ibid, 220.
53 Ellen Kay, Beauty in the House,in Modern Swedish Design: Three Founding Texts,
ed. Lucy Creagh et al. (New York: MoMA, 2008).
54


they own. Kay believes that by recognizing the source of creativity found within the home
and ones dwelling, we can make changes in art and society.
Lisa C. Nevett focuses her study on the domestic organization within Greek
households.54 She moves from micro to macro, first looking at the relationships between
men and women within the household, then the relationship of household members with
those outside the household, and finally to the macro and the wider social structures of
the polis and city state. Each of these levels are examined analytically and
chronologically to reveal the traditional assumptions about social relationships in Greek
households during the Classical and Hellenistic periods.
Nevett charts a detailed exploration of archaeological evidence from individual Greek
houses. She uses the concept of the household to describe the social unit of people.
She then suggests that this concept can be applied to numerous aspects of the Greek
city, differentiating between the traditional domination of space and the domestication of
the environment, all in relation to the household citizen. In Greece, as elsewhere,
gender was a cultural factor that played an important role in shaping the organization of
the home. The balance was between household members and outsiders. Nevett also
examines the role of households in relation to the wider social structures of the city-state
and monitors how it changes through time, noting how the house itself represents an
important symbol of personal prestige.55
54 Lisa C. Nevett, Gender Relations in the Classical Greek Household: the
Archaeological Evidence, The Annual of the British School at Athens 90 (1995): 363-
381.
55 Nevett, Gender Relations in the Classical Greek Household, 367.
55


Charlotte Perkins Gilman captures yet another experience of women in her short story
about a woman and her doctor husband, John, during a summer when he decides to
rent a secluded estate.56 57 It is John who decides where both of them will stay, the
bedroom they will sleep in, the furnishings of the room, and even what his wife will
do/not to do during her free time. And he is the one who always wins the arguments
because he is a man and a doctor. The wife becomes obsessed with the yellow
wallpaper and imagines that there is a woman trapped behind it. She starts to peel the
paper off, and when John enters the room she claims that the woman is free and starts
creeping around the room. John faints and she still creeps around the room.
Gender
Globally, gender studies has become a new term for womens studies. Sherry
Anrentzen, sees gender as constructed by society via schools, families, etc. Basing her
work on Simone de Beauvoir, Anrentzen argues in The F word in Architecture57 that
women become so by choice rather than by birth, a choice dependent on nationality,
religion, social status, economical status, etc. In architecture, gender is usually
mentioned when referring to a masculine cultural construct. In other words, architecture
is associated with the masculine: men display their money and social connectionstheir
extreme powerthrough architecture. Conversely, Anrentzen calls for a new gender
culture of architecture.
56 Charlotte Perkins Gilman, The Yellow Wallpaper. At Project Gutenberg. Summer
2014. http://www.qutenberq.org/ebooks/1952
57 Sherry Ahrentzen,, The F Word in Architecture: Feminist Analyses in/of/for
Architecture, in Reconstructing Architecture: Critical Discourse and Social Practices, ed.
Thomas A. Dutton and Lian Hurst Mann, 71-118. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press, 1996).
56


Considering gender and familial relationships from a historical and economic rather than
architectural perspective, Frederick Engels, in his The Origin of the Family and Private
Property and the State,55 focuses on the origin of the family, the origin of property, and
the origin of the state, and the interrelationships between them. In his discussion of the
family, he divides its origin into three main categories: the group marriage system found
in Savagery, the pairing family system found in Barbarianism, and monogamy found
in Civilization. In his discussion of property, which Engels argues arose out of a shift
from nomadic to agricultural societies, he points out that men, adhering to their
traditional role of hunter and food provider, moved into the role of cattle and slave
owners, exchanging their means and tools of production for cattle and slaves. These
herds and slaves were owned by the head of the gens, who were not always male, but
due to evolving cultural norms, the process of inheritance shifted. Property belonging to
males remained in the male gens, but matriarchal law was still the norm. Children were
still the property of their mother and her gens and thus excluded from property
inheritance. As Engels moves on to discuss the origin of the state, he points out how the
distribution of wealth quickly became unbalanced, and favoring men under the early
system of monogamy. Prior to this, customs only allowed for wealth to remain with the
male under the mother right. For monogamy to advance, this mother's right had to be
overthrown. The men took command of the home, the children, the means of production,
the labor, and the food supply while women were reduced to servitude, only there for the
needs and pleasure of men and the creation of his progeny. 58
58 Frederick Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State, in
Feminist Theory: A Reader, eds. Wendy Kolmar and Frances Bartkowski, 90-93. (UK:
Penguin, 2010).
57


On the other hand, Judith Butler, in her article, Performative Acts and Gender
Constitution,59 focuses on the difference between the appearance of body and the reality
of gender:
[G]ender identity is a performative accomplishment compelled by social sanction
and taboo.60
By performative, Butler means that any performance/act is an act by the fact of its
happening. In this way, gender is considered an act of the body: ones performative acts
form his/her gender. But gender is not the starting act. Rather, it is an identity that is
always reproduced, over and over throughout time. Thus, Butler argues that gender is
created through the acts of an individual's performance. The individual performance
comes after gender; gender is formed by what is historically performed by each gender;
and this act is performed by the body. It is through this theory of gender performativity
that Butler challenges the distance between gender and sex.
While most scholarship has been authored by Saudi men, a possible exception is
Madawi Al-Rasheed, one of the very few female Saudi writers and academics looking
closely at Saudi history. In her book, A History of Saudi Arabia, a general history of
Saudi Arabia that analyzes select issues and phenomena, Al-Rasheed freely writes
about the country, despite the governments sensitivities and censorship restrictions.
Integrating Arabic language throughout her chapters, Al-Rasheed examines the
challenges facing Saudi Arabia, both internally and externally and pre- and post-9/11
and the culture and traditions of Saudi Arabia through a Saudi lens. This well-researched
book and well-written study is intimately familiar with the geography and early history of
59 Judith Butler, Performative Acts and Gender Constitution: An Essay in
Phenomenology and Feminist Theory, Theatre Journal 40 (1988): 519-531.
60 Butler, Performative Acts and Gender Constitution, 520.
58


the Kingdom and reveals its culture and tradition in a way Western scholars are unable
to.
Al-Rasheed's other written work mainly raises an awareness of the construction of
gender and the role of women in politics, society, and religion.61 She states the following
in her interview with Jadaliyya about her work as an academic Saudi women:
I allowed women their place in my political and historical narratives about the
Saudi past and present. More recently, in A History of Saudi Arabia (2002 and
2010), I demonstrated how women feature in the legitimacy narratives of the
state and its quest to merge with society as a result of marriage. In A Most
Masculine State, I gave this awareness the attention it deserves by situating
gender at the center of debates about politics and religion. I have thought about
this book for years. It became an urgent project as the Saudi woman question
has ceased to be merely a local issue and has become a truly global concern.
This was an outcome of Saudi internal challenges and external pressure,
especially after 9/11, when Saudi Arabia came to the forefront, not simply as an
oil producing territory, but as a contested country.62
Al-Rasheed here brings together, yet again, the two shaping forces of both Saudi history
and, most significant to this study, its architecture: the changing gender dynamics
shaped by religion and politics, and the changing economy shaped by the discovery of
oil.
61 Madawi Al-Rasheed, A Most Masculine State: Gender, Politics, and Religion in Saudi
Arabia (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013).
62 Madawi Al-Rasheed interview with Jadaliyya is an independent ezine produced by ASI
(Arab Studies Institute), the umbrella organization that produces Arab Studies Journal,
Tadween Publishing, FAMA, and Quilting Point. Source:
http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/9722/new-texts-out-now_madawi-al-rasheed-a-
most-masculi
59


The importance of traditions is emphasized by Mohammed AlZalfa.63 As a member of
the Shora Council in Saudi Arabia, the author is a well-educated Saudi male. In 2001, he
evaluated and ranked the four best books on the history of Saudi Arabia published so
far, and yet three out of the four books he mentioned are written by non Saudis, and two
of those are written by Westerners. Furthermore, all four books were printed outside of
Saudi Arabia due to the censoring of publications. The only Saudi author that AlZalfa
recommends reading is a powerful Saudi politician who is, of course, male, and even his
work is printed only in the UK. The books that he reviews is part of this literature review
as well are: The Saudi Book and the Islamic Answer by Jalal Koshk, 1981 (Language:
Arabic); The Kingdom by Robert Lacey and Alan Haines (Language: English); The
House of Saud by Richard Johns, 1981 (Language: English); King Abdul Aziz: a
Documentary Study by AbdulAziz AITuagri 1997 (Language: Arabic).
AbdulAziz AITuagriin, in his book King AbdulAziz: a Documentary Study,64 published in
the UK in 1997, provides a general history of Saudi Arabia from both a pre-and post-oil
perspective. As one of the few Saudi authors who examines Saudi history from these
two angles, AITaugriin is able to discuss how oil affected Saudi Arabia during the rule of
King AbdulAziz. The author is a very powerful politician who worked closely with the past
Saudi Ruler, King Abdullah (when he was Prime Minster). As a Saudi, the author is
biased toward AlSaud and Saudi Arabia, documenting all of the royal events and all of
the major changes the King made to the military.
63 The Four Important Books That You Should Read About the History of Saudi
Arabia." AlJazirah Arabic Electronic Newspaper# 10347, last modified January 26,
2001, http://www.al-jazirah.com/2001/20010126/ar1.htm
64 AbdulAziz AITuagri, King AbdulAziz: a Documentary Study, UK (missing name) Press,
1997.
60


On the other hand, Eisenstein focuses her research on international womens
movements in relation to gender and globalization. Globalization has led to greater
inequality due to privatization, deregulation, tax breaks for multinational and other
corporations, and attacks on trade unions, welfare systems, socialist underpinnings, and
the working and poor classes. This race to the bottom65 creates such work practices as
longer hours with fewer breaks and shift work constantly subject to assessment through
targets and electronic monitoring. To address these issues, Eisenstein divides her article
into three categories: capitalism, low wages and Islamophobia.
Indeed, even internationally, Eisenstein points out, women are falling further behind.
With the Free Trade Fallacy, women of the global south and female labor are used to
replace real development. In addition, emigration is becoming a multi-billion dollar
business. Many women leave their home and family and come to America to care for
another family. Thus, in her final section, Eisenstein looks at Islamophobia, where
stereotypes run deep:
The modern process of globalized capitalism, as it expands into new territories or
deepens its grip on older ones, encounters cultures that are organized in ancient
ways. The bottom line is that contemporary feminism as shaped by capitalism is
a way to dismantle ancient culture,66
and:
65 Hester Eisenstein, Feminism Seduced: How Global Elites Use Women's Labor and
Ideas to Exploit the World (Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2010): 107-196.
66 Eisenstein, Feminism Seduced, 194.
61


This move encapsulates the promise of Western feminism: escape from the
constrains of tradition into the unlimited possibilities of a gender or a gender-free
competitive lifestyle.67
In other words, Islamophobia masks the truth. Eisenstein hopes to exculpate the current
feminist model, noting that feminists must revisit Marxist ideas of classincluding a look
at ethnicityin order to adequately represent the totality of women.
Agency
Seba Mahmood is a female anthropology professor living in the United States. In a
section of her book entitled Agency and Resistance, Mahmood examines the Politics
of Piety and offers a unique examination of agency, focusing on the Arab Muslim
women in Egypt and their involvement in Islamist movements in Egypt. Her main
argument is worth quoting at length:
If we recognize that the desire for freedom from, or subversion of, norms is not an
innate desire that motivates all beings at all times, but is also profoundly mediated
by cultural and historical conditions, then the question arises: how do we analyze
operations of power that construct different kinds of bodies, knowledge, and
subjectivities whose trajectories do not follow the entelechy of liberatory politics?
Put simply, my point is this: if the ability to effect change in the world and in oneself
is historically and culturally specific (both in terms of what constitutes change and
the means by which it is effected), then the meaning and sense of agency cannot
be fixed in advance, but must emerge through an analysis of the particular
concepts that enable specific modes of being, responsibility, and effectivity. Viewed
67 Eisenstein, 196.
62


in this way, what my appear to be a case of deplorable passivity and docility from a
progressivist point of view, may actually be a form of agencybut one that can be
understood only from within the discourses and structures of subordination that
create the conditions of its enactment.68
Her definition of agency gets at the possibility of understanding womens narratives and
body language as they engage in acts of resistance. Its an exploration into the ways in
which these womens experiences of space are shaped and challenged by the
economic, religious, social, and political processes that affect their lives.
Griselda Pollock recognizes that when depicting women, the link is often between class
and sexuality.69 In modern art, the trend of depicting the reality of prostitution is through
nudity, which was considered a privilege of the wealthy. Pollock focuses on how class
defined painting, and then further examines how gender defined depictions of women.
Society influences the production of art, but particularly for representations of female
sexuality, there has been a lack of records, acknowledgments, and praise. To make her
argument, Pollock notes how women are shown differently according to their class rather
than their gender (the latter of which might seem a more obvious influence). She offers
numerous examples of women restricted to spaces such as bedrooms, dining rooms,
drawing rooms, etc. not only in paintings by both male and female artists, but in life as
well. By exploring the relationship between modernity and sexuality, questioning how
paintings of womens bodies become the territory upon which male artists stake
modernity and the avant grade, Pollock claims that we cannot expect the reverse in
womens paintings. Such a suggestion is ludicrous because historical asymmetries in
68 Mahmood, Saba. Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject.
Princeton University Press, 2011: 14-15.
69 Griselda Pollock, Modernity and the Spaces of Femininity in Vision and Difference:
Femininity, Feminism and the Histories of Art (London: Methuen, 1988): 50-90.
63


economics, social conditions, and subjectivities for women and men existed in Paris in
the late nineteenth century.
Pollock makes clear the significance of her argument by extending it beyond the issues
of impressionist painting and parity for female artists. She looks further at the space of
freedom, where one has liberty to look without being watched or even recognized in the
act of looking. Modernity is still with us, whether we are Western, Eastern, Arab, Asian,
white, black, etc., though now felt even more acutely as we become immersed in the
postmodern world. Thus, it is important to develop feminist analyses to find moments of
modernity and modernism, to examine how women produce and develop alternative
models to negotiate modernity and the spaces of femininity.
In 1974, Sherry Ortner offered an explanation for why women throughout history are
considered inferior to men in her Is Female to Male as Nature is to Culture?70 she
asks,
What could there be in the generalized structure and conditions of existence,
common to every culture, that would lead every culture to place a lower value
upon women? Specifically, my thesis is that woman is being identified with or, if
you will, seems to be a symbol of something that every culture devalues,
something that every culture defines as being of a lower order of existence than
itself.71
Ortner argues that women throughout history are often universally considered to be
inferior to men. And twenty-two years later, Ortner returns to her argument and adds
70 Sherry Ortner,, Is Female to Male as Nature is to Culture? in Woman, Culture and
Society, eds. Rosaldo and Lampere, 67-87. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974).
71 Ortner, Is Female to Male as Nature is to Culture? 69.
64


new discoveries. She more closely examines the real difference between the two
genders and what drives women and what drives men. In this article, Ortner argues that
womens subordinate status to men is in fact a result of the human mindset of how
culture is superior to nature. This results in men and culture subduing women and
nature.
Ortners point is that women are typically associated with nature due to their physiology.
As she points out,
Womans body and its functions, more involved more of the time with species
life, seem to place her closer to nature, in contrast to mans physiology, which
frees him more completely to take up the projects of culture.72
Women give birth and, therefore, create new life. She devotes her time and body toward
procreationfor instance, her body changes and functions differently solely for her
children. Due to nature, this results in a stronger bond between women and her children,
one that is stronger than the bond men have with their children. Therefore, society often
assigns women the domestic family role, giving the men the freedom to pursue cultural
endeavors.
Labelle Prussin composed her article, Excerpts from The Creative Process,73 while she
was practicing architecture in Africa. She focuses on the role of the female architect in
comparison to the role of the male architect in nomadic cultures. The design and
furnishing of a nomadic domestic structure occurs in the context of marriage through the
72 Ibid.
73 Labelle Prussin, Excerpts from The Creative Process, in Gender Space
Architecture: An Interdisciplinary Introduction, eds. lain Borden, Jane Rendell, and
Barbara Penner, 306-313. (London: Routledge, 2000).
65


dowry. In nomadic societies, women uniquely share a strong bond with each other
throughout their lives, from childhood to marriage, childbirth and death. Because women
control the domestic space, the house is designed based on her needs. Prussin
discovers that in the nomadic world, architectural creativity and achievement are tied to
the role of women in the home, leading to dynamic and new styles.
On the other hand, Gwendolyn Wright focuses on the history taught in architectural
design schools, especially the history of domestic housing, which has been virtually
ignored.74 She notes that with such little attention, the previous scholarship only
configures women as mere consumers. To remedy this, Wright includes examples of
various womens contributions to residential architectural history, illuminating new
understandings of the American home, clarifying an important debate about womens
roles, and recording forgotten achievements.
Shirley Ardener argues in her piece, The Partition of Space, that having ones own
territory is powerthat space is powereven if its a space as small as a chair. This is
because the ability to occupy a particular space is empowering, especially for women.
Empowerment can occur by enabling a voice to be heard, giving it the power to speak
out so others might learn from that new perspective. Arderner focuses on social
categories, or classification systems, and the terminology others use. She argues that
ownership of space varies depending on the individuals social class. As an
anthropologist, she looks at different geographical spaces and how even the four
cardinal direction are associated with gender (for example, Chinese see the south as
74 Gwendolyn Wright, Moralism and the Model Home (Chicago and London: University of
Chicago Press, 1980).
66


male and the north as female). Ardener explains how social maps have been actively
and broadly used:
The notion of private as opposed to public is seen as a criterion for mapping
metaphysical space, as inner does in opposition to outer, regardless of the fact
that some private places can really be walked into.75
She argues that space is complicated, that it is not a simple concept as most think
especially public spaces. Space is affected by people, people with certain social
identities in their own certain spaces. Ardener also outlines the traditional equality
approaches to quotas. She looks at different nations, testing their notions of equality,
and a variety of codified quotas, analyzing how such methods increase the presence of
women with high social standing. Through this, she questions political citizenships
effects on public space.
Ardeners theory of space and social mapping can be applied to different gender
relations. She absorbs such daily cultural and spatial phenomena and recognizes how
people occupy public spaces in ways that rely, at least in part, on their individual social
position and on the politics of social ideas and ideals.
75 Shirley Ardener, "The Partition of Space, in Gender Space Architecture: An
Interdisciplinary Introduction, eds lain Borden, Barbara Pennerand Jane Rendell, 112-
117. (London: Routledge, 2000).
67


CHAPTER III
IMPACT OF ISLAM ON THE FORMATION OF THE SAUDI FAMILY
Beyond Saudi Arabias geography and climate, to better understand the urban structure
and architecture of the country and how important Islam is in the formation of the Saudi
family, one must also understand the common characteristics of a typical Islamic town.
The Islamic faiths restrictions on the mixing of genders is a dominant force in cultural
expression and practice. This manifests in Islamic architecture, perhaps most obviously
in the design of mosques but perhaps less so in the design of residences.
Saudi Arabia, situated at the border of the Red Sea and the Arabian Gulf coasts,
naturally shares much with its neighboring countries: the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait,
Bahrain, Qatar, Sudan, Egypt, and Jordan. While each has distinct regional and cultural
differences, their architecture and town structures share much in commonin other
words, there is a delicate but definite line that differentiates the basic anatomy,
architecture, aesthetics, and form of Arab towns from one another. Therefore, in what
follows, Ill first discuss in broad strokes the basic structure of an Islamic town and how
climate and geography impact its formation and form. I will then progressively zoom in,
looking next at Saudi Arabias five major regions, culminating in the Hijazi region, and
finally, Jeddah, to detail their unique characteristics.
Gender Segregation
In the Islamic religion, men and women are forbidden to comingle, especially when
alone. This is most clearly seen in the gender division of mosques (see figure 3.1),
schools, universities, restaurants, and weddings halls. On the other hand, less visible,
more private spaces in homes feature structural elements that maintain gender
68


segregation, such as entrances, majlis, and the zoning of the house. All of these
maintain the womans privacy.
=detailv2&&id=AD1058A8CE7C3E09429074A1C57D5A194FAB6F1F&selectedlndex=168&ccid=x
7Fap7rT&simid=608017316741451410&thid=OIP.Mc7b15aa7bad3988042503105c84ced47o0&aj
axhist=0, Gender Segregation in Mosques accessed February 18th 2016.
Because of these divisions, the relationship between Saudi men and women is culturally
configured: it is assumed that men fulfill a dominant role and women a dependent role.
This tradition is enforced by the government and is based on Islamic decree. For
instance, a Saudi woman is not allowed to leave Saudi Arabia unless she has a formal
travel permit from a male guardian that permits her to travel. But one should not assume
this restricts Saudi womens freedoms. For many countries in the Gulf region, including
Saudi Arabia, governments are heavily investing in female citizens education, sending
69


many abroad to study. Through education, Saudi women are increasingly gaining
economic stature and leadership roles; many teach at universities and inspire future
generations of young women.
Tareq Shalabi, an architect who has been in the profession for more than 20 years, has
created a group of professional architects who identify and document traditional houses
in Al-Balad and then propose their restoration for new uses. He is passionate about the
historic buildings of Al-Balad and has researched and gathered together information
passed down from generation to generation. One of the most interesting aspects, he
pointed out, is the architectural inspiration of these buildings: the human body. They both
are divided into three main parts. The public is the equivalent of hands and feet; it is
represented by the ground floor, which is dedicated to the guests. The semi-private is
like the midsection where much of the bodys work is done; likewise, the middle floor(s)
are where the entire family and servants do much of the day-to-day work. Finally, the
private area is like the head, where
we have our private thoughts; so too
in the home, the uppermost floors are
where the husband and wife have
complete isolation and privacy.76
/
Islamic Town Formation
Figure 3.2. Source: Ragette 2012. Marrakesh, 50.
76 The interview with Arch. Tareq Shalabi was done during the summer 2016 research I
did in AL-Balad.
70


First and foremost, it is important to understand the logic behind the formation of a
typical Arab settlement. Because of the desert climate, locating a settlement close to a
water source was of utmost importance: it sustained life and served as a channel of
transportation. But also significant was the role of religion. Certain holy monuments and
mosques often contributed to the growth in population and expansion of towns (figure
3.2).
With the settlement of man, human's need for permanent shelter started.
The building of shelter is our response to the environment (physical and cultural), known
as the natural context, and the context of our existence, or human context (figure 3.3).77
The purpose of shelter is to satisfy the physical and psychological needs of people.
Coastal (Maritime) Inland (Continental)
a) Coast open to surrounding area a) At a distance from the sea
b) Coast with coastal mountains b) Behind coastal mountains
Table 1.1. Source: By author. Types of Climate in the Arab Region.
Physical needs include protection against extreme heat and cold, dampness and
moisture, and wind and noise, attack by animals or fellow humans, and other provisions
for a healthy life such as nourishment (cooking and storage), cleanliness (sanitary
facilities and laundry), and raising a family. Psychological needs consist of security (by
providing for physical needs); spirituality (through worship and sacrifice), togetherness
and privacy, artistic self-expression, and an increase in personal property.
77 Friedrich Ragette, Traditional Domestic Architecture of the Arab Region, Berlin: Edition
Axel Menges, 2003. 36-41.
71


Cannot be
changed
although new
materials are
available
CONTEXT
r

natural
LOCATION
flat hilly
remote accessible
CLIMATE
warm cool
dry wet
MATERIALS
earth, stone, timber. .
ED C
rt

human
Gulf region where drastic
changes in the economic
situation have profound
effects on society's values
and ideology.
TRADITION HISTORY
isolated influenced
conservative progressive
SOCIO ECONOMY
static changing
poor rich
VALUES-IDEOLOGY
dictatorial liberal
ARCHITECTURE
Figure 3.3. Source: Ragette 2012. The Human Context, 10.
As mentioned earlier, climate is one element that has had a significant impact on how
humans structure their environment in the Middle East. As Ragette points out, climate
and location impact architectural form in these regions of the Arabian Peninsula. In order
for humans to settle (or attain a comfortable condition) in any place and, in this case, in
72


any province in the Kingdom, they
required a comfortable climate. This
comfort is felt when the requirements
for adequate heating, cooling, or
ventilation are met, since
temperatures and relative humidity
are main factors affecting human
comfort. Ragette distinguishes two
main types of climate in Saudi
Arabias regions. First, coastal
(Maritime): this is found in areas
where the coast is open to the
surrounding areas and alongside the
coastal mountains. Second, inland
(Continental): this is found in areas that
are at a distance from the sea and
behind the coastal mountains (see
figure 3.4).78 In the coastal region,
mountain groups limit the degree of
maritime influence (figure 3.5).
Microclimates can be established in two
ways: naturally, as a result of altitude or
vegetation (figure 3.6)in the Middle
East, this phenomenon can be found in
Figure 3.4. Source: Ragette 2012. Coastal
Mountain Barrier, 22.
Noon: breeze from the sea to land
Midnight: air moves from land to sea
Figure 3.5. Source: Ragette 2012. Air
Moves from Land to Sea, 22.
78 Ragette, Traditional Domestic Architecture of the Arab Region, 71.
73


the oasis, wadi, creek, or highland
climatesor man-made, as a result of
structures, manufactured surfaces,
landscaping, etc. (figure 3.7).
In all but the highland areas, the summer
is very hot and was considered a main
concern of builders who had to contend
with not only the extreme heat but also
the strong sunlight and dust. Coastal
Noon: air movement uphill
Midnight: air movement downhill
Figure 3.6. Source: Ragette 2012. Air
areas experience strong humidity in the Movement Downhill, 22.
summer, while the interior is very arid.
To respond to such extreme environments, there was an urgent need to design for
shade and natural ventilation. Thus, the traditional Arab town is typified by a grouping of
courtyard houses. The courtyards demarcate the residential private areas within the
Arab town. The design of the courtyard itself provided light and ventilation for the rest of
the structure, mitigating the hot temperatures and keeping the household much more
comfortable. The town grew organically by the clustering of courtyard structures: one
family would erect a house near another familys, and then another family next to that
one, etc. Just as the residential structures were organized around the central courtyard,
so too was an Arab town organized around a central square called the maidan. Streets
and alleys branched out from the maidan, and approximately ten houses clustered
around the maidan, with each cluster organized by clans. The maidan was considered a
semi-public space, with a mosque and a souq, the shopping district, located there;
however, outsiders would be recognized and questions would be raised about their
presence.
74


Figure 3.7. Source: Ragette 2012. Man-made Microclimate 22.
In the following section, the three upper-class Hijazi homes Nassief, NoorWali and
Balshen in Al-Balad are examined as they typify social relations within Hijazi culture and
express the spatial arrangements and uses of the domestic spherein particular, the
agency and authority Saudi women wield in and through these domestic spaces.
75


INTRODUCTION
As stressed earlier in Part One of this dissertation, it is important to remember that there
is not an easy way to classify traditional domestic Saudi architecture. Saudi Arabias five
main regions have vastly different cultures and economies due to their diverse locations
and exposure to outside influences. Despite this, the second part of this dissertation
navigates this ambiguous terrain to focus on Jeddahs relationship to those other
cultures and to highlight its unique characteristics. In other words, it takes up the project
of cultural archival documentation of three traditional Al-Balad houses and then
contextualizes the materials and design aspects. Context is offered via an examination
of trade, climate, and geography; documentation is offered via floor plans, elevations,
and diagrams of other architectural details. By preserving important historical data for
comparison and analysis, this section serves as a model and methodology for
documenting other historic structures in the Hijazi region, ultimately filling a gap in
current national preservation practices. Furthermore, Part Two provides a foundation for
architectural curricula across schools in Saudi Arabia, offering a template for students to
use when documenting and learning about other Hijazi structures.
Due to Jeddahs proximity to Makkah and Madinah, the city has become the commercial
center of the western Arabian Peninsula. An influx of visitors from around the world has
resulted in the settlement of permanent visitors, or those who have chosen to make
Jeddah their home, such as Yemenis, Bukharis, Indians, Turks, Persians, Hadramis,
Malayasians, Egyptians, Syrians, Europeans, Ethiopians, and Anatolians, etc. Over time,
these external influences have been adopted, adapted and coupled with strong local
customs, all of which have given its inhabitants a distinctive identity. The locals adopted
some customs, merged them with their own norms and habits, and incorporated them
into Hijazi culture and tradition.
76


CHAPTER IV
DOCUMENTATION OF THE THREE BUILDINGS
Because Islam requires a Muslim to perform the Hajj and Omra to Makkah at least once
during his or her lifetime (see figures 4.1 and 4.2), the influx of believers from across the
world has made Jeddah a more liberal, cosmopolitan, and open-minded city compared
to the rest of the conservative Sunni Islamic country. These worldly visitors have also
contributed to the economic growth and prosperity of the city.
The temple of Mecca. (1840) v. ''"Lit
pr' OfllLUlM
it
ProphetPBUH.com
Figure 4.1. Source:
https://www.google.com/url?sa=i&source=imgres&cd=&ved=OCAYQjBwwAGoVChMlpJDLwJL
8xwlVixmSCh0ulAcF&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.prophetpbuh.com%2Fwp-
content%2Fuploads%2F2014%2F02%2F1840-Drawing-of-Masjid-al-Haram-al-Masjid-al-
Haram-in-Makkah-Saudi-Arabia-
Picture.jpg&psig=AFQjCNFCTMCB6SdlaHnA80_WtmaxANmUYw&ust=1442513184108161,
st
Drawing of Al Kaaba 1840 accessed December 10 2015.
77


THE SACRED JOURNEY
What it takes to complete the holy pilgrimage of Islam
The 5 stages of Hajj
1. Start of the main pilgrimage
2. Prayers at the Plain of Arafat
3. Pilgrims sleep at Muzdalifah
4. Jamaraat stoning the pillars
5. Return to Mecca
Ttw crossing between the hilltop* of Safa
Finally. Pilgrims can return to Makkah and Merwa s also completed 1 timet,
and the hoty mhjW ai-Herm to
perform the farewell Tawaf Pilgrims *Mo dnnk from the Zam-Zam
Having returned to Hina, Mate pdgrims
proceed to stone 3 pillars representing
the devtl.
Pilgnms usually stay m Mina to offer
prayer for a few dew
The required pilgrimage dress:
Men wear two white doths. one of
which covers the body from the waist
down, and one that Is gathered around
the shoulder, this is known as an
\ v
A.
0
Mina
Pilgrims mil then make their way to
Mine, e short distance away, to perfain
S pmyer? starting with 2uhr m the
afternoon and ending with Fajr in the
earty hours of the morning.
Here, male pilgrims will perform the
stoning of the devil ceremony where
pebbles ere thrown et a stone ptder.
An ammei sacrifice, whose meat is to
be distributed to the poor, is also mat
0
Muzdalifah
here, pilgrims wW collect pebbles \
needed for the "stoning" ceremony- \
Before the sun rises. Pilgrims wut
off back to Mine
*
\
Pdgrims v
to Arafat.
devoted l
. make chair way
d lima will be
prayer.
Women usually wear a simple white
dress and headscarf, or their own
native dress. Any garment which
covers her so she is dressed modestly.
* ^ When the Sun sets,
0plgrtmswil leave
Arafat tor Mutdelifah.
Figure 4.2. Source: https://riversflowinginparadise.files.wordpress.com/2013/10/the-sacred-
st
journey-of-hajj.jpg, Hajj, the sacred journey accessed December 10 2015.
Earlier, in 1177 A.D., Hijaz was a part of the Egyptian Ayyubid Empire, only later (13th c.)
to be annexed to the Mamluk Sultanate. In the 16th century, the Ottoman Turks
conquered the Mamluks in Egypt and gained possession of the territories in Hijaz. In
1525, the Ottomans rebuilt the walls of Jeddah to protect it from Portuguese coastal
attacks. The new wall included six watchtowers and six gates, which were reduced
during the 19th century to the four gates Bab Al-Rawma, Bab Al-Madbagha, Bab
Makkah, and Bab Al-Furda. The materials used in the construction of the wall were hajar
andam (a type of stone) and juss, with the additional facing wall built of hajar al-kashur,
also known as hajar At -manqabi, or coral blocks from the Al-Manqabi lagoon (north of
Jeddah). The Ottoman Empire ended their rule of Hijaz in 1916.
78


The city wall was built in the 16th century and was developed over the following
centuries. It was first reconstructed by Hussein Al-Kurdi who replaced the older ruined
walls and made them the citys most distinguished and impressive feature for viewers
approaching Jeddah from either sea or land. In the mid-20th century, the city wall was
repaired, increasing its height to three to four meters. Large stones and wrecked ancient
turrets were used to repair the wall. Its contours formed an irregular hexagonal shape,
with the entrance to the town located through the battlement gateways that were always
closed at dusk. Until 1947, Jeddah was included within the city walls, a small town of
less than one square kilometer and some 35,000 inhabitants. The wall was demolished
in 1947 (figure 4.3).
79


Figure 4.4. Source: Ragette 2012. Roshan, 22.
Today, the old city
represents a small though
fundamental entity within
greater Jeddah, with about
1/100th of its overall
population residing there.
Within the old city exists a
core urban sector that has
preserved its unity and
coherenceknown as Al-
Balad (the town) to the
citys residents
withstanding the
modifications that have
taken place elsewhere in
the old city and in the
surrounding newer
developments of the city.
As a stop along the religious tour with easy access by plane, boat and/or car, Jeddah
and its culture, food, architecture, and lifestyle have been greatly impacted. Al-Balad
represents a unique evolution of architectural tradition along the Red Sea. It is home to a
style once common to cities on both coasts of the Red Sea, with only scant vestiges
preserved outside Al-Balad. The courtyard house is typical in the Muslim world and
testifies to the privacy of the family, positioning the courtyard in the middle of the home
and surrounding it with the rooms. However, due to limited land and climate conditions
80


(heat and humidity), Al-Balad
breaks with this tradition,
featuring coastal homes
characterized by imposing
towers decorated with large
wooden windows (roshan)
(see figures 4.4 and 4.5).
Designating it a World
Heritage Site, the United
Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO)
deems the citys unique
development of Red Sea
architectural style, its
symbolic and historic role as
a gate to Makkah for Muslim
pilgrims, and its preserved urban fabric as elements of its Outstanding Universal Value.79
Historic Jeddahs tower houses are unique because of their large and complex wooden
casements, or roshan. This feature illustrates the evolution of the lower coral houses that
populated many of the other cities on the two coasts of the Red Sea since the 16th
century. To better understand this evolution, in what follows, I focus on Jeddahs name
origins, location, climate, and geographic composition, laying a foundation for the
subsequent chapters.
79 Saudi Commission for Tourism and Antiquities, Historic Jeddah, The Gate to Makkah:
Nomination Document for the Inscription on the World Heritage List. January 2013.
81


Comprising about one third of the area originally circled by the city walls, historic
Jeddah, Gate to Makkah, is an urban property with a surface area of 17 hectares. It
covers an area of 179,000 m2, forming an elongated shape, with the widest section
measuring about 1,000 meters long and 600 meters wide. It extends over the central
sector of Al-Balad, and is surrounded by the harbor to the west, Bab Al-Madinah to the
north, Bab Sharif to the south, and Bab Makkah to the east. The Al-Balad sector
includes the preserved urban fabric of the old city. The area has developed mainly along
three main axis: the two historic West-East souks, and a North-South commercial spine
linking Bab Al-Madinah with the southern limit of the old city. The buffer zone of the Al-
Figure 4.6. Source: Saudi Commission for Tourism and Antiquities Historic Jeddah, The Gate to
Makkah: Nomination Document for the Inscription on the World Heritage List. January 2013, p.
vi., Map of Al-Balad showing Boundaries and buffer zone.
82


Balad area is identified by the following four points: (see figure 4.6)80
North: 21 2921 N 39 1126 E
South: 21 28 48 N 39 10 55 E
East: 21 29 07 N 39 11 35 E
West: 21 29 16 N 39 10 52 E
The origin of the name Jeddah is unknown, but folklore and legends attribute it to three
possibilities: first, Jeddah, the head of the Qudaha tribe, was the son of Jurm, who was
the son of Rayan from Qudaha; second, Joddah in traditional Arabic means port; and
third, Jaddah in Arabic means grandmother and refers to Eve, the mother of mankind,
who was barred from the city. Further complicating matters, the Arabic language has 28
letters,81 but each letter can be pronounced in three different ways based the on sound;
for example, the letter A in Arabic is alef; but alef in the word fatha is Aaa, in dama is
ooo, and in kasra is eeeall three phonetically different. Difference in meaning can be
found not only in vowels but in consonants too: the difference in meaning for the letter D
(daal in Arabic) for Jaddah, Joddah, and Jeddah is significant.
80 Saudi Commission for Tourism and Antiquities, Historic Jeddah, The Gate to Makkah:
Nomination Document for the Inscription on the World Heritage List. January 2013.
81 Table of system of translation is provided at end of this document.
83


1980
1993
2002
A
A
1980
1980
N
A
A
Urban spatial expansion
1993 2002
k M -
V *

Land use change
1993
2002
/
2007
2007

2007
1
v . ;
'.i--
V.
Transport infrastructure expansion
- i rvs** A/m



I Co-
8
I <*ufatc
IVM^t
' H>ghay
----- U#n Road
SKO^dto1 Rood
0 1? 4 6
Figure 4.7. Source: http://www.itc.nl/Pub/Events-Conferences/2012/december2012/Ph-Defence-Mr-
Mohammed-Omayer-Aljoufie.html, the Development of Jeddah city and growth accessed November
1st 2015.
84


Full Text

PAGE 1

ARCHITECTURE AND CULTURAL IDENTITY IN THE TRADITIONAL HOMES OF JEDDAH by ALAA ZAHER G. AL BAN B.I.D., Dar AlHekma University, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, 2005 M.F.A, California College of the Arts, San Francisco, California, 2010 A thesis submitted t o the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Design and Planning 2016

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2016 ALAA ZAHER G. AL BAN ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

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iii This thesis for the Doctor of Philosophy degree by Alaa Zaher G. Al Ban has been approved for the Design and Planning Program B y Taisto H. Mkel Advisor Margaret L. Woodhull Chair Ann E. Komara Yasser A. Adas Jana Everett Date : April 5, 2016

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iv A l Ban, Al aa (Ph.D., Design and Planning) Architecture and Cultural Identity in the Traditional Homes of Jeddah T hesis directed by Associate Professor Taisto H. Mkel ABSTRACT Jeddah, the second largest city in Saud i Arabia, is located on the west coast of the Red Sea in the Hijaz region. Lying between the two holy mosques, Makkah and Madinah, Jeddah is a more liberal and open minded city compared to the rest of the conservative Sunni Islamic country. As the only sto p along the religious tour with easy access by plane and car, Jeddah and its culture, food, architecture, and lifestyle have been greatly impacted due to the trade route and the religious tourism. Importantly Al Balad, the historic city center of Jeddah, is architecturally significant, housing numerous traditional Hijazi homes. With the discovery of oil, local attitudes changed and devalued the culture and the history. And these traditional structures took on a precarious position in the developing city: swimming against the current of Western aesthetics, stereotypes, and political influence, the traditional Hijazi home fell out of fashion, and many structures were left neglected. Due to these changing dynamics and the architectural changes it wrought, thi s doctoral dissertation endeavors to the architecture of the traditional homes of Al Balad by in vestigating the complex interaction of cultural identity and space In analyzing the architectural details of these residential spaces, deciphering the meanin g behind the aesthetics and construction of each architectural element, and considering agency and readings about their traditional lifestyles, religion, and beliefs, this work reveals the hidden gender dynamics within the home, dynamics that are t oo often ignored or misunderstood, particularly in the West. I argue that the

PAGE 5

v traditional Hijazi home stands as proof of an empowered Saudi woman but empowered according to a different definition of empowerment, one that challenges Western gender construc ts and, instead, incorporates the unique social, religious, and historical context of Jeddah specifically and Saudi Arabia more broadly. Moreover, this dissertation offers a model and methodology for documenting the historic structures in the Hijazi region and promotes the appreciation Saudi culture and history. It fills a gap in current preservation practices for the nation; it aims to provide a foundation for architectural preservation curriculum for schools across Saudi Arabia; it offers a template for d ocumentation practices in order to support, preserve, and understand the history and design of the 19 th century Hijazi domestic architecture There is a valid need for this work. Currently, a poor archival system, a dearth of literature analyzing Saudi re sidential architecture, and restrictions and regulations imposed by the Saudi government have led to unique challenges. If this dissertation at times seems to avoid politically charged questions, especially within the context of feminist politics, it does so out of respect to Saudi authorities. Despite such challenges, this dissertation, by returning to Jeddah and deciphering and recording left of its traditional historic buildings, hopes to initiate a more extensive and unified archiving system and more robust scholarship before an important aspect of Saudi history is lost The form and content of this abstract are approved I recommend its publication. Approved: Taisto H. Mkel

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vi DEDICATION To my Parents : Dr. Suad Khalil & Dr. Zaher G. Al Ban for their unconditional love.. / / To my Husband : Ayman Bali for his dedication and believe in my abilities. To my Daughters : Dana, Dur, Ala a & Aram for giving me the strength to To my M entors: Dr. Zuhair Fayez and Dr. Suhair Al Qurashi for their unconditional support and motivation.

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vii ACKNO WLEDGEMENTS This dissertation would not have been possible without the many people that have shared their knowledge and offered their advice, friendship, faith and love. I have been fortunate to have the enthusiastic and ongoing support from my advisory committee, whose disciplinary expertise theoretical insights, and insightful feedback guided my research and pushed my dissertation through to completion. My advisory chair and main study advisor of architecture Dr. Taisto H. Mkel, through his inspirat ional mentoring and challenging yet encouraging feedback kept me focused and t aught me that the best way to honor mentor is by providing the same support to own future student s. M y m inor study advisor of gender and studies, Dr. Margar et L. Woodhull, provided just the right balance of structure and independence in her steering of this theory Advisor Professor Ann E. Komara guided me through the theoretical underpinning s of historic preservation while advisor Dr. Yasser A. Adas, helped me navigate the texts of historic Jeddah. Advisor Dr. Jana commitment and thoughtful feedback greatly impacted the success of this dissertation. The advisory committee functioned as the backbone of this dissertation, and because o f their supervision crucial contribution s and time this project is richer, stronger, and more rigorous than I could have hoped for. I would like to also extend my he artfelt appreciation to faculty and administration at Dar Al Hekma University: especia lly Dr. Zuhair Hamed Fayez, the f ounder and chair of the board of t rustees and visionary supporter of my work throughout my career; Dr. Suhair Hassan Al Qurashi, President and to me and every graduate (thank you for always helping to make our d reams a reality); and Ms. Salwa Abdul Aziz Raqiub Director of the President Office and my mentor, and sanity keeper The y have all

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viii taught me the art of giving without out receiving and finding the courage and determination to believe in myself. I am a p roud product of Dar Al Hekma University. Of course, without my family, I be lost. There is t he selfless love of my mother, Dr. Suad Khalil, who let her grandchildren go, who came to Denver from Saudi Arabia when I thought I continue bringing a long 17 other member s of our family to provide cheer and support, and who prays for me all the time I know it I feel it, and it shines through in this work And the generosity of my father Dr. Zaher Gadeeb Al Ban, whose belief in my abilities kept me str ong and determined and made me in my goals There are the traits inherited my great parents, Suad and Zaher, whose unconditional love and support (from their unique point of view) ma de me t he person I am today. And the support, love, and ca re of my father in la w Major General Dr. Faisal Bali. It is all this, together, that fueled my progress through the program; may God g rant all of you with long life, happiness and health. I am heartily thankful to my life partner and great love, Ayman Ba li, for his phenomenal patience, friendship, faith in my abilities and partnership every step of the way. I thank my d aughters Dana, Dur, Alaa and Aram who are each a unique source of endless joy and love : Dana, wonderfully understanding and patient throu ghout the process a leader and mentor to all her sisters mak ing me a proud M ama ; Dur, who has been there to chee r me up telling me, you are the best designer I and for being the most tolerant and strong role model for her sister s. I t is t heir undying confidence and superb love that makes this achievement worthwhile. And it was Alaa and Aram laughter, sense of humor and energy that made all of the challenges seem easy. My daughters are the best blessing from God, Alhamdulelah I must hav e done something right to deserve each and every one of you. Mashallah

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ix F or those who assisted in my fieldwork and data collection in Jeddah Dr. Sami Angawi, Ahmad S. Angawi, Dr. Amal El Tigani Ali, Abeer J. Abusulayman, AbdulRahman AlRemi, Ibrahim Majed Dr. Mahmoud Saiedi, Arch. Tareq H. Shalabe their support and assistance greatly impact ed the success of this research and I am heartily grateful Finally, thank you to my grandparents, Ana Fatmah and Sedi AbdulWahab, for their prayers, love and suppor t mentally, emotionally and physically. And thank you to my s isters, Asma, Rawan Iman, and Shahad, and my brothers, AbdulGader, Abdullah, Ibraheem and Rakan for their phone calls and visits that always ma de my day. I love you and have miss ed you all.

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x TA BLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 1 Methodology 8 Limitations 11 Project Outline 12 BACKGROUND AND HISTORY I NTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 14 I. CONTEXT OF AL BALAD ................................ ................................ ....................... 20 Najd 26 Al Shargiya 28 Al Shamal 30 Asir History of the Hijaz Region 32 Cultural Formation 33 II. LITERATURE REVIEW ................................ ................................ .......................... 40 Cultural Formation of Hijaz 41 Architectural Histor y in the Regions of the Kingdom 46 Gender Studies 52 III. IMPACT OF ISLAM ON THE FORMATION OF THE SAUDI FAMILY ................... 68 Gender Segregation 68 Islamic Town Formation 70 THREE CASE STUDIES INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 76 IV. DOCUMENTATION OF THE THREE BUI LDINGS ................................ ............... 77 History of Eac h House 99

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xi Measured Drawings 111 V. DISCUSSION: CONTEXTUALIZING MATERIALS ................................ .............. 133 FAMILY RELATIONS & DYNAMICS INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 139 VI. WOMEN, POWER AND THE HIJAZI HOUSE ................................ .................... 140 Public Reception 141 Private S phere 141 Location of the House 142 Entrances 148 Majlis 150 Terrace 151 Decorative elements 154 VII. CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 169 Contribution Final Observation s .. The Finding of the Literature Review 170 Origins and Insperation 172 WORKS CITED A PPENDIX 187

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xii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1. Research Context 5 1.2. The Research Methodology and the Procedure of Investigation .. .. 9 1.3. Map of Saudi Arabia 1 3 1.4. Regi ons of Saudi Arabia 1 4 1.5. Map of Saudi Arabia and its Regions 1 5 1.6. The Holy Mosque in Makkah 1 6 1.7. The 17 1.8. The Holy Mosque in Mad inah 18 1.9 Main Geographical Reg ions 19 1.10 Map of Saudi Arabia 20 1.11 Salwa Palace Fort in Najd Region 2 5 1 12 Traditional Coastal Se ttlements in Al Shargiya Region 2 7 1 13 House of Muhammad Saleih 1984 in Aseer Region 31 1.14 Jeddah Traditional Social Structure 33 3 .1. Gender Segregation in Mosques 67 3 .2. Marra kesh 70 3 .3. The Human Context 72 3 .4. Coastal Mountain Barri er 73 3 .5. Air Moves from Land to Sea 73 3 .6. Air Movement Downhill 74 3 .7. Man made Microclimat e 7 5 4 .1. Drawing of Al 18 40 77 4 .2. Hajj, the sacred journey 78 4 .3. Jeddah 1948 7 9

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xiii 4 .4. Roshan 80 4 .5. Tower Roshan Houses 81 4 .6. Map of Al Balad showing Boundaries an d buffer zone 82 4 .7. The Development of Jeddah cit y and growth 8 4 4 .8. Plan of Jeddah in the early 13th century accor ding to Ibn Al Mujawair 8 5 4 .9. Makkah Gate 86 4 .10. Jiddah 87 4 .11. A four story coral built house in Jeddah with wooden rawashee n 89 4 .12. Old House 91 4 .13. Ornamental main entrance of Bayt Nassif 92 4 .14. Detail of the decoration of the main door of Bayt Jawkhdar 93 4 .15. Bayt Al Baghdadi 93 4 .16. Bayt Nassif 94 4 .17. Bayt Jawkhdar 95 4 .18. Bayt Jawkhdar 95 4 .19. Bayt Ridwan 96 4 .20. Bayt Al Sh urbatli 97 4 .21. Bayt Al Khazuqa 97 4 .22. Bayt Al Khazuqa 98 4 .23. Al Balad Map 100 4.24. Stairs bayt Nassief 103 4.25 West Side Entrance bayt Nassie f 105 4.26 Majlis bayt Nassief 106 4.27. Bayt NoorWali 107 4.28 Roshan bayt NoorWali 108 4.29 Bayt 109

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xiv 4.30. Main entrance bayt 110 4.31 North Elevation bayt Nassie f 111 4.32 East & West Elevation bayt Nassief ... 112 4.33 G round Floor Plan bayt Nassief ... 113 4.34 First Floor Plan bayt Nass ief 114 4.35 Second Floor Plan bayt Nass ief 115 4.36 Third Floor Plan bayt Nas sief 116 4. 37 Fourth Floor Plan bayt Nas sief 117 4.38 Fifth Floor Plan bayt Nass ief 118 4.39 East Elevation bayt NoorWali 119 4.40 Ground Floor Plan bayt No orWali 120 4.41 First Floor Plan bayt NoorW ali 121 4.42 Second Floor Plan bayt No orWali 122 4.43 Third Floor Plan bayt NoorWali 123 4.44 Fourth Floor Plan bayt Noor Wali 123 4.45 Fifth Floor Plan bayt No orWali 124 4.46 East Elevation bayt sha n 125 4.47 West Elevation bayt Isha n 126 4.48 Ground Floor Plan bayt Isha n 127 4.49 First Floor Plan bayt Isha n 128 4.50 Second Floor Plan bayt Isha n 129 4.51 Third Floor Plan bayt sha n 130 4.52 Fourth Floor Plan bayt Ba n 131 5 .1. Roshan 134 5 .2. Parts of Roshan 135 5.3 Roshan 136

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xv 6.1 Al Balad Map 144 6 .2. Ground Floor Plan of bayt Nassief 145 6 .3. Ground Floor Plan of bayt n 146 6 .4. Ground Floor Plan of bayt NoorWali 147 6 .5. Bayt Nassif Entrances 149 6 .6. Kushk bayt Nassief 151 6 .7. Terrace at bayt Nassief 153 6 .8. R oshan in Al Balad houses 155 6.9 Roshan Section sketch 156 6.10 Sketch of Roshan 157 6 .11. S ketch of parts of Roshan 158 6 .12. Roshan bayt NoorWali 159 6 .13. Roshan bayt n 1 60 6 .14. Roshan bayt Nassief 161 6 .15. Manjur Pattern 163 6 .16. Manjur Pattern 163 6 .17. Manjur Pattern bayt NoorW ali 164 6 .18. Main Entrance Door of bayt Nassief 165 6 .19. Main Entrance Door of bayt Ba ha n 165 6.20 Plaster decoration of bayt n 166 6.21 Plaster decoration of bayt Nas sief 166

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xvi LIST OF TABLES Table 3 .1. Types of Climate in the Arab Region 69 1.2. System of Translation between Ar abic & English 192 1.3. Glossary of the Arabic Terms 193

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1 PREFACE For Saudis from Jeddah, a city in the western region of Saudi Arabia, their environment an environment that one might argue has been imposed upon them rather than created by them does not just represent a place, but a tradition, a historically charged environment that determine s cultural identity. Greet a Saudi from Jeddah and they are apt to introduce themselv es by first declaring, am from But more recently, this simple phrase has led to uncertainty. As Edward Sadalla et al. point out, identity is a concept, which grows out of a history of changing responses to economic, political and cultu ral 1 The search for and ability to define identity is a distinctive human drive; it importantly explains the duality of sameness and uniqueness; it gives meaning to human existence. To better understand their relationship to location, people throughout history have used various media to express their identity, such as clothing, art, and language Architecture is yet another key medium of expression. It displays the unique traditions of individuals and societies according to the norms of a cul ture. This project documents traditional houses in Al Balad and, by doing so, strives to challenge the identity outsiders have grafted onto Saudis. Many societies particularly those found in the West, have project ed images and ideas about the Ot her which are often merely half truths and misunderstandings Oil, wealth, allegations of terrorism, gender segregation these are the first words that come to mind when Westerners think of Saudi Arabia, especially after 9/11. This dissertation challenges those assumptions, instead draw ing on open mindedness and curiosity about different cultures as an opportunity to share Saudi design aesthetics with a Western audience. 1 Edward K. Sadalla, Beth Vershure, and Jeffrey Burroughs, "Identity Symbolism in housing," Environment and Behavior 19, no. 5 (1987): 569 58 7.

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2 Rather than an over charged political argument, however this project embedded in the field of design and thus concerned with ideas of visual language via the study of form, is filtered through a deconstruction of traditional Jeddah domestic architecture, examining Saudi culture, the specific values it engenders, and how t hose values manifest in domestic spaces. What this reveals is that Saudi architecture and family dynamics are richer and much more complex than Western stereotypes of Saudi culture account for. The following research was collected over half a decade. My interest in the traditional houses of Jeddah was kindled and evolved during my time teaching Saudi architectural heritage at Dar Al Hekma University in 2011. Jeddah is home to the remaining traditional domestic architecture in the Hijazi r egion. Such traditional houses could previously only be found in Makkah and Madinah, but they were demolished due to the expansion of the two holy mosques there. Because this is not a work of social scien ce linguist ics or anthropolog y the notes gathered throughout the years are not systematic or historically archived; instead, the documentation of the traditions and cultures of old Jeddah that led to the rich architectural form of its houses presented here are kaleidoscopic, meant to be read and viewed a s a pattern that with each turn, changes with time and motion. Even if one is Saudi from Hijaz 2 and an interior architect it does not guarantee that s/he grows up understanding the rules, identity, and meaning behind the architectural forms of the hous es surroun ding him/her In fact, it is often only after immersing oneself in another culture that interest in his/her homeland grows stronger and understanding grows deeper. Living in the West and seeing Middle Eastern specifically 2 A glossary of Arabic terms is provided at the end of this document.

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3 Saudi culture, ide ntity, and architecture misunderstood, forgotten, or understated throws in to stark relief the need for renewed scholarship on traditional Saudi architecture. Furthermore there are currently numerous planning opportunities in Al Balad, Jeddah but little a ttention given to historic preservation or architectur al practices exhibiting cultural sensitiv ity By investigating understandings of identity, space, and gender in the making of the historic Hijazi house of Saudi Arabia, this dissertation intend s to fill s o me gaps in scholarship to create a more meaningful dialogue and a richer history a nd hopefully stem the tide of irresponsible urban planning that is destroying this cultural legacy As much of the world knows, Saudi wealth is largely due to C alifornia Arabian Standard Oil discovery of oil on March 3rd, 1938, near an eastern Saudi village. 3 But along with its rich oil reserves, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) garners much international attention because it is also home to the birthp lace of the Islamic faith: both Makkah and the grave of Prophet Mohammed Peace Be Upon Him in Madinah are located on the west side of Saudi Arabia in Hijaz. Therefore, it is a conservative country with many of its rules and regulations grounded in the Isla mic faith. While the identity of Hijaz can be found in the rich religious history, the space of traditional residences and their construction and developments during the 20th century have drastically altered that identity. In the past, Saudi culture an d residential architecture were directly related but recently gaps between Saudi culture and architecture have arisen. One such gap stems from gender equality gains made by 3 California Arabian Standard Oil Company, or CASOC, is now known as Saudi Arabian Oil Co., or Saudi Aramco. See Chevron In War and Peace 1927 in Next stop, Saudi Arabia, http://www.chevron.com/about/history/1927/

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4 Saudi women and the subsequent effect those gains have made on the architecture of the modern Saudi House in Hijaz. Because of these changing conditions, a closer examination is necessary. Identity, space, and gender have proven to be three overlooked aspects worthy of such an examination, all providing different yet complementary readi ngs of the traditional Hijazi residences. Investigating and examining the making of the traditional Hijazi residences reveal how Saudi identities and the built form of their homes are based upon their needs, backgrounds, and interests Furthermore, these residences have evolved with the influence of Western culture E xamining this evolution will help chart the intersection where Saudi traditional culture and Saudi modern residential architecture meet. In order to set this research in context, muc h of the scholarly work written to date reveals the dynamic, multidisciplinary nature of this research. Architecture, geography, cultural studies, and studies all come together to reveal the historical, cultural, and philological complexity of this particular environment. Each of these areas of inquiry have their own approaches to the morphology of style: tracing post colonial and feminist geographies helps define the role of Saudi women; analyzing the architectural details of the traditional Hijazi residential spaces reveal s the meaning behind the construction of every architectural element; and looking at detailed drawings of and readings about traditional lifestyles, religion, and beliefs compares and contrasts the past to the present. Loo king at the dynamic interaction of these research areas reveals many things. One is how the form of the house is affected by Jeddah's proximity to the two holy mosques in Makkah and Madinah. Another is how Saudi culture and its segregation of genders plays a significant role in the special design construction of houses.

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5 Thus, this research is situated at the intersection of architecture, geography, history and g It seeks to raise awareness that will help shape the future of architectural design, one tha t retains culture and ultimately helps others understand the power culture has on the built form in general and in Jeddah specifically. Even more so, this dissertation hopes to foster recognition of existing architectural strategies that reflects a particu lar culture and, therefore, particular needs. By bringing together diverse methodological and theoretical concerns, this project will reveal how interdisciplinary scholarship raises awareness and shapes the future of architectural design, a future that app reciate s and preserves cultural history RESEARCH AREA IN THE TRADITIONAL HOUSE IN JEDDAH SPACE GENDER IDENTITY Figure 1.1 Source: by author, Research Context

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6 For Saudi culture, this means raising awareness about the power of Saudi women and the respect they are given, clearing misperceptions that configure Saudi women as passive and showing how their residences actua lly evidence their power. This is done by comparing the roles occupied by and perceptions of women in the West with that of women in Saudi Arabia. It is important to compare Western roles to Saudi roles due to the strong influence on mod ern Saudi culture and economics and to situate this comparison in a timeframe of approximately 1882 to 1975. This time frame is significant because it is during this time that changes in Hijazi architecture emerged. But while this time period was an ex citing and lively time for Hijazi residential architecture shortly thereafter, the area was abandoned and considered outdated and unfashionable. Interest in the area was renewed in mid 2010 after the formation of the Saudi Commission for Tourism and Antiq uities. The commission at first did not focus on Hijaz specificall y but instead focused on the city of Daryea where the royal family of Saudi Arabia originates. In the academic spring of 2011, however, Dar Al Hekma University Saudi Arabian Architectural Heritage and Graphic Design Exhibition for seniors chose for the theme laman, which means, Back in the more specifically, back in the day in Hijaz. Nearly 2000 people attended, breaking university exhibition records (which previously had not exceeded 200 attendees) and helping direct even more attention to Hijaz rich architectural heritage This dissertation builds on this momentum by shedding light on the beauty and sophistication of the traditional house in Jeddah and the ways religion dictates its form. Often Saudis are too quick to judge their traditional architecture as outdated, likely because too many look to the West for inspiration. For example, the downtown of Jeddah Al Balad was originally filled with buildings exhibiting the tradition al architectural style of the region. But now, it echoes the anonymity of downtowns in many

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7 global city centers with tall buildings and high rises. I hope to challenge such design trends in two ways: first, by completing this study in the West where I can better investigate and revise Western perceptions of Saudi architecture; second, by contributing to knowledge of their culture and heritage, further strengthening cultural pride and awareness. Additionally, the goal of this dissertation is to cr eate a point of intersection where Saudi culture and modern design meet. This will be applied in both two dimensional and three dimensional work that will inspire readers to reevaluate their assumptions and beliefs. The research was done in both the United States and Saudi Arabia collecting data from Al Balad and directing these findings to a Western audience with Western historic preservation standards. The ultimate goal will be to develop this dissertation into a book published in two languages, the first in English with a later Arabic translation. This translation is essential: currently there are few books on Saudi design elements, and this book will importantly fill that gap. Furthermore, I will be the first Saudi woman researching and writing on this t opic. Of the scholarship that currently exists, much of it is written by non Saudis visitors, historians, researchers and of that written by Saudis, all are men. With this study. I hope to bring a female eye to the study of these buildings and phenomenolog ical experience of domestic space. In addition, I plan to display my findings in both local and international museums to spread the message. This display will synthesize the interior, architectural, and graphic design experience with the personal experienc es (the collected stories from my great grandmother, other family members, and friends). Despite the challe nges this author faced as a Saudi woman, designer, and design educator of other Saudi women, the work presented here moves beyond those

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8 constraints to ultimately make a difference in Middle Eastern, Saudi, and Western design fields. In short, it demonstrate the possibilities for Saudi women in the field of architecture and design. Methodology This project will employ a cultural framework that synthe sizes architectural history, geography, and cultural studies. Many women stud ies scholars have focused primarily on the West, leaving a strong need for attention to be directed to other cultures and spaces. Therefore, the objective of this research proje ct is to better understand how culture influences the built form. The specific research question is: How did Hijazi culture history and environment inform the traditional home in Al Balad and how do female agency and gender manifest in these domestic sp aces? The traditional architecture of the Hijazi house has been rarely studied M ost of the scholarly work on Saudi architecture is written by non who did the work as visitors, historians, or researchers. Furthermore, approximately fifteen years ago, Western influence on Saudi culture grew and very few have examined its effects. Those who have done so are either outsiders or tackled the issue from a different perspective than this dissertation does Again, case studies or any other documented qu alitative research was not found; it is unclear whether the data is missing due to poor archiving in Saudi Arabia or if it simply does not exist This project, then, collects together and begins to fills in the gaps left behind by these scarce resources an d focuses on the urban context of Jeddah, particularly the traditional homes found in O ld Jeddah, Al Balad. By discussing name origins, location, climate, and geographic composition, as

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9 well as the complicated interaction of gender, art, architect ure, and domestic space, this dissertation seeks to answer: what are the relevant cultural factors that shape the built form? Put simply, this project investigate s the relationship between culture and the architectural form of the Hijazi residence. The fin dings reveal that Hijazi architecture is formed by the amalgamation of different cultures dominated by the Islamic faith that emphasiz es a comfort in a family setting Figure 1.2 Source: Padgett 1998. Research Methodology and the Procedure of 132.

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10 Many in the West and the Middle East remain unaware of cultural significance of the Hijazi home due to the oil boom, as mentioned earlier. Because of this, the challenges currently face d are a shortage of Saudi scholars and an inadequate national archiving system, both of which would help in the investigat ion and preserv ation of t his unique architectural tradition and in mak ing connections between culture, Islam, and the built form. The modern Saudi mentality and culture, however, resists criticism and often perceives it as an attack. Yet far from criticizing forward thinking Saud i, this study calls for honoring an d preserving the roots of our heritage those building blocks that makes the culture and architecture unique. The direction of this research is exploratory and thus the methodology relies on an integrated qualitative and quantitative approach. As Deborah K. Padgett points out, a combination of these two approaches is mutually beneficial (as ill ustrated in figure 1.2 ). 4 Quantitatively, the fieldwork done in Jeddah has focused on deciphering and recording left of trad itional buildings in the hopes initiating a more comprehensive archiving system before this part of our history is lost. Besides this data collection, this project also investigates the underlying subjective factors which led to the selection of u nique domestic architectural features. These underlying factors are more appropriately studied qualitatively. S everal key people from the Jeddah municipality have provided archiving documents of Al Balad, among them Robert Mathew, whose 1974 Jeddah Master Plan was the result of a joint British Saudi initiative. It was commissioned by the gove rnor of Jeddah to preserve the city and to develop a proposal on how to responsibly expand while maintaining the culture and architectural identity. 4 Deborah K. Padgett, Qualitative Methods in S ocial Work Research, 2nd ed. (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1998), 132.

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11 This researc h is shaped by the role of culture and how it affects the form of dom estic space in the Hijaz region, Al Balad. It also considers the strong influence on modern Saudi culture and economics. The result of this study will highlight the importance of c ulture in the making of any residence and how diverse residential spaces can inspire designers across borders of any culture. This will hopefully result in changing the theory and the study of Hijaz architecture and beyond. Limitations This research faces three main challenges. First, as already mentioned, there are few publications focused specifically on the architecture of the Saudi residences, and of those publications, many are written by non Saudi scholars whose work lacks an understanding of the real essence of Saudi culture, religion, and lifestyle. Thus much of the work here represents original research and readings of these spaces, based on theoretical frameworks employed by architectural histor ians, designers, and cultural theoretical. Second, the poor archiving system in Saudi Arabia makes locating original plans of Hijazi residences difficult I n the decades following these traditional most widespread popularity, many ignored the cultural significance, letting numerous of them l ie abandoned after the oil boom and the growing Western tastes of many Saudi s And finally, the restrictions and regulations of the Saudi government are particularly constricting: Saudi Arabia is a conservative country in many respects T he authorities dem and citizens obey without question, leading to much censorship. Even as a Saudi citizen, I am prevented from digging too deeply into controversial issues (particularly those related to feminist politics), even if I come across valuable information for this research.

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12 Project Outline This dissertation opens with a condensed contextualization of Saudi Arabia in general and the Hijaz region specifically, discussing other regions only to help distinguish Hijaz and to offer insight into the regional variations in architectural form. The second part of this dissertation looks more closely at Hijaz and takes up the project of cultural archival documentation. Its goal is twofold: first, to preserve a thorough documentation of three houses in Al Balad, and second, t o compare and contextualize their materials and design aspects through floor plans, elevations, and other architectural design renderings. This approach functions as a model and a methodology a foundation for architectural curricula across schools in Saudi Arabia for documenting other historic structures in Hijaz so that others may help fill the current preservation gap and support the history of Hijazi architecture. Finally, part three of this dissertation analyzes traditional homes in Al Balad by examinin g family relations and power. It aims to understand in particular a Saudi power and it seeks to do so via three strategies (and corresponding chapters): first, by examining her agency in the domestic sphere as a wife, mother, and Muslim woman; seco nd, by reframing the role of a Saudi woman from a non Western perspective; and third, by analyzing how these Hijazi houses signify a status in the wider socio cultural context. Al Balad residences and family dynamics, examined in two chapters, are read through the lens of space and arch itectural elements. In sum, this dissertation establishes an understanding of the meaning behind the architectural form of the house in Al Balad. By analyzing the traditional architectural details of Al resid ential spaces, deciphering the meaning behind the construction of pertinent architectural elements, and looking at detailed drawings of and readings about traditional lifestyles, religion, and beliefs comparing the past to the

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13 present this project reveals that some data crosses the boundary between architecture and culture. The findings also reveal the hidden gender dynamics within the Hijazi home, dynamics that are too often ignored or misunderstood. I argue that the traditional Hijazi home stands as proof of an empowered Saudi woman but empowered according to a new definition of empowerment, one that challenges Western gender constructs and, instead, incorporates the unique social, religious, and historical context of Jeddah specifically and Saudi Arabia more broadly. This dissertation offers a model and methodology for documenting the historic structures in the Hijazi region; it fills a gap in current preservation practices for the nation; it aims to provide a foundation for architectural curricula across schools in Saudi Arabia; it o ffers a template to apply to other documentation practices in order to support, preserve and understand the history of Hijazi architectural homes

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14 INTRODUCTION In this part of the dissertation, a condensed discussion of Saudi Arabia and its geographic regions is presented, culminating in a closer look at Hijaz. Comparing and contrasting the regions will more clearly distinguish Hijaz and its unique culture and environment Figure 1.3 Source: graphatlas.com, of Saudi accessed September 20th 2015.

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15 The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KS A) is the largest in land mass in the Arabian Peninsula and in the Middle East. It is made up of approximately 2,150,000 km2 equivalent to (830,000 mi2), 95 percent of which is desert, including Rub' Al Khali, which is the biggest mass of sand on the plane t. It is bordered by Jordan and Iraq to the north, Kuwait to the northeast, Qatar, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates to the east, Oman to the southeast, and Yemen to the south, thus positioning it at the crossroads of Asia, Africa and Europe. The west c oast extends across 1700 kilometers of the Red Sea and its east coast spans 560 kilometers along the Arabian Gulf indeed, it is the only nation with both a Red Sea coast and a Persian Gulf coast (see figure 1.3). Since ancient times then, Saudi Arabia has played a major role in world trade due to this strategic position. Typical of the Middle topography, ranges from wide plains to deserts, Figure 1.4 Source: http://thumbs.d reamstime.com/z/saudi arabia map 8967759.jpg. of Saudi accessed October 1st 2015.

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16 valleys, mountains and plateaus. Most significant are the Empty Quarter (Al Rub Al Khali) desert, the eas tern province, the northern mountains and plateaus, the Najd plateaus of the central region, the western highlands, the Tihama plains in the southwest, as well as the widespread mountains and desert valleys. Figure 1.5 Source: http://static.thinaboomi.com/sites/default/file s/Saudi arabia Map(C).jpg of Saudi Arabia and its Regions accessed October 1 st 2015

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17 The population of Saudi Arabia is 27 million, including 8.4 million foreign residents, according to the 2010 census. 5 The population of KSA is divided into three main categories that reflect various ways of life: Bedouins, villagers and urbanites. The Kingdom has thirteen main provinces, or administra tive regions (emirates), with each ruled by a governor, a deputy governor, and a pr ovincial council (see figure 1.4 ). The r egions are: Makkah, Madinah, Al Riya dh, Al Qasim, Hail, Tabuk, Al Curayyat, Al Jawf, Al Hudud A sh Sham aliyah, Ash Sharqiyah, A sir, Al Baha, Najran and Jizan. These emirates can be regionally categorized into fi ve major regions (see figure 1.5 ), each with its own unique architectural identity. Najd is found in the middle of Saudi Arabia, Al Shargiya in the East, Al Shamal in the n orth, Al Janoob in the south, and Hijaz in the west. Due to its internationally recognized religious importance, the Makkah region is 5 Saudi Gazette, shows K ingdom's population at more than 27 million. last modified November 24, 2010, http://www.saudigazette.com.sa/index.cfm?method=ho me.regcon&contentID=20101124 87888&archiveissuedate=24/11/2010 Figure 1.6 Sou rce: https://farm4.staticflickr.com/35 56/3454319985_27bc3f4221_o.jpg. Holy Mosque in accessed October 1st 2015.

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18 subdivided into 12 governorates. It is located in the Southwest of Saudi Arabia, and while it covers only 7.6 percent of t he Kingdom total surface, it is home to 21 percent of the overall population. The Makkah region is highly urbanized, with 23 percent of the population in the city of Makkah and, particularly significant to this project, 50 percent of the s population living in Jeddah. Located on the western side of Saudi Arabia in Hijaz is Jeddah, one of the largest cities in Saudi Arabia, second only to the capital, Riyadh. Due to the strong ties to Islam, the importance lies in its loc ation between the two holy mosques in Makkah and Madinah. These mosques signify the birthplace of the Islamic faith, and since one of the five pillars and duties of Islamic faith is to make the journey to Makkah (the Hajj Pilgrimage) at least once in a lif etime, their presence brings countless Muslims from Figure 1.7. Source: http://www.graphics99.com/wp content/uploads/2012/07/picture of makkah kaba sharif.jpeg accessed October 1st 2015.

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19 around the world every year to Saudi Arabia upwards of 7.2 million in 2012, for example 6 (see figure 1.6, 1.7 and 1.8 ). Thus, religious tourism has made Hijaz the most diverse and multicultural region in Saudi Arabia. But with the discovery of oil on March 3rd, in 1938, near an eastern village, 7 the economy drastically shifted. 6 Fran oise De Bel Air, Demography, Migration and Labour Market in Saudi Gulf Research Center, last modified 2014, http://cadmus.eui.eu/bitstream/handle/1814/32151/GLMM%20ExpNote_01 2014.pdf?sequence=1 7 California Arabian Standard Oil Company, or CASOC, is now known as Saudi Arabian Oil Co., or Saudi Aramco. See In War an d Peace 1927 1946, Next stop, accessed January 22, 2015, http://www.chevron.com/about/history/1927/ Figure 1.8 Source: ht tp://i.ytimg.com/vi/SQxMQxlsGGU/maxresdefault.jpg. Holy Mosque in accessed October 1st 2015.

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20 CHAPTER I CONTEXT OF AL BALAD Regarding Saudi architecture, and as many of the scholars discussed below note, climate and geogr aphy are key determinants of architectural design. Thus, in this section, a closer examination of the primary regions of Saudi Arabia will help differentiate the Hijaz region and inform the regional variations in architectural form discussed in the final c hapter of this section. Saudi Arabia covers a large area and has variety of topographical features. It can be divided into five main regions : the western region (Hijaz), the southern region (Asir), the Figure 1.9 Source: Talib, Kizer, Shelter in Saudi Arabia London, Geographical

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21 northern region, the eastern region, and the centra l region (Najd) (see figure 1.9 ). The Tihama coastal plain in the western region is located along the Red Sea. The coast is 1100 kilometers long and 60 kilometers wide in the south, gradually narrowing to the north until it reaches the Aqaba Gulf (see figu re 1.10 ). To the east of the plain lies the Sarawat chain of mountains that rises to 9,000 feet in the south and gradually falls to 3,000 feet in the north. Several large valleys slope eastward and westward from the chain. To the east of the chain stands t he Najd plateau that extends eastward to the Dahna dunes and southward to Wade Al Dowser. The plateau stretches north toward the Al Nafud Desert. The eastern coastal plain is 610 kilometers long and consists of a large sandy area. The southern part of Sau di Arabia is occupied by the Empty Quarter, Figure 1.10 Source: http://static.thinaboomi.com/sites/default/files/Saudi arabia Map(C).jpg of Saudi accessed October 1st 2015.

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22 which is considered to be the largest arid desert covering an area of approximately 640,000 square kilometers. 8 The tradition s of Al Balad have reflected and responded to the specific climate, geography and material resources available. An introduction to the traditional architectur e in the major regions is helpful to appreciate the specific qualities of architecture in Al Balad. First and foremost, the climate of the Kingdom varies from region to reg ion according to its pertinent geographical and topographical features. Since the Kingdom lies in the tropics, the nationwide average temperature is 18C. However, temperature varies considerably, increasing as one descends towards the southwest. For examp le, the central region is extremely hot and arid. Saudi Arabia has no rivers or permanent streams, and although the dry valleys are often flooded with rain water, actual utilization of this water is limited due to evaporation and soil absorption. The c l imate in Saudi Arabia is mainly divided into the following categories : Central Arabia: winters can be very cold and rainy, with rain extending into spring and leading to the greening of the desert. Sometimes rain can be so heavy that flooding occurs. South west: in the h ighland areas, rainfall is heavier than the rest of the country, where dry wadis fill to become rivers. With the possibility of rainfall, clay houses are usually protected by waterproof plaster, and 8 Yasser Adas, Change in Identity of Built Environments: The Case of Jeddah (unpublished PhD Dissertation, Heriot Watt University, Edinburgh, UK, 2001).

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23 pipes drive water away from walls ; hence s tone is preferred as a building material, and regular maintenance is needed for weak materials such as clay and coral. Based on these variations in temperature and topography, the population of Saudi Arabia is divided into three main categories reflecting various ways of life: the Bedouins, villagers, and urbanites. Along with climate, weather, and topography, other factors influence the design of residential structures in Saudi Arabia, such as the availability of materials. All of these factors affect not only the general architectural style but also the town, village, and neighborhood clustering, the construction methods, the form of the structures, and the materials used for architectural and decorative elements. For instance, before the introduction of air conditioning, to ward off heat and strong direct sunlight and to protect against the extreme cold, humidity, and dust, builders employed various techniques such as site orientation, strategic planning, use of external architectural elements, and the use of materials to create shade, and natural ventilation. As noted the design of Saudi houses differ from one region to another due to the varied geographic and topographical settings such as the highlands, the coasts, plains, oas e s, and deserts. The architectural traditions of Saudi Arabia were also influenced by different cultures and styles due to trade route exchanges, religious tourism such as the Omra and Hajj pilgrimages, and the pre Islamic cultures of Persia, Turkey, the Ottoman Empire, Syria Iraq, Palestine, Jordan, Yemen, India, and Egypt. Furthermore, traditional building and construction methods varied from region to region due to access to building materials and site location. For instance, the foundation construction was determined by the type of soil found in the region typically the depth of the foundation rarely

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24 exceeded one meter, so mud and surrounding rubble were used to fill and stabilize the foundation and, in turn, the stability of the foundation determined the number of floor s to be built. Building materials also differed across regions, depending on availability and weather conditions. Typical materials used in Saudi Arabia were mud, coral, stone, and wood. Each were chosen for their unique attributes, such as strength and ability to withstand climate changes and provide protection from dust, strong sunlight, humidity, and wind. Mud is one of the oldest building materials used in history; if properly maintained, it is also one of the most enduring. In Saudi towns, there a re three main mud construction methods: mud bricks, burnt bricks, and rammed mud cast in place. Mud bricks are made of water, clay, and sand molded into shape and left to dry in the sun to strengthen. Burnt bricks are treated with a high temperatures to ha rden and improve resistance to moisture. They are fired in kilns placed halfway below ground, in stacks with layers of chaff in between. After 36 hours of firing, the bricks are left for a week to cool down to prevent cracking. For rammed mud cast in place if the source of mud is near the building site, a mud mix is made and placed in horizontal layers to create walls. This technique is also known as rammed earth, cast mud, cob or pise construction. Sometimes a kind of slip form is employed to receive the mud, which is compacted by pounding it into place. In this case, rubble may be included, like a rough aggregate, and the mud acts as a binding material. With good thermal qualities, mud bricks keep rooms cool in the summer and warm in the winter, and beca use of its excellent adhesive quality, mud also has a unique ability to be sculpted. To protect and maintain the bricks, they must be covered with rice chaff plaster or mud and straw plaster.

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25 Coral is another type of building material used in Saudi co astal towns and is one of the prevalent building materials in the Al Balad houses It is either freshly cut from reefs underwater or used from fossil coral. As a highly porous material, coral shrinks when it dries but is lightweight and easy to carve Howe ver, it is not strong, with low durability and susceptibility to decay when exposed to humidity or harsh weather. Often it is reinforced with timber courses to avoid collapse and then covered with lime plaster as a defense against salt, humidity, and rainf all. This plaster also create s a surface with decorative potential. One of the strongest and longest lasting materials used in the building of the Saudi town is stone. Heavier in weight, stone is extremely stable and was used both for foundations as well as wall structures. The stone was quarried, cut to size, and then transported to the building site. Once there, it could be used in a dry wall construction method in which mortar is not added or it could be laid over a bed of mortar to absorb irregularit ies and bond them together. Wood was used both structurally and decoratively. Imported from India and East Africa, the size of the timber determined the span of the room, while smaller wood timbers were used for doors, windows and other decorative purp oses. The main types of wood used were teak, sandalwood, ebony and palm. Saudi towns and their typical structures possess architectural elements similar to other Arab towns but the differences are significant regionally. Each has a different style relate d to but distinct from the typical courtyard house, and each town maintains but adapts the maidan organizational strategy. To give a better picture of the regional

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26 differences within Saudi Arabia, a brief overview of each of the five major regions and prov ide compar isons to Hijaz. Najd Located in the middle of Saudi Arabia, Najd is home to the capital of Saudi Arabia, Riyadh. The climate here is dry due to the surrounding small deserts and mountain clusters. A number of wadis cross the region Wadi Rum mah and Wadi Surr with different oasis settlements where agriculture flourishes, such as Buraydah, Unayzah, Riyadh, and Al Hariq. Figure 1.11 Source: Ragette 2012 Palace Fort in Najd

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27 In this region, the main building material for structural walls was unfired (sun baked) mud brick (figure 1.11 ) Mud was a lso used as a plaster applied to walls for a smoother appearance. These walls were very thick and provided insulation against the extremes of the local climate (45 degrees in the summer and as low as five degrees in winter). The roofing consisted of wooden beams, usually made of palm tree trunks, with palm matting spread above. The wood of palm trees was also used for door lintels. Stone is used only for the foundation of the house. There are two main building types: f orts and houses. In both, one of the most distinctive features is the use of triangular perforations on both inner and outer walls, which serve not only as decoration but also for ventilation, light, and when applied as moldings rainwater deflector The traditional decorative patterns were composed of rows of triangular as well as rounded fruit designs; they decorated front doors, lintels, structural beams and occasionally the lower portions of the wall of the majlis (a reception and conference salon). One of the best examples of the fortres s type is the Masmak fort, built in the la te 1860s, captured by King Abd A l 'Aziz in 1902, and fully restored in the 1990s. Najdi houses were often built around a central courtyard, with only a few openings to the street, thus ensuring privacy for the fa mily. Houses were made up of one, two, or three stories depending on their importance. Entrances to the houses were closed by large rectangular wooden doors, geometrically decorated by various combinations of burning, carving and painting. The only other e xternal decorations were the rows of V shaped moldings on the walls and crenellations, which vary in design from area to area.

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28 T raditional Najdi architecture is present in the design of fortifications at Al Hufuf and Mubarraz as well as other Najdi milit ary architecture in other locations of the region. Al Shargiya The eastern region ( Al Sharqi y a) is the largest province of Saudi Arabia, with an area of 710,000 km 2 The capital is Al Damam. The south is comprised of the uninhabitable Rub' al Khali desert (Empty Quarter). Traces of human life can be found in the eastern area dat ing to 5,000 years BC. Some tribes the most famous of which was Banu Abdel Qaiss populated the region before Islam. They later embraced Islam and became part of the Saud i state after the defeat of the Ottomans during the 17 th century. Figure 1.12 Source: Ragette 2012 Traditional Coastal Settlements in Al Shargiya

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29 Located in Al Shargiya, approximately 40 km inland from the Arabian Gulf, Al Ahsa is known to be the largest oasis in Saudi Arabia. It is one of the oldest regions of the Arabian Peninsul a, famous for its agriculture (particularly its high quality dates). In ancient times, it was centrally located along trade routes between the east of the Arabian Peninsula and India, Persia, and the Far East. Al Ahsa is divided in three topographical regi ons: 1. Hills: These form almost 45 percent of the whole Ahsa region and reach 40 m to 100 m above sea level. 2. Desert: This area comprises the Rub Al Khali and the Al Dahnaa desert, which constitute 40 percent of the whole Ahsa region. 3. Coastal: Situated on the Arabian Gulf, this area extends from Aqir in the North to Salwa in the south, and is 150 km length and six to 16 km width inland. Some of Al Shargiya's major cities are located in the oasis of Al Hofuf and Al Mubariz Coral stone was the most used materia l in this region due to its coastal location near the Arabian Gulf coast (figure 1.12 ) Walls were usually coated with a hard white lime plaster. The buildings were distinguished by their use of decorative arches (likely due to Persian and Indian influence s) and ornamental plasterwork. Sand stone, adobe (unfired mud bricks), and wood were used in the inland locations of the Eastern Province. Like Najd, palm trees were a main source of wood used for roofing. In addition, imported mangrove wood was used f or roofing and for strengthening walls in coastal towns.

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30 The region's position near the coast also meant that it was open to outside influences; therefore, it shares many similarities to the architecture of other Arabian Gulf coast regions, such as: Co oling Devices: wind scoops and wind towers Decorative arch forms (Persian and Indian) White plaster decoration Woodwork Al Shamal Tabuk is the capital of this region. Until the modern period, Tabuk was only a small stopping place on the caravan and Haj j route between Syria and Madin ah. T he Prophet (PBUH) chose to buil d a mosque there in 630 AD and a m odern mosque still stands there today. In 1848, it was only a small village of clay houses, while the Ottoman Emir lived in the ensuring the safe passage of the Hajj caravans. The construction of the Hijaz railway in 1906, with a main station at Tabuk, hastened the development of the village with increased number of visitors. Khaybar is an ancient oasis between al Ula' and Madinah and was an impor tant town at the time of the founding of Islam. The Muslims campaigned against Khaybar and its local Jewish community who defended Hisn Marhab situated on a rocky hill in the heart of the oasis. The is the most important ancient build ing in Tabuk, the capital of Al Shamal. It is a stone building, made up of well cut stone masonry walls where repairs from various

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31 moments in history appear in the color and cutting of the stones. A single door is found on its north side. The stones used in its const ruction were brought from A l Khurayba to the north. They were laid in mud mortar and covered with mud plaster, with the roof beams made of tamarisk wood and the doors made of palm wood. Narrow alleys linked the houses, and rooms bridged the narrow streets, providing shade. Clay benches stood by the doors, and bridges provided communications between houses owned by extended families. In 1878, the town's architecture was as follows: house doors were made of palm boards, and stairs made of mud led to the upper room (suffa), which was the living space. The damp oasis made the ground floor rooms unsuitable for anything but animals and tool storage, while the upper room was open on the street with long windows (taga). The roof was made of palm branches, with the terrace above sealed with clay. Terraces were reached by a ladder of palm beams with steps cut into them. Asir Asir, or Janoob, is the highland region south of Saudi Arabia; its capital, lies at an elevation of about 2,400 m. The southern r egion features the fertile area of coastal mountains in the extreme southwest of the Kingdom (near Yemen). Mountain peaks rise to 3,000 m., and juniper, wild olive and other larger trees are found only in this part of the Kingdom that supports forest vege tation.

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32 When the entire highland area was incorporated into the third and present Saudi state, the region was subject to multiple wars against Turkish Egyptian campaigns, which made defense architecture a major building style. In sum, the primary traditi onal building types found here include: Defense architecture: stone towers, fortresses. Residential buildings: one two three and four stories tall houses (figure 1.13 ) These were often constructed from mud brick, mud and lath (mud courses), mud bri ck with flagstones courses, mud brick with stone foundation, stone (roughly cut and carefully dry laid) and stone courses or flagstone (flat stone slabs used for flooring and horizontal surfacing). History of Hijaz Region Figure 1.13 Source: Ragette 2012 Hou se of Muhammad Saleih 1984 in Asir

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33 The Hijaz region is located on the west ern side of Saudi Arabia on the coast of the Red Sea. It was called the Kingdom of Hijaz before the formation of Saudi Arabia and was consider one of the most important regions due to its hous ing of the two holy mosques in Makkah and Madinah. In the 12th century, Hijaz, including Jeddah, became part of the Egyptian Ayyubid Empire (1177), while in the 13th century, it became part of the Mamluk Sultanate (1254), 9 which led to the popularity of the cities located there: Jeddah, Makkah, Madinah, Duba, Al Wajh, Al Umm Lajj, Yanbu Al Bahr, Al Qunfudha, Sabya and Farasan Islands. Yanbu is associated with a n inland farming village known as Yanbu al Nakhl, which seems to have been the oldest main area of settlement with agriculture and mud buildings. A I Wajh is a port between Duba' and Umm Lajj, which in the last century served as a port of entry to Hijaz from Egypt. Jeddah, one of the major cities of Hijaz, is the only stop for many religious tourists coming to Saudi Arabia and constantly garners inter national attention due to the Hajj Muslim pilgrimage done during a specific period annually and Omra which is done anytime and day during the year. Cultural Formation Defining the term culture is not an easy task. Culture is a medium that varies from plac e to place due to the differences in beliefs location s climate s and trends. Trade economy relies primarily on three main industries: trade, maritime related activity, hospitality and tourism. Its location on the coast of the Red Sea has mad e maritime industries such as fishing and shipbuilding a major source of income. Over two 9 Pesce, Angelo. Jiddah: Portrait of an Arabian City. Location of publisher: ICON Group International, 1974.

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34 million religious tourists that visit every year have greatly impacted trade and hospitality industries. Other people work in such fields as construction, services, a nd local industries. The socio economic composition of the old town is diverse. The elite (primarily merchants), the middle class (usually government employees and religious scholars), and the poor all live together in one community. 10 Furthermore, on a mic ro level, the residents of Jeddah are members of three traditional social structures: the family (functioning as the core), the community, and society as a whole ( see figure 1.14 ). 10 Hisham A. Jomah, The Traditional Process of Producing a House in Arabia During th e 18th and 19th Centuries, a Case Study of Hidjaz (Dissertation. University of Edinburgh, 1992), 88.

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35 Religion / Islam Saudi Arabia's primary language is Arabic and the dominan t religion is Islam. One of the five pillars and duties of Islamic faith is the Hajj Pilgrimage, which requires all able bodied Muslims around the world to make the journey to Makkah at least once in their lifetime to visit the Kabaa and birthplace of the prophet Mohammed Peace Be Upon Him. The r eligious tourism generated from the Hajj has made Hijaz the most diverse and multicultural region in Saudi Arabia, bringing in people from many different parts of the world upwards of 7.2 million in 2012. 11 Jeddah, o ne of the major cities of Hijaz is an 11 Fran oise De Bel Air, Demography, Migration and Labour Market in Saudi Arabia, Gulf Research Center, last modified 2014, Society Family Community Figure 1.14 Traditional Social Structure Drawn by author

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36 important stop for many religious tourists coming to Saudi Arabia and is constantly in the news because of the annual Muslim pilgrimage. Because the Hajj is one of the largest annual human gatherings in the world, Hij az wields an ideological significant and political influence over the 1.6 billion Muslims, or 23 percent of the population. 12 This, in turn, impacts the architecture of Hijaz particularly in Jeddah Add to this estimated 9.4 millio n non national residents, 13 its ranking as the second top remittance sending country, and its placement in the top five migrant destination countries worldwide, 14 and the importance becomes evident. The values and culture embedded in archi tecture was significantly affected by the coming of Islam. 15 Ragette explains this in his Traditional Domestic Architecture of the Arab Region. As he sees it, the power of solitude in a desert environment is accompanied by the urge to explain man's existenc e on this planet it is not a coincidence that three great religions have originated among people in the Arab region. Indeed, he argues that the co existence of Judaism and Christianity in early Arab society paved the way for Islam. Furthermore, that Islam derives many values from the traditions and lifestyle allows many of the religion's duties to be fulfilled anywhere in the desert. It is a faith born in an environment of limited resources, and, Ragette points out, http://cadmus.eui.eu/bitstream /handle/1814/32151/GLMM%20ExpNote_01 2014.pdf?sequence=1 12 The Future of the Global Muslim Population, Projections for 2010 Pew Forum on Religious and Public Life last modified January 2011, http://www.pewforum.org/files/2011/01/FutureGlobalMuslimP opulation WebPDF Feb10.pdf 13 Ghada Fayad, Mehdi Raissi, Tobias Rasmussen, and Niklas Westelius, International Monetary Fund Saudi Arabia Selected Central Department for Statistics and Information estimate for mid 2012 last modified Septe mber 2012, http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2012/cr12272.pdf 14 With an estimated outward flow of $27.6 billion, according to the World Bank. 15 Friedrich Ragette, Traditional Domestic Architecture of the Arab Region (Edition Axel Menges, 2003).

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37 with a great understanding of hum an weakness. Islam responds to the needs of the people in this peculiar environment with calls for frugality and cooperation. Thus, the Islamic social order recognizes the importance of the qawm, or clan and union, the importance of zakat (alms ) a nd the benefit of waqfs, or public endowments. The notion of u mma the brotherhood of all believers, is a belief in an egalitarian society : a lthough there are differences between poor and rich, everybody is equal before God. All of these ideals of unified community manifest in Islamic architecture such as in the uniformity of housing customs and the designs of mosques, madrasa, and khans Despite popularly held misconceptions, certain Islamic sects are tolerant of different faiths and races, their habit of settling in separate community quarters only an effort to reduce confrontation and to maintain identity. Alongside the unique ideological structure of Islam, the aesthetic tastes of the Prophet PBUH were simple and modest and, in line with building trad itions, his house in Madinah consisted of a large courtyard with long galleries and a row of simple rooms. The design prioritized privacy, one of the most important Islamic traditions. The haramlik, or the majlis (a salon, or living room) is the p rivate space of women, children, and the head of the family. Male guests are excluded and are received in the majlis near the entrance. The culture and values ushered in with the Islamic period specifically after the founding of Saudi Arabia affected the different forms of architecture within Saudi regions. 16 Echoing Ragette, King notes in his book, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia that the general character of the Saudi environment and its dense settlement 16 Geo ffrey K ing, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia

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38 configurations led to an at titude of seclusion. Islamic notions about the nature of the family strengthened the trend to introversion. Both King and Ragette understands how the rules laid down in the determine a certain way of architectural planning and design. As the holy bo ok of Islamic faith, the is Allah's words sent by Archangel Gabriel to prophet Mohammed PBUH. All Muslims take their Shariaa or Islamic law, from the In regards to architectural design, the dictates that the wife is muhasana, or a wo man that must be guarded by her husband so that her honor is not violated. All Islamic domestic architecture, therefore, is built around the privacy of women. The consists of 141 Sura or chapters, and Sura AlNoor the Light, prescribes: O you who h ave believed, do not enter houses other than your own houses until you ascertain welcome and greet their inhabitants. That is best for you; perhaps you will be reminded. 17 Thus, closing the house to the outside is a necessity. While the entry side of the co urtyard is still a semi public space, it typically progresses into a semi private area on the women's side. Usually, notice is given of any approaching visitor, and the family will act accordingly. Women will put on veils or retreat to their quarters. T wo Arab Muslim architectural scholars also make note of the smooth and clear connection between Shar i aa, and the architectural form of the home. Salem Sharif provides a macro perspective of how culture and tradition effect the form of the Islamic courtyard house, 18 while Sameer Al Lyaly, in his Ph.D. dissertation, gives a micro perspective of how culture and tradition affect the form of the traditional house in 17 Qur 24:27 18 Salem Sharif, M., M. F. M. Zain, and M. Surat, Concurrence of Thermal Comfort of Courtyard Housing and Privacy in the Traditional Arab House in Middle Australian Journal o f Basic and Applied Sciences 4, no. 8 (2010): 4029 4037.

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39 Jeddah. 19 They both understand that the traditions and customs of Arab and Islamic families require women to cover up while in public or in front of male strangers. But other scholars, 20 especially W estern scholars, do not understand these traditions, and instead use the phrases of and of when talking about the cultu re of Arabs and/or Muslims and, therefore, Saudis. 19 Sameer Al Lyaly, The Traditional House of Jeddah: a Study of the Interaction between Climate, Form and Living Patterns Dissertation, University of Edinburgh, 1990. 20 Thomas W. Lippman, Saudi Arabia on the Edge: The Uncertain Future of an American Ally. (Dulles: Potomac Books, Inc., 2012); Barbara Bray and Darlow Michael, Ibn Saud: The Desert Warrior who Created the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (New York: Skyhorse Publishing, Inc., 2013); Wayne H. Bowen, The History of Saudi Arabia (Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2008).

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40 CHAPTER II LITERATURE REVIEW This chapter of the dissertation contains the literature review ed for the comprehensive exam for candidacy. Some of th e authors rel y predominantly on Western feminist theo ries and m uch of this examines the role of women and how they are perceived in Saudi Arabia and, more specifically, in the Hijaz region and the city of Jeddah M any of the scholars us e cross disciplinary approaches, combining architecture, geography, cult ural studies, and studies. However, for this dissertation, a selective literature review was added with topics corresponding to sections of this dissertation. The review of scholarship functions as a broad investigation of the conversations and m ethodologies relevant to my dissertation, which examined the relationship between family identities and their residences in the western region of Saudi Arabia, Hijaz specifically the city of Jeddah While the identity of Hijaz is grounded in the two impor tant holy mosques located there, the space of traditional residences and their construction and d evelopments during the 19 th century have dras tically altered that identity. To better understand Hijaz culture and architecture in the context of its comple x history and evolution, the following examines Hijazi architectural historical and gender scholarship from three different perspectives. First, due to the dramatic cultural, political, and social changes signaled by the discovery of oil, looking at the scholarship from two distinct chronological moments pre and post oil reveals how scholars shifted their studies from the culture and religion of the Kingdom to the discovery of oil and how all of these facts have affected the cultural formation of the Hij azi region. Second, the scholarship can be further categorized by the cultural orientation, which, in this case, is predominantly Arabic or Western. The latter often ignore or struggle to

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41 understand Saudi culture, traditions, and religious sensiti vities but while this confusion, ignorance, and, at times, arrogance is problematic, it does allow for open criticism and examinations of facts and findings unavailable to Saudi scholars who face censorship from their government. And third, because gender informs much of this study, the scholarship can be categorized by the attention to the domestic sphere and to the agency of women. Since this topic is relatively unexplored in Saudi Arabia, and since shifts in gender equality are relatively recent it is unsurprising that Saudi male authors have produced more work than Saudi female authors. Cultural Formation of Hijaz T his section reviews literature focus ing on the forces that gave shape to diverse forms, the different cultural spaces allo cated men and women and how these spaces maintain and reinforce gender relations. Rather than a reliance on religious tourism, Saudi economy after the discovery of oil became largely dominated by this resource Considering these two major influ ences oil and Islam that have come to shape Saudi Arabia and its architectural traditions, one can divide the country history and culture into pre and post oil eras, each shaped by Islamic traditions. One particularly useful lens with which to view th is cultural and historical shift is critical feminist theory. Feminism is the call for social, economic, and political standing to be equal with men. Research that takes this feminist stance and applies it to architecture first began in the late 19 70s, primarily written by women and found mostly in studies that is, until Beatriz Colomina published Sexuality and Space in

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42 1992. 21 It was the first of its kind to emerge, looking at architecture alongside generated in other fields such as anthropology, art history, cultural studies, film theory, geography, psychoanalysis and 22 As mentioned above, religious tourism dominate the economy. But with the discovery of oil, not only was the economy greatly altered but so too was the political landscape. Saudi Arabia became a nation state six years prior to the discovery of oil, but the first attempt to found a Saudi state was crafted by King Ibn Saud and Muhammad Ibn Abd al Wahhab in the region of Najd, particularly in Al in the 1740s. After defeating the Ottomans in 1905, the Saudi state gradually expanded until the 1920s when Saudi rulers were able to take control of Hijaz in 1924 and declare a unified Kingdom in 1932. Interestingly, there are differing accounts of this formation: from a Saudi perspective, nationhood occurred independently of the discovery oil; from an American perspective, the discovery of oil greatly influenced the country's modern formation. 23 The differences are revealing. In their attempt to shape influence in the region, Americans paint a picture of themselves as paternal guide to Saudi Arabia while Saudi accounts assert a more independent, self sufficient image. While beyond the scope of this dissertation, the conflicting histories of Saudi Arabia are indicative of First World powers ideologically reshaping knowledge of the Middle East, a conflict that arises in other epistemologies related to the region's culture, specifically its architecture, as will be shown in later sections. 21 Beatriz Colomina, Sexuality & Space (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1992). 22 Iain Borden, Jane Rendell, and Barbara Penner, General in Gender Spa ce Architecture: An Interdisciplinary Introduction, eds. Iain Borden, Jane Rendell, and Barbara Penner, 6 7 (London: Routledge, 2000). 23 Karen Elliot House, On Saudi Arabia: Its People, Past, Religion, Fault Lines and Future (Toronto: Random House, 2012), 26 52

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43 Robert La cey, a British writer, in his Inside the Kingdom: Kings, Clerics, Modernists, Terrorists and the Struggle for Saudi Arabia 24 and, with Alan Haines, The Kingdom: Arabia and the House of 25 offers up the best written history of Saudi Arabia from a Wester n writer who lived in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for more than 30 years. While there, he conducted numerous interviews with key individuals who trusted him, recording versions of history not often seen in other works. He mastered his source materials and wrote an immensely readable history of the Kingdom. These texts include full Arabic names and traditional Arabic words (likely because the translation would have been lengthy and convoluted). Indeed, reading both, one may forget that this is a Western rath er than a Saudi author. The more recent The Kingdom: Arabia and the House of is likewise illuminating; it primarily focuses on events prior to the actual proclamation of the Kingdom in 1932 and progresses through the ascension of King Fahd to the thr one in 1982. Because it was published in 1982, it is somewhat dated, but with its large bibliography, the text still documents important historical facts that shaped Saudi Arabia. Overall, both are thoroughly researched and balanced books written to reveal Saudi culture and society to Western and, in particular, American readers. The social and cultural make up of Saudi Arabia before the discovery of oil is often characterized (by Western writers) as traditional and introverted. On the other hand, after t he discovery of oil, Saudis looked more to the West as a sign of modernization, and, as some argue, became overly dependent on their oil wealth. As Karen Elliot House, an American female writer for the Wall Street Journal, notes in her On Saudi Arabia: Its People, Past, Religion, Fault Lines and Future, a book length overview of 24 Robert Lacey, Inside the Kingdom: Kings, Clerics, Modernists, Terrorists and the Struggle for Saudi Arabia (Random House, 2010). 25 Robert Lacey, and Alan Haines, The Kingdom: Arabia and the House of ud, (Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1982).

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44 the history, Saudi citizens have become heavily dependent on government subsidies, and their government is almost entirely dependent on its oil income. However, pi cture is not an accurate portrait of Saudi society, its culture, and the ruling regime H er argument is presented in a way that appeals to an American audience who wishes to hear a simplified story about the royal family and their reliance on oil. As Holde n, Richards, and James point out, the discovery of oil increased Saudi Arabia's importance in the global economy from the 1960s through the 70s, 26 shaping them into one of the strongest players in the Middle East, a role they still play today. With this economic ascendancy, Saudi Arabia still retained many of its conservative values such as prioritiz ing men's education While m en can directly apply for scholarship s women must first be added as a dependent (wife, sister, and daughter ) of a man to then bec ome eligible for a scholarship and for travel. Recently, however, these policies have become more liberal: King Abdullah before his passing on January 23, 2015, enacted significant advancements for women, allowing them to apply directly for scholarships ( though she still must have a male guardian accompanying her while she is abroad) and allowing them to take on leading government positions such as advisor to the King in Alshura council. Discussions of Islamic art and the two holy mosques in Saudi Arab ia are closely tied to Saudi historical research. Christiane J. Gruber is a scholar and editor of The Prophet's Ascension and several other published books. 27 As a Western scholar, her interest is 26 Davi d Holden, Johns Richard, and Buchan James, The House of Saud: The Rise and Rule of the Most Powerful Dynasty in the Arab World (Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1981). 27 Christiane J. Gruber, The Islamic Manuscript Tradition: Ten Centuries of Book Arts in Indi ana University collections (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010).

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45 indicative of a disturbing trend in Arab scholarship: often it is Western scholars who discover and are fascinated by Islamic art rather than Muslim or Arab scholars. Islamic art is beyond the scope of this literature review, but Muslim and Arab lack of interest in Islamic art is problematic since Saudi A rabia houses two holy mosques filled with Islamic art. Gruber's book contains images of the Holy found in Makkah as well as other illustrations, pictures, and images that help the reader to better understand the text. The art featured is from the ninth to the 20th centuries and from different parts of the Arab world. While Western audiences and researchers might consider it only a type of art, for Arabs and Muslims, art is their culture, heritage, and religion. Perhaps this is why Saudis have deval ued its importance. David E. Long is a retired diplomat and professor who speaks Arabic almost fluently. His book, The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, 28 is very informative and tackles many aspects of Saudi Arabia such as Saudi life, politics, and the royal fami ly. However, the main difference between this book and books is that Long lacks some critical insights on certain issues: the author uses extreme language to describe the status of Saudi women, declaring it as the worst on earth. He focuses on the superficial downside of the Saudi lifestyle ( such as women not being allowed to drive ) neglecting the real essence and difference between the culture, religion, and history. John Lewis Burckhardt (1784 1817) was a Swiss explorer of Saudi Arab ia and the Middle East, and his book, Travels in Arabia: Comprehending an Account of Those 28 David E. Long, and Maisel Sebastian, The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 1997).

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46 Territories in Hadjaz Which the Mohammedans Regard as Sacred, 29 contains important descriptions of Makkah and Madinah As a fluent Arabic speaker with in depth knowle dge of the culture, customs, and politics, Burckhardt came close to the "insider" perspective of the culture that more typically comes from Saudi writers. This book contains a rich narrative about Saudi Arabia's culture, wealth and how the economy before t he oil boom heavily relied on religious tourism. In Ibn Saud: The Desert Warrior who Created the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, authors Barbara Bray and Michael Darlow come together to write this narrative about Ibn Saud, Saudi Arabia, and a number of other Ar ab countries such as Syria and Iraq. Bray is a distinguished writer who won many prestigious awards before passing away in 2010 before the publication of this book. 30 Darlow, the co author who took up work after her passing, is an award winning write r and filmmaker (he made a documentary in the 1970s about the Arab region ). However, both explore Saudi Arabia through a Western lens. Thus, this book is still missing the true documentation of Saudi culture and a close r examination of role in t hat culture. Architectural History in the Regions of the Kingdom The literature that defines Saudi traditions and their impact on architecture is limited and, much like the literature discussed above, what has been written is mostly authored by Western ar chitects. The leading, most insightful literature written by Westerners and Saudi and Arab scholars is often closely related to their architectural work, such as that 29 John Lewis Burckhardt, Travels in Arabia: Comprehending an Account of Those Territories in Hadjaz which the Mohammedans Regard as Sacred., Vol. 1. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010). 30 Barbara Bray, and Darlow Michael, Ibn Saud: The Desert Warrior who created the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (New York: Skyho rse Publishing, Inc., 2013).

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47 written by Geoffrey King and Friedrich Ragette. Both architects study traditions and rela te them to the built form of domestic structures in the different regions of the Arab peninsula. While Ragette focuses on the Arab regions in general, Geoffrey King focuses on Saudi Arabia specifically. He is one of the first scholars who sought to underst and the impact of Arab traditions on culture and then relate the built form to those traditions. In 1999, Marchand Trevor reviewed work, pointing out too that the subject of Islamic architecture is limited: book under review is an elegantly pro duced volume on an important and little studied topic in the history of Islamic 31 Indeed, defining is no small task. As Ragette states in his book, Traditional Domestic Architecture of the Arab Region, 32 in an effort to determin e the meaning of traditional architecture: Deriving from the Latin word tradire or passing on still used in the English word trading it means the passing on of knowledge, from generation to generation, within the family and community, by example and wor d of mouth, or by apprenticeship from master to disciple. It is based upon age old practical experience, even element of superstition, and conserved by isolation, which only recently was arrested by force of globalization. 33 Architecture is defined as the art of building. King argues in his book, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia, 34 that the purpose of shelter is to help satisfy the physical 31 Provincial System Royal Embassy of Saudi Arabia accessed January 20, 2015, http://www.saudiembassy.net/about/country in formation/government/provincial_system.aspx 32 Friedrich Ragette, Traditional Domestic Architecture of the Arab region (Edition Axel Menges, 2003). 33 Ragette, Traditional Domestic Architecture of the Arab Region 35. 34 King, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia, 48.

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48 and psychological needs of people. These physical needs include protection against extreme heat and cold, damp or wet, wind and noise, attack by animals or fellow humans, and provisions for a healthy life, such as nourishment (cooking and storage), cleanliness (sanitary facilities and laundry), and raising a family. On the other hand, there are psychological n eeds as well: security found in the satisfaction of physical needs and security found in worship and sacrifice, togetherness and privacy, artistic self expression and increases in personal property. Generally, most scholars recognize climate as the mai n determiner of form in Saudi regional domestic architecture. Kaizer Talib, in his Shelter in Saudi Arabia, opens with the words of Ibn Khaldun, who discusses impact on Saudi architecture since the 14 th century: The craft of architecture is the f irst and oldest craft of sedentary civilization, it is the knowledge of how to go about using houses and masons for cover and shelter. This is because man has the natural disposition to reflect upon how to avert the harm arising from heat and cold by using houses that have walls and [a] roof to intervene between him and those things on all sides. 35 Talib, with the help of Khaldun, argues that climate has been a major influence in the design of houses in the different Saudi regions, dictating the choice of co nstruction materials. He highlights the differences in form and materials used for domestic structures in the various regions of the Kingdom. In all but the highland areas, the summer is very hot and a major concern of Saudi builders who face problems of e xtreme heat, strong sunlight, and dust. On the other hand, the coastal areas are subject to strong humidity in the summer, while the interior enjoys almost total dryness. Talib even 35 Kaizer Talib, Shelter in Saudi Arabia, 31.

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49 offers suggestions on how to respond to such extreme environments since th ere is an urgent need to design for shade and natural ventilation Saudi architectural scholars, such as Sami Angawi, 36 Abdulla Bokhari, 37 Thamer Al Harbi, 38 and Ayman Al Itany, 39 all mention their admiration of the traditional architecture in Jeddah in their Ph.D. dissertations, but they too focus on Bayt Nassief as representative of domestic traditional Hijazi architecture. These dissertations were done at Western universities, but few of these scholars have translated their work into Arabic to help spread t he historical knowledge in the Arab world. The one exception is Angawi, who has published in several Arabic journals and has won many awards for architecture in 2007 for the design of his house Al Makiya based on traditional Jeddah architectural elements w ith sustainable, green design elements. 40 Recently, as local Saudi traditions continue to disappear, there is a renewed interest in traditional knowledge, evidenced in Mashary Al Naim's work. Currently the General Supervisor of Architectural Heritage at th e Center of Saudi Commission for Tourism and Antiquities, Al Naim focuses on identity, local architecture, home environments, and social change. Two articles, in Transitional Context: Open Ended Local 36 Sami Angawi, The Roshan a Main Feature of the Hedjaz Architecture in Colored Glass and Mushrabiyyah in the Muslim World (Cario: Research Centre for IslamicHistory, Art and Culture 52, 199 5). 37 Abdulla Y Bokhari, Conservation in the Historic District of Adaptive Reuse: Integrating Traditional Areas into the Modern Urban Fabric (1983): 60 67. 38 Thamer Hamdan AlHarbi, The Development of Housing in Jeddah: Changes in the built form f rom the Traditional to the Modern Ph.D dissertation, University of Newcastle (1989) 39 Ayman E Alitany, Redondo and Adnan Adas, The 3D Documentation of Projected Wooden Windows (the Roshan s) in the Old City of Jeddah (Saudi Arabia) Using Image Based Techn ISPRS Annals of Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences 1, no. 1 (2013): 7 12. 40 http://archnet.org/authorities/142/sites/6095

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50 Architecture in Saudi 41 and Home Environment in Saudi Arabia and Gulf States: Growth of Identity Crises and Origin of 42 analyze changes in contemporary Saudi architecture, with a look at how traditional architecture influenced contemporary design. Al Naim is a Saudi architect wh o has published in both English and Arabic on topics related to sustainability, environmental behavioral studies, identity and symbolism in the built environment, and traditional and contemporary architecture in Arab countries I n his The Home Environment in Saudi Arabia Al Naim uses his understanding of Saudi culture to examine the ways that people have adopted new forms in their home environment. He points out that is a social system, and unless we view it from this perspective we cannot unders tand how people realize it in their home 43 In this sense, Al Naim emphasizes the relationship between people and the form of their architecture. As for Arabic scholarly work, much of it does not highlight the structural or climatic differenc es in the Saudi provinces. Instead, it highlights specific cities found in certain regions. Among these are A. Alangari's discussion of the capital, Riyadh. In his unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, 44 Alangari primarily focuses on the architectural history of Riyadh, its identity, and the changes experienced over time. Alongside his discussion of Riyadh, Alangari does also mention the Najd region and briefly discusses the difference between the other regions within the Kingdom. 41 I. J. A. R. Archnet, Identity in Transitional Context: Open Ended Local Architecture in Saudi Arabia (Mashary A. Al International Journal of Architectural Research: ArchNet IJAR 2, no. 2 (2014): 125 146. 42 Mashary Abdullah Naim, The Home Environment in Saudi Arabia and Gulf State s: Growth of identity crises and origin of identity C. Ri. SSMA Universit Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2006. 43 Naim, The Home Environment in Saudi Arabia and Gulf States: Growth of identity crises and origin of identity 27 44 A. Alangari, The Revival of th e Architectural Identity: The City of Arriyadh, Unpublished PhD Dissertation, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK. (1996)

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51 In an assessment of the sch olarship surrounding domestic architecture in the Kingdom, specifically in the Hijaz region, several scholars have focused on this region due to its importance to the Islamic faith. Some authors focus on Hijaz culture and politics, while others look at the form of Hijaz architecture. Hisham Jomah, Asad Ahmed and Mai Yamani, all of whom are Muslims and Arabic, wrote their research in English, but focus on the Hijaz region, its architecture, its significance, and its identify. Hisham A. Jomah, in his unpu blished Ph.D. dissertation, 45 focuses his research on the traditional Arab house located in Hijaz before the founding of Saudi Arabia. During the 18th and 19th century, Hijaz was its own country of the same name. Jomah compares and contrasts Hijazi architec ture with the typical Islamic courtyard house. Asad Q. Ahmed does a prosopographical study of the five important families in Hijaz in his book, The Religious Elite of the Early Islamic Five Prosopographical Case Studies. 46 The book highlights hist orical facts about Hijazi culture and traditions, all of which affected the form of its architecture and identity. The book highlights social networks found in the periods between 40 218 AH and how they reveal patterns of sociopolitical influence in this province. Maii Yamani is a Saudi female activist who was born and raised in the metropolitan culture of Jeddah. Her book, Cradle of Islam: The Hijaz and the Quest for an Arabian 45 Hisham A. Jomah, The Traditional Process of Producing a House in Arabia During the 18th and 19th Centuries, a Case Study of Hidja z, Dissertation. University of Edinburgh, 1992. 46 Asad Q. Ahmed, The Religious Elite of the Early Islamic Five Prosopographical Case Studies. Vol. 14. (Occasional Publications UPR, 2011).

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52 Identity, 47 provides a detailed study of the Hijazi identity, which is consi dered a taboo subject inside the Kingdom today. Her work begins with a brief account of Hijazi culture before it was a part of the Kingdom. She then examines contemporary Hijazi life and culture, suggesting that the Hijaz region plays an intermediary role between Saudi orthodoxy and the cosmopolitan Arab world. She argues that with a strong and influential identity (in contrast to the conservative Riyadh), Hijaz might be seen as a moderating influence within the Saudi Kingdom. As a research fellow in intern ational affairs, primary concern is Hijazi culture, politics, and its influence on the world rather than its architecture. But while not specifically a study of architecture, her work on Hijazi culture deeply informs and provides a solid foundatio n with which to understand the architectural forms. Gender Studies Due to limited research done on gendered spaces in Islamic architecture and, in turn, Hijazi architecture, the focus of this project is on Bayt Nassi e f M any researchers have use d this house as a case study but few have done so with a close examination of its gendered spaces, as Part two of this dissertation offers This section of the literature review is divided into three main categories: Domestic sphere, gender and agency. Ea ch section contains research that relies predominantly on Western feminist theories m uch of which examines the role of women and how they are perceived in Saudi Arabia and, more specifically, in the Hijaz region and the city of Jeddah, with many scholars using cross disciplinary approaches, combining architecture, geography, cultural studies, and studies. 47 Mai Yamani, Cradle of Islam: The Hijaz and the Quest for an Arabian Identity ( London : IB Tauris, 2004).

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53 Domestic Sphere Authors in this section focus on how space can be at once real and metaphoric through the political constructs that define the do mestic sphere. One of the first to discuss women and architecture publicly was Colomina Beatriz. 48 She addresses the role of women in the interior of the home, what is controlled, and by whom. Positions of the furniture, placement of windows, and the mov ement through the room itself: who decides this? She takes real examples of such houses as Loos and Rufer, and compares them to find a strong connection between the physical and visual spaces of the home. Elizabeth Grosz in her Chora define s c hora as a home place revealing how it has been used to remove the link between spatiality and femininity. 49 As a n Australian philosopher Grosz is influenced by Jacques D errida, and the concept of the c hora is one that Derrida takes up from Plat o in his Timaeus Plato saw the c hora as the opposite of being, and that the opposite is the ideal, a model that has typified western thought until de construction. As Plato defines c hora the transition from an idea to a form should be done in int ermediary steps; his description of the outcome/result is far from the components (idea and form). The outcome, as per descriptions, are and Space as mother is the transition from one form to another just like c hora like a m other or a caring nurse that nurtures. 48 Colomina Beatriz, Ex cerpts from Split Wall: Domestic Voyeurism in Gender Space Architecture: An Interdisciplinary Introduction, eds. Iain Borden, Jane Rendell, and Barbara Penner, 314 319. (London: Routledge, 2000). 49 Elizabeth Grosz, Woman, Chora, Dwelling, in Gende r Space Architecture: An Interdisciplinary Introduction, eds. Iain Borden, Jane Rendell, and Barbara Penner, 210 222. (London: Routledge, 2000).

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54 Grosz sees chora as an existing material that needs nurturing to be beneficial; therefore, chora is the base of the world material. Without it, the form will not exist. Derrida looks at how the concept of chora d eeply pervades theory: chora is interwoven throughout the fabric of writing. It effectively intervenes into accounts of ontology, political rulership, the relations between heavenly bodies (his cosmology), and the organization of t he human body of all that makes up the 50 reading of Derrida inspires her emphasis on the economy of architecture, or as she defines it, 51 This encapsulates not only the physical attributes of a building but also the t heoretical discourse surrounding architecture and the people who occupy its spaces. The space here is seen as a home: [W]omen become the living representatives of corporeality, of domesticity, of the natural order that men have had to expel from their own self representations in order to construct themselves above the munda ne, beyond the merely material. 52 In other words, women become the main supporter of their dominated men, a typical role that Plato assigned to chora Ellen Kay, in her "Beauty in the 53 focuses on the beauty of the domestic, urging people to create beauty around them by starting with their homes. If the home is beautiful, she reasons, life will be transformed for the better and, in turn, so will society. She begins with an examin ation of people such as farmers and workers who have little knowledge about fashion, which make them happier with the fewer objects 50 Grosz, Woman, Chora Dwelling, 215. 51 Ibid, 220. 52 Ibid 220. 53 Ellen Kay, Beauty in the House in Modern Swedish Design: Three Founding Texts, ed. Lucy Creagh et al. (New York: MoMA, 2008).

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55 they own. Kay believes that by recognizing the source of creativity found within the home and dwelling, we can make changes in art and society. Lisa C. Nevett focuses her study on the domestic organization within Greek households. 54 She moves from micro to macro, first looking at the relationships between men and women within the household, then the relationsh ip of household members with those outside the household, and finally to the macro and the wider social structures of the polis and city state. Each of these levels are examined analytically and chronologically to reveal the traditional assumptions about s ocial relationships in Greek households during the Classical and Hellenistic periods. Nevett charts a detailed exploration of archaeological evidence from individual Greek houses. She uses the concept of the household to describe the social unit of peopl e. She then suggests that this concept can be applied to numerous aspects of the Greek city, differentiating between the traditional domination of space and the domestication of the environment, all in relation to the household In Greece, as els ewhere, gender was a cultural factor that played an important role in shaping the organization of the home. The balance was between household members and outsiders. Nevett also examines the role of households in relation to the wider social structures of t he city state and monitors how it changes through time, noting how the house itself represents an important symbol of personal prestige. 55 54 Lisa C. Nevett, Gender Relations in the Classical Greek Household: the Archaeological Evidence The Annual of the British School at Athens 90 (1995): 363 381. 55 Nevet t, Gender Relations in the Classical Greek 367.

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56 Charlotte Perkins Gilman captures yet another experience of women in her short story about a woman and her doctor hu sband, John, during a summer when he decides to rent a secluded estate. 56 It is John who decides where both of them will stay, the bedroom they will sleep in, the furnishings of the room, and even what his wife will do/not to do during her free time. And he is the one who always wins the arguments because he is a man and a doctor. The wife becomes obsessed with the yellow wallpaper and imagines that there is a woman trapped behind it. She starts to peel the paper off, and when John enters the room she claims that the woman is free and starts creeping around the room. John faints and she still creeps around the room. Gender Globally, gender studies has become a new term for studies Sherry Anrentzen, sees gender as constructed by society via schools, families, etc. Basing her work on Simone de Beauvoir, Anrentzen argues in The F word in Architecture 57 that women become so by choice rather than by birth, a choice dependent on nationality, religion, social status, economical status, etc. In architecture, gender is usually mentioned when referring to a masculine cultural construct. In other words, architecture is associated with the masculine: men display their money and social connections their extreme power through architecture. Conversely, Anrentzen cal ls for a new gender culture of architecture. 56 Charlotte Perkins Gilman, The Yellow Wallpaper. At Project Gutenberg. Summer 2014. http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/1952 57 Sherry Ahrentzen,, The Word in Architecture: Feminist Analyses in/of/for in Reconstructing Architecture: Critical Discourse and Social Practices ed. Thomas A. Dutton and Lian Hurst Mann, 71 118. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996).

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57 Considering gender and familial relationships from a historical and economic rather than architectural perspective, Frederick Engels, in his The Origin of the Family and Private Property and the State, 58 focus es on the origin of the family, the origin of property, and the origin of the state, and the interrelationships between them. In his discussion of the family, he divides its origin into three main categories: the group marriage system found in the pairing family system found in and monogamy found in In his discussion of property, which Engels argues arose out of a shift from nomadic to agricultural societies, he points out that men, adhering to their traditional r ole of hunter and food provider, moved into the role of cattle and slave owners, exchanging their means and tools of production for cattle and slaves. These herds and slaves were owned by the head of the gens, who were not always male, but due to evolving cultural norms, the process of inheritance shifted. Property belonging to males remained in the male gens, but matriarchal law was still the norm. Children were still the property of their mother and her gens and thus excluded from property inheritance. As Engels moves on to discuss the origin of the state, he points out how the distribution of wealth quickly became unbalanced, and favoring men under the early system of monogamy. Prior to this, customs only allowed for wealth to remain with the male under t he For monogamy to advance, this mother's right had to be overthrown. The men took command of the home, the children, the means of production, the labor, and the food supply while women were reduced to servitude, only there for the needs an d pleasure of men and the creation of his progeny. 58 Frede rick Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the in Feminist Theory: A Reader, eds. Wendy Kolmar and Frances Bartkowski, 90 93. (UK: Penguin, 2010).

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58 On the other hand, Judith Butler, in her article, Performative Acts and Gender Constitution, 59 focuses on the difference between the appearance of body and the reality of gender: [G]ender identity is a p erformative accomplishment compelle d by social sanction and taboo. 60 By Butler means that any performance/act is an act by the fact of its happening. In this way, gender is considered an act of the body: performative acts form his/her gender. But gender is not the starting act. Rather, it is an identity that is always reproduced, over and over throughout time. Thus, Butler argues that gender is created through the acts of an individual's performance. The individual performance comes af ter gender; gender is formed by what is historically performed by each gender; and this act is performed by the body. It is through this theory of gender performativity that Butler challenges the distance between gender and sex. While most scholarship has been authored by Saudi men, a possible exception is Madawi Al Rasheed, one of the very few female Saudi writers and academics looking closely at Saudi history. In her book, A History of Saudi Arabia, a general history of Saudi Arabia that analyzes select issues and phenomena, Al Rasheed freely writes about the country, despite the sensitivities and censorship restrictions. Integrating Arabic language throughout her chapters, Al Rasheed examines the challenges facing Saudi Arabia, both internal ly and externally and pre and post 9/11 and the culture and traditions of Saudi Arabia through a Saudi lens. This well researched book and well written study is intimately familiar with the geography and early history of 59 Judith Butler, Performative Acts and Gender Constitution: An Essay in Phenomeno logy and Feminist Theatre Journal 40 (1988): 519 531. 60 Butler, Performative Acts and Gender 520.

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59 the Kingdom and reveals its cultur e and tradition in a way Western scholars are unable to. Al Rasheed's other written work mainly raises an awareness of the construction of gender and the role of women in politics, society, and religion. 61 She states the following in her interview with J adaliyya about her work as an academic Saudi women: I allowed women their place in my political and historical narratives about the Saudi past and present. More recently, in A History of Saudi Arabia (2002 and 2010), I demonstrated how women feature in th e legitimacy narratives of the state and its quest to merge with society as a result of marriage. In A Most Masculine State I gave this awareness the attention it deserves by situating gender at the center of debates about politics and religion. I have th ought about this book for years. It became an urgent project as the Saudi has ceased to be merely a local issue and has become a truly global concern. This was an outcome of Saudi internal challenges and external pressure, especially after 9/11, when Saudi Arabia came to the forefront, not simply as an oil producing territory, but as a contested country. 62 Al Rasheed here brings together, yet again, the two shaping forces of both Saudi history and, most significant to this study, its archit ecture: the changing gender dynamics shaped by religion and politics, and the changing economy shaped by the discovery of oil. 61 Madawi Al Rasheed, A Most Masculine State: Gender, Politics, and Religion in Saudi Arabia ( Cambridge and New York: Cambridge Univer sity Press, 2013). 62 Madawi Al Rasheed interview with Jadaliyya is an independent ezine produced by ASI ( Arab Studies Institute ), the umbrella organization that produces Arab Studies Journal Tadween Publishing FAMA and Quilting Point Source: http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/9722/new texts out now_madawi al rasheed a most masculi

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60 The importance of traditions is emphasized by Mohammed AlZalfa. 63 As a member of the Shora Council in Saudi Arabia, the author is a well educated Saudi male. In 2001, he evaluated and ranked the four best books on the history of Saudi Arabia published so far, and yet three out of the four books he mentioned are written by non Saudis, and two of those are written by Westerners. Furthe rmore, all four books were printed outside of Saudi Arabia due to the censoring of publications. The only Saudi author that AlZalfa recommends reading is a powerful Saudi politician who is, of course, male, and even his work is printed only in the UK. The books that he reviews is part of this literature review as well are: The Saudi Book and the Islamic Answer by Jalal Koshk, 1981 (Language: Arabic); The Kingdom by Robert Lacey and Alan Haines (Language: English); The House of Saud by Richard Johns, 1981 (L anguage: English); King AbdulAziz: a Documentary Study by AbdulAziz AlTuagri 1997 (Language: Arabic). AbdulAziz AlTuagriin, in his book King AbdulAziz: a Documentary Study, 64 published in the UK in 1997, provides a general history of Saudi Arabia from bo th a pre and post oil perspective. As o ne of the few Saudi authors who examines Saudi history from these two angles, AlTaugriin is able to discuss how oil affected Saudi Arabia during the rule of King AbdulAziz. The author is a very powerful politician who worked closely with the past Saudi Ruler, King Abdullah (when he was Prime Minster). As a Saudi, the author is biased toward AlSaud and Saudi Arabia, documenting all of the royal events and all of the major changes the King made to the military. 63 The Four Important Books That You Should Read About the History of Saudi Arabia." AlJazirah Arabic Electronic Newspaper # 10347 last modified January 26, 2001, http://www.al jazirah.com/2001/20010126/ar1.htm 64 AbdulAziz AlTuagri, King AbdulAziz: a Documen tary Study UK (missing name) Press, 1997.

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61 On the other hand, Eisenstein focuses her research on international movements in relation to gender and globalization. Globalization has led to greater inequality due to privatization, deregulation, tax breaks for multinational and other corporations, and attacks on trade unions, welfare systems, socialist underpinnings, and the working and poor classes. This to the 65 creates such work practices as longer hours with fewer breaks and shift work constantly subject to assessment through targets a nd electronic monitoring. To address these issues, Eisenstein divides her article into three categories: capitalism, low wages and Islamophobia. Indeed, even internationally, Eisenstein points out, women are falling further behind. With the Trade women of the global south and female labor are used to replace real development. In addition, emigration is becoming a multi billion dollar business. Many women leave their home and family and come to America to care for another family. Thus, in her final section, Eisenstein looks at where stereotypes run deep: The modern process of globalized capitalism, as it expands into new territories or deepens its grip on older ones, encounters cultures that are organized in ancient ways. T he bottom line is that contemporary feminism as shaped by capitalism is a wa y to dismantle ancient culture, 66 and: 65 Hester Eisenstein, Feminism Seduced: How Global Elites Use Women's Labor and Ideas to Exploit the World (Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2010): 107 196. 66 Eisenstein, Feminism Seduced, 194.

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62 This move encapsulates the promise of We stern feminism: escape from the constrains of tradition into the unlimited possibilities of a gender or a gen der free competitive lifestyle. 67 In other words, Islamophobia masks the truth. Eisenstein hopes to exculpate the current feminist model, noting that feminists must revisit Marxist ideas of class including a look at ethnicity in order to adequatel y represent the totality of women. Agency Seba Mahmood is a female anthropolog y professor living in the United States. In a section of her book entitled and Re Mahmood examines the of and offers a unique examination of agency focus ing on the Arab Muslim women in Egypt and their involvement in Islamist movements in Egypt. Her main argument is worth quoting at length : If we recognize that the desire for freedom from, or subversion of, norms is not an innate desire that motivates all beings at all times, but is also profoundly mediated by cultural and historical conditions, then the question arises: how do we analyze operations of power that construct different kinds of bodies, knowledge, and subjectivities whose trajecto ries do not follow the entelechy of liberatory politics? Put simply, my point is this: if the ability to effect change in the world and in oneself is historically and culturally specific (both in terms of what constitutes and the means by which it is effected), then the meaning and sense of agency cannot be fixed in advance, but must emerge through an analysis of the particular concepts that enable specific modes of being, responsibility, and effectivity. Viewed 67 Eisenstein, 196.

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63 in this way, what my appear to be a case of deplorable passivity and docility from a progressivist point of view, may actually be a form of agency but one that can be understood only from within the discourses and structures of subordination that create the conditions of its enactment. 68 Her definition of agency gets at the possibility of understanding wom e n narratives and body language as they engage in acts of resistance. It s an exploration into the ways in which these experiences of space are shaped and challenged by the economi c religious, social and political processes that affect their lives. Griselda Pollock recognizes that when depicting women, the link is often between class and sexuality. 69 In modern art, the trend of depicting the reality of prostitution is through nud ity, which was considered a privilege of the wealthy. Pollock focuses on how class defined painting, and then further examines how gender defined depictions of women. Society influences the production of art, but particularly for representations of female sexuality, there has been a lack of records, acknowledgments, and praise. To make her argument, Pollock notes how women are shown differently according to their class rather than their gender (the latter of which might seem a more obvious influence). She o ffers numerous examples of women restricted to spaces such as bedrooms, dining rooms, drawing rooms, etc. not only in paintings by both male and female artists, but in life as well. By e xploring the relationship between modernity and sexuality, questioning how paintings of bodies become the territory upon which male artists stake modernity and the avant grade Pollock claims that we cannot expect the reverse in paintings. Such a suggestion is ludicrous because historical asymmetries in 68 Ma hmood, Saba. Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject Princeton University Press, 2011: 14 15. 69 Griselda Pollock, Modernity and the Spaces of in Vision and Difference: Femininity, Feminism and the Histories of Art (Lon don: Methuen, 1988): 50 90.

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64 econo mics, social conditions, and subjectivities for women and men existed in Paris in the late nineteenth century. Pollock makes clear the significance of her argument by extending it beyond the issues of impressionist painting and parity for female artists. She looks further at the space of freedom, where one has liberty to look without being watched or even recognized in the act of looking. is still with us, whether we are Western, Eastern, Arab, Asian, white, black, etc., though now felt even m ore acutely as we become immersed in the postmodern world. Thus, it is important to develop feminist analyses to find moments of modernity and modernism, to examine how women produce and develop alternative models to negotiate and spaces o f In 1974, Sherry Ortner offered an explanation for why women throughout history are considered inferior to men in her Female to Male as Nature is to 70 she asks, What could there be in the generalized structure and conditions of existence, common to every culture, that would lead every culture to place a lower value upon women? Specifically, my thesis is that woman is being identified with or, if you will, seems to be a symbol of something that every culture devalues, somet hing that every culture defines as being of a lower order of existence than itself. 71 Ortner argues that women throughout history are often universally considered to be inferior to men. And twenty two years later, Ortner returns to her argument and adds 70 Sherry Ortner,, Is Female to Male as Nature is to in Woman, Culture and Society, eds. Rosaldo and Lampere, 67 87. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974). 71 Ortner, Is Female to Male as Nature is to 69.

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65 new discoveries. She more closely examines the real difference between the two genders and what drives women and what drives men. In this article, Ortner argues that subordinate status to men is in fact a result of the human mindset of how culture is superior to nature. This results in men and culture subduing women and nature. point is that women are typically associated with nature due to their physiology. As she points out, body and its functions more involved more of the time with seem to place her closer to nature, in contrast to physiology, which frees him more completely to take up the projects of cult ure. 72 Women give birth and, therefore, create new life. She devotes her time and body toward procreati on for instance, her body changes and functions differently solely for her children. Due to nature, this results in a stronger bond between women and her children, one that is stronger than the bond men have with their children. Therefore, society often as signs women the domestic family role, giving the men the freedom to pursue cultural endeavors. Labelle Prussin composed her article, from The Creative 73 while she was practicing architecture in Africa. She focuses on the role of the fe male architect in comparison to the role of the male architect in nomadic cultures. The design and furnishing of a nomadic domestic structure occurs in the context of marriage through the 72 Ibid. 73 Labelle Prussin, Excerpts from Creative in Gender Space Architecture: An Interdisciplinary Introduction eds. Iain Borden, Jane Rendell, and Barbara Penner, 306 313. (London: Routledge, 2000).

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66 dowry. In nomadic societies, women uniquely share a strong bond with each other throughout their lives, from childhood to marriage, childbirth and death. Because women control the domestic space, the house is designed based on her needs. Prussin discovers that in the nomadic world, architectural creativity and achievement are tied to the role of women in the home, leading to dynamic and new styles. On the other hand, Gwendolyn Wright focuses on the history taught in architectural design schools, especially the history of domestic housing, which has been virtually ignored. 74 She notes that with such little attention, the previous scholarship only configures women as mere consumers. To remedy this, Wright includes examples of various contributions to residential architectural history, illuminating new understandings o f the American home, clarifying an important debate about roles, and recording forgotten achievements. Shirley Ardener argues in her piece, The Partition of Space, that having own territory is power that space is power even if a space as small as a chair. This is because the ability to occupy a particular space is empowering, especially for women. Empowerment can occur by enabling a voice to be heard, giving it the power to speak out so others might learn from that new perspective. Arde rner focuses on social categories, or classification systems, and the terminology others use. She argues that ownership of space varies depending on the social class. As an anthropologist, she looks at different geographical spaces and how eve n the four cardinal direction are associated with gender (for example, Chinese see the south as 74 Gwendolyn Wright, Moralism and the Model Home (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1980).

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67 male and the north as female). Ardener explains how social maps have been actively and broadly used: The notion of as opposed to is seen as a criterion for metaphysical space, as does in opposition to regardless of the fact that some can really be w alked into. 75 She argues that space is complicated, that it is not a simple concept as most think espec ially public spaces. Space is affected by people, people with certain social identities in their own certain spaces. Ardener also outlines the traditional equality approaches to quotas. She looks at different nations, testing their notions of equality, and a variety of codified quotas, analyzing how such methods increase the presence of women with high social standing. Through this, she questions political effects on public space. theory of space and social mapping can be applied to different gender relations. She absorbs such daily cultural and spatial phenomena and recognizes how people public spaces in ways that rely, at least in part, on their individual social position and on the politics of social ideas and ideals. 75 Shirley Ardener, "The Partition of in Gender Space Architecture: An Interdisciplinary Introduction, eds Iain Borden, Barbara Penner and Jane Rendell, 112 117. (London: Routle dge, 2000).

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68 CHAPTER III IMPACT OF ISLAM ON THE FORMATION OF THE SAUDI FAMILY Beyond Saudi geography and climate, to better understand the urban structure and architecture of the country and how important Islam is in the formation of the Saudi family, one must also understand the common characteristics of a typical Islamic town. The Islamic faith restrictions on the mixing of genders is a dominant force in cultural expression and practice. This manifests in Islamic architecture perhaps most obviously in the design of mosques but perhaps less so in the design of residences Saudi Arabia, s ituated at the border of the Red Sea and the Arabian Gulf coasts, naturally shares much with its neighboring countries: the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, S udan, Egypt, and Jordan. While each has distinct regional and cultural differences, their architecture and town structures share much in common in other words, there is a delicate but definite line that differentiates the basic anatomy, architecture, aesth etics, and form of Arab towns from one another. Therefore, in what follows, first discuss in broad strokes the basic structure of an Islamic town and how climate and geography impact its format ion and form. I will then progressively zoom in, looking n ext at Saudi five major regions, culminating in the Hijazi region, and finally, Jeddah, to detail their unique characteristics. Gender Segregation In the Islamic religion, men and women are forbidden to comingle, especially when alone. This is most clearly seen in the gender division of mosques ( see figure 3 .1 ), school s universities, restaurants, and weddings halls. On the other hand, less visible more private spaces in homes feature structur al elements that maintain gender

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69 segregation such as entrances, majlis and the zoning of the house A ll of these maintain the privacy Because of these divisions, the relationship between Saudi men and women is culturally configured: it is assumed that men fulfill a dominant role and women a de pendent role This tradition is enforced by the government and is based on Islamic decree. For instance, a Saudi woman is not allowed to leave Saudi Arabia unless she has a formal travel permit from a male guardian that permits her to travel. But one shoul d not assume this restricts Saudi freedoms. For many countries in the Gulf region, including Saudi Arabia, governments are heavily investing in education, sending Figure 3.1 Source: http://www.bing.com/images/search?q=gender+segregation+in+mosque&view =detailv2&&id=AD1058A8CE7C3E09429074A1C57D5A194FAB6F1F&selectedIndex=168&ccid=x 7Fap7rT&simid=608017316741451410&thid=OIP.Mc7b15aa7bad398804250310 5c84ced47o0&aj axhist=0 Segregation in accessed February 18th 2016.

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70 many abroad to study. Through education, Saudi women are increasing ly gaining economic stature and leadership roles; many teach at universities and inspire future generations of young women. Tareq Shalabi, a n architect who has been in the profession for more than 20 years has created a group of professional architects who identify and document traditional houses in Al Balad and then propose their restoration for new uses. He is passionate about the historic buildings of Al Balad and has researched and gathered together information passed down from generation to generat ion. One of the most interesting aspects, he pointed out, is the architectural inspiration of these buildings: the human body They both are divided into three main parts. The public is the equivalent of hands and feet; it is represented by the ground floo r, which is dedicated to the guests. The semi private is like the midsection where much of the work is done; likewise, the middle floor(s) are where the entire family and servants do much of the day to day work. Finally, the private area is like th e head, where we have our private thoughts; so too in the home, the uppermost floors are where the husband and wife have complete isolation and privacy. 76 Islamic Town Formation 76 The interview with Arch. Tareq Shalabi was done during the summer 2016 research I did in AL Balad. Figure 3 .2. Source: Ragette 2012. 50.

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71 First and foremost, it is important to understand the logic behind the formati on of a typical Arab settlement. Because of the desert climate, locating a settlement close to a water source was of utmost importance: it sustained life and served as a channel of transportation. But also significant was the role of religion. Certain holy monuments and mosques often contributed to the growth in population and expansion of towns ( figure 3 .2 ). With the settlement of man, human's need for permanent shelter started. The building of shelter is our response to the environment (physical and cultural), known as the natural context, and the context of our existence, or human conte xt ( figure 3 .3 ). 77 The purpose of shelter is to satisfy the physical and psychological needs of people. Physical needs include protection against extreme heat and cold, dampness and moisture, and wind and noise, attack by animals or fellow humans, and othe r provisions for a healthy life such as nourishment (cooking and storage), cleanliness (sanitary facilities and laundry), and raising a family. Psychological needs consist of security (by providing for physical needs); spirituality (through worship and sac rifice), togetherness and privacy, artistic self expression and an increase in personal property. 77 Friedrich Ragette, Traditional Domestic Architecture of the Arab Region Berlin: Edition Axel Menges, 2003. 36 41. Coastal (Maritime) Inland (Continental) a) Coast open to surrounding are a a) At a distance from the sea b) Coast with coastal mountains b) Behind coastal mountains Table 1.1. Source: By author. of Climate in the Arab

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72 As mentioned earlier, climate is one element that has had a significant impact on how humans structure their environment in the Middle East. As Ragette poi nts out, climate and location impact architectural form in these regions of the Arabi an Peninsula. In order for humans to settle (or attain a comfortable condition) in any place and, in this case, in Cannot be changed although new materials are a vailable Gulf region where drastic changes in the economic situation have profound effects on society's values and ideology. Figure 3 .3. Source: Ragette 2012. Human 10.

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73 Figure 3 .4. Source: Ragette 2012. Mountain 22. any province in the Kingdom, they required a comfortable climate. This comfort is felt when the requirements for adequate heating, cooling, or ventilation are met, since temperatures and relative humidity are main factors affecting human comfort. R a g e tte distinguishes two main types of climate in Saudi s regions. First, coastal (Maritime): this is found in areas where the coast is open to the surrounding areas and alongside the coastal mountains. Second, inland (Continental): this is found in areas that are at a distance from the sea and behind the coast al mountains (see figure 3 .4 ). 78 In the coastal region, mountain groups limit the degree of maritime influence (figure 3 .5 ). Microclimates can be established in two ways: naturally, as a result of altitude or vegetation (figure 3 .6 ) in the Middle East, thi s phenomenon can be found in 78 Ragette, Traditional Do mestic Architecture of the Arab Region 71. Fi gure 3.5 Source: Ragette 2012. Moves from Land to 22.

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74 the oasis, w adi creek, or highland climates or man made, as a result of structures, manufactured surfaces, landscaping, etc. (figure 3 .7 ). In all but the highland areas, the summer is very hot and was considered a main conc ern of builders who had to contend with not only the extreme heat but also the strong sunlight and dust. Coastal areas experience strong humidity in the summer, while the interior is very arid. To respond to such extreme environments, there was an urgent n eed to design for shade and natural ventilation. Thus, the traditional Arab town is typified by a grouping of courtyard houses. The courtyards demarcate the residential private areas within the Arab town. The design of the courtyard itself provided light a nd ventilation for the rest of the structure, mitigating the hot temperatures and keeping the household much more comfortable. The town grew organically by the clustering of courtyard structures: one family would erect a house near another and th en another family next to that one, etc. Just as the residential structures were organized around the central courtyard, so too was an Arab town organized around a central square called the maidan Streets and alleys branched out from the maidan and appro ximately ten houses clustered around the maidan with each cluster organized by clans. The maidan was considered a semi public space, with a mosque and a souq, the shopping district, located there; however, outsiders would be recognized and questions would be raised about their presence. Figure 3.6. Source: Ragette 2012. Movement 22.

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75 In the following section, the three upper class Hijazi homes Nassief, NoorWali and in Al Balad are examined as they typify social relations within Hijazi culture and express the spatial arrangements and uses of the domestic sphere i n particular the agency and authority Saudi women wield in and through these domestic spaces. Figure 3.7. Source: Ragette 2012. made Microclimate 22.

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76 INTRODUCTION As stressed earlier in Part One of this dissertation, it is import ant to remember that there is not an easy way to classify traditional domestic Saudi architecture. Saudi five main regions have vastly different cultures and economies due to their diverse locations and exposure to outside influences. Despite this the second part of this dissertation nav igate s this ambiguous terrain to focus on relationship to those other cultures and to highlight its unique characteristics. In other words, it takes up the project of cultural archival documentation of three traditional Al Balad houses and then co ntextualizes the materials and design aspects. Context is offered via an examination of trade, climate, and geography; documentation is offered via floor plans, elevations, and diagrams of other architectural details. By preserving important historical dat a for comparison and analysis this section serves as a model and methodology for documenting other historic structures in the Hijazi region, ultimately filling a gap in current national preservation practices. Furthermore, Part Two provide s a foundation f or architectural curricula across schools in Saudi Arabia, offering a template for students to use when documenting and learning about other Hijazi structures. Due to proximity to Makkah and Madinah, the city has become the commercial cente r of the western Arabian Peninsula. An influx of visitors from around the world has resulted in the settlement of permanent visitors, or those who have chosen to make Jeddah their home, such as Yemenis, Bukharis, Indians, Turks, Persians, Hadramis, Malaya s ians Egypti a n s Syrians, European s Ethiopian s, and Anatolian s etc. Over time, these external influences have been adopted, adapted and coupled with strong local customs, all of which have given its inhabitants a distinctive identity. The locals adopted some customs, merged them with their own norms and habits, and incorporated them into Hijazi culture and tradition.

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77 CHAPTER IV DOCUMENTATION OF THE THREE BUILDINGS Because Islam requires a Muslim to perform the Hajj and Omra to Makkah at least once during his or her lifetime ( see figures 4.1 and 4 .2 ), the influx of believers from across the world has made Jeddah a more liberal, cosmopolitan, and open minded city compared to the rest of the conservative Sunni Islamic country. These worldly visitors have also contributed to the economic growth and prosperity of the city. Figure 4 .1. Source: https://www.google.com/url?sa=i&source=imgres&cd=&ved=0CAYQjBwwAGoVChMIpJDLwJL 8xwIVixmSCh0ulAcF&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.prophetpbuh.com%2Fwp content%2Fuploads%2F2014%2F02%2F1840 Drawing of Masjid al Haram al Masjid al Hara m in Makkah Saudi Arabia Picture.jpg&psig=AFQjCNFCTMCB6SdIaHnA8O_WtmaxANmUYw&ust=1442513184108161 of Al accessed December 10 st 2015.

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78 Earlier, in 1177 A.D., Hijaz was a part of the Egyptian Ayyubid Empire, only later (13 th c.) to be annexed to the Mamluk Sultanate. In the 16th century, the Ottoman Turks conquered the Maml uks in Egypt and gained possession of the territories in Hijaz. In 1525, the Ottomans rebuilt the walls of Jeddah to protect it from Portuguese coastal attacks. The new wall included six watchtowers and six gates, which were reduced during the 19 th century to the four gates Bab Al Rawma, Bab Al Madbagha, Bab Makkah, and Bab Al Furda. The materials used in the construction of the wall were hajar andam (a type of stone) and juss with the additional facing wall built of hajar al kashur, also known as hajar A l manqabi, or coral blocks from the Al Manqabi lagoon (north of Jeddah). The Ottoman Empire ended their rule of Hijaz in 1916. Figure 4 .2. Source: https://riversflowinginparadise.files.wordpress.com/2013/10/the sacred journey of hajj.jpg the sacred accessed December 10 st 2015.

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79 The city wall was built in the 16 th century and was developed over the f ollowing centuries. It was first reconstructed by Huss ein A l Kurdi who replaced the older ruined walls and made them the most distinguished and impressive feature for viewers approaching Jeddah from either sea or land. In the mid 20 th century, the city wall was repaired, increasing its height to three to four meters. Large stones and wrecked ancient turrets were used to repair the wall. Its contours formed an irregular hexagonal shape, with the entrance to the town located through the battlement gateways that were always closed at dusk. Until 1947, Jedd ah was included within the city walls, a small town of less than one square kilometer and some 35,000 inhabitants. The wall was demolished in 1947 ( f igure 4 .3). Figure 4 .3. Source: http://www.skyscrapercity.com/showthread.php?t=294912&page =23, accessed August 25th 2015.

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80 Today, the old city represents a small though fundamental entity within greater Jeddah, with about 1/100th of its overall population residing there Within the old city exists a core urban sector that has preserved its unity and coherence known as A l Balad (the town) to the residents withstanding the modifications that have taken place else where in the old city and in the surrounding newer developments of the city. As a stop along the religious with easy access by plane, boat and/or car, Jeddah and its culture, food, architecture, and lifestyle have been greatly impacted. Al Balad re presents a unique evolution of architectural tradition along the Red Sea I t is home to a style once common to cities on both coasts of the Red Sea, with only scant vestiges preserved outside Al Balad. The courtyard house is typical in the Muslim world and testifies to the privacy of the family, positioning the courtyard in the middle of the home and surrounding it with the rooms. However, due to limited land and climate conditions Figure 4 .4. Source: Ragette 2012. 22.

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81 (heat and humidity), Al Balad breaks with this tradition, featuring coastal homes characterized by imposing towers decorated with large wooden windows ( roshan ) ( see figures 4 .4 and 4 .5). Designating it a World Heritage Site, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization ( UNESCO ) deems the unique deve lopment of Red Sea architectural style, its symbolic and historic role as a gate to Makkah for Muslim pilgrims, and its preserved urban fabric as elements of its Outstanding Universal Value. 79 Historic tower houses are unique because of their large and complex wooden casements, or roshan This feature illustrates the evolution of the lower coral houses that populated many of the other cities on the two coasts of the Red Sea since the 16 th century. To better understand this evolution, in what follows I focus on name origins, location, climate, and geographic composition, laying a foundation for the subsequent chapters. 79 Saudi Commission for Tourism and Antiquities, Historic Jeddah, The Gate to Makkah: Nomination Document for the Inscription on the World Heritage List January 2013. Figure 4 .5. Source: Ragette 2012. Roshan 22.

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82 Comprising about one third of the area originally circled by the city walls, historic Jeddah, Gate to Makkah, is an urban property with a surface area of 17 hectares. It covers an area of 179,000 m 2 forming an elongated shape, with the widest section measuring about 1,000 meters long and 600 meters wide. It extends over the central sector of Al Balad, and is surrounded by th e harbor to the west, Bab Al Madinah to the north, Bab Sharif to the south, and Bab Makkah to the east. The Al Balad sector includes the preserved urban fabric of the old city. The area has developed mainly along three main axis: the two historic West East souks, and a North South commercial spine linking Bab Al Madinah with the southern limit of the old city. The buffer zone of the Al Figure 4 .6. Source: Saudi Commission for Tourism and Antiquities Historic Jeddah, The Gate to Makk ah: Nomination Document for the Inscription on the World Heritage List January 2013, p. vi., of Al Balad showing Boundaries and buffer

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83 Balad area is identified by the following four points: (see figure 4 .6) 80 North: 21 N 39 E South: 21 2 N 39 E East: 21 N 39 E West: 21 N 39 E The origin of the name is unknown, but folklore and legends attribute it to three possibilities: first, J e ddah, the head of the Qudaha tribe, was th e son of Jurm, who was the son of Rayan from Qudaha; second, J o ddah in traditional Arabic means and third, J a ddah in Arabic means and refers to Eve, the mother of mankind, who was barred from the city. Further complicating matters, th e Arabic language has 28 letters, 81 but each letter can be pronounced in three different ways based the on sound; for example, the letter A in Arabic is alef; but alef in the word fatha is Aaa, in dama is ooo, and in kasra is eee all three phonetically diff erent. Difference in meaning can be found not only in vowels but in consonants too: the difference in meaning for the letter D ( daal in Arabic) for Jaddah, Joddah, and Jeddah is significant. 80 Saudi Commission for Tourism and Antiquiti es, Historic Jeddah, The Gate to Makkah: Nomination Document for the Inscription on the World Heritage List January 2013. 81 Table of system of translation is provided at end of this document.

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84 Figure 4 .7. Source: http://www.itc.nl/Pub/Events Conferences/2012/december2012/Ph Defence Mr Mohammed Omayer Aljoufie.html Development of Jeddah city and accessed November 1st 2015.

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85 To review, Al Balad is located in the heart of Jeddah. Before the expansion of Jeddah, Al Balad was Jeddah. To differentiate the expansion and its original boundary, the earlier city center was re named Al Balad (see figure 4 .7). Much of the scholarly work looking at the urban context of the traditional house of Jeddah and the Hijaz region is very limited. Many of the texts are written by Western authors. For example, Angelo Pesce 82 and James Buchan 83 stand as the best sources about Jeddah, providing valuable historical facts about its architectural and ec onomic history, highlighting the Hajj's influence on the design of Jeddah's domestic structures. Only one non western scholar stands out: Jalal Koshk, an Egyptian historian who possesses a great knowledge of Saudi history and the origins, discuss ing the importance of Saudi history and Islamic law and tradition. 84 Thus, many scholars are unaware that Old Jeddah is both Al Balad and Jeddah. Old Jeddah and Al Balad both are contemporary names to differentiate between the expanded area of Jeddah after the discovery of oil and the original boundary of 82 James Buchan, Jeddah Old and New (Stacey International Publi shers, 1991). 83 Angelo Pesce, Jiddah: Portrait of an Arabian City (ICON Group International, 1974). 84 Jalal Koshk, The Saudi Book and the Islamic Answer. UK 1981. Figure 4 .8. Source: Reproduced in A. Pesce, op. cit., p.18., of [ Je dd ah ] in the early 13th century according to Ibn Al

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86 traditional Jeddah before the discovery of oil. This fact is absent in the literature, a gap only recognizable by a Saudi and a Hijazi citizen with familiar ties to Old residences. In 647 A.D., the city of Jeddah was officially the port for Hajj pilgrims during the rule of the second prophet PBUH companion, Othman BinAfan. In the 10th c. A.D., Jeddah was believed to have been inhabited by Persians expelled by the ruler of Makkah. At that time, it was surrounded by a strong wall with two gates: one facing Makkah and the other facing the sea (see figure 4 .8). In the 13 th c. (1229) the walls were repaired and four gates replaced the original two: Bab A l Rawma, Bab A l Madbagha, Bab Makkah and Bab A l Furda. The Khans also built houses of Hajar al kashur (coral blocks). Figure 4 .9. Source: King, Geoffrey, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia London, New York: 1998. Print. Plate 30,

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87 The planning of Al Balad had to accommodate its alleyways. There were four major alleys called z ogag and they all met in the middle, called b araha. These passages were oft en snake like, so narrow that only one person at a time could pass through. Because land was tight, houses deviated from the traditional Islamic homes detailed earlier, in which a two story structure surrounded a courtyard. Instead, the courtyard was repla ced by a terrace (to be discussed in more detail later). Thus the traditional buildings of Old Jeddah are tall and graceful, constructed of coral and limestone and decorated intricately with beautiful Indian or Javan teak facades that ventilated the houses as well as shaded the narrow streets. Those houses that still stand are more than 400 years old. Figure 4 .10. Source: Pesce, Angelo. Jiddah: Portrait of an Arabian City. UK: ICON Group International, 1974. Page 86,

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88 They are some of the oldest mu lti story (as tall as five or si x stories) residential structures in the world (the other is found in Shiyam City Yemen). 85 The move toward multiple stories seems to have developed in Jeddah by the early 20th century since such tall houses are not mentioned in earlier accounts. Given the limited space of the walled town at this late date, Jeddah likely had to build vertically as it became more prosperous and crowded (and before the restraint of the city wall was removed in 1947). 86 The materials used in the construction of these tall buildings were hajar andam and juss with the additional facing wall built of hajar al kashur Auth or Jean Pierre Greenlaw provides a detailed study of the coral material used in a town called Suakin, 87 which is located on the other side of the Red Sea. With its similarities in materials, geography, and culture, Suakin serves as a helpful comparison to J eddah. Suakin is an Islamic town that was once ruled by the Turks during the 16 th and 17 th century. Aylin Orbasli, in his book The Conservation of Coral Buildings on Saudi Arabia's Northern Red Sea Coast, 88 describes the building materials used in Jeddah a nd discusses the environmental context of the city in general. The effect of the humid air of Jeddah on the coral building blocks made it essential to protect the exterior and interior wall surfaces with plaster, which developed into a high quality decorat ive surface for carving. The plaster carving of Jeddah is extremely refined and distinct among related traditions along the Red Sea coast, though it seems to have had some repetition inland at Al Taif. In Jeddah, decorative plaster tends to be concentrated on the lower part of the exterior facades of the houses, such as around the doors and main windows. The plaster was applied to the 85 King, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia 86 Ragette, Traditional Domestic Archite cture, 27. 87 Jean Pierre Greenlaw, The Coral Buildings of Suakin (Oriel Press, 1976). 88 Aylin Orbasli, The Conservation of Coral Buildings on Saudi Arabia's Northern Red Sea Journal of Architectural Conservation 15, no. 1 (2009): 49 64.

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89 coral walls and was worked immediately while still wet. Some geometric motifs were cut at an oblique angle so that rain wate r would efficiently ru n off the plaster. At ground level, the walls of these multi story homes were about 80 cm thick, but as the height rose, the thickness reduced by 15 cm per story. For the interior, the decreasing wall thickness r educed the weight of the building and created a ledge on which the ceiling beams could rest. For the upper floors, openings in the walls were made to insert rosha or the casements for windows and doors. Traditionally, windows were pane less (see figure 4 11). Instead, around the tops of many roshan s were ornate unit s called a rafraf s ( see figure 4 .12). The rafraf stands forward on brackets and are frequently ornamented with a fringe of flat wooden details around the perimeter. Their primary purpose is prac tical (to cast shade on the upper part of the roshan ), but they often serve as exterior decoration. When a roshan stand s one above the other, serving successive stories, paneling is used to visually link the lower Figure 4 .11. King, Geoffrey, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia London, New York: 1998. Print. Plate 33, four story coral built house in Jedd ah with wooden

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90 roshan with the upper. These linking panel s, known as hizam sometimes stretch vertically over three or four stories of a house. While the alleys were narrow, the streets were wide and well aligned. There were four main streets called hara. Local lore suggests that the residences of the hara typ ically indicate the socio economic status of the resident: Harat Al Sham was lined with the residences of aristocrats and the wealthy, while Harat Al Yamen was home to the city's poor ; residences along the Harat Al Bahar belong ed to fishermen and people wh o work in the sea; Harat Al Mazloom was home to proprietors of improper and immoral trades. Lore also suggests that the color of the roshan represented the status of the family: light green for businessmen, brown for the middle class, light brown the poor, and light blue for the fishermen. The homes of the middle class were often two or occasionally three stories. Other small rental houses (Ushash or jundub huts) were built of khaws (palm leaves), wood, reed, and straw. Khans (shops) were built to accommoda te travelers and were up to three stories high. Coral blocks from the Al Manqabi lagoon and wood were principal building materials. Many types of wood, especially teak and gandal were imported. Wood courses called taglilat used in Jeddah houses w ere also imported from India; the teak used for these gandal courses prevented the collapse of the coral walls, which could be weakened due to humidity, salinity, soil dampness, and/or inadequate foundations.

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91 Windows in Jeddah were very similar in desi gn to roshan except that they did not project from the walls. For the roshan and windows, a lattice of wooden slats/boards called shish was often built around the lower half to conceal the interior when the upper shutters are open. The purpose of the shis h was to increase the privacy of the interior, and they were positioned mainly around openings in the rooms of the harim (see figure 4 .12). Rafraf H izam Figure 4 .12. Source: Dr. Azza Eleish presentation slid#14 on Saudi Arabia Architectural Heritage at Dar Al Hekma University, Unpublished.

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92 Another major use of fine woodwork in Jeddah houses was found in the doors. The principal external doors of the wealthier, multi story houses usually had double leaves decorated with carved panels. These carved wooden doors represent some of the finest carpentry and decoration in the Arab worl d (see figures 4 .13 and 4 .14). Providing a glimpse into what Westerner s first thought of these structures, Johann Burckhardt, a Swiss traveler gave detailed description of Jeddah (what he refers to as during his visit in 1814 in his book, Travels in Arabia : The interior of [Jeddah] is divided into different distr icts. The most respectable inhabitants have their quarters near the sea, where a long street, running parallel to the shore, appears lined with shops, and affords many Khans constantly and exclusively frequented by merchants. [Jeddah] is well built; indeed better than any Turkish town of equal size that I had hitherto seen. 89 89 Sameer A l Lyaly, The Traditional House of Jeddah: a Study of the Interaction between Climate, Form and Living Patterns (Dissertation, University of Edinburgh, 1990), 21. Figure 4 .13. Source: King, Geoffrey, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia London, New York: 1998. Print. Plate 40, main entrance of Bayt

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93 Until the modern period, many early visitors commented on poor water supply, referring to the use of underground tanks ( saharij or birkas) to store water brought by camels from beyond the walls. Wells within the town produced water at a depth of no more than five meters but the water was of poor quality. As a solution, water cisterns were built under large houses to collect rainwater. Figure 4 .14. Source: King, Geoffrey, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia London, New York: 1998. Print. Plate 39, of the d ecoration of the main door of Bayt Figure 4 .15. Source: King, Geoffrey, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia London, New York: 1998. Print. Plate 32, Al

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94 The surviving houses of O ld Jeddah vary, but interestingly, the oldest homes do not significantly differ in construction from the newer homes. The early Jeddah houses had wooden screens and roshan but unique to them was the use of turned wood; later screens used flat wooden grilles instea d. 90 The houses of Jeddah and other Hijazi cities generally are often classified as Ottoman. To get a better sense of the aesthetics of these structures, the following are images of some of the most famous extant Ottoman era houses, such as Bayt al Baghdadi (figure 4 .15), Bayt Nassief (figure 4 .16), and Bayt Al J awkhdar (figures 4 .17 and 4 .18). 90 King, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia, 48. Figure 4 .16. Source: King, Geoffrey, The Traditional Architect ure of Saudi Arabia London, New York: 1998. Print. Plate 40, Bayt

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95 Others, such as Bayt Al Baghdadi, were demolished in the course of street widening. It was built by Moussa Al Baghdadi, wakil to the sharif of Makkah, in 1881. The p rincipal entrance was on the western seaward side with another entrance on the south side. While the lower walls were plain, the primary external decoration (to be described in further detail in Chapter Seven) was found in the many complex roshan and woode n window frames. Lobed arches over the center of each window or roshan with wooden rafraf provided visual unity to the facade. The uppermost stories of the Baghdadi house had tower like corner rooms, and in the center of the roof was a room that functioned as a private sitting room, or kushk rising high above the rest of the house and surrounded Figure 4 .18. Source: King, Geoffrey, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia London, New York: 1998. Print. Plate 37, Figure 4 .17. Source: King, Geoffrey, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia London, New York: 1998. Print. Plate 38,

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96 by the open roof terrace. This room would have been well ventilated from all directions and at night would have been cooler than the rooms of the lower stories. Th e kushk of Bayt Nassief, for instance, took advantage of this by using the space for resting and sleeping. The summits of all Bayt AI walls had layers of crenellations unique to Jeddah in fact, the parapet around the roof and the tops of the wal ls of kushk are surmounted by similar crenellations. The hierarchy of rooms in Jeddah houses remained consistent: the lowest floor were used by the servants or for storage, the second floor was used for cooking, the third floor was used for bed rooms, while the uppermost floor for example, of a four story house would be for the majlis This division is much the same as that found in tower houses found throughout southern Hijaz all the way to Yemen. Figure 4 .19. Source: King, Geoffrey, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia London, New York: 1998. Print. Plate 36,

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97 Figure 4 .20. Source: King, Geoffrey, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia London, New York: 1998. Print. Plate 43, Bayt Al Figure 4.21 Source: King, Geoffrey, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia London, New York: 1998. Print. Plate 41 Bayt Al Khazuqa

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98 To promote circulation between the entranc e and the upper floors of these tall Jeddah houses without disturbing the privacy of the women of the household, the staircase had no direct view into the rooms of any floor. The houses had no courtyard, nor were there any other external enclosures or gard ens outside the buildings due to limited land availability. The role that a courtyard would have served was fulfilled instead by roof terraces. Towards the top of the house, the floor area of each succeeding story was reduced as terraces were created on th e roofs of the rooms below. This also served to reduce the weight of the superstructure. Furthermore, the terraces enabled women to organize outdoor domestic activities such as drying clothes and screened them from the streets below by balustrades around e ach terrace. Customs and social codes ensured that people in neighboring houses avoided looking at nearby roof terraces, and houses were typically arranged so as to ensure that such views onto other houses' terraces was prevented as much as possible. Figure 4.22 Source: King, Geoffrey, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia London, New York: 1998. Print. Plate 42 Bayt Al Khazuqa

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99 Bayt Ridwan is another tall house in Jeddah. It lies to the east of the Shafi Mosque, and has also been restored. Apart from being a good example of a Jeddah house with fine carved wooden doors, it has an interesting wind catcher, malqaf which allows the prev ailing north wind of Jeddah to ventilate the interior (see figure 4 .20). The malqaf is a large rectangular opening high in the north wall of the house; its design in Bayt Ridwan recalls the wind catcher in Al Hufuf in the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia, where the device is called a badgirr ; however, wind catchers are rare in Jeddah. Bayt Al Shurbatli, a two story structure located across from Bayt Nassief, contains a fine example of the local plaster carving tradition (see figure 4 .21). A palm tree moti f repeated four times dominates its street facade. Another prominent example of decorative exterior plaster is found on the facades of Bayt Khazuqa ( see figure 4 .22 ), distinguished by the complexity of the geometric plaster panels in addition to an inscrip tion over the doorway with benedictions for those entering the building. Similar inscriptions were found on the doorways of other houses along the Red Sea coast. History of Each House Because many of the main houses in Jeddah Al Balad share common spati al and formal characteristics, they can be grouped into a single building type called the roshan tower This type of house manifested in Jeddah during the second half of the 19 th century. There is no archaeological or textual evidence that indicate s its presence before that. 91 Jeddah served as a port connecting the East to the West, which led to the city became a thriving center of mercantile activity. The wealthy merchants of Jeddah built 91 Saudi Commission for Tourism and A ntiquities, Historic Jeddah, The Gate to Makkah: Nomination Document for the Inscription on the World Heritage List January 2013.

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100 taller and more elaborately decorated homes to reflect their new position and wealth. Wood, imported from Asia, was the favored material for roshan and faade treatments This dissertation, look s at three houses in Al Balad: Bayt Nassief, Bayt Noorwali and Bayt (see figure 4 23 ). In choosing these stru ctures, consistency and accessibility were considered, such as the features they shared and the materials that were available among them. Research surrounding Bayt Nassief is plentiful, while materials surrounding Bayt Noorwali and Bayt are much m ore sparse. This presented a challenge, of course, but it also presented an opportunity to contribute to the absence of research on these latter structures. Because the historic records are difficult to find or are incomplete, many of my readings were done by drawing logical Figure 4.23 Source: By Jeddah Municipality Al Balad Nassief NoorWali

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101 connections to Bayt Nassief. Because all three houses still stand these connections can be substantiated, thereby, increasing the accuracy of those assumptions. By basing them on architectural drawings taken to scale, one can better an alyze the function, form, and aesthetic of each house. To summarize, the commonalities between all three houses are as follows 92 : 1. Exemplify 19th century homes of the wealthy mercantile families of Jeddah. 2. Large in size, accommodating family, extended famil y, and other merchants. 3. Ground floor functions as a semi public space for commercial purposes. 4. Feature two entrances, one for male guests and one for family and female guests. 5. Upper floors form the living quarters of the family one floor per nuclear famil y. 6. Each floor plans is similar and repetitive. 7. Each floor is composed of a central living room, called the suffah which is connected to the kitchen and the bathroom and which was used for family eating and entertainment. 8. Each floor features a majlis for daily activities and receiving family guests, and opens onto the street through the front faade. 9. The top floor features the mabit or summer living and sleeping room, and roof terrace. 92 Saudi Commission for Tourism and Antiquities, Historic Jeddah, The Gate to Makkah: Nomination Document for the Inscription on the World Heritage List January 2013. p. 60

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102 Bayt Nassief Bayt Nassief exhibits exceptional design. It was built between 1872 and 1881 by a Jeddah landowner, Umar Effendi Al Nassief, the w akil of Jeddah for the sharif of Makkah, Awn Al Rafiq (1882 1905). The architect was said to have been of Turkish origin, and the house is distinct in its scale, floor plan, and de sign, often compared to one in Makkah built by the sharif himself. When the Saudi sultan of Najd (later King), Abdel Aziz Al Saud, entered Jeddah in December, 1925, after defeating the Hashemite King, Ali bin Husayin, he stayed in Bayt Nassief, receiving n otable men of the city. By 1987 it had been preserved as one of the city's most outstanding monuments and underwent restoration. As described in the previous chapter, Bayt main entrance is on the north side, preceded by a flight of steps. From th is side, the house looks out onto a small square with a tree, one of the few trees found in Jeddah at that time. Another entrance to the house used solely for the women is found on the west side of the building. The motifs carved in the wood of the main do uble doors to the house include a tree and sun motif. The entrance leads to the dihliz At the back of the house, approached through the dihliz is an unusually wide staircase. This reaches to the top of the house and functioned as an interior shaft circul ating air, with two water cisterns on the ground floor and several large rooms occupying the upper floors. Latrines were also found on every floor, one of which, on the third floor, as mentioned earlier, even had a domed shower. Constructed over sev en years, Bayt Nassief was completed in 1882, making the house approximately 131 years old, or older than the founding of the country of Saudi Arabia. It is located in the heart of Jeddah on one of the oldest streets, Souq AlAlawi. The owner of the house, Umar Nassief Effindi, came from a wealthy and well educated family, and at the time of the construction, he was the governor of Jeddah. When King

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103 Abdulaziz (the founder of Saudi Arabia) entered Jeddah and made it part of Saudi Arabia, he visited Ba yt Nassief and stayed as a guest of honor. After that, the house became the preferred lodging of all visiting royalty and presidents. Umar Nassief Effindi was passionate about knowledge and learning; he owned more than 16,000 books collected from all over the world and housed the unique collection in Bayt Nassief. After his death, King Faisal (the third king of Saudi Arabia) bought the house and gave it to the Jeddah municipality, who then turned it into a museum, donating all of Umar Nassief Effindi's boo ks to King Abdulaziz University Library in Jeddah. The total size of Bayt Nassief is 900 m 2 The house has an irregular floor plan with four floors and 40 rooms. The materials that were used to built the house are mainly coral and wood. As detailed earl ier, coral is the primary local material used, quarried from the Red Sea, and ideal for insulation, protection and decoration. Figure 4.24. Source: Photography by author Alaa Al Ban July, 2015 bayt

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104 Wood imported from the east was used for all of the windows, doors, and roshan and served as the main decorative material fo r the roshan and the doors. Its doors represent some of the finest carpentry and decoration not only in Saudi Arabia but also in the Arab world in general Layout of Bayt Nassief The layout of Bayt Nassief was designed specifically to meet needs a nd maintain their privacy. As already mentioned, Bayt Nassief is a four story house; its main entrance is on the north side, elevated by five steps As Sameer Al Lyaly observes, The general character of the street was made up of few relatively regular mai n streets radiating out from the shore from which branch secondary smaller streets (alleys) laid out along N S axis, thus taking full advantage of the prevail ing N NW winds and sea breezes. 93 Because of this street layout, the main entrance of Bayt Nassief was a semi public space that gave access to ground floor storage, to rooms used by servants, and to the single staircase that served all four floors. Architect Sami Nawar, who often gives tours of Bayt Nassief, mentions that the main entrance was typicall y used by the males, their male guests, the servants, and even camels who were used to carry groceries and heavy items to upper floors through the stairs (figure 4.24) and to the kitchen located on the fourth floor. 94 Another entrance on the we st side of the building was considered a semi private space and was used strictly by the women of the household and their female guests (see figure 93 Al Lyaly, 111. 94 This information was obtained during a public tour of Bayt Nassief but remains unsubstantiated by the present literature.

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105 4 .25). To reach it, a visitor had to go through an arch and walk a few of steps into a passageway. Since it was located on a quieter street that had less traffic, the women were free to interact without being heard on the street. In this way, the needs were met and their privacy maintained; she could greet her guests freely without covering up. This very clearly contradicts typical beliefs that Saudi women are repressed and secluded. In the Nassief house, the finest decoration can be found in the haramlik on the fourth floor because this was the main majlis (figure 4.2 6 ) of the house for women. Access t o the haramlik was further dignified by round arches resting on columns with ornate floral capitals. The only glass in the house was used internally in lunettes over the doors to this haramlik allowing the sunlight to appear as bright primary colors. Figure 4.25. Source: Photography by author Alaa Al Ban July, 2015 Side Entrance bayt

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106 Figure 4.26. Source: Photography by author Alaa Al Ban July, 201 5 Majlis bayt The owner of Bayt Nassief, Umar Nassief Effindi came from a wealthy and well educated family, and he constructed one of the most traditional houses in Saudi Arabia that represents the true architecture of the Hijazi region and the true translation of its culture, showing the importance placed on maintaining the comfort and privacy. All of the evidence provided in this chapter showcases and proves that women did indeed hold power, that they were valued and respected in their society, and that this a ppears in all of the elements of her house. The roshan is one of the most important architectural features of the Hijazi houses. They represent the social status of the residence and residents. More importantly, they are a symbolic element that shows the i mportance of women and how they are a reflection of her her beauty, her value, and her function. In fact, the space that was given to the women was approximately double

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107 the size of the space allotted to the men. All of this was done to ensure that she was not left out or controlled by the male dominated society and that she was respected and valued. It is because of this that Bayt Nassief is one of the most important houses in the Hijazi region. Bayt NoorWali This house is in close proximity to Bayt Na ssief, and its main faade opens up to one of the main commercial east west axis shops, S ouk Al Alawi. Bayt No orwali was built in the mid 19 th century for one of the wealthiest familie s in Jeddah, the Ashour family. Following this, a well known Indian merc hant, Mr. Noorwali, who ran a successful fabric trade in Jeddah, bought the house. The exterior, just like the other traditional houses, has an exposed green hued roshan (figure 4.27) which covers the main faade of the house. The size of these roshan s a re large (figure 4.28) with a massive one in the middle, creating a unique visual Figure 4.27 Source: Photography by author Alaa Al Ban July, 2015 Bayt

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108 form for both the exterior and the interior. A survey of the house was first conducted and published in 1981, and in 2012, a partnership between King Abdulaziz University an d Vienna Technical University carried out a 3D scan of the exterior of the building. 95 The house has four levels and a terrace protected by a tall stone wall. In addition, it has a double flight staircase located in the back of the house, leading to the upper floors that are divided into two separate apartments. Each floor has an independent kitchen space accessible from the intermediate landing of the stairs. Based on the interview s that conducted during research, the upper levels still include the origi nal, valuable furniture. The fourth and fifth floors hold additional rooms in the Turkish style, featuring hammams and terraces covered with conical domes. As in Bayt Nassief, the ground floor of the house is a semi public zone that contains office space, the salamilc majlis, and the rooms that were rented out during Hajj season. 95 Commission for Tourism and Antiquities, Historic Jeddah, The Gate to Makkah: Nomination Document for the Inscription on the World Heritage January 2013, 62. Figure 4.28. Source: Photography by author Alaa Al Ban July, 2015 bayt

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109 Bayt This house is located in the Mazloum quarter. It was built in 1341 AH (1923 AD). Just as in the previous two houses, Bayt Ba`ishan has two entrances that are both h eavily decorated and well preserved (figures 4.29 & 4.30) The entrances are composed of two separate sections with their own staircases. The central square stairs act as an interior shaft, facilitating the ventilation of the interior of the house. Figure 4.29. Source: Photography by author Alaa Al Ban J uly, 2015 Bayt

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110 The B a`ishan family originated from the Hadramaut region in Yemen. The patriarch came to Jeddah for Hajj and then settled and specialized in the trade of tea and cereals. Other members of the family were connected to two well known Jeddah intellectuals, the mus ician Omar Ba`ishan, and the journalist Mohammad Ba`ishan. One unique feature of the house is an additional space not found in the other two houses: Bayt B a`ishan has a private praying area for the family on the ground floor. Figure 4.30. Source: Photography by author Alaa Al Ban July, 2015 entrance b ayt

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111 Measured Drawings Bayt Nassief Figure 4.31. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban North Elevation B ayt

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112 Figure 4.32. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban East & West Elevation B ayt

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113 Figure 4.33. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban Ground Floor Plan B ayt

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114 Figure 4.34. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban First Floor Plan B ayt

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115 Figure 4.35. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban Second Floor Plan B ayt

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116 Figure 4.36. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban Third Floor Plan B ayt

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117 Figure 4.37. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban Fourth Floor Plan bayt

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118 Figure 4.38. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban Fifth Floor Plan bayt

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119 Bayt NoorWali Figure 4.39 Source: by author Alaa Al Ban East Elevation B ayt

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120 Figure 4.40. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban Ground Floor Plan B ayt

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121 Figure 4.41. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban First Floor Plan B ayt

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122 Figure 4.42. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban Second Floor Plan B ayt

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123 Figure 4.43. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban Third Floor Plan B ayt

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124 Figure 4.44. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban Fourth Floor Plan B ayt

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125 Figure 4.45. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban Fif th Floor Plan B ayt

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126 Bayt Figure 4.46. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban East Elevation B ayt

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127 Figure 4.47. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban West Elevation B ayt

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128 Figure 4.48. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban Ground Floor Plan B ayt

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129 Figure 4.49. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban First Floor Plan B ayt

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130 Figure 4.50. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban Second Floor Plan B ayt

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131 Figure 4.51. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban Third Floor Plan B ayt

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132 Figure 4.52. Sou rce: by author Alaa Al Ban Fourth Floor Plan B ayt

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133 CHAPTER V DISCUSSION : CONTEXTUALIZING MATERIALS The domestic structures of Hijaz were generally constructed on higher ground and all were, on average, two to five stories tall. They were built of coral masonry with inserted wooden courses ( gandal ) for reinforcement, all covered with a protective coating of plaster. Often, the main entrance to the house was exceptional in its decorative carving. Historically, identity was forged by conflict. In the 16 th century, the Ottoma n Turks conquered the Mamluks in Egypt and obtained the territories in Hijaz (1525). 96 The rebuilt the walls of Jeddah to protect the area from Portuguese naval attacks, adding six watchtowers and six gates. The wall was later modified, r educing the number of gates and towers to four during the 19 th century: the Gate of Sham to the north, the Gate of Mecca to the east, the Gate of Sharif to the south, and the Gate of Al Magharbah to the west. Coral blocks from A l Manqabi to the north of Jeddah and juss or plaster, were used to construct the town walls. Laid between the coral were wooden gandal courses called taglilat to prevent the collapse of the coral stone. But perhaps most characteristic of Jeddah architecture is the roshan Origina ting from the Persian word for window, roshan are projected windows (also known as Mashr abiya or Shanasheel ; see figure 5 1) The roshan came into use during the Abbasi Empire of the 13 th century (750 1258) but became popular during the Ottoman Emp ire (1805 1517); therefore, the roshan can be found in any city that was colonized by the Ottomans. The roshan serve d two main 96 Angelo Pesce, Jiddah: Portrait of an Arabian City (Las Vegas, NV: ICON Group International, 1974), 54.

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134 purposes: 1) aesthetic, which is important to Islamic architecture; 2) functional, providing ventilation, light, and a view. 97 A typical Islamic home's architectural design is focused around maintaining the privacy of the female household. Most Islamic residential design is characterized by the courtyard house containing two stories. But in Jeddah Al Balad houses were designed with multiple stories and without a courtyard in the middle due to the limited land and humidity. In this 97 Al Lyaly, Sameer Mahmoud Z. The Traditiona l House of Jeddah: a Study of the Interaction Between Climate, Form and Living Patterns. Ph.D dissertation, University of Edinburgh (1990). Figure 5 .1. Source: Ragette 2012. 22.

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135 section of the literature review, authors were selected based on how they discuss the gendered spaces in the house. The gendered spaces in the house i n Jeddah Al Balad are divided into three categories: the entrance, m ajlis and roshan Details and analysis of each element is provided in the next part of this dissertation Around the tops of many roshan is an ornate unit called a rafraf These rafra f are frequently ornamented with a fringe of flat wooden details around the perimeter. In the case of roshan and windows, a lattice of wooden slats/boards called shish is often built around the lower half to conceal the interior when the upper shutters are open (figure s Figure 5.2. Source: D rawn by author Alaa Al Ban. of Roshan

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136 5 .2 and 5.3 ) The purpose of the shish is to increase the privacy of the interior, often employed around openings in the rooms of the harim space). The fine woodwork of the roshan and rafraf was also echoed in the sculptural details of the doors. The principal external doors to the finer houses usually featured double leaves and were Figure 5.3. Source: D rawn b y author Alaa Al Ban. Roshan

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137 decorated with carved panels. These carved wooden doors represent some of the finest carpentry and decoration in Saudi Arabia. As mentioned earlier, the houses in Jeddah had no courtyard, nor were there any other external enclosures or gardens outside the buildings due to limited land availability within the town wall. The role that a courtyard would have served was fulfilled instead by roof terraces. Towards the top of the house, the floor area of each succeeding story was reduced as terraces were created on the roofs of the rooms below. The terraces enabled women to organize outdoor domestic activities such as drying clothes while still remaining scr eened from the streets. Customs and social codes also ensured that people in neighboring houses avoided looking at nearby roof terraces. Houses were typically arranged to prevent outsiders from looking in, a reflection of an Islamic sense of politeness and decorum. To better understand how the roshan is gendered, Sami Angawi 98 argues that we must remember how, traditionally, women are responsible for the physical and emotional care of their children, raising and transforming them into sophisticated adults. Women, then, are often associated with the home and children. The space the Saudi family occupies in particular, the interior spaces where mothers prepare their children for the outside world serve as architectural manifestations of gendered social roles. In Saudi culture, many see a strong connection between women and nature, though few have considered how this relationship translates into the domestic space she occupies. In Hijaz specifically in Al Balad the spaces a woman occupies are the kitchen, bed room, and 98 Sami Angawi, The Roshan a Main Feature of the Hedjaz Architecture Colored Glass and Mushrabiyyah in the Muslim World (Cario: Research Centre for Islamic History, Art and Culture 52, 1995).

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138 haramlik These spaces are feminine, detailed, and kid friendly. But the roshan is one of the most sophisticated and characteristic elements of the traditional architecture of the Hijazi house. The roshan is, as H. A. Jomah points out, mos t sophisticated objects in the traditional houses of Jeddah. Rich families made their roshan s from Indian or Java teakwood imported from the Far East. As such, they were the most expensive elements in the 99 The roshan are installed in the haramli k to accommodate needs: as her children nap in the same room with her, she can rest as well, enjoying the sun light and the cool breeze from three sides without her exposure to the outside. Considering the climate and the effect humidity had on t he coral building blocks, protecting the exterior and interior walls was of paramount importance, and surfaces were covered in plaster, worked immediately while still wet and, once dried, served as a surface for high quality decorative carving. Compared to other decorative plaster conventions among related traditions along the Red Sea coast, the plaster carving of Jeddah is extremely refined and distinctive, perhaps informed by the carving style found inland at Al Taif. In Jeddah, this decorative plaster wa s often concentrated on the lower part of the exterior facades of houses, around the doors and main windows. 99 H.A. Jomah, The Traditional Process of Producing a House in Arabia During the 18th and 19th Centuries: a Case Study of Hidjaz. Diss. University of Edinburgh, 1992. PDF.

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139 INTRODUCTION Part three analyzes traditional Al Balad homes by examining family relations and power. It aims to understand in particular a Hijazi wom a authority in family dynamics by examining : first, the role of female agency understood within the context of Muslim gender relations. This perspective will provide a matrix for gaining a sense of the Saudi woman experience from a non We stern perspective Then, second ly, it examines the agency in the domestic sphere as a wife, mother, and Muslim woman ; and third, I offer a comprehensive statement of how these Hijazi houses signify a authority and status in the wider socio cultural context. My goal with this final part of my dissertation is not to argue that the Hijazi Muslim woman was an emancipated figures as a Western reader might understand this concept. Instead, I am to expose, & thus correct, misperceptions about the M uslim disempowerment. By understanding her agency within the 19 th century home, I argue that we can see her socio cultural authority within the larger domain of Islam. I take up the well established position that cultural space is a human con struct. As such, it represents the power and interests of those who create it. As Jane Rendell has observed in her su mmary of Henri De work: The social production of space is produced conceptually as well as materially. 100 Thus it is with in this spatial paradigm that I consider how the constructed spaces of the Hij azi home reflect a empowerment. 100 Iain Borden, Jane Rendell, and Barbara Penner, General in Gender Space Architecture: An Interdisciplinary Introduction, eds. Iain Borden, Jane Rendell, and Barbara Penner, 103 (London: Routledge, 2000).

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140 CHAPTER VI WOMEN, AGENCY AND THE HIJAZI HOUSE In Saudi Arabia, as in many Middle Eastern cultures and societies, family relations and social stru cture are tied to the Islamic religion. Power is embedded in these different roles, and social hierarchies emerge within th ese religious constraints. While men do have dominant political voice in Islam, women are allotted spaces of empowerment as well, d es pite what many a ssume about constraints. T he 19 th century design of these houses reveals that women historically in fact employed significant authority over their self, their representation, and the rules that governed their domestic domain Befor e examining the way a Muslim agency is inscribed in her home, the very concept of agency must be addressed. In this final section, I take as my definition of agency that which Saba Mahmood, in her book The Politics of Piety offers. This is a conc ept of agency that reveals itself in the Mosque in Cairo, Egypt studied by Mahmood Agency for Mahmood is not a Western E nli ghtenment transcendental, trans historical and universal category. It is like, most human concepts, an experien ce that is relative to socio political and economic context. Thus we must understand that the 19 th century Muslim Hijazi woman enjoyed real authority in her world an agency that Westerners typically discount. 101 Women were the principal occupants and users of the Hijazi house. As the teacher of her children, mistress of the servants, the of her castle particularly because the man was out for most of the day, the woman of the home was the principal authority figure. Thus, the home offered her a v ery significant playing field on which to enact her 101 Mahmood, Saba. Politics of Piet y: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject Princet on University Press, 2011: 2 14

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141 agency. A key way that these houses acquire meaning lies in the way they signify a status in Hijazi culture. Public Reception From the public perspective, a ll three houses are situated in an imp ortant location; all three are fronted by the fasha for optimum viewing and social implications In addition, they have visually expressive and luxurious materials and details that are apparent to the public, such as roshans Women would often share in the decisions about and responsibilities to a family public image. The height and elevation is measure of status. Private Sphere From the private perspective t he location of the entrances and the construction of the building are first clue th at the design caters to accessibility. Floor plans and elevations reveal who controls the spaces and their associated symbolism, for the majority of the space of the house was reserved for use. Certain percentages of the floor plan are used controlled, an d occupied by women exclusively. The positioning of the v ertical elevation including the terrace, provide a breeze filled area above the di rt and smells of the street. Materials used are luxurious, often chosen by the women, with the men pr oviding taste and insight to the power of materials to satisfy status. Public Presentation and Status in Al Balad Houses Scholars who work on these houses tend to focus on the structure itself at the expense of understanding it within its urban content as a signifier of status. D iscussion s of the traditional houses in Hijaz such as King's Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia;

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142 consider houses like Bayt Ridwan, Bayt Al Shurbatli, Bayt Nassif, and Bayt Al Baghdadi, only in terms of decorative element s for these structures, and really he primarily examines Bayt Nassief. Yet it is important to understand that these Jeddah homes were active urban units comprising one part of the city. They were a typo morphological response to climate, material, and so cio spatial practices. In fact, at the height of their popularity, the tall roshan tower house of Jeddah was the primary and basic urban unit of Jeddah. Thus, it played a critical role in shaping the urban fabric composed of tightly knit neighborhoo ds with integrated residential and commercial functions and an organized main marketplace. Though style of architecture was similar to that found in other Red Sea coastal cities such as Yunbu and Sawakin, and, to some extent, to Makkah, Al Taif an d Madinah, the visual and spatial characteristics of these structures uniquely contributed to the shaping of urban morphology, land use patterns, and overall character and identity. The following section details significant architectural element s distinct to traditional Jeddah residential structures. Later, in the Gender and Architecture section of this dissertation, a similar analysis will be provided using a gendered lens. Location of the House As mentioned in Part One, climate and location ha ve played a major role in shaping the urban fabric and the morphology of the Al Balad. The organization of the streets corresponded to the coastal breezes that blew north and northwest (figure 9.1). The houses were primarily detached or semi detached units so the local airflows could move in between and through the alleyways. The movement of air was also dictated by the

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143 alternation of warm and cool surfaces, light and shade, and hot and cold spaces. Thus, the organization of the structures and the layout of the streets increased air flow and cross ventilation in this hot and humid zone. Their height and proximity to one another created shade, protecting the streets from sun and heat. These tall houses functioned as wind catchers, allowing vertical air circu lation and sea breeze throughout the entire house. The air circulation and movements in the rooms allowed for cooler temperatures. To acquire choice parcels of land which build tower house, a Muslim man had to be wealthy for these were highly desir able locations because of the movement of fresh air. Location of the house then was the first measure by which a status was judged. On figure 6 .1 we see that our houses fronted streets which enjoyed good breezes form the Red sea located on the wes t side A elevation was also a measure of its status. With a shortage of land, multi story houses provided the needed space fo r families and extended family. Because land was limited, the foot print of the house is small compared to tra ditional courtyard style house common in other regions of the Arabian Peninsula. Yet what was lacking in horizontal expanse could be made up for in elevation. Here space could extend up ward often to a height of 6 stories. The more floors a house possessed the greater the space over which the mistress of the home controlled. Figure 6.1 Sou rce: By Jeddah Municipality Al Balad Nassief NoorWal i

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144 In addition to the elevation, exterior decoration reflected the status. More floors, of course, meant more decorative surface to embellish on the exterior of the home. Women /Wives were typically partners in decisions concerning exterior ornament. These spatial and decorative considerations were particular to the individual houses, but houses were part of the urban fabric. To this end, a intersection with the street was critical to viewing. As we see in figure 6 .1 each of the houses I consider at an intersection of several streets. In the case of Nassief these streets are Masar Al Hajj Al Tareki Souq Al Alawi and Zogag Nassief. NoorWali streets are Masar Al Hajj Al Ta reki Souq Al Alawi and Zogag NoorWali. rised at the crossing of Zogag Gabel and Zogag Since all of the merchants of these three house are rich, the secondary street the house was on is named after them. The intersection of these roads cr eates for each house around 25 square meters. From here, pedestrians could step back from the faade then take in the whole exterior of the house. Domestic Spaces and the Hijazi Agency Some Al Balad houses functioned also as commercial spaces, co mbining domestic private spaces with commercial semi private spaces on the ground level (figures 6.2, 6.3 and 6 .4). The commercial spaces accommodated offices, warehouses, and hotels (rooms were rented out during the Hajj season). In this sense, the Hijazi house might represent a transitional space from the urban world with its openness to the public domain to the private world of the home. In these cases, women who oversaw these houses gained signify cant access to public interactions.

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145 Sami Angawi 102 argues that we must remember how, traditionally, women were responsible for the physical and emotional care of their children, raising and transforming them into sophisticated adults. Women, then, are often associated with the home and children. Th e space the Saudi family occupies in particular, the interior spaces where mothers prepare their children for the outside world serve as architectural manifestations of gendered social roles. In Saudi culture, many see a strong connection between women an d nature, though few have considered how this relationship translates into the domestic space she occupies particularly in Al Balad The spaces a Saudi woman typically occupies are the kitchen, bedroom, and haramlik These spaces are decorated with femini ne details and made child friendly. 102 Sami Angawi, The Roshan a Main Feature of the Hedjaz Architecture Colored Glass and Mushrabiyyah in the Muslim World (Cario: Research Centre for IslamicHistory, A rt and Culture 52, 1995). Figure 6.2. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban Ground Floor Plan B ayt

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146 Generally speaking, the design of traditional domestic architecture throughout the Arabian Peninsula created an environment where autonomy was paramount. Privacy of women in their homes, w indows was both religi ously sanctioned and increasingly became a measure of a authority over who entered her domain. Access to the Hijazi house was fram ed by gender distinctions. R oof terraces created secluded areas and were subdivided by high balustrades to provide pri vacy for the women, and the entertainment of male guests took place in reception rooms isolated from the areas of the building used by women so that guests could be received without infringing on the female members of the family. These principles are refle cted as well in traditional houses. 103 103 Saudi Commission for Tourism and Antiquities, Historic Jeddah, The Gate to Makkah: Nomination Document for the Inscription on the World Heritage List January 2013. Figure 6.3. Source: by author Alaa Al Ban Ground Floor Plan B ayt

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147 Much like other traditional Islamic Arab houses, there was a clear separation of public and private spaces. The public area is the domain of men, and the private area is the domain of family and women. 104 The p urpose of the home is to provide total privacy for the occupant family. The traditions and customs of Arab and Islamic families required women to cover up while in public or in front of male strangers. Contrary to many 104 El Shorbagy, Traditional Islamic Arab House: Vocabulary And 3. Figure 6.4. Source: by au thor Alaa Al Ban Ground Floor Plan B ayt

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148 misconceptions, it is ironic that it is the male guest who is restricted as he is only allowed to occupy the male reception room, or the salamlik which is found on the ground floor facing the main entrance, a fact I will discuss in f urther detail later. Entrances Entrances were also transit ional spaces, and in Al Balad houses, we find gender operating heavily. traditional houses had two entrances: one was semi public, used for male guests, and the other one was a semi private, used for family and female guests. 105 The main door was lo cated in the front of the house, centrally placed with a decorated wooden doorway that was sometimes flanked by niches forming a tripartite composition common in Islamic architecture. 106 The other entrance door is located on a quieter street that had less tr affic to insure the privacy of the women of the house and her guests. Both doors led to the corridor or entry vestibule ( dihliz ). The dihliz was flanked by one or two raised a guest majlis salamlik where male visitors were received or business wa s conducted. The other entrance led to the women majlis haramlik Both entrances led to the dihliz from which, the back of the house, one ap proached a wide staircase, which extends to the top of the house, providing circulation to all floors, even to t he several large rooms that occupied the upper floors directly above the dihliz The staircase off of the dihliz set against the north interior wall of the house, 105 Abdel moniem El Shorbagy, Traditional Islamic Arab House: Vocabulary And International Journal of Civil & Environmental Engineering IJCEE IJENS 10, no. 4 (2010): 15 20. 106 Thamer Hamdan AlHarbi, The Development of Housing in Jeddah: Changes in the built form from the Traditional to the Modern Ph.D dissertation, University of Newcastle (1989).

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149 encouraged the circulation of air between the floors and cooled the interior. This staircase extended to the top of the house, functioning as an interior shaft that circulated air, even to the several large rooms that occupy the upper floors directly above the dihliz while at the base of the stairwell were two water cisterns. Because women occ upied the house more constantly than men their comfort was a priority. The circulation of air in the house had to be optimal to keep kept them comfortable and healthy, while allowing them to feel the best o the weather outside and not its blistering heat. Furthermore, to protect the privacy of the women of the Figure 6.5. Source: Najat Majed Photography, http://www.flickr.com/photos/najatmajed/7996972886/ Bayt Nassif accessed Oct ober 1st 2015. Main Entrance for Men Entrance for Women

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150 household, the staircase had no direct view into the rooms of any floor. Bayt main entrance was on the north side (figure 6.5) preceded by a flight of steps. From this side, the house look ed out onto a small square with a tree, one of the few trees found in Jeddah at that time. The motifs carved in the wood of the main double doors to the house include a tree and sun motif. Another entrance to the house was found on the west side of the bui lding. Latrines were found on every floor, one of which, on the third floor, even had a domed shower. Pipes carried the waste water away from these faciliti es to underground septic tanks. Majlis as a Gendered Spaces In Arabic, a salon, or parlor, is calle d majlis, but in Hijaz the majlis can be further categorized by gender: haramlik for majlis and salamlik for majlis These categories, much like the rooms themselves, differentiated the men from the women and emphasized the importance of wom en and how they too were considered individuals. In the Nassief house, the finest decoration was found in the haramlik on the fourth floor because this was the main majlis of the house. Access to this majlis was further dignified by round arches resting on columns with ornate floral capitals. The only glass in the house was used in lunettes over these doors allowing the sunlight to appear as bright, primary colors. On the other hand, the majlis located on the first floor was much smaller than the haramlik because men usually met, prayed, and entertained outdoors. Both majlis furthermore, were far away from each other to insure the privacy of the women and to maintain their freedom.

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151 For Bayt Nassif, much like other traditional Islamic Arab h ouses, there is a clear separation of public and private spaces. Terrace The terrace of the Al Balad houses was a crownin g architectural element that no e lite home would lack. 107 Set high on top of the tower house, the terrace functioned in the way a cour tyard for a courtyard house would have. Because the houses do not have any other external, fenced gardens or protective en closures outside the buildings due to the lack of land availability within the town of Jeddah, the terrace provided access to the 107 The details of the terrace were collected during a trip to Al Balad while this researcher was teaching an undergraduate course on the tradit ional architecture of Saudi Arabia. Figure 6.6. Source: Photography by author Alaa Al Ban July, 2015 Kushk b ayt

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152 outd oors. In some houses, the space was considered an outdoor majlis, and was occasionally used for family gatherings and celebrations. Wooden s creens enclosed the terrace to offer privacy for family members. Placed in the center was a high kushk such as was noted in Bayt Nassief (figure 6.6 ). The kushk functioned like an outdoor resting space. Often family could be found sleeping on the terrace during the hottest months, because it was cooled by the breezes found at this height A parapet around the roof and the tops of the walls of the kushk was surmounted by crenellations, providing a site for more decoration both on the interior and exterior of the space. Similar to the kushk was the Al mabit another significant architectural response to climate. This w as a small structure, typically built of paneled wood with louvers and a light roof, used for sleeping in the summer. Al Lyaly describes them as an air pavilion. The louvered timber walls surrounding it on two or sometimes three sides allow the air to cir culate freely in the space and at body level thus enhancing the comfort of the occupants. The high perforated parapet walls surrounding the edges of the kharjat (terraces) facilitate the flow of the cool evening breezes throughout the kharjat and the adjac ent interior space. 108 108 Sameer Al Lyaly, The Traditional House of Jeddah: a Study of the Interaction between Climate, Form and Living Patterns Dissertation, University of Edinburgh, 1990. p.98

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153 For women, the terraces enabled them to see outdoor, domestic activities such as drying clothes, having a meal with the family, playing with children, or taking tea in the afternoon, all while being protected from the rabble and noise of the street below and nearby neighbors. Because the women of Bayt Nassief were wealthy, these activities Figure 6.7. Source: http://www.aawsat.com/2010/07/29/images/ksa local1.580105.jpg at Bayt accessed October 1st 2015. Terrace

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154 were more often done by choice rather than by force, and various servants helped with most of the work. The interior and the exterior o f the terra ce w ere made of wood that was decorated with the finest craftsmanship. The screens enclosed the haramlik on all four sides, allowing ventilation and sunlight to enter the space. While the wooden screens ensured the privacy and the freedom of the women, the y also allowed for women of the home to gaze out from the height at the vibrant goings on about the city, such as weddings, Friday prayers at the Mosque, Jami and the talk of the Imam football games and funerals. When considering the terrace and its des ign as a space occupied and managed by the head woman of the house, its significant to consider how elevation and viewing functioned. Typically the terrace was positioned above the main entrance of the home, on the corner of the busiest street. This locati on offered interesting opportunities for knowledge. From this height, women had the best view of other houses, particularly those at lower levels. This allowed women of higher terraces to see into others homes while preserving their own privacy. This privi lege gave these women information about their neighbors. Such knowledge empowered women by the mere fact of having knowledge lacking in their peers. Information about a interactions, quarrels, management of servants could be valuable information f or a woman of the day, gaining her a certain authorit y or lack of it over her peers.

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155 Decorative elements Roshan The Roshan is one of the most characteristic elements of the Tower exterior. It is also one of the most sophisticated elements of th e traditional architecture of the Hijazi house. It more than any other element speaks of the presence of a woman. In terms of function, the roshan was part of the elaborate ventilation system that cooled the Hijazi house. Located on the upper floors, rosh ans covered openings in the exterior walls (see figure 6 .8 ). As figure six reveals, the structure of the roshan was a three sided wooden box that projected outwards or cantilevers from the exterior face. From the interior, the roshan was a seating area nea rly the width of a full sized bed (about 1.2 to Figure 6.8. Source: Photography by author Alaa Al Ban J uly, 2015 Roshan in Al

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156 1.4 m) and tall enough for an average person to st and (2.4 to 2.7 m). See figure 6.9 109 The space within the roshan was mainly used to rest and to enjoy the sunlight and the cool breezes coming from three side s. Traditionally, the roshan and its windows did not contain glass panes, using instead a lattice of wooden slats or boards called shish that were built around the lower half to conceal the interior when the upper shutters were open. The shish (see figure 6.10 ) functioned to increase the privacy of the interior, to prevent visual intrusion from the street, and to provide the women with visual access to the exterior. The efficiency of this shaft as a ventilator was increased by the windows and roshan on eac h floor, especially on the west, south, and east sides. According to Al Lyaly, the roshan is integral part of the ventilating cooling occupants through evaporation. It allows the incoming breeze to flow across the entire roshan seat on three si 110 A. Jomah observes that the roshan s were the most sophisticated objects in the traditional houses of Jeddah. Rich families made their roshan s from Indian or Java teakwood imported 109 Al Lyaly, 134. 110 Al Lyaly, 132. Figure 6.9. Source: Drawn by author Alaa Al Ban. Roshan Section

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157 from the Far East. As such, they were the most expensive elements in t he 111 For Bayt Nassief, Umar Nassief had to even purchase a wrecked ship to obtain enough wood to complete his building. 112 As a projected window, when viewed from the exterior, the roshan extends from the wall of the house and is made up of ve ry decorative wooden panels (see figure 6.11 ), carved into some geometric and some floral ornamentation. 111 Jomah, H.A. The Traditional Process of Producing a House in Arabia During the 18th and 19th Centuries: a Case Study of Diss. University of Edinburgh, 1992. PDF. 112 Al Lyaly, 132. Figure 6.10. Source: Drawn by author Alaa Al Ban. of Roshan

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158 Around the tops of many roshan was the rafraf (see figures 6.12 and 6.13 ). These were frequently ornamented with a fringe of flat wooden details aro und the perimeter. The primary purpose of this fringe was to cast shade on the upper part of the roshan, but they also served as exterior decoration. Because the roshan were one on top of the other for each successive story of the house, the pan eling was used to visually link the lower stories to the upper 113 These linking panels, known as hizam, sometimes stretched vertically between three to four stories of the house. 113 King, The Traditional Architecture of Saudi Arabia, 32. Figure 6.11. Source: Drawn by author Alaa Al Ban. of parts of Roshan 9.1. Source: By Jeddah Municipality Balad

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159 The mashrabeya are the wooden grilles seen exclusively on the windows of the Hijaz region. They were traditionally made from wood joined together through a polygonal grid, forming large lattice like patterns. The patterns formed by the latticework vary depending on the grid and geometry used, but typically the grid is at a 45 degr ee angle. The mashrabeya take their name from the niches or projectiles from the window opening that are used to store vessels of drinking water to keep them cold. They provided visual privacy and ventilation, and it was where a built in day bed overlookin g the exterior of the building was positioned. The play of colors, styles, and carved wooden ornamentation and lattice work of roshan faades contributed to a distinct visual character of the city. The projected bay windows and the openness of the carved wooden patterns animated a unique dialogue between the interior of the house and the urban spaces beyond. It created a fine and interesting line between the privacy and the publicity of the house. Figure 6.12. Source: Photography by author Alaa Al Ban July, 2015 bayt

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160 The construction of roshan existed either as a single or stacked vertically or linked horizontally. In the Al Shurbatly house, roshan extends both ways to cover the whole facade. From the interior, it was a seating area that extended the living space outward to provide views and allow light and fresh air to c irculate while still maintaining privacy. Roshan were usually found in the haramlik and in the bedrooms; therefore, its function varied depending on its location. The most common social practices that the roshan accommodated were watching the street, drink ing tea, smoking a water pipe ( shisha ), or sleeping. Figure 6.13. Source: Photography by author Alaa Al Ban July, 2015 bayt

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161 Talib examines some details of the roshan found in the traditional homes of Al Balad 114 As he points out, for the upper floors, openings in the walls were made to insert roshan for the casements of wind ows and doors. Traditionally, windows were pane less. Instead, around the tops of many roshan were ornate rafraf ornamented with a fringe of flat wooden details around the perimeter. The rafraf stood forward on brackets, their primary purpose practical (t o cast shade on the upper part of the roshan ) but often serving as exterior decoration. Windows in Jeddah are very similar in design to roshan except that they do not project from the walls. For the roshan and windows, the shish lattice was often built a round the lower half to conceal the interior when the upper shutters were open. The shish 's purpose was to increase the privacy of the interior, and they tended to be mainly around openings in the rooms of the harim 114 Kaizer Talib, Shelt er in Saudi Arabia 67 82. Figur e 6.14. Source: Photography by author Alaa Al Ban July, 2015 bayt

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162 Gendered Analysis of the Roshan Hav ing detailed the design, purpose, and the practical functions of the roshan it is important to understand how the roshan functioned in gender terms. To begin, the roshan is the one element of the Hijazi house that is always found in the spaces, pr imarily in the haramlik but also in bedrooms It served as another indicator of women's active and prized role in the Hijazi household. For one thing, the roshan had the power to reflect the economic status and sophisticated taste of the woman who would be involved in its ornament. The more elaborate the roshan the more status a woman might have. Moreover, for those admiring the home from the outside, the roshans were signifiers of the presence. In a culture in which proper women were not to be seen by those beyond her family, the roshan stood in for her, literally creating her presence on the exterior of the house, in built form. In addition, it is striking that the roshan offers the space for a woman to move beyond the walls of the house, liter ally into the public sphere. In its extension from the exterior wall, the roshan placed a physical body beyond the confines of the wall, and not just in one place. Multiple roshans stacked and clustered make the walls a semi permeable for m. These were in a sense transitional spaces, not fully private and not fully public, but liminal in a way. When occupying the roshan for sitting or resting, sight was again a significant source of power. Whereas a woman was able to watch from her perch, she was not seen by others. Her ability to survey was a one direction phenomenon. From below, those being watched might never know that they were under the scrutiny of the women inside. To best understand this, we must consider how the space was used by th e woman.

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163 Manjur Patterns Figure 6.15. Source: Saudi Commission for Tourism and Antiquities Historic Jeddah, The Gate to Makkah: Nomination Document for the Inscription on the World Heritage List January 2013, p. 55 Figure 6.16. Source: Photography by author Alaa Al Ban July, 2015 Pattern Bayt

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164 Manjur is the traditional name of the wooden patterned panels located on the upper part of the roshan often combined with shish They served as a veil to protect the privacy of the family, so the women could look freely thro ugh the window without being seen. In addition, it provided shade and allowed gentle light and cool breezes to fill the house. The lattice grills provided a variety of beautiful designs both projected into the interior space through a play of light and sha dow, and on display externally to passersby. They were made up from specially cut laths of wood fitted into each other at right angles (criss crossed) and set within a frame. This is known as manjur The shape in which the sides of the laths are cut determ ines the shape of the resulting open spaces in between as well as the overall pattern of the net. The patterns are selected to provide a balanced combination of Figure 6.17. Source: Saudi Commission for Tourism and Antiquities Historic Jeddah, The Gate to Makkah: Nomination Docu ment for the Inscription on the World Heritage List January 2013, p. 55

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165 shade, light, air circulation, and privacy. 115 Doors Another use of wood in the houses of Jed dah was for doors. They were typically a double leaf design, decorated with carved panels showcasing the finest details of wood carving in the Arab world. The two entry doors to the house were the most decorative. They were usually taller than the other do ors and featured some extra plaster decoration on the mantle. 115 Saudi Commission for Tourism and Antiquities, Historic Jeddah, The Gate to Makkah: Nomination Document for the Inscription on the World Heritage List January 2013. p.55 Figure 6.18. Source: Photography by author Alaa Al Ban Ju ly, 2015. Entrance Door of Bayt Figure 6.19. Source: Photography by author Alaa Al Ban July, 2015. Entrance Door of Bayt

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166 The wood used for the doors was usually solid teak. None of the decorative motifs included human figures due to Islamic aesthetic restrictions. Instead, they were usually inspired by natural forms such as flora or geometric patterns. These patterns were repeated and linked together with multi sided polygons or pointed stars. In the Red Sea coastal towns, doors varied in size, pattern and color. However, there is much evidence proving that som e doors were imported from far away, readymade. Plaster Decoration Plaster protected the limestone and coral building blocks both externally and internally due to the humidity and salty ocean air of Jeddah. This provided a surface for decorative carvin g and other types of patterns, making this construction method advantageous. The Figure 6.20. Source: Photography by author Alaa Al Ban July, 2015. decoration of Bayt

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167 decorative plaster tended to be located on the lower portion of the exterior and around doors and the main windows. Figure 6.21. Source: Photography by author Alaa Al Ban July, 2015. decoration of Bayt Nassi

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168 Artisans could work on the coral walls almost immediate ly after plastering them, while they were still wet. Due to the deeply incised decorative motifs, the dark shadows contrasted with the surfaces. If cut deeply, the dark color of the limestone and coral blocks would be exposed underneath the plaster; a skil led craftsman would avoid this. Excellent specimens of this technique can be found in Bayt Jokhdar and Ribat al Khonji as Sareer. Older decorations appear to be more geometric and simple. The gate to Makkah is a good example of this simpler design. Later p atterns became more complex, with deeper floral patterns. Sgraffito decorations were found on the main faades of residential buildings, normally implemented on ground floors at eye level but never on the bottom of walls and rarely on higher fl oors. Residential buildings may have featured two sgraffito decorations on two faades if the structure was located at street angles. The patterns were usually rectangular or square but rarely configured in a frieze though Bayt Naseef proves to be the exce ption. This technique was abandoned in the 20th century, but the sgraffito decorations are found in oldest buildings of Al Balad. 116 116 Saudi Commission for Tourism and Antiquities, Historic Jeddah, The Gate to Makkah: Nomination Document for the Inscription on the World Heritage List January 2013. P.58

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169 CHAPTER VII CONCLUSION CONTRIBUTION Currently, obstacles to this argument are the poor archival system, a dearth of l iterature analyzing Saudi residential architecture, and restrictions and regulations imposed by the Saudi government, all of which has led to unique challenges. If this dissertation at times seems to avoid the politically charged questions, especially with in the context of feminist politics, it does so out of respect to Saudi authorities. Despite such challenges, this dissertation, by returning to Jeddah and deciphering and recording left of its traditional buildings, hopes to initiate a more extensi ve and unified archiving system and more robust scholarship before an important part of Sa udi history is completely lost. This dissertation has endeavored the followings: Create new analytic framework for domestic Islamic architecture with an eye to gende r. New archival, documentary paradigm, and an interpretive model based on theories of the Hijazi family and their spatial practices. Bring a Saudi scholars perspective to a thin body of Arabic language scholarship. And finally, to merge Arabic & Western mo dels of inquiry into the study. In Summary, this dissertation offers a model and methodology for documenting the historic structures in the Hijazi region; it fills a gap in current preservation practices for the nation; it aims to provide a foundation for architectu ral curricula across schools in Saudi Arabia; it offers a template to apply to other documentation practices in order to support, preserve and understand the histor y of Hijazi architectural homes.

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17 0 FINAL OBSERVATIONS Many remain unaware of the cultural and economic significance of the Al Balad domestic structures, for numerous traditional buildings lie abandoned here. Moreover, with many Saudis growing ever more enamored with Western design and style, the challenges faced in researching this ma terial, is a lack of Saudi scholarly voices. This dissertation looks to revive this lacuna and reinvigorate interest in preserving this national treasure. In addition, and an absent national archiving system, both of which could help me investigate and pre serve this unique architectural tradition and make connections between cultures This dissertation then had worked to provide a foundational paradigm for archiving, documenting, and understanding the socio historic value of these structures with a special focus on theories of the Hijazi family and their spatial practices. It casts light on the beauty and sophistication of the traditional house in Jeddah and the ways social values inform its form. By creating a point of intersection where Saudi culture and modern design practices meet, this dissertation provides a close architectural analysis using both two dimensional and three dimensional renderings (see appendix) of traditional domestic spaces to provoke viewers to reevaluate their assumptions a nd values around how Saudi houses functioned. THE FINDING OF THE LITERATURE REVIEW In the literature review, I focused my research on questions of cultural geography of Saudi Arabia with special attention to location as a cross roads of cosmopoli tanism. I further investigated identity, space, and gender broadly for models of analysis for studying in the traditional housing of Jeddah in a new light. The literature review brought together key scholarly voices in conversation with one another to reve al

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171 the best methodologies and theories for gender in the Hijazi home. Islam and its gender practices loom large as cultural frameworks for any interpretation of Saudi historic material culture. The residences in Hijaz, specifically the city Jeddah, are art efacts of this. From location between the two important holy mosques located there, and practices the space of traditional residences and their construction and developments during the 19th century become unique sites of analysis in Saudi A rabia. Recently gains by Saudi women in social and economic affairs has changed interest in traditional architecture, but by calling attention to the historic context in which these gains are grounded, this dissertation effectively celebrates women and the ir authority in Islam. Identity, space, and gender have proven to be three disciplines that illuminate such an examination, all casting different yet complementary lights on the traditional Hijazi residences. Investigating and examining the making of the traditional Hijazi residences reveals how Saudi identities and the built form of their homes are based not just upon their needs, backgrounds, and desires, but on the actions and choices of their foremothers. Though slim, much of the scholarly wor k written to date proves the dynamic multidisciplinary possibilities for this research. Architecture, geography, cultural studies, and studies all come together to reveal the historical, cultural, and philological complexity of this particular envi ronment. Each of these areas of inquiry has its own approaches to the morphology of style: tracing post colonial and feminist geographies helps define the role of Saudi women; analyzing the architectural details of the traditional Hijazi residential spaces can reveal the meaning behind the construction of every

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172 architectural element; and looking at detailed drawings of and readings about traditional lifestyles, religion and beliefs compares and contrasts the past to the present For Saudi culture, putting into perspective an awareness about the power of Saudi women and the respect that are given, clears misperceptions about them as Indeed, my study shows that they are anything but. They were and continue to be central figures of power in the domestic realm historically; this empowerment has now advanced beyond the walls of the house. Though the West has certainly influenced women in Saudi Arabia, it is important that we retain an organic sense of the Muslim inherited autonomy outs ide Western inspiration. It is important not to compare American roles to Saudi for our worlds have differing baselines for comparing empowerment. By looking at the 19th century architectural context for agency, we can see this val uable past for our own future engagement with our own history. ORIGINS AND INSPIRATION During the academic spring of 2011, when I was teaching two classes at Dar Al Hekma University Saudi Arabian Architectural Heritage and Graphic Design Exhibition for Se niors the seniors chose for their exhibition the theme Laman, which means, in the more specifically, back in the day in Hijaz. Nearly two thousand people attended, breaking university exhibition records (which previously had not exceeded 200 att endees) and helping direct even more attent ion to the rich Hijaz heritage. This dissertation took as its point of departure that exhibit. It moved beyond that work to consider close study of three houses particularly, and subjects them to three analytic p aradigms: formation of and History in the Regions of the

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173 where expository and contextualizing as well as archival and documentary analyses were accomplished; the final part but perhaps most culturally significant a nd novel, was the analysis of women, the family and gender through a study of the domestic sphere, gender and female agency in the houses. That it is was a project with aspiring young women that brought me to study gender in architecture in my native city for my dissertation, speaks volumes about the latent interest in this topic. Saudi women want a history to call their own. Frequently, the West looks at the of and the of when discussing the social and cultural norms of Arab and/or Muslim women, but rarely from the perspective of Muslim culture or women. This dissertation has endeavored to challenge this mono focal view by bringing a Saudi eye and intellect to the study of architecture and the Saudi family, a d omain in which she has traditionally had much power. To do so it has considered alternate ideals of agency and empowerment, not based in idealized Western constructs, but in pragmatic, culturally specific concepts of agency as it is deployed in Muslim prac tice. To better understand this architectural history in the context of its complex history, culture, and evolution, more studies of this nature must be undertaken. Since this topic is relatively unexplored, and since shifts in gender equality a re relatively recent, now is the time to hear from more Saudi female scholars. In conclusion, this dissertation has worked to address questions of formal and cultural design about Al Balad historic homes. Specifically, how can we recapture the historical experience and identity of the families, particularly the women, who lived in these houses? Through this inquiry, my research offers a richer understanding of the

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174 relationship between culture and the architectural form of the Hijazi residence. Hijazi is pr imarily characterized by an amalgamation of different cultures. It is no wonder that its architecture is formed by similar diversity, and that Old houses reflect so much of this history centered as it is in Islam.

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175 WORKS CITED Abercrombie, T. (1966). Saudi Arabia Beyond the Sands of Mecca, National Geographic, Vol. 129 (1): 1 53. Abd Al Hay, Abdalkhalek A. Al Contemporary Women's Participation in Public Activities: Differences Between Ideal Islam and Muslim Interpretation With Emphasis on Saudi Arabia Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Denver, CO. 1983. Abdullah Eben Saleh, Mohammed. "The Impact of Islamic and Customary Laws on Urban Form Development in Southwestern Saudi Arabia." Habitat Internationa l 22.4 (1998): 537 556. Abu Ghazzeh, Tawfiq M. "Domestic Buildings and the Use of Space: Al Alkhalaf Fortified Houses Saudi Arabia." Vernacular Architecture 26.1 (1995): 1 17. Abu Ghazzeh, Tawfiq M. "Vernacular Architecture Education in the Islamic Socie ty of Saudi Arabia: Towards the Development of an Authentic Contemporary Built Environment." Habitat International 21, no. 2 (1997): 229 253. Abu Gazzeh, Tawfiq. "Privacy as the Basis of Architectural Planning in the Islamic Culture of Saudi Arabia." Arch itecture and Behaviour 11 (1995): 93 112. Adas, Adnan Abbas. "Wooden Bay Window (Rowshan) Conservation in Saudi Hejazi Heritage Buildings." ISPRS International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences 1, no. 2 (2013) : 7 11. Adas, Yasser (2001). Change in Identity of Built Environments: The Case of Jeddah, Unpublished PhD Dissertation, Heriot Watt University, Edinburgh, UK. Ahmed, Asad Q. The Religious Elite of the Early Islamic Five Prosopographical Case Studies Vol. 14. Occasional Publications UPR, 2011. Ahrentzen, Sherry. Word in Architecture: Feminist Analyses in/of/for in Reconstructing Architecture: Critical Discourse and Social Practices, ed. Thomas A. Dutton and Lian Hu rst Mann. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996, 71 118. Akeel, Maha. Architecture According to Arab News 10 June 2004. Alangari, A. (1996). The Revival of the Architectural Identity: The City of Arriyadh, Unpublished PhD Dis sertation, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK. AlHarbi, Thamer Hamdan. The Development of Housing in Jeddah: Changes in the built form from the Traditional to the Modern. Ph.D dissertation, University of Newcastle (1989). Al Hathloul, S. (1992). Aut hentication of Modern Architecture, Al Muhandis, Vol. 5 (2), pp. 46 47. (Arabic).

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187 APPENDIX The defense was accompany with an exhibition which will help spread the message of this dissertation within a Western audience. Below are image of the invitation card, giveaways and the exhibition. Invitation Cards to the Defense and Exhibition:

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188 Postcards giveaways (front and back): Roshan model Scale 1:100

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189 The exhibitions contains 8 boards each was 40 inches in width and 90 inches in height. Boards from 1 4 Boards from 5 8

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190

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192 SYSTEM OF TRANSLATION BETWEEN ARABIC & ENGLISH Source : http://www.theguardian.com/travel/2010/feb/07/learn arabic alphabet tabl

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193 TABLE 1.2: GLOSSARY OF THE ARABIC TERMS Arabic word pronunciation Arabic text English Definition Abaya Traditional dress used by Muslim women to cover themselves when in public Al Balad The village, the city. But in Jeddah slang it means original area of downtown Jeddah Aroos Albahar alahmar Bride of the red sea, nic kname Bab Door Baraha Space in the middle of the allies Bayt House Bayt Almaa Restroom Birkas Water trunk Chandal Sandalwood Dihliz Entry hall Diwaniya Reception room Effindi A man of high educatio n or social standing. Courtesy of respect.

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194 Emirates regions / Provences Gandal Wooden courses Hara Historic quarters, street Hajar andam Type of stone (Andab) Hajar al manqabi Hajar al kashur Coral blocks Hajj The Isla mic pilgrimage Hammam Bath Harim quarters Haramlik reception room Hijaz West region of Saudi Arabia Hizam Linking element Imam Prayer leader Jami Friday mosque Jedawia citizens Jundub Small houses Juss stucco/plaster Kabaa A cubed building in Makkah where all Muslims face when praying

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195 Khaws Palm leaves Khans Shops Kushk Private sitting room Mabeet Bedroom Madifa Guest building Madrasa School Mahdi W ho seized the mosque in Makkah in 1979 Mahmal Door frames Maidan Central square between courtyard houses Majlis Reception room Malqaf Wind catcher Manzil House Mashrabiya Screen of turned wood M astaba Bench Mihrab Prayer niche Minbar pulpit Mohasan Man to be guarded by his wife Mohasana Women to be guarded by her husband

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196 Muqarnas Stalactite decoration Murabba Reception room; pavilion Niqab Tradit ional cover for Muslim faces when in public Qawm Clan Qahwa Coffee Qasr Palaces; enclosure Qibla Direction of Makkah The Holy book for Islamic faith Omara Rafraf Decorative band on roshan Roshan (s.) Rawasheen (pl.) Casement (Red Sea) Saharij Water tank in a house (Jeddah) Salamlik Male reception room Sajj Teak Sharab To drink water Shariaa Jurisprudence Sharif Descendent of Prophet Mohammed PBUH

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197 Shish Wooden lattice screens Shora Sona corresponding to the Shariaa or opposing it, but at the end they become agreed upon matters and take in many cases the power of laws. Suq Market Sura Chapters in the Holy Taglilat ( gandal ) Wood beams Tagaleed Customs Ulama Leading religious scholars Ushash Small houses Umma Brotherhood Wahabbi Puritanical Muslim sect in Saudi Arabia during the 18th century by Muhammad Ibn Abdul Wahhab and revived by Ibn Saud in the 20th century Wakil Deputy, agent Waqf Public endowments Zakat Alms

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198 Zogag Ally